You are on page 1of 27

Mapping Relationships: Allegory, Gender and the Cartographical Image in Eighteenth-Century France and England Author(s): Franz Reitinger

Source: Imago Mundi, Vol. 51 (1999), pp. 106-130 Published by: Imago Mundi, Ltd. Stable URL: Accessed: 22/03/2010 07:01
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact

Imago Mundi, Ltd. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Imago Mundi.

Mapping Relationships: Allegory, Gender and the Cartographical Image in Eighteenth-Century France and England

ABSTRACT:Among the allegorical maps of early modern times, those relating to romantic attachments, sexual relationships and marriage have long excited curiosity among students of literature and the history of cartography. These maps describe states of married and non-married life, irrespective of social acceptability, and chart the course for the prospective matrimonial traveller. Profoundly allegorical, closely tied to contemporary social and literary trends, and full of word play, the maps are not always easy to understand. The aim in this paper is to provide a comprehensive overview of the genre of 'sentimental' allegorical maps and an analysis of the literary and political situations which gave rise to them. Their key role in gender issues and in the promotion of new ideals of femininity in France and England from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century is examined. KEYWORDS:Map, allegory, iconography, popular prints, moral world, love, marriage, pornography, France 1650-1700, England 1700-1800.

Allegorical mapping can be traced back to the second half of the sixteenth century, when the increase of space and of extensive areas of knowledge and the rising rivalry of states and nationalities led to the emergence of early modern geopolitics and the world's division into spheres of interest and power blocs, prompting the search for political and ideological alliances. In this situation modern cartography and its projective techniques allowed an increasingly fragmentary world to be perceived as a commonplace of probation in order to gain ground in the struggle for knowledge, wealth and success. From the early seventeenth century onwards, every conceivable aspect of modern life has been charted in moral terms, providing models and perspectives for planning a lifestyle by either anticipation or through retrospective evaluation.

The heyday of allegorical mapping lasted some three hundred years, up to about 1850. The genre disappeared at a moment in history when science and art became increasingly segregated and when modern aesthetics started to draw a line between time-related text and space-related images.' As a result, allegorical maps have tended to be regarded by modern art and map historians as little more than oddities or simple curiosities.2 Certainly, allegorical maps portrayed worlds and regions of the mind, rather than the geography of the physical world, and expressed complex relationships, but they were not mere reflections of contemporary views. They conveyed mental states and were used as exemplary tools in the articulation of new attitudes, exposing controversial states of social awareness. The allegorical maps discussed in this paper are evidence of some of the fundamental


Dr Franz Reitinger, Linzergasse 8, A-5020 Salzburg, Austria. Tel: (43) (0) 662 884441. E-mail: ? Imago Mundi. Vol. 51, 1999, 106-130.

changes in the history of mentalities in early modern Europe. Cartographical allegory functioned according to the simple principle of replacing a map's toponyms with commonplaces of practical reasoning. On one hand, it reduced figurative action to the level of abstract relationship, where personal qualities continued to exist as pure notions. On the other hand, it encouraged thinking in relative terms by visualizing moral, social and political values that went beyond an individual's horizon of perception. Like every other survey in graphic form, an allegorical map expounded complex relations through the synoptic view. It provided orientation within a system of values and directed preliminary choice between conflicting rights. The focus of this paper is on a small but representative section of map allegories which share a common interest in mapping relationships. In seventeenth-century France after the hardships and civil unrest of the Fronde, the mapping of relationships became the main concern of a geographiegalante in which the formal language of geography was transferred into the mundane world and used as a means of expression to gain social prestige. The rise of this kind of geographiegalante was closely related to a literary trend promoted in the leading salons in Paris, a trend labelled by contemporaries with the adjective precieux.At first, the proponents of this literary style presented themselves as a kind of alternative society, issuing outspoken and detailed programmes in which one can recognize an early prototype of the manifestos of the avant-garde. In time, though, they allowed themselves to bend to the demands of king and court. Their elegant turn of phrase, born of an eagerness to please, assumed the character of a literary fashion associated with an environment of finery and gallant accessories. Within the circles of the Preciosite,notions of friendship and love were much discussed, and liberalization of the relationship between the sexes was advocated. The movement's own cultivated image and the imputations it engendered, however, covered a wide field of social behaviour extending between libertinism and bigotry. In the seventeenth century, map allegory in its foremost examples came to be fully accepted by the French aristocracy, the royal circle included. By the end of the century, though, the popularity of map allegory in France was losing momentum, as discussions about love and friendship gave way to

discussions about the pros and cons of matrimony and overt sexuality. In England, where the continental influences were beginning to be taken up and where opinions were divided between a markedly libertine wing and a church-dominated moderate wing, both sides made increasing use of cartography to promote their respective values. The Marriage Act of 1753, which restricted marriage to a single legally binding form, and the Divorce Act of 1857 provided the political framework for the debates they promoted. The passing of the acts are measures of the social impact the two issues had in England and helps explain why, in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, so many 'matrimonial maps' were produced. For the English middle class, in particular, the map had become a parable for an intended lifestyle, as a response to the increasing expectation that individual happiness could be guaranteed by marriage. Scudery's Papers: A Historical Myth? Throughout his lifetime, the confirmed bachelor Honore de Balzac (1799-1850) was inspired by the theme of marriage. One of his last books on this inexhaustible subject was the Petitesmiseresde la vie conjugale(1845/46), in which he described the trials and tribulations of everyday married life. It was illustrated by a young artist working under the pseudonym of Bertall (1820-1883). Among the few notable drawings here is the full-page Plan de la lune de miel (Map of the Honeymoon) that certainly can be seen as one of the most curious productions in the history of selenography (Fig. 1). The way the map relates to the text is fairly coincidental, since in the book there is only a passing reference to a honeymoon.3 Bertall may have been inspired to produce his map by Balzac's principal work, the Physiologie du mariage, in which the seventh meditation is devoted to his subject.4 Bertall located the honeymoon on the moon, where each place-name plays on the meanings of words. Even though the planet Earth has already begun to cast a threatening shadow over the present, the Montagnesd'amour propre (Mountains of Self-Love) and L'amer (Sea of Bitterness) on opposite sides of the sphere seem peripheral to the progress of the honeymoon. On the lower side, a blank area called Partie inexfloreeassociates discovery with defloration. Within a network of Chateau en Espagne (Castles in the Air), the centrally located capital city, Capitale,controls everything.5 Situated halfway between Satisfactions (Gratifications) and 107


Fig. 1. Plan de la lune de miel. (Retrouve dans les cartons de feu Mile. de Scudery). Wood engraving by Bertall, from Honor de Balzac, Petitesmiseresde la vie conjugale(Paris, Louis Chlendowski, 1845/46). (Courtesy of Franz Reitinger, Salzburg.)

Eblouissement(Dazzlement), the metropolitan zone is flanked on two adjacent sides by large woods and forests, the Bois de lit and the Foret des decouvertes, intimating promising discoveries. The former reminds us of Balzac's concluding statement that 'Le lit est tout le mariage' (the bed is the whole of marriage).6 In keeping with Balzac's remark in his Physiologiedu mariage, the capital city is rendered as a four-poster bed with a canopy, providing a focal scene which breaks up the cartographical system. Thus, the map sets the stage for an explicit communication of the fundamental facts of marital life. The irony in Bertall's map is made clear in the sentence below the title, which states that the map was discovered amongst the late Mademoiselle de Scudery's papers. The name Scudery (1607-1701) attracts attention. The fame of the author who wrote voluminous novels in the age of Racine and Moliere rested largely on her 'Carte de Tendre', conceived as a social game7 during the winter of 1653-1654 and later incorporated into the first volume of her coded romance Clelie.8 In her map (Plate 12), Scudery set out a diagrammatic scheme of natural passions moderated by social virtues in which the traditional imagery of wayfaring is expanded by a set of rivers giving expression to an ethos of fluidity and emotional drifting. The nineteenth century saw a renaissance of gallant cartography in France when, in about 1850, the 'era of preciosite', a prelude to the classical age of French literature, was rediscovered.9 Bertall may have linked his genuine invention to Scudery when he saw the article on 'Les Cartes allegoriques' and 'Le Pays de Tendre' in the widely read Magasin Pittoresque,published in 1845.10 Other than that, there is no obvious point of contact between the artist Bertall and the mid-seventeenth-century advocate of male-female friendship based on tender fondness, and one wonders how Bertall came to be attracted by the sardonic idea of hoaxing the reader into believing his 'Map of the Honeymoon' to be Scudery's invention. Early Examples of Maps Scudery's 'Carte de Tendre' is undoubtedly the most successful example of an allegorical map ever printed, and it is largely due to it that map allegory was appreciated even among the highest ranks of seventeenth-century society. There may have been several reasons for the map's success. The 'Carte de

Tendre' might have owed its reputation to the author's position as Cardinal Mazerin's protegee and to her good standing among the high nobility and at court; or to the way she connected the map with the fashion for the novel, which meant it gained special recognition in the literary world. The map's success may also be accounted for-as we shall see-by its controversial subject matter. And finally, its success must have owed much to the remarkably clear layout created by the artist and intellectual Francois Chauveau. Scudery's success created the myth which credited her for having invented a new genre of literary-allegorical cartography with her sentimental map. Despite such claims put forward by France's nineteenth-century historiographers, though, we can point to earlier cartographical representations bearing on the theme of love and marriage.11 Francesco Colonna's HypnerotomachiaPoliphili (The Strife of Love in a Dream), published in Venice in 1499, was the most lavishly illustrated book printed until then in Italy.12 Colonna's work was translated into French in 1561 and again in 1600 and was read well into the seventeenth century. One of its marvellous woodcut illustrations is a plan of the island of 'Cithera' (Kythera). Colonna's plan depicts the destination of the lovers (Fig. 2). The island is subdivided into sectors of equal size, intersected by rows of colonnades and hedges. Twenty paths-laid out according to Renaissance principles of perspective and with their measure-

Fig. 2. Woodcut map of the Isola di Citherafrom Francesco Colonna, Hypnerotomachia Poliphili (The Strife of Love in a Dream) (Venice, 1499), book 1, chap. 21. Artist unknown. (Courtesy of Franz Reitinger, Salzburg.)


* -I




PE &

LA E I)-\ IO(')A<"?W (S IS A'I"\:.. ME!! DES C(IEV X


h 4

;4 $'ts* I, ft ,

,if,sh '



:.~//.i v

C. IV^Am ; C1EVX,

a a a a a
S a A



' LMi
.4 t1


/I 4,U

I tV


et selon Fig. 3. La Cartedu Royaumedes Cieuxavec le cheminpoury aller, suivant le raportveritablede celuyqui en est venu, et quiy est retournie, les revelationsqui en ont estefaictes a ceux qui y ont este apres luy. This is one of the earliest allegorical prints to which the term map was applied. It depicts marriage in the context of personal salvation and was engraved, from a sketch by Stefano della Bella, by Nicholas Cochin and published in Paris in 1646 by Pierre Mariette. (Courtesy of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France.)


ments given in the text-converge on an inner circle. Here, at the centre and concealed by a sacred structure, the fountain of Venus is located. The entire design sets the context for a ritualized wedding, the ceremonial crux of which is the moment when the veil in the Venus templeidentified as 'Hymen'-is rent, signifying the defloration of the bride. One of the earliest allegorical representations to which the term map was applied is a two-sheet engraving, La Carte du Royaume des Cieux avec le chemin pour y aller ... (Map of the Kingdom of Heaven, with the way thereunto), dated 1646 and based on a sketch by Stefano della Bella (16101664), an Italian artist who had settled in Paris as a protege of Cardinal Richelieu (Fig. 3).13 The map depicts marriage in the context of personal salvation. The realms of earth and sky are distinct and separate. In the Kingdom of Heaven, the encircling angelic choirs are ranked in a strict hierarchy. On earth below, a number of paths converge, fan-like, on the gate to eternal life. The different paths represent not so much personal choice as social groupings, so that the married, the single, and the widowed in their respective status stand on the same footing as poor and rich, clerical and secular, monk and priest as they all move collectively towards redemption. In both maps, the largely restrictive structures of collective ritual and social estate, with their predefined temporal order and direction, allocated people to their specific social place. In neither case were individuals allowed any options in their movements. Only when attention turned to the space between places could relationship become the central theme. The Nature of the Allegorical Map The debate between Scud6ry and her colleague Francois Hedelin d'Aubignac (1604-1673) in the 1650s as to whose map had been launched first, and Charles Sorel's subsequent attempts to ascribe the invention of the new genre of allegorical mapping to Scudery, reflect the map's import as a Mannerist literary conceit, at a time when it was still considered to be novel. Until well into the seventeenth century, we should recall, fiction met with a general suspicion which had its roots in medieval theology. Fiction, the argument had run, spread only lures and lies, but authors of travel fiction and utopian novels gave the reproach an unexpected twist. To limit criticism, they laid stress

on the fact that one should not search for the places described, since these are not to be found on any topographical map. Defensive arguments such as these allowed the modern Utopia to become a sweeping success, but they did not satisfy a new generation of refined writers, who were trying to gain authority in all questions of modem life and were pressing for renown. They used map allegory to turn the conventional proof of fiction upside down. Like Pierre Le Moyne in 1643, they pointed out that the legitimacy of allegorical mapping derives not from the geographer's map but from the map created by poets and philosophers.14 It is worth dwelling on the historical background of such claims. In early modern times, geography rose to become a fundamental discipline in the practical sciences. The spirit of worldwide exploration had initiated a new paradigm in cartography, which, thanks to the enormous cultural significance that the map had acquired, was to become the model in many spheres of life.15 The graphic formula of cartography lent itself to be used in attempts at extensive overview and control, and the map became the modus scribendi for phenomena that were otherwise not readily comprehensible. Thus, in referring to cartography, Le Moyne was indicating his intention of substantiating moral statements in the literary field by presenting poetical truth as fact. The mindscapes created by poets and philosophers in the seventeenth century could not necessarily be classed with geographical maps, since they did not apply to the physical world but to another reality no less genuine which was only indirectly visible. Mindscapes established a secondary order of cartography which was being combined with a hope of far-reaching orientation in the moral world. Like spatial objects in the physical world, the non-material elements of the moral world were expected to be appropriately positioned and functionally related to each other. Not in themselves quantifiable, these elements could be represented in modogeometrico,that is methodically in a way that conformed to the shape of a map. As a two-dimensional image of formalized spatial relations, this map functioned like any geographical map. They both not only employed the same sign language but also presented the same aesthetic appearance, since in many cases they emerged from the same print shops.16 Le Moyne merely had to draw conclusions from the division of knowledge into natural and human 111

sciences, which was emerging at the time and was about to be justified ideologically by the dualist philosophy of Descartes and others. The semantic relationships of the geographer's topographical map and the writer's moral map, however, were far more complex than might appear at first sight. In both geographical and literary cartography, the Christian-humanistic conception of the worldconveyed in the typology of places and in their symbolism-continued to play an important role until well into the eighteenth century. As then understood, the world implied the object of God's creation, the place of man's probation and the sign of transitory life. Rendered as an emblem in the image of the globe, it was subject to criticism for a mundane or secularized lifestyle. Along with this moralizing exposition of the world, allegory remained a dominant strain in writing and publishing. By the mid-seventeenth century, the transformation of personifying allegory resulted in an independent allegory of place, which came to summarize an inherited repertoire of topographical metaphors.17 In this situation, the map lent itself to providing an 'organless body' for their integration on a large scale.18 Attached to this process of abstract self-organization was the growing realization, that in the wake of geography, the human sciences, and with them poetical truth, were becoming increasingly depersonalized. Moral Standards In the argument between Scudery and d'Aubignac, the question of who was responsible for the alleged 'invention' of map allegory was only marginal. Underlying the literary debate was the issue of a new moral standard, for which the cartographical projection was to prove highly effective, while itself remaining largely indifferent to the messages it conveyed. In fact, only a superficial viewing could lead to the belief that Scudery's 'Carte de Tendre' showed no reference to the theme of marriage. In her novel, Clelie,she gave an account of women's emancipation from the servitude of matrimony, referring to the fate of the Roman heroine Clelia held hostage by the Etruscan king Porsenna. Scudery's underlying intention was to justify her own status as an unmarried woman, who has been remembered in history by the way she was addressed: 'Mademoiselle'. Our modern view of friendship is primarily much bourgeois as shaped by the notion-as revolutionary-of 'fraternity', and by the quasi-


religious claim of romantic male bonding. In contrast, Scudery's conception of gallant friendship, expressed in her map, was an early attempt to enable a single woman to ally herself with influential men from the cultural elite without implying a liaison that would damage her reputation.19 The 'Carte de Tendre' functioned by defining places of encounter in order to exert control over them. Traditional forms of courting, with their specific system of rewards, still served as an appropriate model for personal advancement, and the map provided less an open space for new associations than a reassuring background for a network of already established semi-professional relationships. Even in Scudery's map the vital element of sexual relationship remained. As long as this was neither legitimized through matrimony nor tacitly tolerated in pre- or extra-marital arrangements, its implications were unpredictable and denoted uncharted territory, both socially and politically. In fact, the title of a contemporary text, Le mariage de l'amitie et de l'amour (1656), succinctly embodied what became a major concern of the age. No matter how the problem was approached, efforts at harmonizing friendship and marriage only led back to connections which consolidated further prospects for a marriage or which had repercussions on an already existing one. Hence, Charles Sorel (1602-1674) in his Discours pour et contre l'amitie tendre hors le mariage, compiled in 1663, had good reasons for proceeding on the assumption that Scudery's notion of friendship outside marriage was subject to question.20 Scudery's 'Carte de Tendre' soon became the target of contemporary polemics, where criticism came from different quarters. Some opponents de cortein followed the tradition of the menosprecio criticizing court life. For example, in the Nouvelle histoire du temps (1654), the Abbe d'Aubignac's description of a royal household of 'Amour coquet' was his way of revealing the coquetry he saw as inherent in the new ideal of femininity.2 As illustrated with a detail from the Cartedu Royaume de Coquetterie (Figs. 4 and 5), coquetry implies that the young chick's frivolous behaviour ultimately leads it to get laid by the cuckolds (les coqs)at court. Other critics ridiculed the new precieuses on opposite grounds. They accused the new femininity of prudishness which, however overt, never went as far as a lesbian 'no man's land'.

couchant, ou l'amant heureux, contenant la decouverte de terres inconnues qui sont au-dela des trois villes du Tendre(1660), extended Scudery's account by going beyond 'Friendship' in order to reach Jouissance

Fig. 4. Detail from Carte du Royaume de Coquetterie(artist unknown) warning of the consequences of frivolous Hedelin from behaviour. Francois Copperplate d'Aubignac, Nouvelle histoire du temps ou relation veritable du Royaumede la Coqueterie (Paris, Charles de Sercy, 1654). (Courtesy of the British Library, London.)

Criticism began precisely where the territory of Tendre ended, namely with unknown lands, the map's 'Terres inconnues'. The sexual dimension of relationships, which Balzac later reduced to inevitability, constituted, according to his reductionist view, the core of any marriage. The displacement of this dimension on the 'Carte de Tendre', to be hidden in the map's Unknown Territory, prompted a number of responses. One of the most forthright came from Antoine Baudeau de Somaize (1630-?) who, in his Le voyage fortune dans les Indes du

Even those cartographers who succeeded Scudery and were in sympathy with her were unwilling to be satisfied with platonic concepts of friendship. On the Carte du chemin d'amour (1684),23 by an unknown female author, the step-by-step strategy of Scudery's map has been replaced by a goal that is no longer within the lovers' sight but beyond the horizon of their desire, thus seeming to be peripheral (Fig. 6). In playful fashion, the map's symbolic space is taken up with large-scale changes in direction bringing continuity even in increasingly contingent situations. The traveller's activities take place against a backdrop of essential needs manifested by the climatic conditions: after traversing an extensive, empty, dry area (TerresDesertes),the Chemin d'amour leads across the Tropique d'Este into increasingly hot lands. Once past Confiance,however, the traveller can put to sea in search of refreshment and move on, island by island, to gain access to the wetlands of love. Traditionally, rivers have been regarded in the moral context as pernicious features. While Scu-

de Coquetterie du Royaume (1654, see Fig. 4). (Courtesyof the BritishLibrary, London.) Fig. 5. The Carte


Fig. 6. In the Cartedu chemin d'amour, the concern is with social circumstances, issues of social recognition and standing. are met can friendship (artistunknown) fromLe Mercure developinto reallove. Copperplate Onlywhere these prerequisites galant 100 (Paris,ClaudeBlageart,ThomasAmaulry,1684), 43f. (Courtesyof BibliothequeNationalede France,Paris.)

dery accorded the river in her map a more positive connotation, the wide stretches of water which fringed her land of Tendre remained loaded with massive fear. Even in the heyday of Preiosite, however, the notion of a land of Tendre was gradually being displaced, and it began to assume the topographical features of an inland sea. What maps like the Carte generalle de l'empire d'amour (c.1662) delicately registered in passing is brought into focus by the author of the Carte du chemin d'amour.24 She pinpoints the desired place in the Mer de Tendresse(Sea of Tenderness) and fixes its position by marking the equinoctial line which bisects the island Amour in much the same way that, later on, Bertall's capital city would be placed at the centre of the Moon. The relationship depicted on the map is thus given a nocturnal side. Maps of Marriage Sorel was the first to approach the theme of marriage in cartographical terms and to position marriage between noble friendship and plain lust. In one of the many letters he wrote to various


ladies of high rank from the 1640s onwards is the literary sketch of a Cartedu mariage.25Sorel used the letter to pretend to give his younger colleague, Francois Payot de Lignieres (1628-1704), confidential advice in order to motivate him to get married. In all probability, though, the map was intended as a rejoinder to Lignieres's Dialogue en forme de satire ... sur le fait du mariage. In shifting back and forth between the literary circle of the Prdciosite and the group of libertine writers around Cyrano de Bergerac (1619-1655), Lignieres was acquiring a reputation as a 'poete maudit'.26 Working on two fronts, Sorel simultaneously repudiates the libertines' aspirations to more open and generally less binding forms of sexuality and expands the topography of gallant friendship by providing a new prospect, that of conjugal attachment. While Sorel's suitor seems content with bathing in the river Volupte, the lady he is wooing insists on moving on to the City of Marriage. Preferring marriage to just an affair, she cannot get past places such as Promesse de bouche (Oral Promise), Promesse par escrit (Written Promise),

de l'islede mariage, in which the frontispiece was engravedby JoannesLamsvelt,Cupiduses a map to Fig. 7. For the Carte From Eustachele Noble, Suitedes give lessons on love to court society. The island of marriageis shown as a fortification. GerritKuyper, 1705). (Courtesyof the BritishLibrary, promenades (Amsterdam, London.)

de parents (Family Conference), Contract,Conference Proposition d'articles (Banns of Marriage). Once parental authority is secured, however, through the official channels of premarital settlement, marriage can be reorientated towards the attractive ethics of relationship as propagated by Scudery. With the intention of preparing the partners for their future lifelong bond, Sorel sends them to the university of Parfaite Amitie (Perfect Friendship). Here they not only learn to perceive in friendship a concern for themselves, but also come to value it as a major precondition for public life and a basic virtue in any civilized society. Friendship, as conceived by Sorel, thus fitted the theme of

contemporary political theories and social teachings, which accorded the origin of state and society to man's natural sympathy and social abilities. It is no coincidence that marriage as an institution came increasingly under attack at the point when the art of literary criticism was being established.27 The emergence of criticism and its effects on the issue of marriage can be illustrated by the career of Eustache Le Noble (1643-1711). Le Noble reached a wide readership through his periodically published dialogues. As one of the earliest professional journalists, and as a lampoonist in Louis XIV's service, he was on good terms with Charles Riviere-Dufresny (1648-1724) who, as the


king's protege, later likewise turned to journalism.28 Both men shared a negative attitude towards gallantry, which they considered obsolete. RiviereDufresny described marriage as a country in his Petit voyagedans le grand monde, ou amusemen[t]sserieuxet comiques, published in Paris in the last year of seventeenth century. Anticipating the literary principle of alienation (generally associated with Montesquieu's 'Lettres persanes'), Riviere-Dufresny used a fictive form-an ambassador's report-to present the familiar through the eyes of a foreigner.29 This allowed him to approach the theme of marriage critically and satirically from a distance, attributing its unattractiveness to the boredom it supposedly generated.30 Riviere-Dufresny was said to have stripped his first wife of her wealth before he divorced her. Likewise, Le Noble's last productive period was no less overshadowed by scandals and jail sentences. From 1699 onwards, a series of his novels appeared under the title Promenades,one of which was called Carte de l'isle de marriage (1705), to which the author applied the telling motto 'Jamais maris, toujours amans' ('Husband never, lover forever').31 The frontispiece shows Cupid with a map giving lessons in matters of love to the court society at Versailles (Fig. 7). A closer look at this map reveals that the island of marriage is depicted as a starshaped fortification. Fortification The trope of love as a fortified destination, not necessarily confined to male desire, reaches back to medieval literature and visual arts, where the assault of love on a castle was recognized as a version of ars amatoria.32 In the late seventeenth century, precieux authors and their opponents were fully aware of the allegorical battle epic and its origins, as shown by the remarks in literary critiques by d'Aubignac, among others. Sorel had been the first to update the medieval topos. His Relation du siege de beaute (Paris, 1644), was supposedly aimed at young army officers who, on returning home from Germany or Poitou, couched their declarations of love in military terms.33 Some thirty years later, in similar vein, Francois-Savinien d'Alquie wrote a guide to this kind of military measure and counter-measure. D'Alquie's two voluminous tomes were exhaustive: La science et l'ecole des amants, ou nouvelles decouvertes des moyens de en amour infaillibles triompher (Amsterdam, 1677), and La defense du coeur contre les attaques de

l'amour (Amsterdam, 1681). One can imagine that efforts to comply with these rules led to a general, mutual rearmament in relationships between the sexes. At a time when maps had become an important means of war correspondence, cartography seized on the heroic theme. Hans Jacob Schollenberger, a Franconian artist working for French clients, describes the siege of a fortress of the heart within which Inclination was entrenched (Fig. 8).34 Schollenberger's plan presents a courtly model of organized impulse and conditioned behaviour, by which desire was to be sublimated through a sophisticated technique of communication, the outstanding features of which were symmetry and precision. The rationalization of courtship as conveyed by Schollenberger's map, and others like it, became a recognized form and a universal method, whose principles could be learned and, for the civilized and sufficiently educated, successfully applied. Once established, though, gallantry through conquest came to undermine the precept of conjugal faithfulness, the very core of matrimony.


Fig. 8. Hans Jacob Schollenberger's L'Art d'assiegerun coeur (Nuremberg, before 1689), shows a besieged fortress of the heart, within which Inclination is entrenched. (Courtesy of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France.)

A Paradise for Adulterers It is unclear whether the original French text of Le Noble's satire on marriage was ever illustrated by a map engraving, but it was certainly his work which inspired the Cartede l'isle du mariage. There are two versions of this map, a simple bourgeois version and an elaborate aristocratic rendering. The latter is presented within a sumptuously decorated frame and captures the atmosphere of the fashionable Parisian 'Promenades', which Le Noble had chosen as the setting for his dialogues (Fig. 9). The map's author is stated to be an unknown young philosopher (philosophegargon) who speaks to his young and enamoured readers through his map.35 The young philosopher describes marriage as an odyssey through an archipelago of strife. The various calamities of everyday married life take place on the main island, over which matrimonial infidelity (Cocuage)looms like a feudal castle. The surrounding scattered islands form a sort of

marriage carousel where each stop represents one of the various stages of mutual attraction and estrangement encountered in the course of a person's life. What begins as the tender passions of youth (Isle de la Jeunesse) ends with legal action (Isle des Proces) and with divorce (Isle du Divorce) made absolute by mutual indifference (Isle de l'Indifference) aggravated by the indispositions of the elderly (Isle des Infirmites). At the same time, increasing age brings an opportunity to secure the ground under one's feet, provided that one sticks close to the delta area of the river Volonteand keeps in mind the basic values of a liberal style of life such in which widowhood (Terre as Plaisirs and LibertY, du Veuvage)finds support.36 The influence of Le Noble's allegory lasted longer in Italy and England, where his book continued to be published throughout the rest of the eighteenth century, than in France.37 Both the Italian and the English translations contained maps, created from

Fig. 9. In the Cartede l'Isle du Mariage,marriage is depicted as an odyssey through an archipelago of strife. From the Almanach du Mariagepour l'annee 1734 . .., 1dition augmenteede la cartede l'isle du mariage avec la description literale du pays. Dedie a la jeunesse amoureuse par un philosophe garcon (Paris, 1734). (Courtesy of the Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Paris.)


the text independently. In the Carta dell'Isola del Maritaggio,jealousy, dissimilarity and hardship give a pessimistic picture of conjugal life. Only in the province of the discreet or well-advised (Provinciade savj) does marriage fulfil the expectations placed upon it. Elsewhere, widowhood, divorce, second marriage and polygamy are shown as marginal and islands-detached social forms-peninsulas from marriage. A constant threat in each of the provinces of the land of Marriage comes from the wanderings of the lovers dwelling on the neighbouring island of Amatunta, which result in constant belligerency. The social standing of these lovers is not made clear, but their cultural influence extends even to the central province of Marriage, which is named Cornovaglia from the horns of adultery which the majority of the inhabitants don against their will.

Merrylandmarks the end of the 40-year or so career of Edmund Curll (1675-1747), a notorious publisher of pirated editions and immoral works whose feud with Alexander Pope over two decades helped him attain literary-historical renown. It is thanks to Curll that Grub Street gained its image as the area where London's backstreet printers pursued their dubious business.42 The main essay of the said series of books, entitled A New Description of Merryland,described the female body in the geographer's language.43 The satire was pointed at an exclusive society for men, The Ancient and most Puissant Order of the Beggar's Benison and Merryland, founded in the Scottish town of Anstruther. This priapic club originated in 1732, although it was formally inaugurated only in 1739, and its members included leading representatives of the Scottish landed gentry and even at a later date, it was said, George IV. On admission, each member was given a
certificate according him '. . . full powers and

Le Noble's fiction was especially successful in England, where allegorical representation through maps became part of a libertine tradition in poetry and song writing. The form went back to the Restoration and to the publication in London of
Erotopolis. Or, the Present State of Bettyland (1684).38


This book, which is ascribed to the poet Charles Cotton, marked the beginning of a new literary attitude toward the erotic body which we can call geo-pornography.39 Geo-pornography conveyed an overt interest in the very heartland of sexual desire, hitherto permitted only the vaguest of allusions in the allegorical maps of love. The new trend allowed the literary public to become increasingly aware of the physical aspects of marriage.40 Using oblique rather than inopportunely direct terms, maps were given the role of providing sex education under the veil of allegory. Whereas previously the map had been used to illustrate generic notions of friendship and love, its non-figurative way of representing relative proportions now gave the offensive fact the appearance of abstract learning. By the allegory's ability to conceal, the map broke the silence that had left things to their own devices in the rhetorical figure of a secret. It would seem inevitable that a similarly orientated Merryland theme appeared on the scene to join that of a Bettylandtopography, half a century after Cotton, at precisely the moment when the Stuarts were making their final attempt to seize the English crown.4i The corpus of texts relating to

privileges of ingress, egress, and regress from and to, and to and from all harbours, creeks, havens and commodious inlets upon the coasts of Our said extensive territories'.44 The topography of Merryland thus identified places long known only to gynaecologists: PDX (Podex), LBA (Labia), CLTRS (Clitoris), VSCA (Vesica), UTRS (Uterus), HMN (Hymen), and MNSVNRS (Mons veneris). The alleged author of the essay, Thomas Stretzer, of whom little else is known other than his name and his Irish origin, went on to explain that to give a more complete geographicaldescriptionof this country,I intendedto have addeda map of it, but enhance the priceof it would considerably recollecting the book, I chose ratherto referthe readerto a map of 'Merryland',curiously engraven on copper plate & publishedsome years ago ... He then refers the reader to an anatomical atlas by the French physician Francois Mauriceau (16371709), translated in 1697 into English as The Diseases of Women with Child, and in Childbed, remarking that, 'There the reader may see all the noted places & divisions laid down exactly as they are situated'. In one sense, Stretzer's recourse to medicine functioned in the same way as Bertall's later deployment of the bed icon at the centre of his 'Map of the Honeymoon' (see Fig. 1). Whereas Bertall's closed curtains do not permit the onlooker to see further, Stretzer uses the bibliographical

technique of cross-references to disclose the reality of the country described only to those who were able to trace the book and who, thus, were familiar with some basic rules of bibliographical research. Contemporary popular introductions to the physiology of sexual and married life were putting medicine forward as an apologetic 'Pretexte anatomique'. Stretzer, in contrast, was cynically adapting a medical chart as a pornographic medium, readymade for his purposes, by referring his reader to an anatomical atlas where everything is explicit.45 Although Stretzer refrained from furnishing his own text with maps, saying he feared that the sale price would be too high, it seems that a map book tracing 'the roads which lead to that delightful country' may in fact have been published. Our knowledge of this is based on an incident in April of 1745, when a bricklayer who had 'bought copies at 5s a time' of A Complete Sett of Chartsof the Coastsof Merryland, wherein are Exhibited all Ports, Harbours, Creeks,Bays, Rocks, Sands, Settings,Bearings, Gulphs, Promontories, Limits, Boundaries, etc promptly denounced the booksellers, John Brett and Mary Torbuck, and reported them to the authorities. Lord Justice William Stanhope, Earl of Harrington (1690-1756), then instructed the Attorney General to prosecute the publishers of this 'most obscene & infamous book of prints'. In due course, the man responsible for the printing of the CompleteSett, Thomas Read, was tracked down. After handing over the copper plates together with what was left of the edition (47 out of 100 copies printed), he was released after promising never again to print the book.46 Whether the copper engravings were really maps or whether the title was only metaphorical remains unclear. It is possible that cartographical terminology was applied to graphic representations of indecency, since Stretzer, in referring to Pietro Aretino's widespread Modi, talks of 'Charts'.47 Other contemporary texts mention 'geometrical schemes' in the same context.48 Whatever the case, the paradigm presented in the Merryland texts of a ship travelling along a certain coast soon influenced the ways in which bourgeois marriage was charted beyond the social frame of a largely aristocratic libertarianism. Scudery's Tendre certainly implied a physiological dimension, but here we are confronted with a topography of desire under the sway of the erotic body.49 Whereas only couples were to set foot on the Island of Marriage, by the time Stretzer's book was published, the charted surface assumed more

intimate female connotations, allowing it to be properly taken over (as acknowledged in the certificate of the Order of the Beggar's Benison cited above). The map no longer enclosed a separate territory of women but the terrain of the marriageable maiden.50

The Haven of Marriage We need to return to Le Noble's Cartede l'isle de mariage and its impact in England in order to appreciate the attraction the figure of cartographical survey had there in the development of the relatively new concept of conjugal happiness. In the earliest known translation of Le Noble, Reasons against Matrimony (London and Dublin, 1734), the title bluntly expressed the direction of the text. In the dedicatory poem, 'To Caelia with the Map of the Isle of Marriage', the author passes himself off as 'A Map' which imposes itself on the readers as an authority that prevents them from going to the island. Later English versions attempted to juxtapose Le Noble's sober perspective with a somewhat romantic image of love by referring to Paul Tallemant's completely differently orientated Voyage de l'isle d'amour (1663). Tallemant's story, translated by Aphra Behn in 1684, ends with the lover withdrawing to a lonely hill and looking back over the island with a sentimental, and in a sense cartographical, gaze. The two allegories were published together as Cupid and Hymen: A Voyage to the Isles of Love and Matrimony (1742), following the contemporary fashion for 'paralleles', a literary genre especially popular in France in which two conflicting principles are set side by side. In the largely autonomous island worlds of love and matrimony, the scarcely compatible models of gender relationship are made to face each other, to be described from the viewpoint of an inveterate bachelor, with the author assuming such telling names as John, Jack or Simon Single (Fig. 10).51 Gallant-place metaphor had been used by the aristocracy in seventeenth-century France to show how friendship and love are related while love and marriage were mutually exclusive. A century later, a mental shift had moved the focus to the problem of how to reconcile love and marriage. In eighteenth-century England, especially, the alliance of love and marriage, and the role of love in marriage, became a dominant theme.52 A new optimism no longer allowed love to be viewed as a fugitive sentiment, replaced by melancholy and criticism in 119



WOC " i, - -A ^.. . 44.44 I

2:: '^

0::: :

l'!k, I: }

.r | :

f Iy ' Jo





Fig. 10. The late-eighteenth century Map of the Island of Marriage from Simon Single, A Descriptionof the Land of Wedlock, Containinga DivertingAccountof the NumerousInhabitantsof this VastRegion,printed in London. (Courtesy of Yale University Library, New Haven, Connecticut. 1802 edition.)

^& t
0 -:'


: i: s.


i< L

:. ,, < r-e

*E ^m : r "- U <





t .


a o



s:i::: ...

? ,

.; ,

w _ .= S


O ,l M Q -4




.0I 1.114 f


,s.? S ?

< Ev
0 Si4

.,t ."? e, , 1 kyoll-- ::,.-' .4., iz



I"Iet, 4 O-g y

? pq

~'~ V,,


I? !M*< * f

t V?



st 4C k ol


X .^

O tx? 0


< 1'









the experienced, but saw it as the driving force of a ship of exploration captained by Youth. Cupidand Hymen was a first step towards bringing love and marriage into a single scope, indicating a renewal of interest in both. The next step was up to Robert Sayer, who imparted a new twist to the cartographical investigation of the sometimes impassable terrain with his A Map or Chart of the Roadof Love,and Harbourof Marriage.Laid downfrom the latest and best Authorities& regulatedby my own The whole adjustedto the Latitude51?30 Observations; N. (Fig. 1 ).53 Sayer's single-sheet map was printed in 1748, soon after the third edition of Cupid and Hymen, to which the dedication on Sayer's map'to his Majesty Hymen and Prince Cupid'-appears to allude. Sayer was a major map and print publisher whose importance in eighteenth-century English cartography needs no emphasis. Yet, he was also well known for his 'turn-ups' (folded pictures or books), board games and popular journals such as The Ladies Amusement.54In 1749 and again in 1768 he was charged, along with other publishers, with distributing indecent erotic publications. It thus is perhaps surprising that Sayer responded to Captain Single's account of the islands of love and matrimony by producing a map in which the institution of marriage was rehabilitated through the association of love with matrimony. Unlike Le Noble's socio-political cartography, which described land-based provinces, cities and their inhabitants, Sayer's stylistically rococo map is nautical. It serves as a guide to a ship navigating a stretch of coast between the longitudes of the fifteenth and thirty-third years of life. The humanistic touch of educational iconography in its allusion to the ancient Greek philosopher Cebes is particularly noticeable in the initial and final stages depicted. In the didactic iconography of the Tabula cebetis(a description of man's journey through life), lasting success was usually made dependent on knowledge and on the acquisition of social virtues.55 Not least because of his use of the idiom 'haven of marital bliss', Sayer gave his venture an eudemonistic thrust, advancing desire and happiness as motivating powers and thus anticipating a trend that was soon to involve the whole 'moral world'.56 Life,the traveller Coming from the Sea of Common passes through Blindman's Straitinto a fjord-like bay which extends far inland, divided into two equal parts by Fruition Straits. The outermost of the two seas, the Road of Love, represents a reservoir of

worldly experience gained from temporary sojourns on the islands of Lust, Money and Virtue. There is a risk that the overambitious will founder on the Coastof Ambition,ending in the remote parts of KnavesLand or by the lakes of Vanityand Covetous, entirely missing the ultimate destination of the route suggested by the map. But the real dangers begin only after the matrimonial candidate has and has arrived in the inner passed Cape Ceremony sea, the Harbour of Marriage.Newlyweds will soon become familiar with the ambivalence of matrimony which surrounds the Harbour of Marriage (Extravagance Bank, Rocks of Jealousy, Henpecked Sand, Cuckold'sPoint on one side; Cape Fidelity and ContentBay on the other). Whereas some repent (Cape Repentance), others experience their Cape Ecstasy before becoming trapped in Content Bay. Those who do finally manage to sail their ship safely between capes Goodsenseand Fidelity eventually arrive in the innermost recess of Felicity Harbour,from where they can set foot in the Land of Promise.Should the entire manoeuvre flounder, the only way out of the calamity of a failed marriage is premature death (Lake of Rest).57 A New Survey of the Land of Marriage A Map or Chartof the Road of Loveand Harbourof Marriage was republished before a quarter of a century had elapsed. At the same time, demand for this kind of print had intensified. In 1772, when Cupidand Hymenhad reached its fourth edition, the publishers thought it important to cite Le Noble's A Map of the Island of Marriageas a separate item on the title-page. Eventually, a fresh cartographical survey of marriage was presented in A New Map of the Land of Matrimony(Fig'. 12), the title of which seems again to refer to Captain Single's map.58 The New Map was released in 1772 by the London bookseller Joseph Johnson (1738-1809), a descendant of a Baptist family and lifelong bachelor. In 1770 Johnson had opened a new shop in St. Paul's Churchyard after his previous one in Paternoster Row, a place much frequented by writers and publishers attached to the free churches, had been destroyed by fire. The new shop had been made possible by the financial support of a body of dissenters who ran an academy near Liverpool, Johnson's birthplace. Warrington Academy was presided over by the minister John Aikin, who gathered around him a circle of tutors and pupils, from which a remarkable sequence of literary figures emerged.59

Fig. 12. In Joseph Johnson's portrayalof matrimony,Brides Bay is placed once again within a Christianhorizon of
expectations located between fear and hope. A New Map of the Land of Matrimonywas engraved by Joseph Ellis and printed in

Londonby Johnson in 1772. (Courtesyof E. A. HornelLibrary, Kircudbright, Scotland.)

One of the first works published by Johnson at his new address came from the pens of Anna and her younger Laetitia Aikin (1743-1825) brother John (1747-1822), the children of the academy's rector, who were making their debuts as authors. In 1769 John Aikin junior had left Warrington to study medicine in London. Here, he lodged with the family of his uncle Arthur Jennings, where he married his cousin Martha in the summer of 1772. It was about this time, on August 22nd, that John's publisher Johnson registered his New Map of the Land of Matrimonywith the Stationers' Company, thus securing rights of publication to it. In the following year the print, done by the experienced map engraver Joseph Ellis (active between 1749 and 1793)-a close friend of the head of the Society of Artists, William Woollett-appeared in a book with essays by both John and Anna Laetitia Aikin.60

In Johnson's New Map, the adjective 'new'frequently an empty word on what were in fact old maps-can be safely understood in the word's fullest sense, inasmuch as a substantial review of earlier maps was indeed intended. While in Sayer's enlightened topography, marriage provided a substitute for religious salvation, in Johnson's map it was moved once again closer to Christian values.6' In the rich decoration of the cartouche, the binary significance of marriage is insinuated by emblems such as a beehive, a bird's cage, a fishing rod and a crocodile-all readily comprehensible since the days of Otto van Veen.62 With the motto, 'Un aveugle fait le choix' (The blind man makes the choice), they point towards France and the age of gallantry. Astonishingly, in contrast to the scepticism of the motto, the map draws a clear picture of the circumstances and conditions to be met by the


traveller. On the map, the ship is propelled onward by the thought of discovery and overseas conquest. The self-contained Harbour of Marriage at the furthermost end of Sayer's Road of Love opens up to a vast spatial order of increasing scope for forms of social life beyond marriage-according to the individual's temperament-without really relinWhere the earlier the ultimate goal. quishing allegorical cartographers were concerned with delimiting territorial claims, or with exploring a terrain in terms of its nature and accessibility, in Johnson's map it is the route of navigation that is to be defined. Land and sea are now understood as spaces through which one travels.63 With her first poems intended for a broader public, Anna Laetitia Aikin had found a place in the literary milieu of London. On the occasion of her marriage to Rochemont Barbauld (b. 1749) in May 1774, she dedicated two poems to her future husband.64 One of these alluded to the map issued by her publisher almost two years previously: 'To Mr. Barbauld, with a Map of the Land of Matrimony'. The poem starts as follows: The sailorworn by toil and wet with storms, As in the wished-forport securehe rides ... Directing her future husband's attention toward the map before him, the bride continues: Thuscanstthou, Rochemont,view this picturedchart, And tracethy voyage to the promisedshore; Thus does thy faithfulbosom beat with joy, To think the tempestpast, the wanderingo'er? The poem ends with the sailor, having dropped anchor in the harbour of marriage, being locked up by his spouse. Destined by fate to be with her, he is addressed in the vocative 'I', which equates itself with the disclosing continent. What is remarkable is the difference in the roles assigned to cartography by Johnson's A New Map of the Land of Matrimony and by Aikin's poem. The map's motto, on one hand, seems to temper the usually exaggerated expectations of what cartography could achieve-that it would exhibit different locations and reveal possible developments and thus would be of assistance in decision-making. In Aikin's epithalamic poem,65 on the other hand, the map's instrumental properties are emphasized and made contingent on the envisaged desires coming true: And say;-the land throughFancy'sglass described, The brightElysianfields her pencil drew,Has time the dear idealsrealized? Or are her opticsfalse, her tints untrue?

In the poem, fantasy's power to anticipate runs counter to the notion of blind love. Employing the map to promote a time-conscious desire, Fancy personified turns marriage into an ideal, in the achievement of which self-fulfilling prophecy forestalls mere chance. The planned reality of the map intervenes in this process as an intermediary agent between an affectionate marriage, justified through choice of partner, and the ever-growing expectation of conjugal happiness that is implied. Our account of the allegorical map in France and England terminates on the eve of modernity. By the end of the eighteenth century, the paradigm of cartography in literature was to encourage the view of marriage as an undertaking which entails calculable risks and as an enterprise that needs to be approached with circumspection. From then on, the matrimonial map not only outlined the territory of marriage but also, by its very properties, served as a parable for what a relationship should achieve once opened up by a new horizon of projected marriage. Yet, the map went beyond simply supplying a strategic advantage by confirming claims to moral superiority which, although seldom explicit, tends to underpin a cartographical setting. The authority imparted by the map is made clear in a poem which was later added to the upper margin of one of the numerous adaptations of the New Map of the Land of Matrimony.66The poem compares love that fails to take timely precautions to nymphs and swine, since only the latter would take pleasure in the kind of happiness for which they are unable to develop a clear concept beforehand. The poet's dissention from the negative view implied in the expression 'Bliss without design' makes it obvious how deeply rooted cartography was, and still is, in the basic concepts of a Christian anthropology, which, in its anticipation of potential experience by cartographical means, identifies one of its own main principles. The success of Johnson's A New Map of the Island of Matrimony was particularly long lasting in the English-speaking countries, giving rise to a number of derivatives and paraphrases throughout the nineteenth and into the early twentieth century. Here, the tardy vulgarization of allegorical mapping took place against a social backdrop of family planning.67 Concomitantly, what was formerly a feasible, rational lifestyle based on individual responsibility lost its attraction in the face of


popular values such as personal freedom and independence. Along with the replacement of Victorian morals with modern values, statistical cartography and the quantitative demography governing procreation replaced the common experiences revealed in the allegorical map. In the early Enlightenment, cartographical satire used to claim the right to tell the truth in jest. While Le Noble attempted to show with his Cartede l'Isle de Marriage what marriage was 'really' about, Bertall's 'Map of the Honeymoon' (with which we started) reveals itself as an agent of mere illusion. The illusion of the honeymoon as represented on the map, though, is not perfect, in as much as on its fringes the reality of the mundane side of future married life becomes evident. Thus Bertall's map allows only general statements to be made through the ambiguity of irony. With the reality it generates, the poet's map is carried along by his criticism of the illusions of a bourgeois world and comes under suspicion of being provisional. On the borderline between dream and fantasy, the allegorical map has lost its grip on the moral world and moral comprehension as the pre-eminent points of reference. It was only a matter of time until alternative practices of recording the immaterial world, experimental or associative,68 would fill the vacuum caused by the disappearance of the allegorical map.
Acknowledgements:The paper has developed from a

comprehensivepost-doctoralresearchprojecton 'Kartographie der praktischen Vernunft. Eine Geschichte der Landkartenallegorie' (The Cartography of Practical Reasoning. A History of Mapping the Allegorical) carried out while holding a J. Paul Getty Fellowship in Los Angeles. I would like to thank Catherine Delano Smith and Francis Herbert for the special attention they gave to the manuscript. An earlierversionof this paper was presentedto the Seventeenth InternationalConference Lisbon, for the Historyof Cartography, July 1997. Revisedtext received May 1998. NOTESAND REFERENCES 1. Other traditional forms of 'concrete poetry' were also rejected, such as the carmina figurata, the rebus and the emblem. 2. Gillian Hill, CartographicalCuriosities (London, The British Library, 1978), 55-58 (Love Maps); Helen M. Wallis and Arthur H. Robinson, Cartographical Innovations: An International Handbook of Mapping Terms to 1900 (London, Map Collector Publications for the International Cartographic Society, 1987), 38. 3. 'Caroline a des defauts qui, par la haute mer de la lune de miel, restaient sous l'eau, et que la maree basse de la lune rousse a decouverts' [Caroline has faults which remained hidden below the surface at the high tide of the

honeymoon and were only revealed at the low tide of dull April nights]. Honore de Balzac, Petites miseres de la vie conjugale (Paris, Louis Chlendowski, 1845/46), 88. On Balzac, see Albert Joseph George, Books by Balzac. A ChecklistCompiledfrom the Papers of William Hobart Royse (Syracuse, N.Y., 1960), 70f; Kenneth Troy Rivers, 'Balzac and visual caricature', Revue du Pacifique3:2 (1977): 120and Balzac (Ann Arbor, 1978), 308-11, 30; idem, Caricature 322f; Segolene le Men, 'Balzac, Gavarni, Bertall et les petites miseres de la vie conjugale', Romantisme 14:43 (1985): 29-44; Stephane Vachon, Les travaux et les jours d'Honore de Balzac. Chronologiede la creation Balzacienne (Paris, 1992), 244-48, 255, 291. On the theme of marriage in Balzac's works, see Arlette Michel, Le Mariageet l'amour dans l'oeuvre romanesqued'Honorede Balzac (doctoral thesis, University of Lille, published Paris, 1976), esp. 1294-307. 4. Honore de Balzac, (Euvrescompletes de Honorede Balzac. La Comedie humaine, ed. Marcel Bouteron and Henri Longnon, vol. 32 (Paris, 1927), 93-108: 'De la Lune de miel'. In his introduction, Balzac presents the 'Physiologie du mariage' as a sort of geographical guidebook: 'Jusqu'ici nul geometre n'a ose tracer des lignes de longitude et de latitude sur la mer conjugale. Les vieux maris ont eu vergogne d'indiquer les bancs de sable, les rescifs, les ecueils, les brisants, les moussons, les cotes et les courants qui ont detruit leurs barques, tant ils avaient honte de leurs naufrages. I1 manquait un guide, une boussole aux pelerins maries . .. cet ouvrage est destine a leur en servir' (p. 23). Elsewhere in the book, Balzac uses the language of the geographer in order to indicate a person's state of emotion: 'Elle est en cet instant sous je ne sais quel degre du pole nord, ou au Spitzberg, ou au Groenland ... Comment debarquer dans cette Laponie? . . . Comment franchirez-vous le detroit qui separe le Groenland de l'Italie? (p. 206f). 5. The idiomatic expression which translates into English as 'castles in the air' became popular with the comedy of Jean F. Collin d'Harleville, Les chateaux en Espagne (Paris, 1790). 6. Balzac, (Euvres completes (see note 4), 195-219: 'Theorie de lit'. 7. See Peter Burke, The Fortunes of the 'Courtier. The European Receptionof Castiglione's'Cortegiano' (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1995); German translation, Zur Wirkung eines Renaissance-Breviers uber angemessenes Verhalten (Berlin, Wagenbach, 1996), 59-61: 'Der "Hofmann" als Gesellschaftsspiel', and 106. 8. Madeleine de Scudery, Clelie, vol. 1 (Paris, 1654, reprinted, Geneva, 1973), fol. 399. She was advised to include her map by Jean Chapelain (1595-1674) who, between the notorious 'Querelle du Cid' of 1637 and the appearance of his principal work La Pucelle in 1656, was the leading figure in the French academy and in the literary salons of Paris. With Scudery, he shared a taste for Italian culture, which was rewarded by the government of the Italian Cardinal Mazarin. 9. The revival in France can be attributed above all to Victor Cousin, author of La societefranfaise au XVIIesiecle, d'apres le Grand Cyrusde Mlle de Scudery(Paris, 1858). 10. 'Les cartes allegoriques. Le Pays de Tendre', Magasin Pittoresque13 (1845): 60-62. 11. The claim that Scudery invented the genre has not yet been fully refuted. See, however, Franz Reitinger, '"Kampf um Rom". Von der Befreiung sinnorientierten Denkens im kartographischen Raum am Beispiel einer Weltkarte des Papismus aus der Zeit der franzosischen Kunstle- 125 Religionskriege', in Utopie: Gesellschaftsformen,


rtrdume, ed. Gotz Pochat and Brigitte Wagner (Graz, Adeva, 1996), 100-40. 12. Francesco Colonna, HypnerotomachiaPoliphili. Edizione critica, ed. Giovanni Pozzi and Lucia A. Ciapponi (Padua, 1968), book 1, chap. 21, 305. See also Dorothea in der zu den Architekturekphrasen Schmidt, Untersuchungen Poliphili. Die Beschreibungdes Venus-TemHypnerotomachia pels (doctoral thesis, University of Gottingen, published Frankfurt-am-Main, 1979); Marianne Zunner, Die Insel Kythera in Francesco Colonnas HypnerotomachiaPoliphili (doctoral thesis, Hamburg, 1986); Roswitha Stewering, 'Harmonie von Kunst- und Naturschonem. Der Venusbrunnen in der Hypnerotomachia Poliphili', Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums 87 (1995): 66-75; and idem, Architektur und Natur in der 'Hypnerotomachia Poliphili' (Manutius 1499) und die Zuschreibungdes Werkes an NiccolbLelio Cosmico(Bonn, 1996). 13. Samuel Rocheblave, Les Cochin (Paris, 1893), lOf; Roger-Armand Weigert, Inventairedu fonds francais. Graveurs du XVIIe siecle, vol. 3 (Paris, 1954), 40; Alexandre de Vesme, Stefano della Bella, Catalogueraisonne, ed. Phyllis Dearborn Massar, vol. 1 (New York, 1971), 161. 14. See Le Moyne's literary description of an 'Isle de Purete' in his Les peintures morales: Secondepartie (Paris, 1643), 389. 15. Barbel Hedinger, Karten in Bildern. Zur Ikonographie des siebder Wandkartein hollandischen Interieurgemdlden zehnten Jahrhunderts (Studien zur Kunstgeschichte 34; Hildesheim, 1986); David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, as a Tool Ministersand Maps: The Emergenceof Cartography of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, 1992), esp. 99-123; Tom Conley, The Self-MadeMap: CartographicWriting in Early ModernFrance (Minneapolis and London, University of Minnesota Press, 1996). 16. Franz Reitinger, 'Die Konstruktion anderer Welten', der TechEine Geschichte in Wunschmaschine Welterfindung. nikvisionen seit dem 18. Jahrhundert, ed. Brigitte Felderer (exhibition catalogue; Vienna, Kunsthalle Wien, Springer, 1996), 145-66. 17. A striking example of an allegory that becomes a map is provided by Francesco Negri's Il libro arbitrio (1558), a tragedy that provided the source of the allegorical woodcut wall map, Mappe-monde nouvelle papistique, published in 1566 under the pseudonym Frangidelphe Escorche-Messes (see Reitinger, 'Kampf um Rom' (note 11), 118-21). The diploma held by the king in Negri's tragedy, guaranteeing him possession of all the provinces of 'free will', turns into the 'Mappe-monde nouvelle papistique', in which the allegory of the king's court itself becomes a detail within the overall cartographical reality. 18. Gilles Deleuze, Felix Guattari, Anti-Odipus,Kapitalismus und Schizophreinie (Frankfurt am Main, 1977), 15ff. 19. In a certain sense, Scudery's conception of tendre amitie is a follow-up to a position held at the time of Marguerite de Navarre in the 'Querelle des amies' by 'A Courtly Lady-Friend' (L'Amie de court, 1541): 'be adored by many admirers without loving yourself'. See Michael A. Screech, 'An interpretation of the Querelledes amyes', Bibliothequed'Humanismeet Renaissance21 (Geneva, Droz, 1959): 106, 113, 116. 20. Charles Sorel, (Euvres diversesou discoursmeslez . . . avec cinquante lettres a des Dames sur divers sujets (Paris, 1663), 189ff. See Renate Buff, Ruelle und Realitdt.Preziose und ihre Hintergrunde(Studia Liebes- und Ehekonzeptionen Romanica 35; Heidelberg, 1979).

21. Charles Arnaud, Les theories dramatiques au XVIIe de l'Abbed'Aubignac(Paris, siecle.Etudesur la vie et les oeuvres 1888, reprinted, Geneva, 1970), 75-78; Rene Planhol, Les utopistesde l'amour (Paris, 1921), 88ff; Paul Zumthor, 'La Carte de Tendre et les precieux', Trivium. Schweizerische 6:4 (1948): fur Literaturwissenschaft Vierteljahreszeitschrift 265ff; Kenneth Graham Knight, 'Johann Klay's Royaume de la Coquetterie', Neophilologus37 (1953): 99-104; Diane Canivet, 'Une seconde Carte de Tendre', L'Education nationale (24th March 1955), 12-13; Nicolas E. Landau (ed.), Au temps des Precieuses.Les salons litterairesau XVIIe siecle (exhibition catalogue; Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, 1968), no. 157; Jean Pierre Collinet, 'Allegorie et preciosite', Cahiers d'Association Internationale des Etudes Franfaises 28 (1976): 106ff; Enid-Paul Mayberry Senter, 'Les cartes allegoriques romanesques du XVIIe siecle. Aperou des gravures creees autour de l'apparition de la "Carte de Tendre" de la "Clelie" en 1654', Gazette des Beaux-Arts89:2 (1977): 138; Jean-Michel Pelous, Amour precieux,amourgalant (1654-1675). Essaisur la representation de l'amour dans la litteratureet la societemondaines (Paris, 1980), 22ff; Eva Avigdor, 'Le Pays des Coquettes', in her et Precieuses.Textesinedits (Paris, 1982), 15-44. Coquettes 22. Antoine Baudeau de Somaize, Le voyagefortune dans les Indes du couchant, ou I'amant heureux, contenant la de terresinconnuesqui sont au-dela des troisvilles du decouverte Tendre,in Recueildes piecesen prose, vol. 2 (Paris, 1660), 127; see also 'Lettre de M. D. sur la Carte du Royaume de Tendre ecrite a l'illustre M. S.', in Recueildes piecesen prose, 2: 259-62; Jean Regnauld de Segrais, 'Stances sur la carte du Tendre', in his Poesies (Caen, 1823), 174-75; Landau, Au temps des Precieuses(see note 21 ), nos. 160 and 168. 23. Le Mercure galant 100 (1684): 43f; see also Monique Vincent, 'Le "Mercure galant". Temoin des pouvoirs de la siecle 36:144 (1984): 243. femme du monde', Dix-septieme 24. For the Carte d'amour, see Ronald generallede 1'empire Odditiesor Curious,Ingeniousand Vere Tooley, Geographical Plates Publishedin Atlases ImaginaryMaps and Miscellaneous (London, 1963), 14; Landau, Au tempsdes Precieuses(note 21), no. 177; Mayberry Senter, 'Les cartes allegoriques romanesques du XVIIe siecle' (note 21), 141. 25. Sorel, (Euvresdiverses(see note 20), 401ff. The 44th letter is entitled 'La carte du marriage-sur le suiet du contract de marriage de Panphile a Nais'. See Emile Roy, de CharlesSorel,sieur de Souvigny(1602La vie et les ceuvres 1647) (Paris, 1891, reprinted Geneva, 1970), 238; Dorothy Frances Dallas, Le roman francais de 1660 a 1680 (Paris, 1932, reprinted, Geneva, 1977), 108; Buff, Ruelle und Realitdt(note 20), 265. 26. On the French libertine tradition see Francois Tommy Perrens, Les libertins en France au XVIIe siecle siecle.Les (Paris, 1896); Pierre Brun, Autour du dix-septieme libertins, Mayard, Dassoucy, Desmarets, Ninon de Lenclos, Carmain,Boursault,Merigon,Pavillon, Saint-Amant,Chaulieu, manuscritsinedits de TallementDes Reaux (Grenoble, 1901, reprinted, Geneva, 1970); Frederic Lachevre, La vie et les poesies libertinesinedites de Des Barreaux (1599-1673) et de Saint-Pavin (1595-1670) (Paris, 1911); idem, Disciples et de Theophilede Viau (Paris, 1911-1924); idem, successeurs de Cyranode Bergerac(Paris, 1922); idem, Les Lessuccesseurs et bibliographiques dernierslibertins.Avecnoticesbiographiques (Paris, 1924, reprinted, Geneva 1968); Georges MongreDocuments et amoureuses. inedits.Le XVIIesiecle dien, Libertins galant (Paris, 1929); Antoine Adam (ed.), Les libertinsau XVIIe siecle. Texteschoisis (Paris, 1964); Joan E. DeJean, Libertine Strategies.Freedom and the Novel in SeventeenthCenturyFrance (Columbus, Ohio, 1981); Michael Baraz, Rabelais et la joie de la liberte (Paris, 1983); Alain Viala,

'Libertins (XVIIe et XVIIIe siecles)', Dictionnaire des litteraturesde langue franfaise (Paris, 1984), 2: 1299-301; Louise Godard de Donville, Le libertin des origines a 1665. Un produit des apologetes(Biblio 17; Seattle, 1989); Lise H. Leibacher-Ouvrard, Libertinageet utopies sous le regne de Louis XIV (Histoire des idees et critique litteraire 267; Geneva, 1989); Michel Nuridsany, Precieux et libertins. Choixet presentation(Orphee 66; Paris, 1990). 27. See Reinhart Koselleck, Kritik und Krise. Ein Beitrag zur Pathogeneseder biirgerlichenWelt (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1973). 28. See La musique du diable ou le 'Mercure galant' devalise (Paris, 1711), preface, 5. On the occasion of Le Noble's death, Riviere-Dufresny wrote in the Mercuregalant 3:2 (1711): 113: 'le grand nombre de ses ouvrages fait voir l'estendue de son esprit, et sa grande facilite a ecrire'. From 1710 onwards, Riviere-Dufresny assumed responsibility for the editing of the Mercure galant, whose place of publication he moved from Paris to The Hague. He gave the journal a new orientation by seeking, among other things, to rehabilitate the poet Rabelais. With RiviereDufresny the tone of the journal became more intellectual and more exuberant. See Jean Vic, 'Les idees de Charles Riviere-Dufresny', Revue du Dix-HuitiemeSiecle 2 (1916): 121-41, and 3 (1917): 235-53. 29. Franz Reitinger, 'Moslem oder Christ', in Europa und der Orient. Lesebuch zur gleichnamigen Ausstellung, ed. Gereon Sievemich and Hendrik Budde (Berlin, MartinGropius-Bau, 1989), 56-63. 30. Bernard de Fontenelle's contribution to his friend's book is today considered marginal (Alain Niderst, Fontenelle a la recherchede lui-meme (1657-1702) (Paris, 1972), 486). 31. Buff, Ruelle und Realitiit(note 20), 265f, and Philippe Hourcade, Entre pic et rtif. EustacheLe Noble (Paris, 1990), 546. 32. Roger Sherman Loomis, 'The allegorical siege in the art of the Middle Ages', American Journal of Archeology3 (1914): 255; Erika Kohler, Liebeskrieg(Tuibinger Germanische Arbeiten 21; Stuttgart, 1935); Fritz Saxl, 'A spiritual encyclopedia of the later Middle Ages', Journal of the Warburgand CourtauldInstitutes 5 (1942): 82ff; Hermann Kreisselmeier, Der Sturmder Minne auf die Burg. Beitrdge zur Interpretationder mittelhochdeutschen Allegorie 'Die Minneburg' (Meisenheim and Glan, 1957). 33. Sorel relates how Colonel 'Grand-honneur' and his regiments 'Reverance', 'Civilite' and 'Compliments' fight in the service of the ruler 'l'Amour' against 'Louanges' (Adulation), 'Cajolleries' (Flattery), 'Protestations' (Protestation), 'Ravissements' (Rapture) and 'Resveries estudiees' (Studied fantasies), which are headed by Colonel 'Accort' (Affable). Charles Sorel, Relation extraordinaire, venue tout franchement du Royaume de Cypre, contenant le veritable recit du Siege de Beaute a Famagouste (1643); republished in Nouveau recueildes pieces les plus agreablede ce tempsou 3e partie de la Maisondes Jeux (Paris, 1644), 228241, and again under the title Siege de Beaute et la Blanque des illustres filoux du mesme royaume de Coqueterieas an appendix to Franqois Hedelin d'Aubignac, Nouvellehistoire du temps, ou la relation veritabledu royaumede la Coqueterie (Paris, Charles de Sercy, 1654). On the metaphor of besieging in service of a 'Verhaltensplanung', see Niklas Luhmann, Liebe als Passion. Zur Codierung von Intimitiidt (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1994), 76f. See also Jean Migault, Les Dragonnadesen Poitou et Saintonge. Le journal de Jean Migault, ed. Nathanael Weiss and Henri Clouzot (Paris, 1910); Jean Migault, Journal de Jean Migault ou Malheurs d'une famille protestantedu Poitou (Paris, 1995).

34. Felderer, Wunschmaschine Welterfindung (see note 16), 527. Hans Jacob Schollenberger (1646-1689) was active in Nuremberg as portraitist and map engraver. 35. Henry Cohen, Guide de l'amateur de livres a gravures du XVIIIesiecle (2nd ed.; Paris, 1912), 23f. 36. For the basic difference 'plaisir/amour' and the semantics of love in the age of Louis XIV, see Luhmann, Liebe als Passion (note 33), 107-18. 37. Maria Rosa Zambon, Bibliographiedu roman francais en Italie au XVIIIe siecle. Traductions(Florence and Paris, 1862), 50; Frederick T. Wood, 'Henry Carey and an XVIII century satire on matrimony', Notes and Queries 165: 25 Nov. (1933): 363-68. 38. Joseph M. Gilde, Rakes and Fools: A Study of the Tradition in Restoration Developmentof the Libertine-Satiric Comedy, 1660-1676 (Chicago, 1964); Harold Weber, The Restoration Rake-Hero: in Sexual UnderstandTransformations ing in Seventeenth-Century England (Madison, Wisconsin, 1986); Warren L. Chernaik, Sexual Freedomin Restoration Literature(Cambridge, 1995). 39. Roger Thompson, Unfit for Modest Ears: A Study of Obsceneand Bawdy WorksWrittenor Published Pornographic, in England in the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century (London, 1979), 191-94. 40. Typical for this new awareness are Nicolas Venette's Tableau de l'amour conjugal,consideredans l'etat du manage (Cologne, 1690), which has several English translations, and Daniel Defoe's Conjugal Lewdness, or, Matrimonial Whoredom(London, 1727). 41. The author of the series of books discussed in the text here and below was well acquainted with Cotton's book. By its very sound, the name of Merrylandseems to echo that of Bettyland. If Merrylandis to be understood as an answer to Bettyland, then these two names must have something in common. But what could that be? While reading aloud, one can easily hear in Merrylandthe name of the American colony on the Chesapeake which in 1632 Cecil Calvert called after Mary Stuart. As soon as we understand the word Merrylandfor Mary Stuart, Bettycan be conclusively identified with Elizabeth Tudor. (Compare Charles Nicholl's remarks on Sir Walter Ralegh's 'Virginia', in his The Creaturein the Map: A Journeyto El Dorado (London, 1995), 13-20, 159-73, esp. 162-67). This assumption is corroborated by the fact that the young pretender, Bonnie Prince Charlie, the grandson of the English king James II, tried for a last time in 1745 to get hold of the English crown at about the time when the books on Merryland appeared. His unsuccessful attempt stirred up a lot of contemporary commentaries from the milieu in which the publishers of these licentious works operated. 42. Roger Pheuquwell (real name Thomas Stretzer), A New Description of Merryland (Bath [actually London], 1740), Merryland Displayed, or, Plagiarism, Ignorance, and Imprudence Detected. Being Observationsupon a Pamphlet IntituledA New Description of Merryland(London, 1741 ); The Historyof Apprius, King of Merryland (London, 1741); The PotentAlly. Or Succours from Merryland.With ThreeEssaysin Praise of the Cloathing of that Country, and the Story of Pandora's Box (London, 1741); A Short Descriptionof the Roadswhich Lead to that DelightfulCountrycalled Merryland. To which are Subjoined, An History of the Gallantries of Bettyland. With some Carnal Recreationsin Prose and Verse (London, 1743). A Voyage to Marryland, or, The Ladies Dressing Room (London, 1690), is based on different wording. For the publisher, see Ralph Straus, The Unspeakable Curll. Being some Account of Edmund Curll, Booksellerto which is added a Full List of his Books (London, 127


1927, reprinted, New York, 1970); Peter Murray Hill, Two Augustan Booksellers: John Dunton and Edmund Curll (Lawrence, Kansas, 1958); Raymond N. MacKenzie, 'Edmund Curll (London 1706-1747)', in The British LiteraryBook Trade, 1700-1820, James K. Braken and Joel Silver (Detroit, Washington, D.C., London, 1995), 81-92. 43. Pheuquwell (Stretzer), A New Description of Merryland (see note 42), was reprinted, no publisher given, before 1900. See Darby Lewes, 'Nudes from nowhere: pornography, empire and utopia', Utopian Studies 4:2 (1993): 66-73. 44. Recordsof the Most Ancient and Puissant Order of the Anstruther(Foundedin 1739. Beggar'sBenisonand Merryland, 1. HistoricalPortion, with Nine Plates; 2. Narrative Portion Portionof the to the Historical (Anstruther, 1892); Supplement 'Records of the ... Order of the Beggar's Benison and Merryland,Anstruther';Being an Account of the Proceedings at the Meetingof the Society,Togetherwith Excerpts from the Toasts. .. Speechesand Songs Deliveredthereat (Anstruther, 1892; reprinted, ed. Alan Bold, n.p. 1982); see also Louis Clark Jones, The Clubs of the GeorgianRakes (New York, 1942); Gordon Williams, A Dictionaryof Sexual Language and Imagery in Shakespeareanand Stuart Literature,vol. 2 (London and Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1994), 879f. 45. Marcel Duchamp's definition of a manufactured 'bottle-rack' as 'ready-made' had the most serious consequences for our understanding of modern art. In anticipating Duchamp's conceptualism in practice, Stretzer's approach seems to be remarkably modern. In view of Stretzer, Duchamp's modernism also appears in a new light. 46. Great Britain, Public Record Office, State Papers, Domestic, George II, Entry Book 83 (warrants), fol. 461; Pisanus Fraxi (Henry Spencer Ashbee), Index Librorum Prohibitorum:Being Notes Bio- Biblio- Icono- Graphical and Criticalon Curious and UncommonBooks, vol. 3 (London, 1885), 503f; David Foxon, LibertineLiteraturein England 1660-1745 (New York, 1965), 15-18; Herbert Macdonald Atherton, PoliticalPrintsin the Age of Hogarth:A Studyof the of Politics(Oxford, 1974), 78. Representation Ideographic 47. These are a series of prints showing coital postures. See I modi. The 16 Pleasures.An EroticAlbum of the Italian Renaissance. Giulio Romano, Marcantonio Raimondi, Pietro de Waldeck Aretino and Count Jean-Frederic-Maximilien (London, 1988); I modi. Sonette des gottlichen Aretino zu den Kupferndes Marcantonio Raimondi,ed. Thomas Hettche (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1997). 48. Pheuquwell (Stretzer), A New Description of Merryland (see note 42), 52f; Foxon, LibertineLiteraturein England (see note 46), 25. According to Donald Thomas, A Long Time Burning: The Historyof LiteraryCensorshipin England (London, 1969), 84, the 'Sett' consisted of 'allegedly obscene prints describing the female anatomy in some detail'. 49. Claude Filtreau, 'Le Pays de Tendre. L'enjeu d'une 36 (1979): 54-58. carte', Litterature 50. See Darby Lewes, 'Utopian sexual landscapes: an annotated checklist of British somatopias', Utopian Studies 7:2 (1996): 167-95. 51. Cupid and Hymen: A Voyage to the Isles of Love and Matrimony(London, 1742). The extended title of the third edition (London, 1748), reads Containinga Most Diverting Account of the Inhabitants of those Large and Populous Countries;their Laws, Manners, Customs, Government,etc. With many Useful Directionsand Cautionshow to Avoid the and Quicksandsthose Islands about with, DangerousPrecipices wherein so many Thousand Adventurers have Parish'd Miserably.The Whole Consistingof the Most Refin'd Ideas of

Love ... In the same year the General Advertiser of 7 October ascribed the authorship to the comedy writer and composer Henry Carey (1687-1743) 'and other persons of wit and humour'. Whether the 'persons' associated with Carey's name can be traced on the basis of the list of subscribers to his 'Dramatick Works' of 1743-the year in which Carey put an end to his life-is an intriguing question. A co-author with the initials 'T. B.', alluded to in later editions, could then possibly be identified as Thomas Budgen, Esq., cited in the list. In the 1772 edition, a certain Simon Single is given as author, behind which the comedian Henry Ward supposedly concealed himself. 52. In general, this development is considered to be connected to the fashion of sentimental novels set in motion by Samuel Richardson's epistolary novel Pamela (1740/41). 53. Cartographical Curiosities,Jonathan Potter Ltd, Sales 63 (1993): Catalogue 10 (London, 1986); TheMap Collector 54. 54. Robert Sayer and John Bennett, Catalogue of Printsfor 1775 (reprinted, London, 1970). For Sayer's 'turn-ups' (or 'Harlequin Books'), see Percy Muir, English Children's Books1600 to 1900 (London, 1954), 204-10, 228; Atherton, PoliticalPrints in the Age of Hogarth (see note 46), 10f, 78ff; Mary Pedley, 'Gentlemen abroad: Jefferys and Sayer in Paris', The Map Collector 37 (1986): 20-23; Caroline Goodfellow, A Collector's Guide to Games and Puzzles (Secaucus, N.J., and London, 1991), 20. We would assume the unknown hydrographer referred to in the print's heading as 'T. P.' to be one of the two map publishers Thomas Page father (d.1762) and son (d.1787). was used as a standard text in Latin 55. The Tabulacebetis classes. Through Joseph Addison and Richard Steele, Cebes became the most prominent model for all sorts of and other moral weeklies. allegorical tales in The Spectator See Stephen Orgel (ed.), Cebes in England: English with Translationsof the Tabletof Cebes, from ThreeCenturies, RelatedMaterials(New York, 1980). 56. The notion of 'moral world' stands for a concept conceived by the 17th-century philosophers Erhard Weigel and Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, among others; see Reitinger, 'Die Konstruktion anderer Welten' (note 16), 159-61. 'Moral world' meant the specific reality moral philosophy dealt with. Since about 1740 the term has been well established in the British Isles; see William Dudgeon, The State of the Moral World consider'd, or, a in the Government Vindication of the Moral World of Providence of Moral (Edinburgh, 1732); George Turnbull, ThePrinciples of Philosophy.An Enquiryinto the Wiseand GoodGovernment the Moral World(London, 1740). 57. On German-language maps, marriage is understood as a casual consequence of 'innocent' love in the course of which the couple in love gradually assume responsibility when blessed with children in a place called Kindersegen ('Blessed with Children'). In Sayer, by contrast, premarital experiences are part of a maturation process. As a sort of training for life, love is the prerequisite for that bond for life to succeed. Marriage, however, with its division into an outer and inner harbour takes on an intrinsic depth. As primarily a form of relationship, it is relieved of any reproductive tasks. 58. The assumption may be supported by the fact that Johnson's map was still being used to illustrate modernized editions of Le Noble's book, like Simon Single's A Descriptionof the Land of Wedlock,Containing a Diverting Account of the Numerous Inhabitants of this Vast Region (London, 1802).

59. Herbert McLachlan, WarringtonAcademy:Its History and Influence (Manchester, 1943); Padraig O'Brien, Warrington Academy, 1756-86: Its Predecessorsand Successors (Wigan, 1989); Padraig O'Brien, Eyres' Press, Warrington (1756-1803): An Embryo UniversityPress (Wigan, 1993). 60. John and Laetitia Aikin, MiscellaneousPieces in Prose (London, 1773). Joseph Ellis shared his studio in Clerkenwell with his more prominent son William (1747-1810); see Ian Maxted, The London Book Trades 1775-1800: A Preliminary Checklistof Members (Folkstone, Kent, 1977), 74. It is likely that John Aikin had connections with the Ellises' studio, since later in the 1790s Aikin entrusted to William Ellis the illustrating of his Description of the Country. .. round Manchester(London, John Stockdale, 1795; reprinted New York, 1968). Donald Hodson, CountryAtlases of the British Isles, vol. 3 (London, 1997), 30-31, shows that the engraver sometimes called John Ellis is in fact the same as Joseph Ellis. Hodson attributes the confusion over the two identities to Richard or, an HistoricalAccountof What Gough, British Topography, Has Been Donefor Illustratingthe Topographical Antiquitiesof Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1780); personal communication from Laurence Worms in anticipation of his 'Dictionary of British Map Engravers' (in preparation). 61. Now the map links with a discussion on whether the religious confession and piety of both partners play an essential role in the harmonious development of a marriage, a discussion whose origins can be traced back to the beginning of the 18th century. See John Johnson, The Advantages and Disadvantagesof the Marriage-State,as Entered into with Religiousor IrreligiousPersons.Represented under the Similitudeof a Dream (London, 1772). 62 Otto van Veen, AmorumEmblemata(Antwerp, 1608), invented the genre of the erotic emblem, and his imitators in the 17th and 18th centuries were hugely successful. In 1775 the emblematic tradition was in decay. After the silvae allegoricae,the mundi symboliciand other encyclopedic reference books about emblematic form, the meaning an emblem had become an empty shell to which all sorts of interpretations, sometimes contradictory, could be attached. It had become part of a collective awareness and thus an appropriate object for Freudian study.

63 Ellis may have taken the idea of indicating trade winds on his map from Herman Moll (1654?-1732), whose maps provided examples of the contemporary interest in commercial exploration and overseas trade. See, for example, Moll's Map of America, with the Trade etc.Mexicoor New Spain. Windsand his Map of the West-Indies Also ye Trade Winds, both in his Atlas Minor (London, 1736), nos. 45 and 55. 64. The poem that refers to the printed map was first published in the posthumous edition of the author's works, arranged by her niece Lucy in 1825. In a short footnote the editor draws attention to the map and suggests that it is evidence of her aunt's original jeu d'esprit. 65. 'Epithalamium', a nuptial song in praise of the bride and bridegroom (O.E.D.). 66. Reproduced in Hill, Cartographical Curiosities (see note 2), 55 (Fig. 67): Not the wild herds of nymphs and swains That thoughtless rush into their chains, As custom leads the way; If there be bliss without design, Ivies and oaks may grow and twine, And be as blest as they. 67. A detailed study of later examples of marriage maps is in progress. For specific maps, see Siegfried Feller, The 43 (1988): 54, and 44 (1988): 54; a small Map Collector selection of some minor examples is to be found in Siegfried Feller, Cartomania31/32 (1993): 17. 68. See Franqois Lyotard (ed.), Les immateriaux.Epreuves d'ecriture (Paris, Centre Georges Pompidou, 1985); Jean Clair, Cathrin Pichler, Wolfgang Pircher (eds), Wunderblock.Eine Geschichte der modernenSeele (exhibition catalogue; Vienna, Historisches Museum der Stadt, 1989), chapters 1: 'Experiment Seele', 5: 'Physiognomik', 6: 'Signaturen der Seele', 7: 'Lokalisationstheorie und Hirnforschung'; Donald Kuspit, 'A mighty metaphor: the analogy of archeology and psychoanalysis', in Sigmund Freudand Art: His PersonalCollection of Antiquities,ed. Lynn Gamwell and Richard Wells (New York and London, 1989), 133-51.


des rapportshumains: allegories,sexes et representations Cartographie cartographiques

Parmi les cartes allegoriques du debut des temps modemrnes, celles qui ont trait aux relations romantiques, aux entre sexes et au ont exerce la curiosite de ceux qui etudient la litterature rapports manriage depuis longtemps et l'histoire de la cartographie. Ces cartes decrivent les differents etats des couples maries ou non marines, sans se preoccuper du jugement de la societe, et cartographient l'itineraire du voyageur en quete de projets matrimoniaux. Comme ces cartes sont tout a fait allegoriques et liees intimement aux courants sociaux et litteraires contemporains, elles ne sont pas toujours faciles a interpreter. Cet article se donne pour but de fournir un apercu d'ensemble des cartes allegoriques du genre sentimental et une analyse des situations litteraires et politiques qui leur donnerent naissance. On etudie leur role cle dans l'evolution des sexes et dans le progres de nouveaux ideaux pour la femme en France et en Angleterre du dix-septieme au dix-neuvieme siecle.

und Kartographie in Frankreichund England (1650-1800) MappingRelationships.Geschlecht

Das formalisierte Wissen der Geographie, das sich in der politischen und militarischen Praxis als 'Fiihrungswissen' bewahrt hatte, wurde nach 1650 in die mondane Lebenswelt der Pariser Salons transferiert, wo es als g6ographie galante dem literarischen Ausdruck Prestige verlieh. Besonderes Merkmal einer solchen allegorischen Geographie war die Kartierung zwischengeschlechtlicher Beziehungen, die auf den Terrains der Freundschaft, der Liebe und der Ehe erfolgte. Deren herausragendste Vertreter setzten sich dabei fuiireine Lockerung der gesellschaftlich definierten Geschlechterbeziehungen ein, was zugleich eine Verhoflichung der Verhaltensrollen implizierte. Die Bestrebungen der Epoche, einheitliche moralische Standards zu formulieren, scheiterten jedoch in den zwischen Libertinage und Bigotterie schwankenden Richtungskampfen, in deren Verlauf die franzosische Landkartenallegorie einiges an sozialer Anerkennung einbuiBte. Seit dem Beginn des 18. Jahrhunderts schoben sich Fragen der Ehe und der Sexualitat in den in England. Hier ubernahm eine im WhigVordergrund. Besonders nachhaltig war die Diskussion daruiiber mannlicher Milieu angesiedelte Geo-Pornographie Aufgaben Sexualaufklarung vermittels einer topographischen Erfassung weiblich-erogener Zonen. Spaterhin wurde die Landkarte zu einer buiirgerlichenParabel des einzelnen innerhalb iuberplanmaBige Lebensfihrung, die helfen sollte, den wachsenden Gluiicksanspruch einer geregelten Ehe zu sichern.


Plate 11. Map of lands along the Smenek River. Again note boundary-marking posts and pits along boundary lines. (Courtes RGADA, f. 1209, Elets-Efremov, stlb. 23829, ch. 7,1. 1, 34 X 42 cm, c.1689 [Kusov, no. 901].) (p. 93.)