You are on page 1of 32

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question (1922-1932) Author(s): Frank Rosengarten Source: Social Text, No. 11 (Winter, 1984-1985), pp.

65-95 Published by: Duke University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/466594 . Accessed: 27/01/2014 00:41
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Duke University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Text.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

TheGramsci-Trotsky Question (1922-1932)


FRANK ROSENGARTEN

INTRODUCTION or The subjectof thisessayis Gramsci's critical but not entirely rejectionist travail and the reactions to taken Leon during unresponsive by Trotsky positions 1922to 1932.The that marked from torment thehistory oftheThird International andin ofa Trotskyist rather evidence influence on Gramsci is,'I think, persuasive, what the should be in to case evaluated order determine insights any carefully can into communism interaction between these twomajor of world provide figures traditions the between the"Classical" and"Western" encounter (Gramsci) (Trotsky) ofrevolutionary to use Perry Anderson's Marxism, terminology.2 ofthe Someoftherecent anda preponderance work doneon Gramsci, scholarly last the inleft references tohim that onecomesacross during published periodicals and with the makers tento fifteen to his connections have tended years downplay fit ofhisideasthat events oftheBolshevik andtoprivilege those revolution, aspects Gramsci intotheframework radicalism." ofwhat called"cultural hasbeenloosely academic has becomea kindof rolemodelto many radicalliterary intellectuals, andleft-leaning socialdemocrats. Marxists, in consciousness, No doubt Gramscihas much to offer people interested and superstructural But it shouldalwaysbe remembered subjectivity, problems. andofhowandwhy for thestudy ofhowwe understand that, Gramsci, phenomena down into andfilter oftheworld aremediated particular conceptions byinstitutions whoseaimwas the theconsciousness ofthemasses waspart ofa larger enterprise so of the intellect," socialistrestructuring His "pessimism of capitalist society. to seems which ofthewill," wascounterbalanced widespread today, byan"optimism inleft the60'sand be sorely lived on into circles ofthe1980's. Had Gramsci lacking intellectuals hewould ofnewleft havesympathized with the 70's,perhaps skepticism and whoask"What issocialism, orwhoarerereading Lenin, Marx, today anyway?", itis not with theinsights them andDerrida. Indeed, Trotsky provided byFoucault unreasonable tosee Gramsci as insomerespects a precursor ofdeconstructionism. a newandunique One can accepttheviewofGramsci who"provided as a thinker in reformulation of Marxian His reflections on theroleof intellectuals theory."3 ofpolitical be control anddomination would rationalizing systems I would ifhehadnothing tosay- tomake him newleft. elseoriginal tothesufficient--even attractive a balanced acknowlthat ofGramsci view that wenotonly however, argue, requires tocurrent wealsosituate butthat "cultural radical" discourse, edgehiscontribution
65

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

66

Rosengarten

him inthecontext a newsociety oftherevolutionary tobuild unequivocally struggle inaccordance To remove him from with the of Soviet socialist democracy. principles is toneglect thestruggles andferment a fundamental, an indispensable ofthe1920's inhispersonal In Italy, inOctober andpolitical Gramsci wrote stage development. nor liberalism: fascism 1924,the onlybattlecrythatmade sense was "neither he wanted toteachhisco-militants andtheItalian Sovietism!".4 Thiswasthelesson in andfascism. the who were seduced droves rhetoric of nationalism by people being None ofthe various of Gramsci are entirely convincing. contemporary appropriations New leftemphasis on theanti-authoritarian, of Gramsci's content emancipatory 1917to to theexclusion ofhistoughminded, from socialist resolute stands project, indefense initsonesidedness the1930's oftheBolshevik is matched revolution, by of Eurocommunists the arguments and groupsto the leftof Eurocommunism, I would someTrotskyists. Atthesametime uncritical orthodox, including saythat in theSovietUnionare notentitled of thepresent to lay defenders either system mentis that sincesuchdefense claimtoGramsci's ideas, aforma undisputed implies andintolerance caseof canreconcile ofevenloyal dissent (as inthe rigid bureaucracy inunfettered discussion Gramsci didbelieve with socialist democracy. RoyMedvedev) on openly from restraints anddebateofideas,although he didnotflinch imposing counterrevolutionary propaganda. that"Gramsci not onlysuggested the Is James Jollcorrect whenhe asserts that used diversified form ofMarxism than humane anda more ofa more possibility andcruelty oftheSoviet he hasalso tojustify thebureaucratic dictatorship regime; in a liberal statemight of how a communist democratic givenindications party wasopposed Gramsci Yes, butwith actually qualifications. hopetoattain power"?" of ofbureaucratism, and"bureaucratic wastheantithesis to all forms dictatorship" that he accepted the It is also true, hisconception ofsocialist however, democracy. and thathe is not of the revolutionary of theproletariat, dictatorship principle taken theharsh andat times brutal measures tohaveeverrepudiated known bythe enemies. Gramsci's itsrealandpresumed Soviet ought politics against young republic inthis manner. softened notto be arbitrarily when shewrites that "theGramscian Mouffe comescloserto themark Chantal itimplies with is notonly ofhegemony it;butthis pluralism, compatible conception ofthe class." Yet isalways within thehegemony isa pluralism located which working forchange she pushesthispointtoo farwhenshe adds thatGramsci's strategy as for a democratic Itismy realstruggle thebasisfor socialism."6 view, any "provides be associated with socialist that name should Gramsci's indicated, democracy, already socialism. or democratic notsocialdemocracy is essentially ofEurocommunism, a leading Italian exponent Giorgio Napolitano, newtype of in the PCI's towards a on advance when he correct states, commenting in done work his Gramsci had that "for prison inspired democracy, part, progressive in ofthesearch from that travelled for a roadto socialism different on thethemes who butLenin andTrotsky, itwasnotGramsci, that Trueenough, Russia."' except
of civilsocietyin theWest would thenotionthatthedense organization originated

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question(1922-1932)

67

a different roadtosocialism than This that Bolsheviks. taken require bytheRussian does not mean,of course,thatGramsci and expandthe did not vastly enrich ofwhat wasstill a rather intheearly 1920's. ButI do crude formulation implications tasks notthink that there is an unbroken Gramsci's view of the between continuity the PCI since the andperspectives ofsocialism andthevarious by policies pursued that to "historic 1940's havemoved from under the "progressive democracy" Togliatti Themerits andthe"democratic alternative" under Enrico compromise" Berlinguer. as adaptational ofthese PCI policies should be debated ontheir ownterms, responses inEurope institutions andofcapitalist tothe restoration ofbourgeois-liberal postwar andcounterrevolutionary led bytheUnited States. hegemony ideology It seemstome that, claims thepartisan andmistaken madebybothprodespite ofwhere Gramsci and anti-Gramscian themostaccurate assessment Trotskyists, in thehistory of theEuropean left has beenmade bya Trotskyist and a belongs "Is to thequestion, leaderof theFourth Ernest Mandel.In answer International, Mandel Eurocommunism the executor of Antonio of the testament Gramsci?", writes:
itmust wasanevolution inGramsci's between the be acknowledged that there Although thought there is notthe foundation oftheOrdine Nuovoin 1919 andthedrafting ofhisPrison Notebooks, that evidence Gramsci ever abandoned the that the socialist revolution slightest implies conception thedestruction ofthebourgeois state andthereplacement ofbourgeois-parliamentary apparatus with elected councils. socialist basedondemocratically andfreely workers' democracy democracy

I offer thefollowing with from thepoint of interaction Trotsky pagesonGramsci's I do so alsointheconviction view that indebtedness Gramsci's byMandel. expressed to Trotsky his vitalmediating function between the"Classical"and exemplifies In sum,Gramsci's "Western" traditions of Marxism. of the creative development Marxist method andhiselaboration ofconcepts that ourcontemhelptoilluminate situation visitation his do notowe their to somemysterious during porary genesis in theexperiences butare rooted he had as a leaderoftheThird yearsin prison, in the International. The opportunity to study and thento participate directly oftheBolshevik revolution theimpetus todevelop unfolding process gaveGramsci someoftheoriginal ofproblems inpolitics arepart andculture that interpretations ofhislegacy to us. GRAMSCI AND THE LEADERS OF THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION In Gramsci's attitude towards onefinds a complex webofcontradictions Trotsky and ambiguities that do notmanifest in hisattitude themselves towards theother oftheBolshevik revolution. noneofthe Noneoftheambivalences, leading figures
inconsistencies and changing and thatmarkhis responsesto Trotsky interpretations toTrotskyism on Lenin.WalterAdamsonhas takenpains appear inhismany writings

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

68

Rosengarten

toanalyze someofthedifferences between Gramsci's oftherevolution and concept thatof Lenin, "in thecapacity and has stressed Gramsci's belief of and need for workers todefine their socialist consciousness institutions through production-based oftheir of owncreation."9 Adamson that the role the Communist argues guiding Party wasnotas central toGramsci's as itwastoLenin's. ofsocialist revolution No concept doubt there were inGramsci's of distinctive features Marxist and Leninist adaptation I think to Italian conditions. itis fair tosaythat, for Gramsci, Nonetheless, theory Leninwasalways at in thecomplete communist once rooted revolutionary, deeply thenational aware of international traditions of theRussian ever the peopleyet dimensions ofthe towhich hislife. hededicated "Comrade Gramsci Lenin," struggle in theMarch1, 1924issueofL'Ordine wrote of a new Nuovo,"was theinitiator ofhistorical butheaccomplished this becausehewasalsothe process development, and the last most of a ofdevelopment individualized embodiment exponent process in ofpasthistory, notonly ofRussia but Thiscomment ofthe entire world." appeared an article written after Lenin's which occurred entitled on death, "Leader,"'0 shortly ofthe article Gramsci hisunqualified 21, 1924.In this January expressed approval andaims oftheproletarian established under Lenin's methods guidance dictatorship inthenewSoviet Both hisimprisonment, looked before andafter Gramsci Republic. inhisownefforts to Leninas a modelto emulate as a communist organizer, party an indispensable andeducator. he felt that he hadaccomplished tactician, Indeed, in task oftheoretical andorganizational work for the ofItaly Communist when, Party stabilization" achieveda "Leninist had finally May 1925,he said thattheParty tendencies between extremism ofAmadeo andthesocial-democratic theleft Bordiga ofAngelo Tasca." that allmembers oftheCommunist should cultivate SinceGramsci believed Party andsincehisconcepmoral intellectual andcritical independence, rigor, discipline, centralism wasbasedon theintegration offree anduninhibited tionofdemocratic were bound to ofview into the there discussion ofallpoints decision-making process, inhisattitude Onseveral voiced towards Stalin. occasions Gramsci be sometensions inthemethevident hisdismay at theintolerance andauthoritarianism increasingly in a letter In January to hiswife sentfrom forexample, ods usedbyStalin. 1924, as "very attacks on theLeft hecharacterized Stalin's Vienna toMoscow, Opposition never Yet it must also be said that Gramsci anddangerous."'2 really irresponsible toLenin andas the ofStalin's roleas heir the calledinto political legitimacy question themselves the world should whom communists leader behind align throughout loyal intheCommuAfter Stalin ina solidandindestructible ascendancy phalanx. gained theunity of Gramsci as a precondition for nist whose ofRussia, unity regarded Party as a whole, hismethods, evenifat times movement communist theinternational as necessary forthe werein thefinalanalysis acceptedby Gramsci repugnant, of the world socialist andfor thecontinued oftheSoviet state consolidation spread Stalinism Thatthere havebeenaninherent between revolution. incompatibility might to does notseem to have occurred revolution and the cause of worldsocialist
at Turidi Bari,Ezio theearly1930's, Gramsciuntil when,accordingto a prison-mate

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

69

he beganto suspectthat"Stalinwas a Russiannationalist thena Riboldi, first, Butother remarks madebyGramsci tofellow in communist communist."'3 prisoners andseveral entries inthe Prison Notebooks that dealwith that Turi, suggest Stalin,'4 his unofficial breakwiththeComintern's even after policiesin theearly1930's, as theguardian Gramsci to regard Stalin of theregime that had arisen continued Insum, itissafetosaythat, from Revolution. moments ofdoubt theOctober despite a relatively constant and essentially and dismay, Gramsci maintained supportive Stalin. towards posture Gramsciwas in close personalcontactwithKarl Radek,Gregory Zinoviev, andLeo Kamenev, for short but intense ofwork the Nikolai Bukharin, periods during with menwereactively involved theItalian years1922and 1923.All four question in Moscow to apply Italiandelegation and stroveto persuadethe recalcitrant oftheunited front thedirectives concerned with thepolicy wholeheartedly adopted of Zinoviev-at theend of 1921. underthepresidency by theComintern-then in Gramsci's withthesemencaused by There weresome tensions relationships ofopinion anddifferences overprocedural, and misunderstandings organizational, Inthe Gramsci tactical matters. caseofBukharin, towhat objected strenuously quite and thinker's failure tomovebeyond Marxism as a sociology he sawas theRussian to grasptheessentials of Marxism "as a general inability consequent philosophy" on a dialectical of history andof therole founded to theunderstanding approach in in The of political on Bukharin's Manual The pages Popular activity history.'" to a Prison Notebooks it that the Manual be make clear Gramsci judged vulgarization, of Marxism. But thisphilosophical did not not a popularization, disagreement nor in does one sense the numerous over into polemics, pages of spill personal or devotedto Bukharin ambivalence. theNotebooks anyhesitation, uncertainty To repeatwhatwas said above: of theoriginal leaderswho groupof Bolshevik for andlaidthegroundwork Revolution theThird International madetheOctober in Gramsci a was theonlyone whoprovoked from 1919to 1923,Leon Trotsky to whom was the thinker he reaction; only deeplycontradictory, problematic and intellectual of his ownpolitical indebted forcertain elements development, in in Prison Notebooks an almost who the negative entirely light; yet appears whosebrilliance and dominant, theone communist revolutionary imperious perwith of and cool rationality thecustomary lucidity sonality mayhave interfered Gramsci's judgments. in 1924 in1922 with and 1923;histentative defense interaction Gramsci's Trotsky his of ofwhat become letter ofsomefeatures hadbythen already Trotskyism; early Committee of theRussian Communist at the October1926,to theCentral Party internal conflict between theStalinist and ofthe andbitter majority height prolonged on theLeftOpposition; hisretrospective oral and written comments and finally, in his a dramatic are of and during years prison, chapters story Trotsky Trotskyism inthefollowing I wouldliketo describe whosehighlights pages.

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

70

Rosengarten

THE LETTER OF EARLY OCTOBER 1926 isinmedias with inthe The best Gramsci's of res, attempt early placetobegin part intheideological a mediating 1926 toserve function sincethe October that, struggle of1923, hadthreatened tocreate a permanent latter months schism between two groups inSoviet ofpower at thehighest echelons Russia:theminority led Left Opposition, inApril andKamenev the latter two hadjoined Zinoviev, (the byTrotsky, Opposition Stalin. andthe dominant headed 1926), secretary, majority group, bythe party's Joseph inearly Gramsci's atmediation tooktheform ofa letter'6 October hesent attempt ofItaly, totheCentral onbehalf ofthePolitical Office ofthe Communist 1926, Party To make that the would Committee ofthe Russian Communist sure letter arrive Party. in mailed ittoPalmiro whowasthen atitsdestination, Gramsci Togliatti, promptly ofItaly Moscowrepresenting theCommunist on theExecutive Committee of Party 18.He toldGramsci theComintern. toGramsci's letter onOctober Togliatti replied Russian that hehaddecided not todeliver the letter tothe Committee Central directly a few atprecisely outoffear that ofits remarks exacerbate tensions the moment might had indicated itswillingness in which theOpposition to end all fractionism. The ofItaly essential wasfor the Communist tobeunequivocal said, Togliatti thing, Party in its support of the Bolshevik of the mistaken and in its repudiation majority of the to the For this he had letter who reason, Bukharin, positions Trotskyists. given chosenotto present itofficially to theParty's as Gramsci had Central Committee, member wished. Instead a prominent French oftheComintern, Jules he dispatched totheItalian toItaly for ofexplaining leaders the thepurpose Humbert-Droz, party inthefight "true nature" oftheissues involved between themajority and group the or was Stalin ever read Gramsci's even toldof its Whether letter, Opposition. In was of is not Gramsci clear. anycase, entirely very angered general point view, andonOctober toTogliatti's letter tactics, 26,inresponse byTogliatti's diversionary of After line ofOctober18,said that he found Togliatti's reasoning unacceptable. ofOctober 18as being "tainted letter Togliatti's by'bureaucratism'," characterizing wasno longer he said that what wasat stakein theRussian events theseizure and an ofpower the which was but consolidation fact, the by Bolsheviks, accomplished in minds masses that "the the of the of once power conviction, people, proletariat, of can construct could has been taken, have the effect socialism."* only Disunity of this even within the ranks the communist movement, undermining conviction, ofwhosesegments, intheWest, werestill volatile, especially inexperienced, many of It was in socialist revolution. and in needofa firm the grounding methodology forthis with ofthe Gramsci he the "indictment reason, said,that although agreed he at to the of Russian wished the same time Central Committee the help Opposition," to regain Communist itsunity andinternational Party authority.'7
* Gramsci's emphasis.

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

71

What were thefeatures ofGramsci's letter ofearly that so October madeTogliatti and to caused Bukharin and other Bolsheviks that, Berti, uneasy according Giuseppe was moving in a direction that to suspect thattheItaliancommunist leadership wouldeventually takehimintothecampof theTrotskyist Gramsci opposition? between touches on thesubstantive issues at stakeinthestruggle only superficially with and Stalin. reveals his fundamental Stalin's He argument Trotsky agreement "in andthat that constituted a threat tothe coreofLeninist doctrine, very Trotskyism reborn theentire theideology and practice of theopposition bloc is beingfully the which has thusfarprevented tradition of social democracy and syndicalism from into a class." Western from itself Unexceptionable, ruling proletariat organizing toundermine that tended a Stalinist ofview, isGramsci's assertion point Trotskyism the andtoweaken oftheproletariat, theprinciple andthepractice ofthehegemony in of revolutionalliance the course of decades between workers andpeasants forged Gramsci was To theextent that such hewasabletomake statements, ary experience. Butthe as hisfriend andcomrade as prudently conformist andorthodox Togliatti. blamed andthe Evenas Gramsci between thetwo men endsthere. Trotsky similarity he fortheir divisive and intractable otherleadersof theLeftOpposition stance, and a a method reflected of to make three that points proceeded conception political did not fit on of world communist that the recent the movement history perspective hisconviction into theestablished Stalinist he expressed structure. First, very easily to annihilate the thattheviolent unleashed determination by majority's passions oftheinternathan hadcausedthem tolosesight rather theOpposition reintegrate of Committee within tional ramifications debated theCentral ofthequestions being that hisRussian comrades theRussian Communist hereminded Second, party Party. andinner anddiscipline thefruit ofpersuasion were desirable endsifthey were unity "coercive notwhen andwith Third, conviction, pressures." "mechanically" imposed the thatsuggests to the Opposition leadersin a manner Gramscipaid tribute as wellas political in himof vividpersonal and experiences memories presence was theOpposition to themajority itsclaimthat motivations. Although conceding the for andmortal schism thepotentially menacing irreparable responsible primarily stated that Russian andtherefore theworld communist Gramsci forthrightly party, toeducathavecontributed "Comrades andKamenev Zinoviev, powerfully Trotsky, and us very at times have corrected energetically ingus fortherevolution, they havebeenourteachers." severely, they on theone hand, An ambiguous andprudent letter, yetcourageous conciliatory andjustice Gramsci boldand animated on theother. agreed bya senseoffairness from that theLeft haddeviated Leninist yetat thesame Opposition sharply policy, haduntil that time he letitbe known that menwhoembodied thevery opposition in theartand beenhismentors, hisguides, hisdemanding teachers quiterecently scienceofrevolutionary at leastinpart someofthereasons To understand politics. we haveto go backto theyears thejuxtaposition ofblameand praise, underlying on 1922to 1924andtofocus andthemanwho, on theinteraction between Gramsci

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

72

Rosengarten

October 25, 1926,in the name of the Marxist-Leninist called Stalin"the heritage, of the revolution":'" Leon Trotsky. gravedigger

THE INTERACTION BETWEEN GRAMSCI AND TROTSKY FROM 1922TO 1924

Fromlate May 1922 to December 1923,Gramsciwas in Moscow as a delegate to the Executive Committeeof the Third International and as a memberof various Commissions whose purposewas to examinespecificorganizational, political,and and to co-ordinate thestruggles ofnationalcommunist parties proceduralproblems, In earlyDecemwiththegeneralstrategic and policiesof theComintern. directives on December 4 to take up a difficult ber 1923,he leftforVienna,wherehe arrived network of a clandestine seriesof assignments, amongwhichwas theestablishment workabroadand thus their to helpItaliancommunist find emigr6s dispersion; prevent the maintenanceof regularcontactswiththe Partyin Italy,as well as withother in both communistparties,in order to facilitatea steady flow of information in Moscow; and directions and above all to keep theItaliansabreastofdevelopments of the creationof new publishing the mostimportant and educationalenterprises, whichwas the revivalof the reviewL 'OrdineNuovo. This publicationreappeared on March 1, 1924.He remainedin Vienna underGramsci'sdirection, phoenix-like, untilMay 12, 1924,when he returned to Italy to take his seat in the Chamber of in the politicalelectionsof April6. Deputies afterhis victory as a The twoyearsGramscispentoutsideof Italywerecrucialto hisdevelopment between on suchquestionsas therelations tacticianand organizer, as a thinker party needsand desiresthat and culture, and as a humanbeingwith politics long-suppressed in his relationship withthe Russian woman who was to at last foundgratification of histwo sons,JulcaSchucht,whomhe metwhile become hiswifeand themother convalescingin a sanatariumoutside of Moscow in Septemberof 1922. In direct contact withthe makersof the Russian Revolution,withmembersof the various Julcaand otherRussianfriends, and, through delegationsto theComintern, foreign withthenumerous cultural and literary groupsthatenjoyedan all too brief flowering in a in theearlyyearsof theRevolution, Gramsciwas a witness to and a participant ferment in the His of intense and intellectual Soviet Union. stayin period political a conviction thathe had formed some yearsearlier, thatrevoluMoscow reinforced tionwas not so much an eventas a process,thatthe elaborationof a new mode of wouldnotcrystallize as a and newsocial, economic,and politicalstructures thought class but insteadthatthisconquest resultof the conquest of powerby the working ofa difficult and often whoseoutcome wouldmarkthebeginning painful experiment vast and forces. was by no means predetermined by impersonal objective role in Gramsci'seducation as a communist Leon Trotskyplayed an important

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

73

who alwayssaw his centralobjectiveas beingthatof "forming cadres revolutionary not of of able but to a The new being only taking organize capable power, society."'9 available evidence indicatesthatthereare fiveareas in whichTrotsky's influence made itselffelt in Gramsci's developmentas both a theoristand as a practical tacticianand partyorganizer.These areas may be schematically summarizedas follows:1) theconceptualization and applicationofthepolicyof theunitedfront; 2) the analysisof the fascistphenomenonas a highly formof capitalist particularized reactionwhose mostoriginaland dangerouscomponentwas itsability to compete with the class for the of the disaffected successfully working parties petit-boursupport on twofronts, from 1923 geoismasses;3) thestruggle wagedsimultaneously byTrotsky the bureaucratization of the in the Soviet on, against growing Union, politicalsystem manifested itself in theCommunist and especiallyas thistendency Partyapparatus, forthe enlargement of inner-party with the the concern proletarian democracy;4) with of the mores and customs of a radical civilization quality culture, undergoing and thedefense oftheintegrity ofliterature harassment and artagainst transformation, bureaucratized as thatthe the idea moralists; 5) dogmatists by disguised proletarian in Russia was in some respects socialistrevolution as itunfolded that and sui generis, forthisreasoncommunist revolutionaries in theadvanced capitalist ofthe countries West would have to confront a different set of tasks and perspectivesin order take to eventually power. The researchofGramsciand Trotsky and thetestimony ofsome authorischolars, tativecontemporaries, leave littleroom fordoubt that therewas a considerable amountofinteraction betweenthetwomenin 1922and 1923.AmongGramsci'sfirst writing important projects afterhis arrivalin Moscow was an essay on Italian dated September8, 1922,whichhe wroteexpressly forTrotsky, who was futurism, in taking a comparative look at theItalianand Russianfuturist interested movements, and in fact included Gramsci's essay in section iv of his work Literatureand whichappeared in late 1923.20In thisconnectionIsaac Deutschernotes Revolution, that "duringhis stay in Moscow Gramsci enjoyed Trotsky'sconfidence,"2' and ValentinoGerratanaobservesthatunlikehisassociationwith mostotherprominent Gramscicollaboratedwith not on butalso Bolsheviks, Trotsky only politicalmatters "in the area of culturalstudies."22 In 1923,Trotsky devoted himself assiduouslyto culturaland literary There is both in his and in evidence, problems. correspondence severalparagraphs of thePrisonNotebooks,thatGramsciacquired from a Trotsky stillkeenerappreciation thanhe had assimilated from an earlierexposureto Crocean of thefactthateven in a revolutionary philosophy, society,aestheticvalues have a in the of human and mustnotbe indiscriminately endeavors, special place hierarchy with confused values and no how matter the aims, political transcendantly important lattermaybe. Perhaps"collaboration"is notquite theappropriate termto describe therelationship betweenGramsciand Trotsky with but respecttocultural problems, thatGramsciwas aware of Trotsky's efforts in thisarea, and thathe was in some measureinfluenced on therelative bytheemphasisthatTrotsky placed consistently

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

74

Rosengarten

of themoral,intellectual, and artistic thepolitical autonomy aspectsof lifevis-a-vis doubted.Ifwe are notdealingwith a clearcutinfluence, domain,cannotbe seriously thenwe must forthepositions thatGramsciwas to takeon affinity, speak ofa natural the relationsbetween art and politics in the Prison Notebooks are, as noted by Enrico Bogliolo,24 Massimo Salvadori,23 and otherscholars,remarkably similarto those taken by Trotskyin the years 1923 and 1924,when he was one of Russia's criticsand led the campaignwaged by some sectionsof the Soviet leadingliterary to intelligentsia "rejectpartytutelageover science and art."25 As faras the strictly accounts of politicaldomain is concerned,the eyewitness several ItalianCommunists whowereinMoscowinNovember andDecemberof1922to attendtheFourthWorldCongressof theComintern, and an almostwordforword of a direct confrontation between and ofthe summary Trotsky Gramsciat a meeting ItalianCommission on November15, 1922,are further confirmation of theinteractionthattook place betweenthe twomen. The wording of some of theseaccounts leads one to believe thatwhen Gramsci,in his letterof October 14, 1926 to the Central Committeeof the Russian Communist Party,alluded to the fact thatthe three Opposition leaders- Zinoviev, Trotsky,and Kamenev-had on occasion "corrected us very in and severely," itwas Trotsky whomhe had chiefly energetically mind. Indeed, beforeGramsci'sarrivalin theSoviet Union,otherItalianCommunists, thefullforce notablyUmbertoTerracini,had alreadyexperiencedrather painfully and penchantfor acerbic polemics.26 of Trotsky'simperiouspersonality Camilla Ravera recallstwothings about theencounters betweenGramsciand Trotsky in the fallof 1922thatcorroborate whatTerracinihas revealedabouthisearlierdiscussions with inFebruary sessionoftheEnlargedExecutiveCommit1922,at thefirst Trotsky tee of theComintern. in Lenin'sabsence, due to thelatter's She notesthatTrotsky, was inflexibly resoluteand corrosively to breakdown illness, polemicalin hisefforts theresistance of theItaliansto theunitedfront tacticsapprovedat theThirdWorld that Congressof the Cominternheld in the summerof 1921. Ravera remembers was busytrying to overcomethe curduringthe FourthWorld Congress,Trotsky intheFrench, rents ofleft-wing butthathe intransigence Spanish,and Italianparties, was especiallyhard in the stand he took as a memberof the Italian commission against the positionstaken by the head of the Italian partyat that time and the thatin April1920Leninhad called "left-wing exponentpar excellenceof a strategy Amadeo Bordiga.Since inthefallof 1922Gramsciwas still a longway communism," from himself from separating Bordiga,yetat thesame timeseemed,to ideologically and otherleadersof theComintern, to be themanpotentially bestsuitedto Trotsky liberatetheItalianparty from thefruitless ofsectarianpoliticsas practiced rigidities by Bordiga, he became the main targetof Trotsky'sverbal assaults. In Trotsky's the potentially mass appeal of fascism,and opinion, the Italians underestimated therefore did notgrasptheimportance ofunitedfront anti-fascist and anti-capitalist

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

75

tactics. Indeed, as rememberedby Ravera, "in the weeks precedingthe Fourth withGramsci about fascism,about the CongressTrotskyhad long conversations that fascism about the of a fascistcoup d'6tat in dangers possibility represented, What Next? Vital Nine in later, Questions Italy.27 years for the GermanProletariat, written in exile on theTurkishislandof Prinkipo, recalled thatin theearly Trotsky fascism he had spokenwith, 1920's,in theeyes of almostall the ItalianCommunists in another form of and no different as reaction" no worse appeared simply "capitalist latter othersthathad manifested since the naturefrom themselves part periodically fromthe of the nineteenth "The particular traits of fascismwhichspring century. "the mobilization of the petit-bourgeoisie the wrote, Trotsky against proletariat," me that Italian CommunistPartywas unable to discern.Italian comrades inform withthe sole exceptionof Gramsci,the Communist Partywouldn'teven allow the of the Fascists'seizingpower.'"28 possibility of Trotsky of characterthat Ravera's portrait putsintosharpreliefcertaintraits at a laterdate,Gramscidecided to takehisdistancefrom could help to explainwhy, and to see himas a kindof incorrigible individualist whoseactual behavior Trotsky, tendedto beliehiscollectivist and collegialconception ofdecision-making: philosophy
as it had appeared in mymindfrom whatI had heardand read about him, Trotsky's personality, in thisdirectencounter, was not less distinctive to be sure,butdifferent from whatI had expected. in hisposture uniform thathe alwayswore,preciseand and inthemilitary Tall, erect,somewhat rigid and a sarcasticallycuttingin his speech, aristocraticby reason of a naturalmarked distinction different and inflexibly sureofhimself: marked detachment, Trotsky appearedabsolutely permanent from the otherBolsheviks.2" in his aspect, his manners,

Ravera's portrait squares withwhat Lenin had said of Trotskyin his testament dictated in December 1922,thatalthoughhe was 'the most able" of all the Party to and had a tendency leaders,he was also possessed of "excessiveself-confidence" a to had himself the Central Committee. Gramsci oppose individualistically high he buthe loathedindividualism, self-centeredness, regardforindividuality, egotism, a and was almostobsessivein his stress on the importance of party unity discipline, factwhich,as said above, may help to explain some of his judgments concerning in lateryears.But we mustnot allow thesepersonaltraits and posturesto Trotsky at theFourthWorld obscure themoreessentialpoliticalcontentoftheir interaction ofthe who in 1922and 1924was a member Congress.In thisregard, Giuseppe Berti, Italian CommunistYouth Federation and a delegate to the Cominternin that In the summerof 1924, some usefulinformation and insights. capacity,furnishes Bertiwas presentat a conversation betweenTrotsky and Giacinto MenottiSerrati, leaderofthe"ThirdInternationalist" oftheItalianSocialistParty."' Duringthat wing Bertirecalls,Trotsky told Serratithatin the second halfof 1922,he conversation, withZinoviev and Bukharin. had been active in the Italian Commissiontogether

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

76

Rosengarten

What stood out in Trotsky's the Commismemory, says Berti,were thedifficulties sion had encounteredin its discussionswithGramsci. "We had to press hard," said, "to convincehimto take a combativepositionagainstBordigaand I Trotsky don'tknowwhether we succeeded." Bertiadds thatin 1924,"Trotsky did notconceal thefactthatin 1922he had playeda decisiveroleinthepressures on Gramsci exerted so thathe would adopt a criticalattitude towardsBordiga."3' Let's look now at theone directaccount we possess32 of thesessionof the Italian Commissionheld on November 15, 1922,duringthe course of the FourthWorld clashed over aspects of the tacticsof the Congress,at whichGramsciand Trotsky inItalythendominated unitedfront as appliedto thepoliticalsituation bytheadvent of thisclash of viewslies in thefact to powerof BenitoMussolini.The importance thatbecause of Lenin'sillnessand inability to take partin thedailybusinessof the the ofresponsibility fordriving had assumed lion's share a wedge Congress, Trotsky ofBordiga'stype, whowereinclined to rely on their betweenleft-wing commmunists own strength and to reject collaboration with other workingclass parties and who were and communists movements, except withinlabor union organizations, to of the front in a the united characterized by disposed accept postulates period retreatand retrenchment forces. Thus, Trotsky'sopinions by the revolutionary at thisjuncture.Gramsci,too, had a great deal of carried tremendous authority within withEgidio both his own prestige partyand in the ranksof the Comintern: Gennariand Amadeo Bordiga,he was one of threeItaliandelegateselected to that body's Executive Committeeat the FourthWorld Congress,and was named as a candidatememberof the Presidium.33 At the meetingof November15, the Italian Commissionof the Comintern was Clara Zetkin,and V. Kuibyshev, the Bukharin, by Zinoviev,Trotsky, represented Italian delegationby Gramsci,Bordiga,Edmondo Peluso, Nicola Bombacci, and moment coincidedwiththoseof the Angelo Tasca. Tasca's viewsat thisparticular Cominternleadership,at least as far as the Italian question was concerned. He oftheCommunist ofItalywith fusion themaximalists, arguedfortheimmediate Party of a new centralcommittee bothgroups.Bordiga's and theformation representing as manydisafPartyshouldtryto attract positionwas thatthe Italian Communist members of the Italian Socialist Partyas possible,but should fectedrevolutionary not try of theparty as such,all ofwhom to winover en bloc anysegment leadership wereirremediably reformist. Gramsciagreedessentially with Bordiga.He maintained thatthe ItalianSocialistPartywas notreallya workers butinsteada peasantparty based petit-bourgeois partywhose leaders, includingSerrati,were incapable of theproletarian oftheRussianRevolution, and whohad a utopian character grasping as rather thanpracticaland constructive conceptionofsocialism.He brandedSerrati ifallowed to penetrate a syndicalist, whosementality and background, theCommuclass-oriented nist Party of Italy, would lessen the Party'schances to intensify in at time when the need of an authentic a was educationin Party struggle desperate He the return of the maximalists and welcomed revolutionary organization strategy.

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

77

at the to theranksof theInternational, theotherspresent but took pains to remind of the and in socialists fascists between 1921,which,he meeting "pacification pact" of the Italian masses. He conhad the thrust blocked said, working revolutionary cluded thatthemainproblem oftheItalianCommunists nowwas to prevent a return with to theineptitude of themaximalists, a problemwhichfusion and sloganeering them could certainlynot solve. At this point Trotskyintervened, directinghis remarks at first to theItaliangroupas a whole. He had been led to believe,Trotsky said, that the Italian group had already approved the reporton the unitedfront tacticsgivenby Zinovievseveraldays earlier.Had theychangedtheirminds?Was oftheItaliandelegationfreeto voteas he pleased? Ifthiswas thecase, each member thenthedivergence was on theedge betweentheItalianparty and theInternational of rupture. He thenturned to Gramsciwho,Trotsky to wanta privilege "seems said, of intransigence forItaly.On thequestionoftheunitedfront have linedup with you France and Spain." Other parties,originally to the tactics of the united opposed their the not so. had but Italians had done front, error, recognized Trotskythen that in out the recent the Italian which resultedin Socialist had pointed Party, split the expulsionof thereformist had an different unitarian created socialists, entirely situation on theleftin Italywhich,in combination withthefascist adventto power, Adherenceto the made a closingof ranksbyworkers partiesan absolutenecessity. "I of not sufficient. am sure thatamongthe Communist individuals was Party Italyby there to the maximalists are elements International," said,"elements Trotsky opposed we'll have to get rid of. But withthe systemof individualmembership you won't own party succeed in doingthat.The best elementsare attachedto their and won't abandon it easily. Individualrecruitment would bringto us only the rejects. We thenyou'llmake yourindividfirst, propose to you thatyou accept collectivefusion If ual selections. The fascists have crushedbothsectionsofthesocialistorganization. win the of will able don't the not be to act masses, you illegally. great you sympathies Ifyou wantto restrict yourbase you'llremainwithout anybase at all and youwillbe considereda sect." Gramsci was not immediately althoughhe persuaded by Trotsky'sarguments, with the of the conviction the established Charter genuine by accepted principle Third International thatas sections,and not autonomousunits,of a singleworld communist each nationalcommunist was duty-bound to support, or at party, party the least not to oppose, the majority decisionsof the ExecutiveCommitteeof the Comintern. itsviews,the majority the Thus, without renouncing oppositionwithin Italiandelegation declaredthatitwouldfollow thewilloftheComintern, and remain silent at theforthcoming Plenum. Butmisunderstandings unresolved and resentments, continuedto plague proceduralissues,personaldisputesand ideological conflicts fora longtimeafter relations betweentheItalianparty and theComintern theFourth World Congress.Gramsci,althoughincreasingly receptiveto the line of reasoning ofthebalance offorces was also mindful within hisownparty. developed byTrotsky, For about two years,he performed some complicated political acrobatics,in his

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

78

Rosengarten

ofhisparty's efforts to swing themajority overto acceptanceoftheunited leadership withthemaximalists, front and eventualfusion whileat thesame timeattempting to of his party, maintain the unity whichuntil1926was overwhelmingly of supportive and parliamentism. intransigent Bordiga'shard-line, rejectionof frontism theperiod The year1923markeda turning pointinGramsci'scareer.It was during fromMarch to September1923,whichculminatedin his letterof September1234 fromMoscow to his comrades in Italy outliningan editorialand organizational schemefora new dailynewspaperforwhichhe proposedthename L'Unitai, thathe him the confidence he achievedfullmaturity as a politicalleader.This maturity gave within his own and neededto meetthechallenge sectarianism posedbyBordiga's party, at thesame timeto assess from an independent and critical pointofviewsome ofthe movement on a worldscale. takingplace in thecommunist developments in these and from December 1923 the months, Vienna, During through periodspent to May 1924,hisindebtedness of to Trotsky extendedbeyondtheconceptualization whosebasic rationalehe had accepted and begunto expoundin unitedfront tactics, ofall, thereis reasonto believethattheseed of hisown party First byMarch 1923.35 in Gramsci'smindin 1923and 1924,and come to full an idea thatwas to germinate inthePrison inhisreflections fruition Notebooks- theidea that theconquestofpower in thecountries ofWestern would bytheproletariat signiEurope requirea strategy form one the the followed Russian was not different Bolsheviksdue by ficantly only to the teachingsof Lenin, but in some measure also to the various speeches and in 1921 and 1922. devoted to aspects of the Italiansituation writings Trotsky in Italianaffairs, followed eventsin fascist was vitally interested Italywith Trotsky movement there,and looked at the anguishedconcern forthe fateof the workers theforces ofrevolution and reaction as a kindoftest for between powerinItaly struggle case from ofotherWestern countries could learnsome whichthecommunist parties valuable lessons.In a Reporton theFourthWorldCongressdeliveredon December notedthatthefascist takeoverin Italywas "a lessonofexceptional 28, 1922,Trotsky to theEuropean working class whichin itstop layersis corrodedby its importance But it of legality."36 traditions, by bourgeoisdemocracy,by thedeliberatehypnosis theanalyst thanTrotsky thepolemicist whoreachedGramsci;more was moreTrotsky thantheangry who at this theTrotsky of sweepinghistorical moralist, imagination and synthesis. Thereforeof momentsparkedGramsci'sown powersof reflection ofDecember28 isTrotsky's earlier toGramscithantheReport morerelevance Report on theNew SovietEconomic Policy and thePerspectives of the WorldRevolution, deliveredat the November14, 1922 session of the FourthWorld Congressof the an anticipation of theideas concerning It is in thisspeech thatone finds Comintern. in thePrison in the West thatGramsciwas to develop fully hegemony proletarian to Western that one of his most contributions and constitutes Notebooks, original of Gramsci's analysis in the Notebooks Marxism. The subtletyand refinement in thespeech of November14; his graspof the surpassesthatdisplayedby Trotsky in the West is and social superstructure of institutions intricate cultural,political, in more And and than hissense of concrete grounded deeper experience Trotsky's.

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

79

revolution than as insurrectional a distinction onwhich as process rather event, Trotsky a great setsoff tended to oscillate Gramsci's from that of deal,also clearly thought inthe is there, andisinfact Yet theconnection Trotsky. byGramsci acknowledged evenifhe does so in thegrudging manner and half-disparaging that Notebooks, ofhisreferences most to Trotsky intheNotebooks. characterizes inthe that ofcommunist Oneofthe several sections Notebooks dealwith the problem thetaskof in theWest, where a highly renders "civilsociety" strategy developed more than inbackward andcallsfor difficult Czarist Russia, winning power infinitely a shift oftactics "frontal assaults" to thenotion ofa "warofposition," awayfrom this endswith paragraph:
a revision An attempt tobegin oftactical methods should havebeentheone expounded byL. Davidovic Bronstein at theFourth whenhe madea comparison Front andtheWestern between theEastern Congress fell immediately but was followedby tremendousstruggles;in the latterthe Front,the former It would be a questionthatis of whether would take place "first": thecivil societyresists struggles beforeor after theassault,wherethisoccurs etc. The questionhoweverwas posed onlyina literarily indications of a practicalcharacter.37 brilliant but without manner,

fair in this After Gramsci wasnotbeing andobjective comment. all,the entirely at and the to assess the the socialist of world ability attempt revision, development a new at revolution from were a decisive global perspective, given byTrotsky impetus in is theFourth World Here part what saidonNovember 14,1922, Congress. Trotsky at thesession inthepassagecitedabove: to which Gramsci refers
On November7, 1917our party assumedpower.As was soon disclosedquite clearly,thisdid not on a large the end of the Civil War. On the contrary, the Civil War actuallybegan to unfold signify interest butalso scale inourcountry theOctoberoverturn. This is notonlya factofhistorical onlyafter a source of the mostimportant lessonsforthe WesternEuropean proletariat. Whydid eventsfollowthiscourse? The explanationmustbe soughtin the culturaland political thathad just cast offCzarist barbarism. backwardnessof a country The big bourgeoisieand the thanks to themunicipal thestate had gainedsome politicalexperience, Dumas,thezemstvos, nobility Duma etc. The petit-bourgeoisie had littlepoliticalexperience,and the bulkof thepopulation,the -the well-to-do peasantry,still less. Thus the main reservesof the counter-revolution peasants from thisextremely (kulaks)and, to a degree,also themiddlepeasants-came precisely amorphous milieu. And it was only afterthe bourgeoisie began to grasp fullywhat it had lost by losing combat nucleus, political power, and only afterit had set in motion its counter-revolutionary that it succeeded in gainingaccess to the peasant and petit-bourgeois elementsand layers; and therewith the bourgeoisie had, of necessity,to yield the leading posts to the most reactionary elements among the rankingofficers of noble birth.As a result,the Civil War unfoldedfully The ease withwhichwe conquered poweron November7, 1917, onlyafterthe October overturn. was paid for by the countless sacrificesof the Civil War. In countriesthat are older in the capitalistsense, and with a higherculture,the situationwill, withoutdoubt, differ profoundly. In these countriesthe popular masses will enterthe revolution farmore fully formedin political of individuallayersand groups among the proletariat, and respects.To be sure, the orientation all themoreso amongthepetit-bourgeoisie, willstillcontinueto fluctuate and changebut, violently these changes will occur far more systematically than in our country;the present nevertheless, willflowmuchmore directly out of the past. The bourgeoisiein the West is preparing itscounterblowin advance.We witness thisinGermany, inFrance; we witness evenifnotquiteso distinctly, this, we see itinitsmostfinished and finally form in Italy, revolution wherein thewake oftheincompleted therecame thecompletedcounter-revolution whichemployednot unsuccessfully some of theprac-

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

80

Rosengarten tices and methodsof the revolution. Whatdoes thismean?This means itwillhardly be possibleto catch theEuropean bourgeoisieby as we caughttheRussianbourgeoisie. The Europeanbourgeoisie ismoreintelligent, and more surprise it is not wastingtime.Everything thatcan be set on footagainstus is beingmobilized farsighted; willthusencounteron itsroad to powernot onlythe now. The revolutionary proletariat by it right combat vanguardsof the counter-revolution but also its heaviest reserves.Only by smashing, these enemyforceswill the proletariat be able to seize power.But breakingup and demoralizing afterthe proletarian overturn the vanquishedbourgeoisiewillno longer by way of compensation, from reserves theCivil War. In other whichitcould drawforcesforprolonging dispose of powerful after theconquestofpower,theEuropeanproletariat willinall likelihood havefarmoreelbow words, thanwe had inRussiaon thedayafter roomforitscreative workineconomyand culture theoverturn. The more difficult and gruelingthe strugglefor state power, all the less possible will it be to the victory.38 challengethe proletariat's powerafter

this fine misses some ofthe ofGramsci's that but Admittedly, passage points analysis, ithelped him tostimulate torethink the whole ofrevolutionary question methodology intheWest seems useofmilitary toillusquiteclear.Moreover, Trotsky's analogies inthis trate tactical andother a reflection ofhisexperipolitical problems speeches, encesas supreme commander oftheRedArmy theCivil Warandpost as War during inthe Commissar wasa rhetorical device toGramsci's 1920's, early congenial temperament: theterms "war ofposition," etc. "trench "frontal assault," warfare," "pillboxes," inhisprison recur notes on communist intheWest. tactics frequently Another is theirunflinching and Gramsci pointof contactbetween Trotsky of the dilemma confrontation thathas been leftunresolved by the communist movement from itsinception tothepresent the dilemma between and day, authority and centralization of poweron theone hand,and theneedforopendebateand on the other.Gramsci, like Trotsky, was almost participatory decision-making sensitive tothe claims ofboth and but the ofthe two freedom, equally authority paths mendiverged in 1924,becauseof thedifferent from which vantage points they viewed thenature oftheCommunist andfunction oftheSoviet within Union Party thetotal framework oftheworld communist movement. moved Trotsky inexorably towards a frontal with clash the Russian Bolshevik while Gramsci, although majority, as we shallsee,toTrotsky's that hisduty felt wastouphold responsive, arguments, theunity andcohesion oftheInternational at all costs. Butdespite this there wassubstantial between thetwo men divergence, agreement thefirst ofserious crisis intheSoviet from mid-October 1923 Union, during period thesummer of1924. leveled the through Manyofthecriticisms against byTrotsky inthe Russian bureaucratic Communist and degeneration widespread Party apparatus, hispassionate for a revival ofyouthful idealism andan endtowhat hecalled appeals servile elements" inthe andcareer-hunting state areechoed andparty, "spineless, by inseveral ofhisletters toItalian intheearly Gramsci comrades written Vienna from Ifwecompare of1924. on"TheNewCourse" months Trotsky's openletter published
in Pravda on December 8, 1923, and in International Press Correspondenceon discovera striking betweentheirpointsof view. similarity In a letter to Togliatti, oftheCentralCommittee of and othermembers Terracini,

with the tenor ofGramsci's atthesametime, we attitudes 15,1924,39 February general

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

81

ofItaly written on February theCommunist Gramsci 9, 1924,40 forexample, Party toacceptthesimplistic that wasnothing buta petitrefused assumption Trotskyism inthe from that deviation Marxism-Leninism. after On the bourgeois noting contrary, ofthe tothe left Russian waspolitically ofthe movement history revolutionary Trotsky inorganizational while theMensheviks, heoften lined Bolsheviks, upwith questions inthereal outthat he proceeded to point as far backas 1905Trotsky hadbelieved in Russiaof a thoroughgoing The and workers' revolution. socialist possibility hadinthe main of Bolsheviks limited their toa callfor a political program dictatorship the with the allied andhadnot, to1917, envisioned proletariat peasantry, prior seriously of theadvent ofa revolution that would strike attheheart oftheeconomic structure him thecapitalist Lenin andthemajority oftheparty with hadswung overto system. in1917, haddefinitively abandoned theMenshevik Trotsky's position justas Trotsky ranks in1917 andjoined the Bolsheviks. After this brief Gramsci historical clarification, therecent inRussia, for againexpressing passedon toconsider polemics sympathy the taken andthe What the hesaid, wanted, position byTrotsky Opposition. Opposition was"a greater measure ofinvolvement onthe ofthe workers inthe life ofthe part party anda lessening ofthepowers ofthebureaucracy, inorder toassure totherevolution itssocialist andworking classcharacter." oftheaba sharp Then,after repudiation stentionism oftheBordiga andsectarianism oftheItalian Gramsci wing proparty, in somewhat form thesamecritical milder butwith nounced, crystalline clarity, ofthe Italian that hadpronounced theRussian judgments party Trotsky against party: oftherank-and-file, anever ofcommunist themasses passivity widening gapbetween andsocialist workers oftheparty andtheparty a conception as an aggreleadership, rather thanindependent and a belief that theparty thinkers, gateoffunctionaries in itself wouldsomehow abouttheadvent of therevolution. One apparatus bring inthis tohisItalian letter bears theimprint ofa comrades passage especially lengthy inthe influence: "Allparticipation masses andinternal life of Trotskyist bythe activity the Gramsci "unless some occasion and authorized wrote, party," justified by great bya formal order from thecenter, hasbeenseenas a danger tounity andcentralization. The party hasnotbeenconceived as theresult ofdialectical inwhich conprocess the movement of the masses and the will and of directives verge spontaneous organized thecenter...."41 in went further than his he so in Gramsci and did criticisms, Trotsky not ina private communication toa small ofparty the essential but leaders, public, group link between them atthis moment well the established is,I think, reasonably by letter justquoted. GRAMSCI'S ANTI-TROTSKYISMFROM 1924TO 1926 But thisand other links thatconnected and Trotsky werenotstrong Gramsci to from Gramsci's disaffection after thesumenough prevent growing Trotskyism
merof 1924.The distinction is an important name one, foritwas onlywhenTrotsky's

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

82

Rosengarten

andwasassociated with a definite cluster ofpolitical andeconomic becamean ism, in of the Russian Communist to the orthodoxy Party, positions opposition prevailing hisattitudes bothTrotsky themanand towards that Gramsci beganto reevaluate of thisreevaluation the ideas professed was often towards by him.The result I more once. Let me try as have than hinted and already confusing contradictory, Gramsci became so from the tosketch outinbroad strokes alienated man who, why inthecommunist of secondonly toLenin, hadbeenhismentor andpractice theory revolutionary politics. ofItaly, to oftheCommunist From he became when 1924, Party secretary August life was theday of hisarrest in Romeon November Gramsci's 8, 1926, political in hisdaily as leaderoftheItalian marked activities tendencies: bytwodivergent to createa he moved determination with self-confidence, great unswerving party, at of that times bordered on and with a degree personal courage disciplined party, with the In hisrelations with theRussian and recklessness. Communist leaderParty hismodeof on theother thewords that bestdescribe hand, shipoftheComintern, seems to areprudence, Gramsci havebeen conduct caution, Indeed, circumspection. intheinner-party in in tobecome the Soviet Union that so afraid embroiled struggle in he for to avoid to left Vienna order Victor Italy May1924, according Serge, gladly inRussia "When toworsen," crisis. thecrisis began getting caught upintheRussian in he to broken the so had himself did not want be "Gramsci process, Sergerecalls, of that this was not Gramsci's sentbackto Italy We byhisParty."42 know, course, of Chamber reason for main which wastotakehisseatintheItalian Vienna, leaving is either. It not be discounted an ButSerge's remark to entirely suggests Deputies. him conflict for a theStalin-Trotsky that attitude towards kept aspectofGramsci's did himself time in When he a state ofuncertainty. finally pronounce definitively long with doubts he sidedwith and on theRussian Stalin, although always controversy, of intheletter October14,1926. that reservations re-emerged theyears 1924to inGramsci's Two considerations mind tookprecedence during and Thefirst 1926. wastheneedtocreate a compactly organized, tightly disciplined, ifthe inItaly. The secondwashisbelief that communist unified party ideologically ofsomesort, intheSoviet resolution itwould Unionweretogo on without dispute of considerations Third International. Both these the doom ofthe entire weighed spell himtowards ofTrotskyism as on Gramsci thecondemnation andimpelled heavily in formed of his stance and insubordinate that factious 1925 political definitely part incomparison toassume and1926. Issuesofprinciple tended secondary importance ofsurvival that faced the communist theimmediate andoverwhelming with problem in in above all countries likeItaly, the USSR and movement itself, everywhere, madebytheorganized toobliterate threatened theadvances where fascist reaction ofthese two considerations that one Itisinthecontext Italian classparties. working taken Gramsci statements andactions must evaluate some ofthe Trotskyism by against 1924to 1926. from of theworld to do with Gramsci's Butthere are other reasons, having analysis

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

83

andwith features ofTrotsky's balanceofforces certain ideasandpolitical behavior this that be taken into also need to account. From the latter of during period part oftheGerman of a when thefailure the end disastrous revolution 1923, punctuated in Eastern ofdefeats suffered and Western that yearbycommunist parties period with Gramsci had to associate name, begun Trotsky's together thoseof Europe,43 ofOctober in communists whocontinued to the methods 1917 other doggedly apply where were with an situations they "insurrectionary" inappropriate, irresponsible inthe offrontal torevolution; with ananachronistic belief assaults approach efficacy ofcapitalist on thebastions at a time when the made communist by power diagnosis theorists in1917 oftheimminent outtobepremature. death ofcapitalism hadturned Not onlywas the patient notdead, buthe had shownremarkable recuperative that to a rather seemed powers promise longlifeexpectancy. In this attribution toTrotsky ofputchism andadvocacy ofuntimely andreckless the of the ofthe communist that did not majority by risings parties enjoy support It was with Gramsci was unfair and indiscriminate. class, Trotsky, working being oftheunited it who whowasthechief front was architect Lenin, Trotsky in policy; wrote and on the ofrecogniztheearly andlater, 1920's, repeatedly spoke importance of in the who outlined a and revolutionary process, program ingstages phases of the Yet broad sectors of class. transitional demands working capable mobilizing on thisquestionwere not entirely unfounded. Gramsci's concerns Despitehis of to the oftheneedfor a subtly and flexible awareness approach problem graduated in a reminishimself manner a on did occasion revolution, making Trotsky express In event. ofrevolution that on a decisive, climactic centofa conception depended was certainly not alone in his beliefthatthe German the fallof 1923,Trotsky of ifit actedresolutely, couldseize power buthe was in thevanguard proletariat the decisivehour"forthe German thosewho feltthat"the decisivestruggle, EvenmorethanGramsci, believed in the had arrived. Communist Trotsky Party as in such in the role of and direction the act of factor, will, leadership subjective of of a in in Lenin and himself the crucial time, 1917, day, importance by provided he when couldbe wonor lost.In September evenofan hour, 1923, opportunities it never of but wrote: "Revolution a impropossesses mighty power improvisation, the comesfrom and fools.Victory visesanything bystanders, good forfatalists, the and from the will to deal from correct correct evaluation, organization political of was central to vision Correct decisive Trotsky's political timing always blow.""44 like ofexpressing himself couldsound moments hismanner andat certain struggle, belies eventhough thesubstance ofhisthought, ofhistotal oeuvre, adventurism, any when theprospect ofprolonged suchattitude. Nevertheless, Gramsci, strugfacing sustained theterrible defeats andwhen bythecommunist contemplating gleinItaly, 1919 tended to group to countries from of so and 1923, parties proletariats many what was needed when the reckless more and more insurrectionists, Trotsky among well defensive ofcadres, clandestine education wasorganization, cohesion, systems,
whichto carryon a successful"war of position." trenches from dug and fortified

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

84

Rosengarten

in 1925 combat withdrawal from active Moreover, Trotsky's political temporary In that was a to strengthen there tended Gramsci's to year opposition Trotskyism. lullontheRussian andTrotsky himself seemed tohaverepudiated fractionism, front, without or at thevery leasttohaveaccepted although renouncing party discipline, In May 1925, "The hispersonal an article entitled convictions. Gramsci published in which, while MoralofTrotsky's Return,"45 Trotsky's ackowledging exceptional hestated that "asexpected, andhisinvaluable contribution tothe revolution, qualities, ofthe hasreturned as a seasoned a disciplined soldier to militant, revolution, Trotsky that his ranks. the of the the Having political majority conceptions accepted judgment What were hassubmitted dowelearn from toparty mistaken, this, Trotsky discipline." their value asked. Welearn how and Gramsci "that nomatter merits, individuals, great are always is never to individuals, subordinate theparty subordinated to theparty, areexceptional ofthis evenifthey likeTrotsky." Theconcluding article paragraphs showtowhat extent the authoritarian Gramsci hadbeeninfluenced by increasingly in 1925. attitudes andmethods oftheStalinist can be saidtohavebegun era,which Animportant behind the Gramsci's article cited, personal experience lay namely just with MauroScoccimarro andseveral other Italian attendance, communists, together oftheFifth at thesessions Executive of the that took Comintern Enlarged placein 21 toApril Gramsci Moscowfrom March became more 6, 1925.Atthese meetings, in the structure of the than ever administrative and Comintern: at integrated political in thepolitical theopening sessionof March21, he was electedto membership thecommission ontrade union theCzechoslovakian commission, commission, unity, hespent inMoscow, andtheYugoslav the three weeks hemet commission.46 During with Stalinand spokeat somelength since moved him, Stalin, having effectively towards hisauthority as Secretary oftheRussian Communist consolidating Party, had now forthefirst in theaffairs timebegunto takean activeinterest of the Stalin's inthework oftheComintern Berti attributes newinvolvement Giuseppe in the over to hisrealization that he couldnotachievecomplete victory Trotsky hisadversary's international This Soviet Union unless healsoundermined prestige. is a plausible thesis. Stalin's on ofvital had become principal opponent a series Trotsky Stalin andthose issues onwhich hispersonal fortunes oftheSoviet Union hadstaked inone country," therestrictive as a whole:thecommitment to "building socialism ofdemocratic ofopinion centralism andtheequating ofdifferences interpretation with"fractionism," the continued of New Economic the pursuit Policy,which In to favored liberal concessions tothesmall farmers. order landowning gainsupport of for athome, felt that oftheleadership these Stalin heneeded thebacking policies Forthis themajor communist abroad. thetwo main discussed reason, parties subjects at theFifth Executive weretheBolshevization of theworld communist Enlarged andthestruggle Bolshevization nowmeant theline movement, against Trotskyism. In his that led from Leninto Stalin, and hisfollowers excluding Trotsky entirely. conversations themembers oftheItalian with Stalin delegation, specifically requested
International.47

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

85

ofGramsci's done Thereisnorecord that having they Trotskyism. speakoutagainst on on the an but deliver address Scoccimarro did so, question, April3, which, in insucha wayas to avoidtheimpression ofundueintervention worded although with the of theRussian Communist ended theinternal affairs unequivocal Party, immethat oneoftheItalian then shared party's byGramsci-judgment--probably ofTrotskyism from itsranks."48 diateaimswas"theelimination after isnotconjectural atallisthat What issaidaboveisconjectural. Someofwhat the theentire to and hisreturn to Italy, and during succeeding period preparatory to in January Gramsci adhered ThirdCongress Italianparty's 1926, closely the to the extent of the Thesesa from even directives giving Lyons emanating Moscow, of less collaborative the much and that reflected slant conception open left-leaning at the Fifth World the Comintern thathad been elaborated theunited front by Italian inthesummer ofGramsci's ontheThird of1924. Segments Report Congress an in have Communist 1926, unmistakeably PartyCongress, presented February I haveno intention thesignificant to them. In saying ofdenying Stalinist this, ring bases of of theLyonsThesesto our understanding of thematerial contributions is theGramsciofourinquiry inItaly. Butthesubject fascism andofclassrelations 1926 doubtthatFebruary can be little and in thissense,there Trotsky question, intimate of most association and marks a point ofmaximum distance from Trotsky ofall that "the asserted Gramsci with Stalin. In theabove-mentioned loyalty Report, not a must become oftheparty theCentral Committee towards elements only purely ofrevolutionary but anddisciplinary a geniune ethics....It fact, principle organizational the a rooted "to into the masses of infuse isnecessary," Gramsci wrote, party deeply in and that fractionist initiatives conviction the every attempt concerning necessity of must the base a the the find at to unsettle spontaneous general party compactness of Theauthority attheir that them andimmediate reaction suffocates very inception. must never be placed one congress and another theCentral Committee between under such bloc.Only must becomea homogeneous under andtheparty discussion The party does overitsclassenemies.... willtheparty be abletotriumph conditions further with andlackofdiscipline; not toallowany fractionism intend indulgent play notallowany andwill a maximum ofcollective theparty wants toachieve leadership the himself to his to whatever value, oppose individual, party."49 personal intheItalian of1925, infact theonly Atthis sincethesummer time, party's person in defense of Trotsky was who had spokenout vigorously CentralCommittee in between aware of the differences Even Gramsci was ideology Bordiga. though ina ofthetwocurrents he probably that a confluence feared andBordiga, Trotsky he "Leninist stabilization" a threat the left alliance would direct renewed against pose hisownleadership. had achieved under felt theparty hisopponents in theCommunist and relations with Yet in hispersonal conduct in Russiaand the from Stalinists Gramsci was different of profoundly Party Italy, and He was against drastic elsewhere. measures, against expulsions disciplinary
whatwerein essencepoliticaland ideologiexcommunications, against personalizing

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

86

Rosengarten

cal differences, friends and longtime comrades becausetheir against abandoning ideas diverged from abusive and slander. He continued to his,against harangues the contributions enormous made both and to the acknowledge by Trotsky Bordiga cause of the worldsocialist and musthave found in the revolution, repugnant extreme thefalsification ofthepastto fit thecontingencies ofthepresent, andthe and exaggeration of temporary differences between cynicalmanipulation party that the leaders occur in course of that had become inevitably daily by1926 struggle, standard intheruling circles ofparty andstate inSoviet Itseems procedure Russia.50 of earlyOctober1926illustrates to me thatthe letter thisessential difference between Gramsci andtheStalinists, evenat a time when hislanguage andposture all the contours of the Stalinist mold. displayed THE PERIOD OF THE PRISONNOTEBOOKS Oneother inthe ofthe needs tobeexamined, story phase Gramsci-Trotsky question theperiod ofthe Prison the from 1929 to 1932 as Notebooks, when, specifically years a prisoner inTuridiBari, Gramsci devoted someofhisreflections toTrotsky andto Trotskyism. Current and former Italian I think, haveargued, that convincingly Trotskyists5' it is to a document direct influence on Gramsci although impossible Trotskyist hisyears inprison, thepolitical taken meninresponse to during positions bythetwo theleft sectarian turn taken the Comintern after the Sixth World reveal by Congress common features. Bothrejected thelabeling ofsocialdemocrats as socialmany for the reason that in a time of extreme when the ofthe forces fascists, simple danger, leftare facedwith evermoremenacing threats from an organized and powerful coalition on theright, communist needto expand their with contacts other parties class and not restrict to seek for areas of them; working parties movements, possible defense and not isolate from their if themselves allies a collaboration, joint potential showdown of forcebecomesnecessary. Bothmenurgedthepromulgation of a transitional ofdemands, theconcept ofa Constituent program embracing Assembly incountries dominated mobilize that could broad byrightist dictatorships, working classandanti-fascist for reaction. Forboth, to labelsocial support struggle against as a particular form offascism and slogans democracy lacking onlythetrappings conceived and was a Mussolini to take towards Hitler, by giant step self-liquidation. The evidence their on most substantial oftheimmediate corroborating agreement choices inthe thecommunist movement late1920's andearly 1930's is political facing abundant andpersuasive, andmaysignify that their when thepolicy interaction of theunited front was beingformulated a decade earlier in was stilla living force Gramsci.
As far as his opinion of Trotskythe man is concerned,if we can believe the

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

87

ofAngelo a fellow inmate atTuri, communist Gramsci wasfar Scucchia, testimony from theStalinist ofTrotsky an aiderand slander as a bandit, a renegade, accepting offascist to abetter a sort ofsuper-human demon whosomehow reaction, managed atonce,whenever be everywhere to interests to Soviet happened anything opposed that Autobioccur.Scucchia relates in 1930-1931, an Italian ofTrotsky's translation in 1930by Mondadori in theTuri prison. "I was circulating ography published writes was remember," Scucchia,"thatin prison Trotsky's autobiography being inourgroup, thebook andthat, before thesplit weusedtotalk about passedaround of it. our free almost all us had read On one since hours, during Trotsky, dayGramsci 'A great but an egotist, heseeshimself saidthis: a great he's historian, revolutionary, at thecenter ofall events, he has no senseoftheparty."'52 Thiswas a very similar to the in of one made Lenin in and 1922, by anyevent appraisal Trotsky's personality incommon in spirit with had nothing andincontent theinsinuations, accusations, that inthose anddegrading diatribes sullied communist years. intraparty polemics a livelyinterest in Trotsky's after Gramscimaintained his Moveover, writings from the Soviet Union in In order to of 1928. obtain three deportation January works -the in Italian and French translations translation, Trotsky's Autobiography, Gramsci andfinally theregulations succeeded inovercoming stubbornly persisted that disallowed such in fascist usually reading bypolitical Italy, prisoners especially communist prisoners. In theNotebooks, Gramsci makesthefollowing assertions concerning Trotsky andTrotskyism: had become the ofa strategy theorist basedonthe 1)Trotsky major ofa "frontal assault" thecapitalist forces ata order, against byrevolutionary concept time when sucha strategy couldonly be thecauseofdefeat. Unlike Lenin (calledIlic or IliciintheNotebooks), that whounderstood while a warofmovement hadbeen victorious in Russiain 1917, a warofposition wastheonly inthe possible strategy hadclung totheformer; ofpermanent West, 2) Trotsky's Trotsky obdurately theory revolution isinalllikelihood thepolitical ofa warof ofhistheory merely expression ofdecisive which wasinapplicable in countries suchas movement, assault, except Russiawhere"theframework of national lifeis embryonic and amorphous and cannot become'a trench orfortress;'" ofthepossibility of 3) Trotsky's repudiation socialism inonecountry a period ofretreat andretrenchment onthe building during and hisinsistence on pursuing therevolution on an internaleft, uninterruptedly tionalscale, revealthathe is a typical intellectual withlittle "cosmopolitan" oftheall-important national characteristics andproblems therefore, understanding, that communist must takeintoaccount inorder tointegrate every party eventually national intotheinternational ofstruggle. their movements realm said "Bronstein," "who theimpression ofbeing inhisculture a'Westerner' andgeneral Gramsci, gives a cosmopolitan, was instead thatis, superficially Western and outlook, political on Ilici the other hand "was profoundly national and profoundly European."53
European." of twoworks,Versle capitalismeou versle socialismeand La revolution ddfigurde,

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

88

Rosengarten

amounts is theclaimthat didnot Whatthis lastassertion to,in essence, Trotsky itemofsuccessful as thetoppriority whatGramsci revolutionary regarded grasp that be nazional-popolari, that avoidabstract intheWest, and movements they they intheconcrete ofthe rootthemselves that idealism, they living experience utopian and becomepartof a widespread peoples in whosename theywere fighting, theultimate oftheworking classwould which trend without consensual hegemony at ina moment. first to this be unrealizable. We shallreturn Let'slookbriefly point and of methods other Gramsci's ideology. opinions Trotsky's ofrevolutionary with tothe andpractice Wehavealready seenthat, respect theory taken between the a did take certain byGramsci place approach politics, divergence thatin theWesta as thelatter remained convinced and thatof Trotsky, insofar intervention communistanddecisive situation bythe revolutionary prompt requiring the evenquiteunexpectedly, whereas led working class could ariseat anytime, the idea of a and more attached to former more guerra diposizione prolonged grew of waslikely. for Gramsci sawa gradual inwhich no decisive thrust building power of all the and of interstices socialist bourgeois pores hegemony through penetration more tofollow. andinstitutions as the much andreasonable course civil society likely ofa decisive thepossibility clashbetween didnotabsolutely exclude ButGramsci ofstate andTrotsky wasalways andproletariat theconquest for power, bourgeoisie moment in situation atany totheobjective mindful oftheneedtoadapttactics given be could that time. believed missed, certainly revolutionary opportunities Trotsky a revolutionary tofailure thesurest movement buthe alsosawthat waytocondemn a seizure ofpower, andto closeoff other time to attempt wasto choosethewrong In short, thedifference between thetwomenon this ofaction. transitional avenues from rather oneofemphasis inmy anessential isnot, one,but view, deriving question who not be that it was Let it diverse their forgotten Trotsky taught experiences. and aboutthe of whathe knewaboutrevolutionary Gramsci tactics, something in the West as conditions struggle opposedto theEast. governing political general of Notebooks on in the the Asfor comments revolution, theory permanent Trotsky's theyears1923and 1924, in thefirst to indicate it is necessary place thatduring inwhat sense would usedthis Gramsci himself appeartobe a Trotskyist expression that it so He never useditconsistently orcoherently, onseveral occasions. however, not of did this that central issafetoconclude thought component Trotsky's political ofthings. Another tobe madehere isthis: toGramsci's vision becomeintegral point the "It to be seen whether famous that remains Gramsci in theNotebooks, says of isthepolitical reflection ofthemovement onthe ofBronstein permanence theory Gramscileaves the questionhanging, of a war of movement.....54 the theory thetwoideas thata linkbetween theprobability evenas he suggests unresolved, a degreeofuncertainty about forit indicates is nottrivial, The distinction exists. to what we said at and is which germane theory Trotsky's psychologically politically the the the shifts contradictoriness, outset ofthis the ambivalences, concerning essay on all inGramsci's wholeinteraction, that one finds in interpretation and changes

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

89

I wouldadd here also that,if Gramsci's observations on levels,withTrotsky. not been in a of revolution had Trotsky's theory permanent expressed hypothetical insaying then LivioMaitan would be right that Gramsci's of manner, interpretation is tantamount to a of this Here is the caricature." 55 "vulgar thought aspect Trotsky's himself summarized thethree main features ofhistheory: wayTrotsky
The theory of the permanent whichoriginated in 1905,....pointed out thatthedemorevolution, in our epoch, to thedictatorship of the cratictasksof thebackwardbourgeoisnationslead directly, of the proletariat and thatthe dictatorship puts socialisttaskson the orderof the day. proletariat view was that the road to the Therein lay the central idea of the theory.While the traditional led through a longperiodof democracy, of theproletariat the theory of thepermanent dictatorship thefactthatforbackwardcountries theroad to democracypassed through revolution established the of the proletariat. Thus democracy is not a regimethat remainsself-sufficient for dictatorship Thus thereis established betweenthe decades, butis onlya directpreludeto thesocialistrevolution. and thesocialistreconstruction ofsocietya permanent democraticrevolution stateof revolutionary development. The second aspect of the'permanent' has to do withthesocialistrevolution as such. For an theory all social relations indefinitely long timeand in constantinternal struggle, undergotransformation. itsskin.Each stageof transformation stemsdirectly from thepreceding. Societykeeps on changing This processnecessarily retainsa politicalcharacter, thatis, it develops through collisionsbetween variousgroupsin the societywhichis in transformation. Outbreaksof civil war and foreign wars in economy,technique,science, thefamily, withperiodsof 'peaceful'reform. Revolutions alternate lifedevelop in complexreciprocalaction and do not allow societyto achieve morals,and everyday Thereinlies the permanent characterof the socialistrevolution as such. equilibrium. The international characterof the socialistrevolution, the third whichconstitutes aspect of the ofthepermanent flows from thepresent stateofeconomyand thesocial structure revolution, theory ofhumanity. is no abstract buta theoretical Internationalism and politicalreflection ofthe principle of productive characterof worldeconomy,of theworlddevelopment forcesand theworldscale of the class struggle. The socialistrevolution beginson nationalfoundations-butit cannot be comThe maintenanceof the proletarian revolution within a national pleted withinthese foundations. can only be a provisional even though, framework state of affairs, as the experienceof the Soviet Union shows,one of longduration.In an isolatedproletarian theinternal and external dictatorship, contradictions isolated,theproletargrowinevitably alongwiththesuccesses achieved. Ifitremains fallvictim to thesecontradictions. ian statemustfinally The wayout foritlies onlyin thevictory of oftheadvanced countries. theproletariat Viewed from thisstandpoint, a nationalrevolution is nota chain. The international self-contained revolution whole; it is only a link in the international declines and ebbs.56 constitutes a permanent process,despitetemporary

of viewsbetween Whatthispassageseemsto indicate is thatthedivergence in and of how the Gramsci lies their national andtheinternaTrotsky understanding tional dimensions ofthesocialist with each other. revolution are to be interrelated Thisbrings usbacktoGramsci's that of his because opinion Trotsky, "cosmopolitanism" and "superficial" to bothnational and international relationship aspectsof the didnothavea firm socialist of national that hewas revolution, particularities, grasp in his vision too grandand sweeping to see theuniquefeatures of thenational too enamoured of his vastuniversal to fasten on to theveritai landscape, design of as each the of effettuale political against background struggle wagedby party forms modesofthought, institutional rooted as in customs, traditions, sometimes, the case of Italy,in centuries of historical experience.In effect, Trotsky's

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

90

Rosengarten

seemed andhistheory ofpermanent tooabstract, too internationalism, revolution, for In itwasnotentirely taste. this context, ideological Gramsci's by purely perhaps he on Trotsky's chancethatin thepassagecitedbyGramsci "cosmopolitanism," Itmay be that oftheir calledTrotsky Bronstein. oneoftheaspects byhisrealname, that them was and experience as revolutionaries tended to separate personalities "non-Jewish in hascalledanelement of what Isaac Deutscher Trotsky's Jewishness"57 I offer of life.In anyevent, thefollowing twopassages, theone by conception Gerratana theother Valentino Gramsci, byIsaac Deutscher concerning concerning ofpersonal andtheLeft notas a definitive statement inRussia, Trotsky Opposition ofdeparture butinstead as one among several opinion, points possible stimulating andTrotsky for further on therelationship between Gramsci andresearch thought as individuals, and between thecurrents ofMarxist that they represent: praxis on Gramsci: Gerratana
becomes a truly ForLabriola, as for thesametime andlater for Marxism Lenin around Gramsci, intheconsciousness ofa country andcanproduce ineachcountry allofitseffects force living only tied toa tradition and when thegeneral ofthe a particular national doctrine assume form, principles opentoan independent development.s8

on Trotsky: Deutscher
the Jews infact, theOpposition were there with were, although together conspicuous among they flower of thenon-Jewish and workers. Kamenev, Sokolinikov, Zinoviev, intelligentsia Trotsky, few theStalinists, andfewer were allJews. onthe other Jews hand, Radek, were, (There among very andRussified andhostile to the 'assimilated' still were, Bukharinists.) they Thoroughly though among is andtoZionism, were still marked that 'Jewishness' which the Mosaicas toany other they by religion and thequintessence of theurban restlessness, progressiveness, wayof lifein all itsmodernity, were false were hostile tothemushik To be sure, theallegations one-sidedness. that they politically ofJewish notin Bukharin's, insincere. ButtheBolsheviks mouth, and,in Stalin's though perhaps andtodrag Russia inherprimitivism andbarbarity were leastofall inclined toidealize rural origin on at a 'snail's ina sense the'rootless cart. were cosmopolitans' They along pace'thenative peasant ina inhisoldage.Notfor Stalin wastoturn them wastheidealofsocialism whom hiswrath openly linesof As a ruletheprogressive or revolutionary Jew, brought up on theborder single country. RosaLuxemburg orMarx, orFreud, various andnational whether Heine cultures, religions Spinoza inhismind andto andnational limitations or Trotsky, wasparticularly aptto transcend religious ofmankind.59 himself with a universal view identify

intheir andways differences Becauseoffundamental backgrounds, personalities andTrotsky ofdealing comrades andadversaries, Gramsci couldnotpossibly with how these itis remarkable issues. Yet despite see eyeto eyeon many differences, bothhad did sharein common. Bothmenwereabovepetty muchthey intrigues, and that sacrifice for for thetype ofcompromises principle expediency, contempt in Marx's contained on thelessonforrevolutionaries bothplacedgreat emphasis ifhistorical itisalso on Feurbach: Third Thesis circumstances beings, shapehuman
ifobjectiveeconomic systems and predomitruethathumanbeingscreate history;

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

91

nant modes ofproduction determine theconsciousness ofindividuals, onemust also remember that itisthrough thesubjective of these and modes systems apprehension inhistory. force that consciousness can inturn becomean activepropulsive wasnever a problem thecultural life ofsociety ForGramsci andTrotsky, merely of and Culture hadto oforganization, oftechnological methods efficiency, systems. oflivedexperience, oftrial and do with and valuesweretheachievement values, ofthought. andconflict between diverse trends andschools ofstruggle error, They ifculture wasto be authentic andoriginal, notpassively received believed that and between a it had to be nourished of interaction imitative, by process dynamic neither man ever creative andthe masses. Yetatthe sametime working personalities of as ofartinvulgarly utilitarian conceived from a view, terms, point manipulative to one of various instruments in thehandsof thestateto be used as an adjunct political propaganda. than to acceptand to livewith the wasmorewilling No doubtGramsci Trotsky in the Soviet leaders the fields of structures bureaucratized created by quickly and less to He was less economic and prone organization. visionary planning political to rhapsodic of lessgiven ofrevolutionary enthusiasm than bursts flights Trotsky, Revolution. of Literature and idealism suchas onefinds intheconcluding paragraph to and tactful in hisrelationship was shrewder, morecautious Gramsci Probably of work than who more attuned to the routine daily Trotsky, always power, party forhis of international craveda vastfieldof operation, dimension, preferably and exuberant energies capacities. Gramsci andTrotsky elaborated their ownideason As communist intellectuals, methods of to the their own Marxism new tasks and and culture and applying politics after the victorious the world socialist Bolshevik community facing perspectives to themselves, as highly faithful revolution. individuals, developed By remaining of collectivized economic andsociallife that were were able to envision forms they exist in all human notendsbutmeans for the latent creative that liberating powers outcome oftheir was men were as far as the immediate Both defeated, struggles beings. after concerned. Yet eachinhisownwaysetanexample, both before butespecially inthefaceofintense hispersonal ofendurance andofintellectual defeat, suffering, in lesser men. And the nameofeachis conditions that have would destroyed vitality in with a of Marxist to use Gramsci's term-that, associated praxistoday philosophy to the model that has somefundamental alternatives Stalinist domrespects, provides ofthecommunist world for closetosixdecades.This,I think, is inated sectors large another reason the between Gramsci and is not an Trotsky why relationship only iscurrently historical butonethat relevant toeveryone concerned intriguing problem with thecause andfuture direction ofworld socialism. istoday with the Thefact that Gramsci's name associated parliamenaccommodating and consensual of the Italian and Communist Parties, politics tary gradualism Spanish while that ofTrotsky is linked with themore ofthe astringent revolutionary politics
FourthInternational, oughtnot to obscure anotherfact: thatin some basic areas

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

92

Rosengarten

moments ofpolitical inthe ofsocialist andpractice, andat important crisis thought the cametosimilar conclusions. Weshould an 1920's and1930's, two men not seekfor allfacets between oftheir as Marxist reconciliation lives revolutionaries; impossible butneither should we prevent from ourselves of convergence, from seeing points which newlinesofthought andnewcourses ofaction might emerge. FOOTNOTES
1.Formany the ofthis both differences andthe similarities between and aspects essay concerning Trotsky I would e ilfascismo liketoexpress toLeonardo whose indebtedness Gramsci, (Bari: my Rapone, Trotskij is oneofthemost ofTrotsky's andobjective studies offascism Laterza, 1978), thorough interpretations PCI leadership. with various ofthe IV ofthis e andofhisrelationships members work, Chapter "Trotskij makes a strong theoriginality ofGramsci's towestern In his case for contribution Marxism. Gramsci," tra e Trotsky," diStoria "Suirapporti Rivista Gramsci October 1978, Contemporanea, essay pp.559-585, someofthesamematerial usedinthese aware ofBergami's Giancarlo covers Bergami pages.I became workafter uses theavailable documents and moreover, which, completing myanalysis, differently intherelationship andproblems different between Gramsci andTrotsky. aspects develops 3. PaulPiccone, Italian Marxism ofCalifornia Press, 1983), (Berkeley: University p. 197. 4. Thearticle "Nefascismo inL'Unita soviettismo!" onOctober andhas 7,1924, appeared n6liberalismo:
2. In Considerations on Western Marxism(London: New LeftBooks, 1976).

Einaudi, 1971), (Turin: pp.542-544. 5. James Antonio Gramsci Joll, Press, 1978), (NewYork:The Viking p. 19. 6. Chantal in Gramsci andMarxist Gramsci ed. byChantal "Introduction: Mouffe, Theory, Today," Mouffe & KeganPaul,1979), (London: p. 15. Routledge - aninterview 7. TheItalian EricHobsbawm with RoadtoSocialism ofthe Italian by Giorgio Napolitano HillandCompany, Communist Cammett Lawrence andVictoria trans, 1977), Party (Westport: byJohn DeGrazia, p. 27. to Eurocommunism, From Stalinism trans. NewLeft 8. Ernest Rothschild Mandel, (London: byJon Books,1978), p. 201. ofCalifornia Press, 1980), (Berkeley: p. 100. University L 'Ordine inScrittipolitici, 10.Antonio March ed.byPaolo Nuovo, 1,1924, Gramsci, reprinted "Capo," Riuniti, 1967), (Rome:Editori pp.540-543. Spriano 11.Antonio "Lasituazione interna delnostro edi compiti delprossimo Gramsci, partito congresso," speech Italian inOpere, readbyGramsci Central Committee onMay11-12, tothe ofthe vol. 1925, party reprinted iscited 12.Theletter Vita diAntonio Gramsci 6th Fiori, (Bari:Laterza, 1977, ed.),p. 193. byGiuseppe 13.Ezio Riboldi, Vicende introduction Tamburrano Azione socialiste, (Milan:Edizioni byGiuseppe Comune, 1964), p. 182. 14.See Antonio delcarcere, ed. byValentino vol.III (Turin: Einaudi, Gerratana, Gramsci, Quaderni In these inreferring toan interview with Stalin Gramsci, 1975), (calledGiuseppe pp. 1728-1730. pages, intheNotebooks) inSeptember on thequestion Bessarione 1927 of conducted journalists byAmerican ordiscontinuity andLenin, that thecontinuity between Marx affirmed hisconviction Stalin's "national" with theinternationalist aimsofthesocialist revolution. wasnotat all inconflict communism 15.See Adamson, op. cit., pp. 122-125. the at 16.Theletter, a copy ofwhich exists documents toAngelo Tascanow available among belonging inMilan, ofmuch the hasbeenthe Istituto Feltrinelli Tascapublished 1938, (InApril controversy. subject inFrance, inthereview Problemi dellaRivoluzione with therift theletter theaimofexposing Italiana, ofItaly ithasbeenpublished theCommunist andtheComintern.) Sincethemid-1960's, in between Party Berti andhasbeendiscussed an analyzed atlength andothers. several byFiori, anthologies, Spriano, My
del partitocomunista1923-1926 12,La costruzione (Turin: Einaudi, 1971),pp. 62-74. 9. WalterL. Adamson,Hegemonyand Revolution-Antonio Gramscis Politicaland CulturalTheory

in Antonio Gramsci, Opere, vol. 12, La costruzionedel partitocomunista1923-1926 been reprinted

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

93

source is vol. I of 2000 pagine di Antonio Gramsci-nel tempo della lotta 1914-1926, ed. by Giansiro Ferrata and Niccol6 Gallo (Milan: 11Saggiatore, 1964), pp. 820-828,which includes an explanatory historical notewritten The letter with thesubsequentletters ofearlyOctober 1926,together byTogliatti. ofOctober 18 from Gramscihave been published Togliattiand ofOctober26 from byGiuseppe BertiinI 1967); primidieci anni di vitadel PCI-documenti inediti Angelo Tasca (Milan: Feltrinelli, dell'Archivio in AntonioGramsci,Scrittipolitici. ed. byPaolo Spriano(Rome: EditoriRiuniti, 1973),pp. 232-242;and in AntionioGramsci,Opere, vol. 12. and theothertwoletters in translation ofOctober 18 and 26 are available in English 17. Gramsci'sletter AntonioGramsci,SelectionsfromPolitical Writings (1921-1926)withadditionaltextsby otherItalian communist Publishers and London: leaders,trans.and ed. by QuentinHoare (New York: International Lawrenceand Wishart, Gramsci'sletter of October 26 are 1978),pp. 426-440.The passages quoted from takenfromHoare's translation. 18. See Isaac Deutscher,The ProphetUnarmed- Trotsky: vol. II ofthetrilogy 1921-1929, (New York: VintageBooks, 1965),p. 296. - ricerche e documenti 19.GiovanniSomai,Gramsci a Vienna 1922-1924 (Urbino:Argalia,1979),p. 153. 20. The shortessay,whichis usuallyleftout of translations of Trotsky's work,has been publishedin various anthologies.My source is "Una letteradel compagno Gramsci sul futurismo italiano,"in Lev e rivoluzione, In ed. and trans. Strada(Turin:Einaudi,1974),pp. 141-143. Trockij,Letteratura byVittorio the originalRussian edition,a copy of whichis available at the Slavic Divisionof the New York Public and whichis dated Moscow, 1924,theessay appears in sectionIV on Futurism, dated September Library, 8, 1922,pp. 120-122. 21. Deutscher,op. cit., p. 185,n. 1. 22. AntonioGramsci,Quadernidel carcere,vol. IV, p. 2651, paragraph52, n. 2. 23. Massimo Salvadori, Gramsci e il problema storico della democrazia (Turin: Einaudi, 1970), pp. 293-294.Salvadoristresses thatGramsci,likeTrotsky, in moraland artistic understood thata revolution lifewas essentially different from revolution in the system of production that and in politicalstructures; there were aspects of spontaneity of emotion and personal vision in art and in and individuality, thatwerenotreducibleto simplistic materialist ofinterpretation. intellectual activity generally, categories At the same time,Gramsci,again like Trotsky, was vitally of culture concernedwiththe organization on theproblems involvedin providing a new soil in and after thesocialistrevolution. He reflected during whichcreativepersonalities their ideas and feelings to artistic fruition. Like Trotsky, could bring Gramsci combined keen sensitivity to aestheticvalues witha sociological and politicalinterest in the qualityof massculture.GerratananotesthatGramsciwas awareofTrotsky's inLiterature and Revolution, writings and withthevariousarticleshe wroteon moralsand moresin revolutionary Russia thatwerecollectedin thevolumeProblemsofDaily Life.See Quadernidel carcere,vol. I, p. 489,forGramsci'sobservations on sense of the interdependence of politicaland literary Trotsky's phenomena. 24. EnricoBogliolo,"Societa civilee prassinellenotegramsciane sulla letteratura," Annalidella Facoltai di Scienze Politiche(Universita di Cagliari: Cagliari,1977),pp. 20-21. 25. Deutscher,op. cit., p. xii. 26. See UmbertoTerracini,"Cose li ho conosciuti-ricordi dei 'cinque' dell'Internazionale:Lenin, Rinascita,October 27, 1967,pp. 18-20. Zinoviev,Radek, Bukharin," Trotsky, 27. Camilla Ravera, Diario di trent'anni, (Rome: EditoriRiuniti,1973),p. 129. 1913-1943 28. Leon Trotsky, What Next?VitalQuestions trans. Vanzler(New fortheGermanProletariat, byJoseph York City:Pioneer Publishers, 1932),p. 86. 29. Ravera,Diario di trent anni, p. 129. 30. The "third internationist" with theCommunist ofItalyin fused Party wingoftheItalianSocialistParty twolongyearsoftortuous ofbothparties, Gramsci. vacillations August1924,after bymembers including 31. Giuseppe Berti,Iprimi dieci anni di vitadel PCI, pp. 36-38. 32. The minutes of thismeeting can be foundin "La questioneitalianaal IV Congresso,"in Lo Stato Operaio (Milanese edition),March 13, 1924,p. 3. 33. The Communist Documentsedited and selected by JaneDegras, vol. I, International, 1919-1943, 1919-1922 (New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 1956),p. 455. 34. Gramsci'sacceptance of the unitedfront betweencommunists and otherpartiesand movements of the working assimilation of the Comintern's directives class, and his thorough segments representing withregardto reachingout to the masses withthe slogan "a government of workersand peasants,"is

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

94

Rosengarten

especiallyevidentin the letterof September12, in whichhe spoke of the forthcoming newspaperas a theproceedings and discussions of our party as well as ofanarchists, vehiclefor"publishing republicans, on whichcommunists and serratiani ofGiacintoMenotti and syndicalists," and as an enterprise (followers in "Letteraineditaper la fondazione de I'Unit, " Serrati)could collaborate.See thefulltextof thisletter RivistaStorica del Socialismo,January-April 1963,pp. 115-116. ofMarch 1923to various members oftheCentral oftheCommunist 35. See Gramsci'sletters Committee e documenti, ofItaly,inSomai, Gramscia Vienna- ricerche from Gramsciand Party especiallytheletter oftheParty sentfrom Moscow on March29, 1923,pp. 96-100. EgidioGennarito theExecutiveCommittee 36. Leon Trotsky, TheFirst Five YearsoftheCommunist vol. II (New York: Monad Press, International, 1972,2nd ed.; second printing 1977),p. 327. 37. Quadernidel carcere,vol. III, p. 1616. 38. Leon Trotsky, The FirstFive Years of the Communist vol. II, pp. 220-222. International, 39. In theOpen Letter ofDecember8, 1923,one ofthefirst thecommunist salvosinhiscampaign against itshistorical mission ifitbecame broken could notfulfill bureaucracy, Trotsky party agreedthattheparty Buthe pointedoutthattheonlywayto prevent theemergence offractions was up intofraction groupings. to "develop, confirm, the new policy towardsworkers'democracy."Suppressionand and strengthen and differences In lateryears,however, dissent ofopinioncould onlyhave a polarizing effect. was Trotsky ofallowing to form, ifnecessary, as theonlyalternative to admitthenecessity fractions and corrective to an enforceduniformity deadly to socialistdemocracy. 40. This important letter has been analyzedin detailand withadmirable subtlety bySimonetta Ortaggi, "Gramsci e Trotsij. La letteradel 9 febbraio1924,"Rivistadi Storia Contemporanea,1974,N. 4, pp. 478-503. I agree with Ortaggi'sinterpretation of the letterin that she, unlike some other scholars betweenGramsci and (Salvatore Sechi, Giansiro Ferrataetc.) who have looked into the relationship does notlimit to Trotsky to a vague"sympathy" withhisprotest Gramsci'sindebtedness Trotsky, against thebureaucratization oftheparty butextendsitto includebroaderissuesofbotha politicaland a cultural character. 41. The textof the letter I have used appears in 2000 pagine di AntonioGramsci,vol. I, pp. 665-677. 42. VictorSerge, Memoirsof a Revolutionary trans.and ed. by PeterSedgwick(London: 1901-1941, OxfordUniversity Press,1963),pp. 186-187. 43. For an analysisof the impacton the worldcommunist movement of thedefeatsof 1923,see Aldo del 1923(gennaio-november "Le sconfitte documentaria, 1923),"inLa TerzaInternazionale-storia Agosti, vol. I, part2, (Rome: EditoriRiuniti,1974),pp. 673-697. 44. Leon Trotsky, TheFirst Five YearsoftheCommunist vol. II, p. 353.The passage cited International, hereis thelastparagraph inPravdaon September entitled "Is itpossibleto ofan articlepublished 23, 1923, fixa definite or a Revolution?" schedule fora Counter-revolution 45. The articlehas been reprinted in AntonioGramsci,Per la verita 1974),pp. (Rome: EditoriRiuniti, 307-309. 46. "Meeting oftheEnlarged oftheCommunist Executive International session," International-opening Press Correspondence, vol. 5, N. 26, April4, 1925,p. 350. 47. Berti,op. cit.,pp. 218-219. Comunista e la situazione Comunista d'Italia: il 48. "La bolscevizzazionedell'Internazionale del Partito June28, 1925,pp. 3-4. doscorso del compagno Scoccimarroall' EsecutivoAllargato," L'Unitai, 49. "La relazione di Gramsci sul III Congresso (Lione) del Partitocomunistad'Italia," in Antonio Gramsci,La questione meridionale,ed. by Franco De Felice and Valentino Parlato (Rome: Editori Riuniti,1974,3rd ed. 4threprint), pp. 105-130. and wayofdealingwith and with 50. On thisaspectofGramsci'spersonality opponentsinhisownparty see the testimony of manypersonswho friends and colleagues belonging to otherpoliticalformations, deisuoi contemporanei, ed. knewhimand workedcloselywithhim,in Gramscivivonelle testimonianze 1977). by MimmaPaulescu Quercioli,withprefaceby Giuseppe Fiori(Milan: Feltrinelli, Alfonso members oftheFourth 51. Notably International, and,amongrecent Leonetti, amonglong-time e il comunismo scholarsand historians, SilverioCorvisieri and RobertoMassari in thevolumes Trotsky e Gramsci(Rome: italiano (Rome: Samona e Savelli, 1969) and All opposizione nel PCI con Trotsky 1977).Gramsci'sbiographer, Coop. EdizioniControcorrente, GiuseppeFiori,has statedon morethanone have been he would probably occasion thatifGramscihad statedhis viewsin the early 1930'spublicly, the party;whichdoes not mean,of course,thatGramsciwas a Trotskyist. expelled from The references to Gramsciand Trotsky 52. Scucchia'srecollections pp. 215-226. appearin Gramscivivo,

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

The Gramsci-Trotsky Question

95

are on p. 225. 53. Quadernidel carcere,vol. II, pp. 865-866. 54. Ibid, p. 865. attidel convegnoa Roma 11-13 55. In Studigramsciani, 1969),pp. gennaio1958(Rome: EditoriRiuniti, 56. Leon Trotsky,The PermanentRevolution and Results and Prospects (New York City: Merit in the latterpartof 1930. The passage was written Publishers, 1969),pp. 132-133. to Deutscher'sThe Non-Jewish Jewand otherEssays,ed. withintroduction 57. Here I am referring by Tamara Deutscher(New York City:Hill and Wang, 1968). 58. ValentinoGerratana,"L'opera di Gramscinella culturaitaliana,"Rinascita,November-December

579-584.

1954, p. 750.

59. Deutscher,The ProphetUnarmed, pp. 258-259.

This content downloaded from 149.171.67.164 on Mon, 27 Jan 2014 00:41:57 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions