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August 2, 2001 No.

15

Trade, Labor, and the Environment
How Blue and Green Sanctions
Threaten Higher Standards
by Daniel T. Griswold

Executive Summary
Progress on trade liberalization has developed countries to raise their labor
been stymied by the current controversy and environmental standards. That
over whether labor and environmental explains why nations that are open to the
standards should be enforced through global economy enjoy the highest
trade sanctions. Advocates of sanctions incomes and also maintain the highest
insist that future trade agreements, labor and environmental standards.
including trade promotion authority, Sanctions deprive poor countries of
contain such standards enforced by the the international trade and investment
threat of sanctions, but the use of sanc- opportunities they need to raise overall
tions would be counterproductive and living standards. Sanctions tend to strike
would virtually rule out future regional at the very export industries in less-
and multilateral trade agreements. developed countries that typically pay
The argument for “enforceable” labor the highest wages and maintain the
and environmental standards is based on highest standards, forcing production
the myth that nations are engaged in a and employment into less-globalized
regulatory “race to the bottom,” but the sectors where wages and standards are
evidence fails to support that thesis. almost always lower. Sanctions also
Nations with low standards do not gain damage America’s economic interests by
a larger share of foreign direct invest- sabotaging regional and multilateral
ment or export markets. In fact, the large trade negotiations.
majority of the world’s trade and foreign If the U.S. government wants to
investment flows between advanced, encourage higher labor and environmen-
high-standard economies. tal standards abroad, its most important
In reality, openness to trade and policy should be to encourage free trade
investment promotes development and and investment flows so that low-stan-
higher incomes, which enable less- dard countries can develop more rapidly.

Daniel T. Griswold is associate director of the Center for Trade Policy Studies at the Cato
Institute.
By insisting on labor Introduction The stakes are high in the debate on whether
and environmental and how to address social standards within trade
Americans want the benefits of a more effi- agreements. If trade promotion authority stalls in
standards cient and open economy—lower prices, more Congress because of a lack of labor and environ-
enforceable through competition, better-paying jobs, and more mental language, Americans could be denied the
profitable investments. Americans also want to benefits of trade agreements that would expand
trade sanctions, promote higher environmental standards and the opportunity to trade. But if the U.S. govern-
advocates of better working conditions at home and abroad. ment insists on inserting those conditions into
“linkage” are taking Are those two values in conflict? Such is the international trade agreements, other nations,
premise of people who insist that future trade especially less-developed countries, are adamant
U.S. trade policy agreements require countries to meet certain that they will not sign them. Either way, interna-
down a new and environmental and labor standards. tional negotiations to lower trade barriers would
The question of labor and environmental be paralyzed. The threat of sanctions against
dangerous road. standards will be at the heart of any congres- countries because of their labor and environmen-
sional debate about future trade agreements, tal standards would chill, and probably kill, a new
including trade promotion authority (also round of negotiations in the World Trade
known as fast-track authority), which allows Organization, whose membership is now pre-
presidents to submit trade agreements to dominantly made up of less-developed coun-
Congress for up or down votes without amend- tries. Regional negotiations for a free-trade area
ment. Trade promotion authority has been of the Americas and most bilateral negotiations
allowed to lapse since 1994, largely because of would also be put on hold by trading partners
disagreements over how to address labor and who would rightly resent such a heavy-handed
environmental issues. Republican leaders in and potentially protectionist attempt to influence
Congress have rejected the use of sanctions in their domestic social policies.
future agreements, and key Democrats have By insisting on blue and green standards
warned that major trade agreements will not enforceable through trade sanctions, advocates
pass if they do not contain labor (“blue,” as in of “linkage” are taking U.S. trade policy down a
blue collar) and environmental (“green”) stan- new and dangerous road. Although references
dards enforceable through trade sanctions. to labor and environmental standards have
In June Republicans introduced “clean” trade been part of U.S. trade legislation since the
promotion authority legislation that appears to 1970s, no major trade agreement has ever
rule out provisions not directly related to trade. authorized the use of trade sanctions to punish
The Bush administration has embraced higher nations that fail to meet those standards, how-
global standards as a goal of U.S. trade policy, ever defined. Of the 130 free-trade agreements
proposing a “tool box” of measures that could be and 1,800 bilateral investment treaties that
used to promote them, but trade sanctions were have been negotiated around the world to date,
not in the box. In contrast, Sen. Max Baucus only 3—the North American Free Trade
(D-Mont.), the new chairman of the Finance Agreement, the Canada-Chile FTA, and the
Committee, has declared, “Without meaning- proposed U.S.-Jordan FTA—address environ-
fully addressing labor and environment— mental and labor issues in a comprehensive
preferably in the agreement—I cannot imagine way. 3 No trade agreement already enacted, by
a new free trade agreement winning congres- the United States or any other country, relies
sional approval.”1 David Bonior, Democratic on punitive sanctions as a tool for enforcing
whip in the House, has dismissed any language labor and environmental standards. Grafting
that does not include trade restrictions as a labor and environmental sanctions onto new
means of enforcement, arguing, “What good is trade legislation will create new barriers to
a ‘tool box’ if it doesn’t contain a hammer to both existing trade and future trade expansion.
enforce labor and environmental protections Before makers of trade policy decide
with tough trade sanctions?”2 whether to go down that road, they should

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examine the real impact of international trade determining where companies locate are such
and investment on labor and environmental factors as political stability; the education and
standards, the practical difficulties of defining productivity of the local workforce; the state of
and “enforcing” those standards in other coun- the country’s communications and transporta-
tries, and the inherent dangers—to ourselves, tion infrastructure; the rule of law; proximity to
our trading partners, and the global trading markets; and the ability to import, export, and
system—of wielding the hammer of sanctions repatriate profits freely.
as a tool of enforcement.
Low Standards and “Competitiveness”
Low standards do not confer a competitive
The Mythical “Race to advantage on poor countries, nor do high
the Bottom” standards impose a disadvantage on rich
countries. Maintaining low standards may
Much of the case for linking labor and envi- benefit particular industries in a poor country
ronmental standards to trade is built on the at the expense of other sectors of its economy,
assumption that, without enforceable stan- and imposing more restrictive environmental
dards, economically advanced nations with standards may change the composition of a
high social standards will find themselves at a rich country’s domestic industry but not nec- The assumption
competitive disadvantage vis-à-vis less-devel- essarily its overall output. For example, anti- that low standards
oped nations with low standards. Low stan- pollution regulations may cause pollution- confer an “unfair
dards supposedly give producers in poor coun- intensive industries to shrink relative to clean-
tries a significant cost advantage, allowing er industries. But, as trade economists Jagdish advantage” finds
them to take market share from rich-country Bhagwati and T. N. Srinivasan have pointed little support
producers burdened with the cost of higher out, that would be just as true in a closed
standards. Footloose producers in the rich economy as in one open to global competi-
either in theory or
countries will then be forced to transfer pro- tion.6 In fact, if reducing domestic pollution is in practice.
ductive capital to low-standard countries to the goal of such regulations, then openness to
remain competitive, prompting rich-country trade and investment can help accelerate the
governments to lower their standards to keep transition to cleaner production.
jobs and production at home, resulting in a reg- Similarly, imposing more restrictive labor
ulatory “race to the bottom.” Those concerns regulations may alter the mix of compensation
were reflected in a “Dear Colleague” letter, that employees receive without necessarily
signed in June by 97 Democratic House mem- reducing overall employment or output. In a
bers, warning that future trade agreements competitive market, employers will tend to pay
must “prohibit the unfair advantage gained workers according to their productivity. If a
through violation of fundamental labor and government attempts to suppress the overall
environmental protections.”4 compensation level to gain a competitive
The assumption that low standards confer advantage, employers will tend to bid against
an “unfair advantage” finds little support either each other to attract workers, raising the gener-
in theory or in practice. Labor and environ- al wage level until it matches productivity.
mental regulations do not appear to be signifi- Systematically suppressing “labor rights” may
cant factors in determining the competitiveness benefit certain industries and sectors, but it
and profitability of multinational companies in does not appear to gain any overall advantage
the world today. The costs of complying with for a nation’s economy.
environmental regulations, for example, typi- Consider collective bargaining and discrim-
cally account for less than 1 percent (they range ination. In practice, unionization can have
up to 2 percent for more pollution-intensive ambiguous effects on economic efficiency. If
industries) of production costs for industries in collective bargaining drives up wages beyond
Western countries.5 Far more important in the productivity of workers, it can cause the

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affected industries to lose market share in a poor, low-standard countries or rich countries
competitive market. But if collective bargain- would be lowering their standards to keep pro-
ing offsets the power of a dominant employer ductive capital and jobs from fleeing. In fact,
to keep wages below levels of productivity, neither is happening. 10
unions can enhance economic efficiency. The low labor and environmental standards
Systematic discrimination in the labor market endemic to less-developed countries do not
unambiguously reduces efficiency by discour- seem to confer any observable advantage in
aging certain groups of workers from fully par- attracting foreign direct investment (FDI). The
ticipating in economic activity. That reduces overwhelming majority of FDI comes from
national output, including exports if the work- and flows to developed countries with similar-
ers being discriminated against are concentrat- ly high labor and environmental standards.
ed in export production (for example, women According to the UN Conference on Trade
in the textile and clothing industries). As a and Development, of the $1.1 trillion in global
World Bank study concluded, “The effect of FDI flows in 2000, more than 80 percent went
discrimination is clearly not to create competi- to developed countries. Only 17 percent of
tive advantage in exports, rather it has the FDI was directed to developing countries,
opposite effect.”7 down from about 40 percent in the mid-
Differences in labor standards do not drive 1990s. 11 As the OECD concluded, “Aggregate
global trade and investment flows. In a 1996 FDI data suggest that core labor standards are
study of trade and labor standards, the not primary factors in the majority of invest-
Organization for Economic Cooperation and ment decisions of OECD companies.”12
Development compared export performance Nor do low environmental standards appear
with enforcement of labor rights, in particular to confer any advantage in attracting invest-
freedom of association. The study concluded, ment. In fact, nations with low environmental
“There is no evidence that low-standards standards tend to attract far less FDI than do
countries enjoy a better global export perfor- those with high standards. Figure 1 shows that
mance than high-standards countries.”8 The nations with the highest environmental stan-
study went on to explain: dards, as measured by the World Economic
Forum’s “2001 Environmental Sustainability
Core labor standards do not play a sig- Index,”13 also attracted the most FDI per capi-
nificant role in shaping trade perfor- ta.14 If the race to the bottom were actually
mance. The view which argues that happening, countries with low standards would
low-standards countries will enjoy tend to attract more FDI than those with high-
Nations with low gains in export market shares to the er standards. But Figure 1 demonstrates that
detriment of high-standards countries just the opposite is happening: higher environ-
environmental appears to lack solid empirical sup- mental standards are invariably associated with
standards tend to port. Countries can succeed in repress- higher flows of FDI. (See Appendix for com-
attract far less FDI ing real wages and working conditions plete cross-country data.)
only for a limited period of time. American direct investment abroad shows
than do those with Thereafter, market forces will be such the same bias in favor of high standards. In the
high standards. that wages will catch up, thus wiping three-year period 1997–99, American manu-
out previous competitiveness gains.9 facturing companies directly invested twice as
much in the high-wage, high-standard
economies of the European Union as in all of
Investing in High Standards Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, India,
If the race-to-the-bottom theory were true, and China combined. During that period,
we would expect to see at least one of two more U.S. manufacturing FDI flowed into
developments: either capital would be flowing Germany and the Netherlands, where the level
massively from rich, high-standard countries to of social regulation generally exceeds that in

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Figure 1
Environmental Standards and Foreign Direct Investment

$10,000

$1,000
Mexico
United States
$100
China

$10

$1

$0
30 40 50 60 70 80 90

Environtmental Standard Index

Sources: World Economic Forum, “2001 Environmental Sustainability Index,” Geneva, January 2001; and World Bank, World
Development Report 2000/2001 (Washington: World Bank, 2001).

the United States, than into Mexico and main- clearly not happening. The only other explana-
land China combined.15 tion consistent with a race to the bottom would
Low wages are no more of a magnet for for- be that rich countries are busy lowering their
eign investment than are low standards. own wages and standards to compete for capi-
According to a recent study on global manu- tal, but that argument finds equally little sup-
facturing investment by the consulting firm port in the real world.
Deloitte and Touche, other high-wage coun-
tries attracted 87 percent of total U.S. manu-
facturing FDI outflows in 1999, up from 75 The Real Race toward the Top
percent in 1998 and 69 percent in 1997. The
study explained, “Since only a relatively small Around the world a fundamental dynamic
percentage of a firm’s costs are in wages, factors appears to be at work: nations that are open to
such as local market size, skill and education trade tend to grow faster and achieve higher
levels of the host country workforce, and polit- incomes than do less-open nations, and those
ical and economic stability become much more with higher incomes tend to maintain higher
important for U.S. firms when making invest- labor and environmental standards. Through
ment decisions.”16 this powerful channel, globalization encourages
If low standards and low wages were the a race, not to the bottom, but toward the top.
dominant factors driving investment flows, as The link between openness to trade and
the race-to-the-bottom thesis assumes, then investment and economic growth has been
we would expect poor countries to be capturing well documented. Numerous cross-country
most FDI from developed countries. That is studies have found that nations relatively open

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Figure 2
Openness to Trade, Income, and Growth

Source: James Gwartney and Robert Lawson, Economic Freedom of the World: Annual Report 2001 (Vancouver, B.C.: Fraser
Institute, 2001), p. 78.

Note: PPP = purchasing power parity.

to the global economy grow faster than those tion in the domestic economy, lowering prices for
that are relatively closed. 17 Furthermore, poor consumers and import-using industries, breaking
nations that are open tend to close the income the power of protected domestic monopolies, and
gap with developed nations, while those that spurring innovation and efficiency among domes-
are closed tend to fall further behind. The con- tic producers. It provides new markets for
nection between trade and growth was con- exporters, allowing economies of scale and opening
firmed by economists James Gwartney and up new opportunities for domestic production.
Robert Lawson in their recent study, Economic Foreign trade and investment bless less-developed
Freedom of the World: Annual Report 2001. Of countries with capital, productive machinery, and
the 90 countries surveyed, they found that new technology.
those in the top quintile of trade openness dur- Higher incomes, in turn, spur higher stan-
ing the years 1980-98 averaged $22,306 in per dards. As incomes rise above subsistence level,
capita gross domestic product compared to people can afford to spend more on pollution
$2,916 for those in the bottom quintile. The control. They can more easily afford to send chil-
most open countries averaged 2.4 percent dren to school rather than to work to supplement
annual growth during the period compared to household income. A rising standard of living
0.5 percent average growth among the least also creates a more educated and politically aware
open countries (Figure 2). 18 population that expects higher standards, increas-
The reasons for the link are rooted in econom- ing political pressure on the government to insti-
ic reality. Openness to trade helps to shift resources tute reforms. That process appears to be working
to sectors that enjoy a comparative cost advantage to raise both labor and environmental standards
over other domestic sectors. It stimulates competi- in countries open to globalization.

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Trade and Labor Standards That improvement includes the most emo- “The strongest
Openness to trade and investment leads to tional of labor standards—child labor. Child finding is that there
faster growth, which leads to higher wages and labor of the worst kind is a fact of life in the
labor standards, including so-called core worker world’s poorest countries. According to the is a positive
rights. That is why the world’s most developed International Labor Organization, an estimat- association over time
economies, which account for most of the ed 250 million children between the ages of 5
world’s trade and attract most of its FDI, also and 14 work in less-developed countries, near-
between successfully
pay the highest wages and maintain the highest ly half of them full-time and to the exclusion of sustained trade
labor standards covering freedom of association, school.23 Children who are deprived of an ele- reforms and
discrimination, forced labor, and child labor. mentary education are likely to be condemned
For less-developed countries as well, to perpetual poverty. Society as a whole is improvement in core
engagement in the global economy lifts real deprived of the benefits of the human capital [labor] standards.”
wages and labor standards. Jobs in export and potential of an educated population. Yet
industries and foreign-owned affiliates gener- for many Third World families living on the
—OECD
ally pay significantly higher wages than do jobs edge of subsistence, the alternative to child
in non-trade-related industries. Foreign- labor is starvation.
owned affiliates in less-developed countries As is the case for labor standards in general,
typically pay wages and salaries that are about trade and globalization are not part of the prob-
eight times higher than per capita GDP in lem of child labor but are in fact a necessary part
those countries.19 According to a study by the of its alleviation. The overwhelming majority of
U.S. International Trade Commission, wages, child laborers toiling in poor countries work in
salaries, and labor standards are higher in sectors far removed from the global economy.
export-oriented sectors than in those that pro- More than 80 percent work without pay, usual-
duce nontraded goods. 20 ly for their parents or other family members and
When Western multinational firms invest in typically in subsistence farming.24 Most other
less-developed countries, they typically bring child laborers work for small-scale domestic
higher standards, not lower standards. For rea- enterprises, typically nontraded services such as
sons of internal efficiency as well as public per- shoe shining, newspaper delivery, and domestic
ceptions, multinational companies impose more service. 25 A report by the U.S. Department of
or less uniform standards on their affiliates, Labor found: “Only a very small percentage of
whether operating in less-developed or all child workers, probably less than five percent,
advanced economies. Multinational companies are employed in export industries in manufac-
tend to require their overseas production plants turing and mining. And they are not commonly
to meet higher standards than do domestically found in large enterprises; but rather in small
owned and operated companies, thus raising and medium-sized firms and in neighborhood
average standards in the host country. and home settings.”26
For all those reasons, globalization, develop- Openness to trade and the growth it brings
ment, and labor standards tend to rise together. have a positive impact on the welfare of children.
The 1996 OECD study on trade and labor stan- As household incomes rise, especially wages paid
dards found both “a weak positive association to adult females, fewer families face the econom-
between the degree of enforcement of [freedom- ic necessity of sending their children to work.
of-association] rights and the level of economic Studies confirm that labor force participation
development” and “a trend towards better com- rates by children aged 10 to 14 decline signifi-
pliance in low-standards countries.”21 That cantly with rising GNP per capita. 27 Child labor
progress, in turn, can be linked to globalization rates also fall as a nation’s population shifts from
and increased openness: “The strongest finding is rural agricultural areas, where child labor rates are
that there is a positive association over time relatively high, to urban centers. The most objec-
between successfully sustained trade reforms and tionable forms of child labor are most commonly
improvement in core [labor] standards.”22 found in rural areas of poor countries, areas that

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are the farthest removed from the reach of global what they need for subsistence, on the “luxury
trade and investment. As trade expands and good” of improved environmental quality. And
incomes rise, more parents can afford to send as economic growth creates an expanding, bet-
their children to school rather than to work. ter-educated middle class, the political demand
Working conditions in less-developed coun- rises for pollution abatement. That explains why
tries can strike Western observers as unaccept- the most stringent environmental laws in the
able if not appalling. But two points need to be world today are found in developed countries
considered: First, wages and working conditions that are relatively open to trade.
are likely to be even worse in non-trade-orient- Development by itself can have a mixed
ed sectors, such as services and subsistence agri- impact on the environment. All else being equal,
culture, that have been largely untouched by an economy that produces more of exactly the
globalization. Second, poor working conditions same goods and services in exactly the same way
in those countries are not a new phenomenon will produce more pollution. But development
but have always been a chronic fact of life. changes not only the size of an economy but also
Abysmal working conditions persist today not its composition and its level of technology. More
because of globalization, a relatively new phe- sophisticated technology can mean cleaner pro-
nomenon, but because of previous decades of duction processes and more affordable and
The most stringent protectionism, inflation, economic mismanage- effective pollution abatement. And as nations
environmental laws ment, hostility to foreign investment, and lack of progress to higher stages of development, they
in the world today legally defined property rights. Globalization is tend to move away from more resource-inten-
not the cause of bad working conditions but the sive activities such as mining, agriculture, and
are found in best hope for improving them. heavy industry and into light manufacturing,
developed countries One of countless examples of the beneficial information technology, and services. A study by
effect of international trade on working condi- the OECD on globalization and the environ-
that are relatively tions can be seen in the Charter clothing factory ment found: “There is some evidence that, once
open to trade. in San Salvador, El Salvador. A recent New York a country begins to industrialize, trade liberal-
Times story described conditions in the locally ization helps to make the structure of its econo-
owned operation, which produces clothing on my less pollution-intensive than in those coun-
contract for a major American retailer: “Inside, tries whose economies remain relatively closed.
rows of sewing machines face blackboards on In particular, freer trade seems to promote the
which supervisors have written the daily quotas transition from heavy resource-processing sec-
for shirts and trousers, roughly 2,000 a day for tors to light manufacturing ones (at least at mid-
each line of 36 machines. The pace is relentless, dle income levels).”29
but by local standards it is a pleasant place to work. That helps explain the so-called environmen-
There are lockers, tiled bathrooms, a medical clin- tal Kuznets curve, according to which environ-
ic and an outdoor cafeteria. Large fans and high mental quality in a developing nation initially
ceilings keep temperatures down.”28 Such condi- deteriorates as the economy begins to industrial-
tions might strike many Americans as those of an ize but then improves as the economy reaches a
intolerable “sweatshop,” but to local workers they higher level of development. Research by Gene
represent real progress. Grossman and Alan Krueger indicates that the
turning point occurs at about $5,000 per capita
Trade and Environmental Standards GDP: “We find no evidence that environmental
Expanding trade is not merely compatible quality deteriorates steadily with economic
with high standards of environmental quality growth. Rather, for most indicators, economic
but can lead directly to their improvement. As a growth brings an initial phase of deterioration fol-
country sees its standard of living rise through lowed by a subsequent phase of improvement.”30
economic liberalization and trade expansion, its Not all categories of pollutants fit that pattern, but
industry can more readily afford to control emis- as a general rule environmental quality appears to
sions. Its citizens have more to spend, above improve as incomes rise.

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Figure 3
Wealth and Environmental Standards

90

80
The "Green Ceiling"
70

60

50

40

30
$100 $1,000 $10,000 $100,000

Per Capita GDP (purchasing power parity, log scale)

Sources: World Economic Forum, “2001 Environmental Sustainability Index,” Geneva, January 2001; and United Nations
Development Program, Human Development Report 2000 (New York: United Nations, 2000).

The long-run positive impact of develop- GDP of at least $2,142; no nation has achieved
ment on the environment is confirmed by a a rating of 60 or more without a per capita GDP
cross-country comparison of environmental of at least $6,436; and no nation has achieved a
standards and per capita GDP. Figure 3 illus- rating of 70 or more without a per capita GDP
trates how environmental standards and quality, of at least $20,659. If the goal of U.S. policy is to
again as measured by the World Economic encourage higher environmental standards
Forum’s “2001 Environmental Sustainability abroad, we must help less-developed countries
Index,”31 generally rise along with per capita achieve higher incomes—and trade liberaliza-
GDP32 in the 83 countries measured. Higher tion, at home and abroad, must be an integral
per capita income appears to be a necessary part of any pro-development policy.
although not sufficient condition for improved Mexico is frequently cited as an example of
environmental quality. In other words, while how increasing trade can cause environmental
some countries have managed to achieve high degradation. But Mexico’s reputation for lax
per capita incomes without high environmental standards predates its trade reforms and entry
standards, no country has achieved high stan- into NAFTA. Although the expansion of
dards without high incomes. Mexican industry has made pollution control
In fact, a closer look at the cross-country data more challenging, economic growth and new
reveals a kind of “green ceiling” that must be technology have provided the means for raising
raised for nations to achieve higher environmen- standards. Meanwhile, a more competitive,
tal standards. According to the data, no nation multiparty political system has spurred the
has achieved an environmental sustainability government to be more responsive to domestic
index rating of 50 or more without a per capita demands for environmental protection.

9
One result is that Mexico City’s notorious- mental and labor standards. Absent clearly
ly dirty air has been getting noticeably cleaner. defined property rights, government regulation is
Levels of lead, carbon dioxide, and sulfur diox- usually necessary to protect common air and
ide are down significantly, and the city was free water resources from pollution that can endanger
of smog alerts during all of 2000. Efforts to public health. Government action may also be
clear the air seemed to turn a corner in 1995 necessary to eliminate forced labor, the exploita-
with the introduction of cleaner gasoline and tion of children, and market distortions caused by
more widespread installation of catalytic con- anti-competitive practices, whether on the part of
verters. Industries that ring Mexico City have industry or labor unions. But the evidence is clear
either cut their pollution emissions or dis- that economically sound regulations are perfectly
persed to other regions of the country. Today compatible with an open economy.
the air in Mexico City is cleaner than the air in There is no inherent conflict between high
Los Angeles was 30 years ago.33 labor and environmental standards in the
The United States itself is a classic example domestic economy and success in the global
of the benign effect of open trade and growth economy. In fact, the evidence points strongly
on the environment. It simultaneously has one to a positive correlation between high stan-
of the world’s most open economies and one of dards, high national incomes, and economic
the world’s cleanest environments. In the past openness. Nations that have opened them-
decade, the United States has continued to selves to the global economy tend to grow
open its economy further, signing NAFTA and faster, achieve higher per capita incomes, and
the Uruguay Round Agreement, which low- maintain higher labor and environmental stan-
ered tariffs worldwide and created the World dards. The belief that higher standards can be
Trade Organization. Meanwhile, America’s promoted only through tough language in
two-way trade and foreign investment contin- trade agreements is built on a myth.
ue to climb in relation to U.S. GDP. The grow-
ing globalization of the U.S. economy has been
accompanied by ever-rising environmental Whose Standards and
standards. According to the Council on What Standards?
Environmental Quality, mean ambient con-
centrations of sulfur dioxide and carbon Another major problem with enforcing
monoxide in the atmosphere of the United labor and environmental standards through
States both dropped by nearly 40 percent trade agreements is the lack of clear definition
between 1988 and 1997.34 During the same of what those standards should be, how com-
The growing period, the annual number of “bad air days” in pliance should be measured, and who should
major U.S. cities dropped by two-thirds. 35 The determine whether they have been violated.
globalization of the direct discharge of toxic water pollutants went On labor standards, a consensus of sorts exists
U.S. economy has down dramatically as well. 36 Since the early that countries should live up to a short list of “core
been accompanied 1970s, real spending by government and busi- labor rights.” The 175 member states of the
ness on the environment and natural resource International Labor Organization38 agreed in their
by ever-rising protection has doubled. 37 1998 “ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles
environmental The environmental progress evident in the and Rights at Work” to promote a set of “funda-
United States, Mexico, and elsewhere was not the mental” labor rights. The four generally accepted
standards. result of threatened trade sanctions or other external core labor rights are
pressure but a consequence of domestic pollution
control efforts made possible by economic growth • a ban on forced or compulsory labor (ILO
and new technology, which in turn are spurred by Conventions nos. 29 and 105),
increasing flows of trade and foreign investment. • freedom of association (ILO Convention
Of course, open trade and economic growth no. 87) and the right to organize and bar-
alone do not lead inevitably to higher environ- gain collectively (ILO Convention no. 98),

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• nondiscrimination (ILO Convention no. Tariffs and the Trade, the charter underlying The U.S.
111) and equal remuneration (ILO the WTO, states that “nothing in this government, which
Convention no. 100) in employment, and Agreement shall be construed to prevent the
• a minimum age for employment of chil- adoption or enforcement by any contracting has pushed
dren (ILO Convention no. 138) and a ban party of measures . . . relating to the products of aggressively for the
on the worst forms of child labor (ILO prison labour.”40 In effect, the United States
Convention no. 182). already possesses the legal power to impose
recognition of core
sanctions directly against imports made by worker rights in
While those core conventions are praised in forced or compulsory labor. No new language international trade
principle, they are not universally embraced in would be needed in future trade agreements to
practice. Only 45 of the ILO’s 175 member coun- retain that power. talks, has ratified
tries have ratified all eight core conventions. Several of the other core conventions pose only two of the
Another 79 countries, almost half of the ILO’s major problems of enforcement. Conventions
membership, have left two or more of the con- nos. 87 and 98, if implemented, could enhance
core ILO
ventions unratified. The U.S. government, which or restrict the power of unions in the United conventions.
has pushed aggressively for the recognition of core States in ways that conflict with existing U.S.
worker rights in international trade talks, has rat- law. They could require unions to admit all
ified only two of the core ILO conventions (nos. applicants, even those with past connections to
105 and 182). Only nine other ILO member the Communist Party or Ku Klux Klan, or per-
countries, including Laos, Myanmar, and the mit rival unions where U.S. law currently allows
People’s Republic of China, have ratified as few exclusive bargaining rights.
conventions as the United States.39 Among the Convention no. 100 requires ratifying coun-
countries negotiating with the United States tries to “ensure the application to all workers of
toward a free-trade area of the Americas, 25 have the principle of equal remuneration for men
ratified at least five of the core conventions. and women workers for work of equal value.”
Of course, ratification of an ILO conven- That could easily be interpreted as requiring a
tion does not necessarily mean the ratifying “comparable worth” regime under which the
country has actually implemented the conven- government dictates pay scales for female-
tion through its national laws, just as failure to dominated occupations deemed to be of “equal
ratify does not necessarily mean a failure to value” to better-paying, male-dominated occu-
implement. But the reluctance of the United pations. The United States could be forced to
States and many other countries to ratify a choose between massive intervention in the
number of core ILO conventions does cast labor market and sanctions from other coun-
doubt on those conventions as a universal stan- tries for our failure to ensure equal pay for work
dard to be “enforced” by global trade rules. of “equal value.”
Convention no. 111 requires ratifying coun-
ILO Conventions Are Problematic tries to prohibit “any distinction, exclusion or
Although core labor standards enjoy almost preference made on the basis of race, color, sex,
universal support as broad policy objectives, religion, political opinion, national extraction or
how they apply specifically to individual coun- social origin, which has the effect of nullifying or
tries is open to interpretation and debate. The impairing equality of opportunity or treatment
least problematic of the core conventions are in employment or occupation.” That prohibition
the prohibitions against forced or compulsory appears compatible with existing U.S. laws
labor (Conventions nos. 29 and 105). U.S. against employment discrimination, but it could
trade law already prohibits the importation of become a blank check for imposing sanctions
goods made by forced or slave labor, and such against a broad swath of less-developed or cul-
prohibitions are consistent with rules the turally dissimilar countries whose employment
United States has agreed upon in the WTO. practices do not meet Western standards of
Article XX(e) of the General Agreement on nondiscrimination. A number of countries in

11
Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and aries. MEAs have not sought to regulate pollu-
Asia, including Japan, could be challenged for de tion of a strictly local nature, such as municipal
facto or de jure discrimination against women in air or rural water quality. When advocates of
the workplace. linkage speak of “enforcing environmental stan-
Convention no. 138 obligates ratifying dards,” it is unclear whether they mean existing
members to “ensure the effective abolition of MEAs, which already contain their own moni-
child labor and to raise progressively the mini- toring and enforcement procedures, or national
mum age for admission to employment or or local environmental quality standards.
work to a level consistent with the fullest phys- If the target were pollution that transcends
ical and mental development of young per- international boundaries, the best approach
sons.” The minimum age “shall not be less than would be to negotiate MEAs that deal directly
the age of completion of compulsory schooling with the particular type of pollution that needs
and, in any case, shall not be less than 15 years.” to be curbed. But if the target is purely domestic
Although the ban specifically excludes child environmental standards, then the question aris-
labor on family farms that produce for local es of why the United States, or any internation-
consumption, it could be interpreted as pro- al body, should be enforcing standards that, by
hibiting child labor necessary for the economic their nature, would be applicable only within the
National and survival of families on the edge of subsistence. boundaries of other sovereign nations. National
subnational As a consequence, the minimum age of 15 and subnational governments are in the best
governments are would be a much more difficult standard for position to determine the tradeoffs appropriate
poor countries to meet than for rich countries. for their economies’ level of development. It
in the best position Convention no. 182 commits ratifying would be inefficient and a violation of sover-
to determine countries to eliminate “the worst forms of eignty for the United States to determine and
child labor,” which the convention defines as enforce other countries’ domestic environmental
the environmental prostitution, drug trafficking, and other illicit standards through trade agreements.
tradeoffs appropriate activities; all forms of slavery, including debt A backdoor approach to enforceable envi-
for their bondage; and work that, by its nature, “is like- ronmental standards would be to create within
ly to harm the health, safety or morals of chil- global trading rules new loopholes that would
economies’ level dren.” If any ILO convention should enjoy allow a broad range of trade barriers and sanc-
of development. universal support, it is this one, but even this tions. WTO rules could be rewritten to allow
convention raises problems of interpretation trade restrictions based not on any inherent
and international enforcement. characteristic of the product itself, as the rules
now permit, but on the “production and
Elusive Environmental Standards processing methods” used to produce it. Other
Environmental standards are even more proposed carve-outs would allow sanctions to
open to interpretation. No single universally be applied through MEAs, even if they con-
acknowledged code comparable to the ILO’s flicted with WTO rules, and allow products to
core conventions exists for environmental stan- be banned on the basis of the “precautionary
dards. Instead, global environmental standards principle,” even when no valid scientific evi-
have evolved through a patchwork of multilater- dence exists to warrant such an action. Each of
al environmental agreements (MEAs) each those exceptions, if added to existing global
aimed at a specific problem. In all, about 200 trade rules, would invite protectionist misuse
MEAs have been negotiated; the major agree- and undermine development.
ments regulate ozone-damaging fluorocarbons,
transboundary shipments of hazardous waste, A Ban on Regulatory Flexibility
and international trade of endangered species. Absent any agreed-upon objective stan-
Existing MEAs deal with environmental dards, another approach is to require all partic-
issues of a global nature, in which pollution or ipants in a trade agreement to fully enforce
the impacts of pollution cross national bound- their existing domestic labor and environmen-

12
tal laws and to not weaken those laws in a bid ically damaging if strictly enforced. For exam-
to attract foreign investment or spur exports. ple, it is widely understood that labor laws in
That is the approach incorporated in the side India are too inflexible, preventing needed
agreements to NAFTA, which the United labor market adjustments and forcing millions
States signed with Canada and Mexico in of workers into the informal sector. If a less-
1993, and in the main text of the free-trade developed country with similarly burdensome
agreement (FTA) with Jordan, signed in rules were to seek to make its labor laws more
October 2000 and now pending in Congress. flexible and economically rational, it could be
Specifically, Article 5, section 3(a) of the U.S.- accused of violating international trade rules
Jordan FTA states, “A Party shall not fail to by trying to lower its standards “in a manner
effectively enforce its environmental laws, affecting trade.” The result could be a perverse
through sustained or recurring course of action incentive for countries to keep their labor and
or inaction, in a manner affecting trade environmental laws locked at an inefficient
between the Parties, after the date of entry into and economically damaging level, or at a lower
force of this Agreement.” Article 6, section 4(a) level where enforcement is easier and less
imposes the same requirement regarding prone to challenge.
domestic labor laws.41
The U.S.-Jordan FTA defines environmental Overloading the WTO
laws as those written to protect human, animal, A final hurdle would be deciding who would
and plant life through pollution abatement, con- determine compliance. Many advocates of
trol of environmentally hazardous or toxic mate- enforceable standards want them to become part
rials, and conservation of wild flora and fauna, of WTO rules so they can be enforced by trade
including endangered species. It defines labor sanctions, but the WTO is poorly suited to arbi-
laws as those written to protect the core list of trate disputes over domestic social standards.
“internationally recognized labor rights,” includ- The WTO’s dispute settlement mechanism
ing the right of association, the right to organize is already overburdened with hundreds of
and bargain collectively, prohibition of forced or ongoing cases directly related to trade and mar-
compulsory labor, a minimum age for employ- ket access. The experts appointed to WTO
ment of children, and “acceptable conditions of panels understand international trade law and
work with respect to minimum wages, hours of the organization’s guiding principles. Adding
work, and occupational safety and health.”42 labor and environmental standards to the list of If labor and
Merely insisting that other countries enforceable requirements would thrust those
enforce labor and environmental laws already panels into new and unrelated areas of dispute environmental
on the books creates its own set of problems. settlement. WTO panels would need to enforcement were
Such a requirement reinforces the myth that immerse themselves in the minutiae of pollu-
foisted on the
trade expansion encourages a race to the bot- tion control and domestic labor regulation.
tom—that without outside pressure, countries Like a grand international Equal Opportunity WTO, its dispute
will be tempted to lower labor and environ- Employment Commission, the WTO would settlement system
mental standards to gain some illusionary be called upon to judge whether discrimination
“competitive advantage.” The preponderance of exists in Japanese automobile plants or Chinese could easily be
evidence shows that no such pressure exists. In textile factories. The WTO would be convert- overwhelmed to
fact, expanding trade and rising productivity ed into the World Standards Organization. the point of
create conditions for higher standards. If labor and environmental enforcement
Moreover, insisting that countries enforce were foisted on the WTO, its dispute settle- breakdown by the
their labor and environmental laws could pre- ment system could easily be overwhelmed to sheer number and
vent necessary and rational adjustments to the the point of breakdown by the sheer number
way those laws are written and implemented. and complexity of nontrade cases brought
complexity of
Laws in place when a trade agreement is before it. A system that has so far worked well nontrade cases
signed could be overly restrictive and econom- to arbitrate trade-related disputes would be brought before it.

13
By discouraging incapable of arbitrating disputes of the number retard economic growth, making it more diffi-
trade and foreign and nature that “enforceable” social standards cult for poor countries to raise environmental,
would produce.43 labor, and overall living standards.
investment, On a microeconomic level, sanctions would
sanctions would tend to punish the very export-oriented indus-
retard economic The Trouble with Sanctions tries that pay the highest wages and maintain
the highest standards in the targeted country.
growth, making it Even if one accepts, against the weight of The best employers in the targeted country
more difficult for evidence, that the race to the bottom is real, and would be indiscriminately punished for the sins
that enforceable labor and environmental stan- of the worst employers. The effect of sanctions
poor countries dards can be determined and arbitrated, that would be to shrink the more globally integrat-
to raise still leaves the question of whether trade sanc- ed sectors that are pulling standards upward,
tions would be the right way to enforce those forcing workers into informal, domestic sectors
environmental, standards. Judging from experience and the where wages, working conditions, and labor-
labor, and overall importance of trade to development, sanctions rights protections are much lower.
living standards. would be ineffectual and counterproductive. Sanctions would harm the most vulnerable
As a general rule, unilateral trade sanctions members of society in the targeted country. By
have been a poor enforcement tool for U.S. for- inhibiting growth, sanctions would depress fam-
eign policy goals in general. Trade sanctions ily incomes, making it more difficult for parents
often miss their intended targets, inflicting to afford to send their children to school and
economic pain on workers and industries in the thus increasing the number of children in the
target country but not on government officials workforce. Sanctions targeted specifically at
responsible for the policies that prompted the industries that employ children could force
sanctions. Countries that are most likely to face them into occupations that are more dangerous
sanctions—those that are undemocratic and and pay even less. The most likely alternative for
economically underdeveloped—are also the a 13 year old working in a garment factory may
least likely to be swayed by sanctions because not be school but prostitution or heavy manual
their economies are less integrated with the labor. In 1993 an exposé of child labor in
global economy and their rulers more insulated Bangladesh caused garment factories there to
from the economic pain of citizens. dismiss tens of thousands of child laborers under
In practice, U.S. sanctions have failed to bring the age of 14. About 10,000 of them eventually
democracy and human rights to such targets as enrolled in special schools set up by UNICEF,
Cuba, Iraq, North Korea, Libya, and Myanmar. but an even larger number, according to a recent
In fact, sanctions have failed to achieve their goals story in the New York Times, “simply found more
in the large majority of cases in which they have dangerous and less lucrative work—breaking
been applied by the United States since World rocks, rolling cigarettes, pulling rickshaws.”45
War I. 44 There is no reason to believe they will be Elected leaders in less-developed countries
any more effective in prompting poor countries to have voiced their understandable objection to sanc-
protect labor rights and the environment and tions as a tool for promoting higher social stan-
much reason to believe they will inflict economic dards. In a speech at the Summit of the Americas
damage at home and abroad. in Quebec City, Canada, in April, President
Fernando Henrique Cardoso of Brazil spoke for
Targeting Poor Workers most other less-developed countries when he
If used to enforce labor and environmental declared: “It would be an obvious mistake—a very
standards, trade sanctions would have the per- serious mistake, indeed—to set given standards of
verse effect of undermining trade expansion, social development as a prior condition for free
one of the most powerful forces in the world trade. This would be tantamount to making devel-
today for raising standards. By discouraging opment a prior condition for development. . . . [It]
trade and foreign investment, sanctions would would be putting the cart before the horse.”46

14
Poisoning Trade Talks Clinton, in a media interview during the meet-
Insistence by the U.S. government that ing, endorsed sanctions as a tool of enforce-
labor and environmental standards be enforce- ment. The president’s ill-timed statement has
able through sanctions would be unacceptable been blamed as one of the reasons the meeting
to the large majority of less-developed coun- failed to launch a new WTO round of negoti-
tries, virtually foreclosing the prospect of any ations. In a speech in Berlin in April, WTO
major multilateral or regional agreements to director Gen. Mike Moore confirmed the
lower trade barriers. opposition to sanctions: “From what I have
Sanctions would be a poison pill for a new seen, WTO members will never agree to use
round of WTO trade negotiations. More than trade sanctions to enforce labor standards. It is
three-quarters of the WTO’s members are a line in the sand that developing countries will
less-developed countries that would be the not cross.”48
likely targets of any sanctions aimed at enforc- Widespread opposition to sanctions among
ing social standards. Their governments are our trading partners would foreclose opportu-
wary of the economic damage sanctions would nities to lower trade barriers abroad through
inflict on their economies and rightly suspi- new trade negotiations. The United States
cious that the motivation behind them would would not be able to negotiate seriously to
not be the new concern for higher standards lower barriers worldwide on agricultural goods, Widespread
but the old desire for protectionism. During a services, and manufactured products. Foreign opposition to
1996 ministerial meeting in Singapore, WTO tariffs and nontariff barriers would remain sanctions among
members (the United States included) unani- against a number of major U.S. exports. Global
mously endorsed the ILO as the “competent barriers against agricultural imports, for exam- our trading
body” to deal with labor standards and threw ple, average 40 percent, and barriers against partners would
cold water on sanctions as a tool of enforce- U.S. service exports remain especially high in
ment. The ministerial joint statement declared: less-developed countries. Reducing those bar-
foreclose
riers will be difficult if not impossible if global opportunities to
We renew our commitment to the or regional trade negotiations are stymied by lower trade barriers
observance of internationally recog- American intransigence on sanctions.
nized core labor standards. The abroad through
International Labor Organization Other Dangers new trade
(ILO) is the competent body to set and Another danger posed by sanctions is that
deal with these standards, and we they would be vulnerable to capture by domes-
negotiations.
affirm our support for its work in pro- tic interests seeking protection. Industries and
moting them. We believe that econom- their labor unions that want to hobble their
ic growth and development fostered by competition in less-developed countries could
increased trade and further trade liber- pursue sanctions behind the cloak of high-
alization contribute to the promotion minded rhetoric about protecting the environ-
of these standards. We reject the use of ment and workers’ rights. Sanctions would
labor standards for protectionist pur- provide a tempting tool to use against those
poses, and agree that the comparative countries and foreign industries that are the
advantage of countries, particularly most competitive against import-competing
low-wage developing countries, must industries in the United States. The AFL-CIO
in no way be put into question. 47 has only fueled suspicions of a protectionist
agenda by flatly rejecting any enforcement
Widespread opposition to sanctions in the mechanism other than sanctions, despite their
WTO has not softened since then. At the proven ineffectiveness.49 If compliance, not the
WTO ministerial meeting in Seattle in stifling of trade, were the objective, then other
December 1999, representatives from poor enforcement tools would be more attractive.
countries reacted with dismay when President For people ideologically opposed to trade liber-

15
alization, sanctions offer an irresistible twofer: reducing their capacity to export—we’re going
they raise barriers to existing trade and under- to lower their incomes even more and make it
mine efforts to lower barriers to future trade even more difficult to enhance labor standards
through negotiations. and the environment.”51
Finally, enforcing social standards through By any reasonable measure, sanctions have
sanctions could invite a backlash against U.S. proven to be an ineffective and counterproduc-
exporters. Other nations with tighter labor and tive tool for imposing standards on foreign
environmental regulations could plausibly chal- governments. They seldom achieve their stated
lenge the United States for seeking to gain a objective. They often hurt the very people, usu-
competitive advantage through its more liberal ally poor workers, whom advocates of sanctions
standards. Other countries could cite the rela- claim they are trying to help and leave
tively low level of union representation in untouched the political class responsible for the
America’s private workforce as circumstantial offending policies. They frustrate the growth
evidence of a lack of a “right to collective bar- and development that are necessary to achieve
gaining.” America’s enforcement of the death higher standards. They threaten to derail mul-
penalty, even for juvenile and mentally retarded tilateral and regional trade negotiations, com-
offenders, could invite sanctions based on plicating efforts to open markets for U.S.
“human rights” standards. Any attempt to exports. They invite protectionist capture at
reform our domestic environmental and labor home and retaliation from abroad. In sum,
laws, no matter how economically rational the sanctions are a bad way to enforce difficult to
changes might be, could invite sanctions define social standards, all in the name of pre-
against U.S. exporters. venting an illusionary “race to the bottom.”
Sanctions have drawn bipartisan criticism with-
in the United States. A paper published by the pro-
trade Democratic Leadership Council concluded: Alternatives to Sanctions
Attempts to enforce higher labor stan- The alternative to sanctions is not to “do
dards overseas through trade sanctions nothing” about labor and environmental stan-
have failed in the past and are unlikely dards but to reinforce the positive upward pres-
to work in the future. Trade sanctions sure already being exerted by expanding trade
are a very blunt instrument to address and development. U.S. citizens and their gov-
the complex range of factors con- ernment can promote higher social standards
tributing to poor labor standards— abroad without sacrificing the beneficial effects
Enforcing social such as poverty, corruption and politi- of open trade and investment.
cal and regulatory weakness. They are One alternative would be to enhance the
standards through also likely to be counterproductive by monitoring ability of the ILO. It could be
sanctions could retarding the growth and development granted the authority and resources to investi-
invite a backlash that poor countries so desperately gate alleged labor-rights abuses in member
need. 50 countries. It could compile and release annual
against U.S. reports on labor conditions within member
exporters. Federal Reserve Board chairman Alan countries, exposing systematic violations to
Greenspan, in response to a question during public scrutiny. A negative ILO report could
testimony before the Senate Finance expose the offending member to international
Committee in April, warned that sanctions criticism and potential loss of business.
would be economically destructive and self- Another alternative would be voluntary action in
defeating: “If we’re trying to impose those civil society. Thanks to the “CNN effect,” a global
[higher] standards on economies with low audience is often quickly made aware of gross viola-
standards of living and, in effect, impose tions of human and labor rights. Negative publicity
[them] by restricting our markets—that is, can prompt consumer boycotts and make multina-

16
tional companies wary of producing in the offending The advantage of fines over sanctions is that Any effort to
country. Less-developed countries and the multina- they do not disrupt beneficial trade relations encourage higher
tional firms that invest in them both have a market and thus do not hinder development that leads
incentive to avoid actions that would tag them as bad to higher standards. Fines more directly punish standards abroad
global citizens. the offending party, the government, rather should be designed
A related alternative would be voluntary labeling than specific export sectors that are typically an
of goods to allow consumers to act on their prefer- influence for higher standards. Fines would
so as not to
ences. Through labeling, importers to the U.S. mar- remove any incentive to pursue complaints as a undermine the
ket could signal that their goods were made without cover for protectionism. expanding trade
child labor, or by unionized workers, or by environ- The major drawback of fines is that they would
mentally friendly methods. (An example already on reinforce the mistaken belief that, without outside and rising incomes
the shelves is “Fair Trade” coffee offered by pressure, governments will succumb to a regulatory that make higher
Starbucks.) Such labeling gives consumers a chance race to the bottom. Fines also raise sticky questions
to put their money where their stated preferences of who would pay—the country’s general taxpayers
standards possible.
are. If consumers paid higher prices for the or specific industries—and how the proceeds of the
approved goods, it would amount to a voluntary fines would be used. And if already poor countries
transfer of resources from rich to poor countries by are forced to cough up millions of dollars in hard
attaching a real monetary value to the preference for currency to pay those fines, they will presumably
higher standards. have fewer resources to spend on infrastructure
Advanced nations could also encourage high- improvement, legal reform, regulatory enforcement,
er standards by providing direct technical and and other needed measures.
financial assistance to less-developed countries to An improvement on fines would be to require
help them raise their social standards. Assistance the violating country to offer “compensation” in the
could take the form of providing new pollution form of greater market access. Instead of closing
control technologies and expertise to domestic trade, this approach would expand trade by reduc-
industries. Nonprofit organizations could help to ing trade barriers. It would create a win-win result
underwrite the cost of primary education, making economically, with both importing and exporting
school a more viable alternative to work for chil- countries gaining from greater specialization. The
dren from poor families. Such assistance would punishment would be the political pain imposed on
deal directly with the problem in a constructive the violating government because of increased com-
way, rather than seek to punish the country gen- petition for its import-competing domestic indus-
erally through destructive sanctions. tries. Like fines, compensation would remove the
Finally, if the U.S. government is determined to danger of protectionist capture.53
fuse labor and environmental standards into future Whatever the alternative to sanctions, the guid-
trade agreements, alternatives exist that would be ing principle should be, “First, do no harm.” At the
less economically destructive than sanctions. One very least, any effort to encourage higher standards
idea that has already been adopted on a limited scale abroad should be designed so as not to undermine
is to levy fines on governments that violate their the expanding trade and rising incomes that make
commitments to social standards. The North higher standards possible.
American Agreement on Labor Cooperation, one
of the NAFTA side agreements, authorizes fines
against a government that displays a “persistent pat- Conclusion
tern” of failure to enforce its domestic labor laws.
The fines are capped at .007 percent of two-way The effort to enforce global labor and envi-
trade, which means about $20 million for disputes ronmental standards through trade sanctions is
between the United States and Mexico and $30 built on a fundamental misunderstanding of
million for those between the United States and the real impact of trade and development. The
Canada. The free-trade agreement between weight of evidence indicates that nations are
Canada and Chile caps fines at $10 million.52 engaged not in a regulatory “race to the bot-

17
tom” but in a race toward the top. Openness to defined by the International Labor
trade and investment encourages faster growth, Organization would be ambiguous in the
which leads to rising incomes and higher labor application and may conflict with existing U.S.
and environmental standards. As a result, those labor law. Environmental standards are even
nations with the highest social standards in the less clearly defined and need to be flexibly
world today are also among the most open to applied depending on a country’s level of
the global economy. development. Saddling the WTO with
Attempts to “enforce” labor and environ- responsibility for settling disputes over social
mental standards through trade sanctions are standards would threaten to overburden and
not only unnecessary but also counterproduc- overwhelm an organization whose fundamen-
tive. Sanctions deprive poor countries of the tal task is promoting market access.
international trade and investment opportuni- If the U.S. government wants to encourage
ties they need to raise overall living standards. higher labor and environmental standards
Sanctions tend to strike at the very export abroad, its most important policy should be to
industries in less-developed countries that typ- encourage free trade and investment flows so
ically pay the highest wages and follow the that less-developed nations can develop more
highest standards, forcing production and rapidly. As a complementary policy, it could
The best policy employment into less-globalized sectors where seek a more robust ILO that could systemati-
for promoting wages and standards are almost always lower. cally monitor and report on enforcement of
economic growth at The end result of sanctions is the very opposite labor rights in member countries. Meanwhile,
of what their advocates claim to seek. civil society organizations are free to raise pub-
home and abroad— Sanctions also damage America’s economic lic awareness through campaigns and boycotts,
an economy open interests by sabotaging regional and multilateral and importers can cater to consumer prefer-
trade negotiations. Less-developed countries cor- ences for higher standards through labeling
to global trade and rectly understand that trade sanctions cripple their and other promotions. If the U.S. government
investment—is also ability to develop through engagement in the glob- insists on some enforcement mechanism with-
the best policy for al economy and invite protectionism against their in trade agreements, monetary fines or trade-
most competitive exporters under the cloak of expanding “compensation” would be far less
promoting higher “protecting” the environment and labor rights. If destructive than sanctions.
labor and trade negotiations are stymied because of an The demand for trade sanctions as a tool for
impasse over trade and social standards, U.S. man- enforcing environmental and labor standards
environmental ufacturing, agricultural, and service exporters will confronts Americans with a false choice. In
standards. continue to face high foreign trade barriers. reality, the best policy for promoting economic
In addition to being unnecessary and coun- growth at home and abroad—an economy
terproductive, enforcing standards through open to global trade and investment—is also
sanctions would prove to be an onerous and the best policy for promoting higher labor and
subjective task. Even “core labor rights” as environmental standards.

18
19
20
21
html-report. The index considers a wide range of
environmental factors, including actual pollution
Notes levels, conservation practices, and environmental
regulation.
1. Max Baucus, “What’s All the Commotion over
Trade Promotion? Taking Stock of Domestic and 14. Foreign direct investment per capita was calculated
International Views on America’s Stake in Global from FDI and population data from the World Bank,
Trade,” Speech before the New America Foundation, World Development Report 2000/2001 (Washington:
Washington, March 19, 2001, http://www. World Bank, 2001). The population data are from pp.
newamerica.net/frames/framenews_2k.html. 274–75, the FDI data from pp. 314–15.
2. Quoted in “New Democrats Set to Unveil Trade 15. U.S. Department of Commerce, Survey of
Principles Apart from Caucus,” Inside U.S. Trade Current Business, September 2000, pp. 71–73.
19, no. 20 (May 18, 2001): 21.
16. Deloitte and Touche, “Global Investment
3. “The Case for U.S. Trade Leadership: The United Trends of U.S. Manufacturers: Building the Global
States Is Falling Behind,” Business Roundtable, Network,” 2001, p. 7.
February 9, 2001, p. 16, http://www.brtable.org/
document.cfm/498. 17. See Jeffrey Sachs and Andrew Warner, “Economic
Reform and the Process of Global Integration,”
4. “Democrats Demand Labor and Environment in Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1995): 1–95;
Trade Agreements,” Inside U.S. Trade 19, no. 26 Sebastian Edwards, “Openness, Productivity and
(June 29, 2001): 14. Growth: What Do We Really Know?” National Bureau
of Economic Research Working Paper no. 5978, 1997;
5. Hakan Nordstrom and Scott Vaughan, “Special and Jeffrey A. Frankel and David Romer, “Does Trade
Studies: Trade and Environment,” World Trade Cause Growth?” American Economic Review, June 1999,
Organization, Geneva, 1999, p. 4. pp. 379–99.
6. Jagdish Bhagwati and T. N. Srinivasan, “Trade and 18. James Gwartney and Robert Lawson, Economic
the Environment: Does Environmental Diversity Freedom of the World: Annual Report 2001
Detract from the Case for Free Trade?” in Fair Trade (Vancouver, B.C.: Fraser Institute, 2001), p. 76.
and Harmonization: Prerequisites for Free Trade? ed.
Jagdish Bhagwati and Robert Hudec (Cambridge, 19. Edward M. Graham, “Trade and Investment at
Mass.: MIT Press, 1997), vol. 1, p. 169. the WTO: Just Do It!” in Launching New Global
Trade Talks: An Action Agenda, ed. Jeffrey J. Schott
7. Keith E. Maskus, “Should Core Labor Standards (Washington: Institute for International
Be Imposed through International Trade Policy?” Economics, 1998), p. 158.
World Bank Policy Research Working Paper no.
1817, August 1997, p. 26. 20. Mita Aggarwal, “International Trade, Labor
Standards, and Labor Market Conditions: An
8. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Evaluation of the Linkages,” U.S. International Trade
Development, “Trade, Employment, and Labour Commission Working Paper 95-06-C, June 1995.
Standards: A Study of Core Workers’ Rights and
International Trade,” 1996, p. 12. 21. Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development, “Trade, Employment, and Labor
9. Ibid., p. 105. Standards,” p. 11.
10. For a further critique of the “race to the bottom,” 22. Ibid., p. 13.
see Daniel W. Drezner, “Bottom Feeders,” Foreign
Policy (November–December 2000): 64–70. 23. Kebebew Ashagrie, “Statistics on Working
Children and Hazardous Child Labour in Brief,”
11. United Nations Conference on Trade and International Labour Organization, Geneva, 1997,
Development, “World FDI Flows Exceed U.S. $1.1 revised April 1998, http://www.ilo.org/public/
Trillion in 2000,” Press release, December 7, 2000, english/standards/ipec/simpoc/stats/child/stats.htm.
http://www.unctad.org/en/press/pr2875en.htm.
24. Ibid.
12. Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development, “Trade, Employment, and Labor 25. “Breaking the Labor-Trade Deadlock,” Carnegie
Standards,” p. 123. Endowment for International Peace, Inter-American
Dialogue, Working Paper 17, February 2001, p. 17.
13. World Economic Forum, “2001 Environmental
Sustainability Index,” Geneva, January 2001, 26. U.S. Department of Labor, The Use of Child Labor
http://www.ciesin.org/indicators/ESI/downloads. in U.S. Manufactured and Mined Imports, vol. 1 of By

22
the Sweat and Toil of Children (Washington: U.S. 43. It is true that the WTO has already been charged
Department of Labor, 1994), p. 2. with enforcing intellectual property rights, a matter
only tangentially connected with its fundamental mis-
27. Maskus, p. 14. sion of market access. In theory, the Agreement on
Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property, or
28. Leslie Kaufman and David Gonzalez, “Labor TRIPs, is enforceable through sanctions. But many
Standards Clash with Global Reality,” New York less-developed countries and many trade economists
Times, April 24, 2001, p. A1. Emphasis added. complain that TRIPs is a deviation from the WTO’s
29. Organization for Economic Cooperation and central mission of promoting win-win trade liberaliza-
Development, “Globalization and the Environment: tion and, in hindsight, should not have been made
Perspectives from OECD and Dynamic Non-mem- actionable through the WTO’s dispute settlement
ber Economies,” Paris, 1998, p. 20. mechanism. They argue that TRIPs transforms the
WTO into an international royalty collection agency,
30. Gene M. Grossman and Alan B. Krueger, imposing real costs on less-developed countries.
“Economic Growth and the Environment,” Adding labor and environmental standards to the
National Bureau of Economic Research Working WTO’s oversight would draw it further away from its
Paper no. W4634, February 1994. central mission and add to the asymmetrical burdens
placed on poor countries. See Jagdish Bhagwati,
31. World Economic Forum “Patent Protection Does Not Belong with WTO,”
Letter to the editor, Financial Times, February 20,
32. For per capita GDP, see United Nations 2001; and J. Michael Finger, “The WTO’s Special
Development Program, Human Development Report Burden on Less Developed Countries,” Cato Journal
2000 (New York: United Nations, 2000), Table 1. 19, no. 3 (Winter 2000): 425–37.
33. Tim Weiner, “Terrific News in Mexico City: Air 44. Gary Clyde Hufbauer, Jeffrey J. Schott, and
Is Sometimes Breathable,” New York Times, January Kimberly Ann Elliott, Economic Sanctions
5, 2001, p. A1. Reconsidered: History and Current Policy, 2d ed.
(Washington: Institute for International
34. Council on Environmental Quality, Environmental Economics, 1990), especially chap. 5, “Conclusions
Quality: 1997 Report (Washington: Council on and Recommendations.”
Environmental Quality, 1997), pp. 86–89.
45. Barry Bearak, “Lives Held Cheap in Bangladesh
35. Ibid., p. 267. Sweatshops,” New York Times, April 15, 2001, p. A1.
36. Ibid., p. 105. 46. Quoted in Paul Blustein, “Protests a Success of
Sorts; Labor, Environment on Leaders’ Agenda,”
37. Ibid., p. 224. Washington Post, April 22, 2001, p. A11.
38. The ILO, which was founded in 1919, grew out of 47. World Trade Organization, “Singapore
the Treaty of Versailles in the aftermath of World War Ministerial Declaration,” December 13, 1996,
I. It has 175 members and is governed by a tripartite http://www.wto.org/wto/archives/wtodec.htm.
council of 28 government representatives and 14 rep-
resentatives each from labor unions and business orga- 48. Quoted in Daniel Pruzin, “WTO’s Moore Cites
nizations. It is based in Geneva, Switzerland. Economic Benefits If New Round Were to Take
Place,” BNA International Trade Reporter 18, no. 17
39. International Labor Organization, “Ratification (April 26, 2001): 652.
of the Fundamental ILO Conventions,” http://
webfusion.ilo.org/public/db/standards/normes/appl/ 49. See “Labor Opposes Monetary Fines to Enforce
appl-ratif8conv.cfm?Lang=EN. U.S. Jordan Deal,” Inside U.S. Trade 19, no. 16
(April 20, 2001): 1.
40. World Trade Organization, General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade: Text of the General Agreement (Geneva: 50. Jenny Bates and Greg Principato, “A Third Way
GATT, 1986), pp. 37–38, http://www.wto.org/ on Trade and Globalization,” Progressive Policy
english/docs_e/legal_e/ gatt47.wpf. Institute Policy Report, July 2000.
41. Office of U.S. Trade Representative, “Agreement 51. Alan Greenspan, Testimony before the Senate
between the United States of America and the Finance Committee, Hearings on “Trade and the
Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan on the Establishment of Economy,” April 4, 2001. Greenspan’s answer is
a Free Trade Area,” October 24, 2000, pp. 9–10. The full worth quoting in full:
text is available at http://www.ustr.gov/regions/eu-
med/middleeast/textagr.pdf.
Senator, let me lay it out the way I
42. Ibid., p. 10. think it occurs to an economist, and, obvi-

23
ously, there are considerable disagree- We go back and look at our history in the
ments on this issue. 19th century. Labor standards were abysmal.
I don’t think anybody questions that People worked unbelievably long hours under
labor standards and enhanced environ- very adverse conditions. And as we often talk
ment are important goals, which clearly about the satanic mills in the 19th century,
deserve our attention. But I think it’s also what they were were environmental monsters.
important to remember that labor stan- We learned to change that as our
dards and environmental quality [are] economy increased. But if we’re trying to
directly related to the degree of prosperity impose those standards on economies with
in a particular economy. The ability to cre- low standards of living and, in effect,
ate significantly enhanced [environmen- impose it by restricting our markets—that
tal] and civil labor standards is very con- is, reducing their capacity to export—we’re
siderably spurred by having very high going to lower their incomes even more
standards of living; in other words, sur- and make it even more difficult to enhance
pluses in the economy of resources which labor standards and the environment.
enable, not only labor standards, but envi- So while I’m very strongly in favor of
ronmental standards to be of the highest endeavoring to enhance through interna-
level. tional negotiation these standards, along
The problem, unfortunately, is that as with all of the related issues of human
incomes fall—that is, standards of living fall— rights and rights generally, I think that
it becomes less and less affordable, in the sense employing trade sanctions as a means of
that real resources are required to maintain doing that is most counterproductive,
high labor standards and the environment. because I think it does precisely the oppo-
And if trade openings are a factor in ris- site of what we are trying to do.
ing standards of living, it’s pretty evident that
what we are dealing with is that countries or 52. For a more detailed analysis of how fines might
economies with low per capita incomes are work as an enforcement mechanism, see Kimberly
struggling to feed, clothe and house their pop- Ann Elliott, “Fin(d)ing Our Way on Trade and
ulation. And for those economies, the Labor Standards?” Institute for International
resources required to improve the environ- Economics, International Economics Policy Brief
ment and enhance labor standards must come no. PB01-5, April 2001.
from resources devoted to feeding, clothing 53. For a more detailed discussion of compensation as a
and housing the population. It’s only a move tool of WTO dispute enforcement, see Brink Lindsey et
toward higher standards of living that enable al., “Seattle and Beyond: A WTO Agenda for the New
various different economies to afford what Millennium,” Cato Institute Trade Policy Analysis no. 9,
[are] essentially luxury goods. November 3, 1999, pp. 8–13.

24
Trade Briefing Papers from the Cato Institute
“Missing the Target: The Failure of the Helms-Burton Act” by Mark A. Groombridge, (no. 12, June 5, 2001)

“The Case for Open Capital Markets” by Robert Krol (no. 11, March 15, 2001)

“WTO Report Card III: Globalization and Developing Countries” by Aaron Lukas (no. 10, June 20, 2000)

“WTO Report Card II: An Exercise or Surrender of U.S. Sovereignty?” by William H. Lash III and Daniel T. Griswold
(no. 9, May 4, 2000)

“WTO Report Card: America’s Economic Stake in Open Trade” by Daniel T. Griswold (no. 8, April 3, 2000)

“The H-1B Straitjacket: Why Congress Should Repeal the Cap on Foreign-Born Highly Skilled Workers” by Suzette
Brooks Masters and Ted Ruthizer (no. 7, March 3, 2000)

“Trade, Jobs, and Manufacturing: Why (Almost All) U.S. Workers Should Welcome Imports” by Daniel T. Griswold (no. 6,
September 30, 1999)

“Trade and the Transformation of China: The Case for Normal Trade Relations” by Daniel T. Griswold, Ned Graham,
Robert Kapp, and Nicholas Lardy (no. 5, July 19, 1999)

“The Steel ‘Crisis’ and the Costs of Protectionism” by Brink Lindsey, Daniel T. Griswold, and Aaron Lukas (no. 4, April
16, 1999)

“State and Local Sanctions Fail Constitutional Test” by David R. Schmahmann and James S. Finch (no. 3, August 6, 1998)

“Free Trade and Human Rights: The Moral Case for Engagement” by Robert A. Sirico (no. 2, July 17, 1998)

“The Blessings of Free Trade” by James K. Glassman (no. 1, May 1, 1998)

From the Cato Institute Briefing Papers Series
“The Myth of Superiority of American Encryption Products” by Henry B. Wolfe (no. 42, November 12, 1998)

“The Fast Track to Freer Trade” by Daniel T. Griswold (no. 34, October 30, 1997)

“Anti-Dumping Laws Trash Supercomputer Competition” by Christopher M. Dumler (no. 32, October 14, 1997)

25
Trade Policy Analysis Papers from the Cato Institute
“Coming Home to Roost: Proliferating Antidumping Laws and the Growing Threat to U.S. Exports” by Brink Lindsey and
Dan Ikenson (no. 14, July 30, 2001)

“Free Trade, Free Markets: Rating the 106th Congress” by Daniel T. Griswold (no. 13, March 26, 2001)

“America’s Record Trade Deficit: A Symbol of Economic Strength” by Daniel T. Griswold (no. 12, February 9, 2001)

“Nailing the Homeowner: The Economic Impact of Trade Protection of the Softwood Lumber Insudstry” by Brink Linsey,
Mark A. Groombridge, and Prakash Loungani (no. 11, July 6, 2000)

“China’s Long March to a Market Economy: The Case for Permanent Normal Trade Relations with the People’s Republic of
China” by Mark A. Groombridge (no. 10, April 24, 2000)

“Tax Bytes: A Primer on the Taxation of Electronic Commerce” by Aaron Lukas (no. 9, December 17, 1999)

“Seattle and Beyond: A WTO Agenda for the New Millennium” by Brink Lindsey, Daniel T. Griswold, Mark A.
Groombridge, and Aaron Lukas (no. 8, November 4, 1999)

“The U.S. Antidumping Law: Rhetoric versus Reality” by Brink Lindsey (no. 7, August 16, 1999)

“Free Trade, Free Markets: Rating the 105th Congress” by Daniel T. Griswold (no. 6, February 3, 1999)

“Opening U.S. Skies to Global Airline Competition” by Kenneth J. Button (no. 5, November 24, 1998)

“A New Track for U.S. Trade Policy” by Brink Lindsey (no. 4, September 11, 1998)

“Revisiting the ‘Revisionists’: The Rise and Fall of the Japanese Economic Model” by Brink Lindsey and Aaron Lukas (no. 3,
July 31, 1998)

“America’s Maligned and Misunderstood Trade Deficit” by Daniel T. Griswold (no. 2, April 20, 1998)

“U.S. Sanctions against Burma: A Failure on All Fronts” by Leon T. Hadar (no. 1, March 26, 1998)

From the Cato Institute Foreign Policy Briefing Papers Series
“Washington’s Iron Curtain against East European Exports” by James Bovard (no. 15, January 7, 1992)

“Dump Our Anti-dumping Law” by Michael S. Knoll (no. 11, July 25, 1991)

“A Mexican View of North American Free Trade” by Roberto Salinas-Leon (no. 9, May 21, 1991)

“Banking on Poverty: An Insider’s Look at the World Bank” by Michael H. K. Irwin (no. 3, September 20, 1990)

26
From the Cato Institute Policy Analysis Series
“New Asylum Laws: Undermining an American Ideal” by Michele R. Pistone (no. 299, March 24, 1998)

“Market Opening or Corporate Welfare? ‘Results-Oriented’ Trade Policy toward Japan” by Scott Latham (no. 252, April 15, 1996)

“The Myth of Fair Trade” by James Bovard (no. 164, November 1, 1991)

“Why Trade Retailiation Closes Markets and Impoverishes People” by Jim Powell (no. 143, November 30, 1990)

“The Perils of Managed Trade” by Susan W. Liebeler and Michael S. Knoll (no. 138, August 29, 1990)

“Economic Sanctions: Foreign Policy Levers or Signals?” by Joseph G. Gavin III (no. 124, November 7, 1989)

“The Reagan Record on Trade: Rhetoric vs. Reality” by Sheldon Richman (no. 107, May 30, 1988)

“Our Trade Laws Are a National Disgrace” by James Bovard (no. 91, September 18, 1987)

“What’s Wrong with Trade Sanctions” by Bruce Bartlett (no. 64, December 23, 1985)

Other Trade Publications from the Cato Institute
James Gwartney and Robert Lawson, Economic Freedom of the World: 2001 Annual Report (Washington: Cato Institute, 2001)

China’s Future: Constructive Partner or Emerging Threat? ed. Ted Galen Carpenter and James A. Dorn (Washington: Cato
Institute, 2000)

Peter Bauer, From Subsistence to Exchange and Other Essays (Washington: Cato Institute, 2000)

James Gwartney and Robert Lawson, Economic Freedom of the World: 2000 Annual Report (Washington: Cato Institute, 2000)

Global Fortune: The Stumble and Rise of World Capitalism, ed. Ian Vásquez (Washington: Cato Institute, 2000)

Economic Casualties: How U.S. Foreign Policy Undermines Trade, Growth, and Liberty, ed. Solveig Singleton and Daniel T.
Griswold (Washington: Cato Institute, 1999)

China in the New Millennium: Market Reforms and Social Development, ed. James A. Dorn (Washington: Cato Institute, 1998)

The Revolution in Development Economics, ed. James A. Dorn, Steve H. Hanke, and Alan A. Walters (Washington: Cato
Institute, 1998)

Freedom to Trade: Refuting the New Protectionism, ed. Edward L. Hudgins (Washington: Cato Institute, 1997)

27
Board of Advisers CENTER FOR TRADE POLICY STUDIES
James K. Glassman
American Enterprise
Institute T he mission of the Cato Institute’s Center for Trade Policy Studies is to increase public
understanding of the benefits of free trade and the costs of protectionism. The center
publishes briefing papers, policy analyses, and books and hosts frequent policy forums and
Douglas A. Irwin conferences on the full range of trade policy issues.
Dartmouth College Scholars at the Cato trade policy center recognize that open markets mean wider choices
and lower prices for businesses and consumers, as well as more vigorous competition that
Lawrence Kudlow encourages greater productivity and innovation. Those benefits are available to any country
Kudlow & Company that adopts free trade policies; they are not contingent upon “fair trade” or a “level playing
field” in other countries. Moreover, the case for free trade goes beyond economic efficiency.
William H. Lash III The freedom to trade is a basic human liberty, and its exercise across political borders unites
George Mason University people in peaceful cooperation and mutual prosperity.
School of Law
The center is part of the Cato Institute, an independent policy research organization in
José Piñera
Washington, D.C. The Cato Institute pursues a broad-based research program rooted in the
International Center for traditional American principles of individual liberty and limited government.
Pension Reform
For more information on the Center for Trade Policy Studies,
Razeen Sally visit www.freetrade.org.
London School of
Economics Other Trade Studies from the Cato Institute
George P. Shultz “Coming Home to Roost: Proliferating Antidumping Laws and the Growing Threat to U.S.
Hoover Institution Exports” by Brink Lindsey and Dan Ikenson, Trade Policy Analysis no. 14 (July 30, 2001)

Walter B. Wriston “Missing the Target: The Failure of the Helms-Burton Act” by Mark A. Groombridge,
Former Chairman and Trade Briefing Paper no. 12 (June 5, 2001)
CEO, Citicorp/Citibank
“Free Trade, Free Markets: Rating the 106th Congress” by Daniel T. Griswold, Trade Policy
Clayton Yeutter Analysis no. 13 (March 26, 2001)
Former U.S. Trade
Representative “The Case for Open Capital Markets” by Robert Krol, Trade Briefing Paper no. 11 (March
15, 2001)

“America’s Record Trade Deficit: A Symbol of Economic Strength” by Daniel T. Griswold,
Trade Policy Analysis no. 12 (February 9, 2001)

“Nailing the Homeowner: The Economic Impact of Trade Protection of the Softwood
Lumber Industry” by Brink Lindsey, Mark A. Groombridge, and Prakash Loungani, Trade
Policy Analysis no. 11 (July 6, 2000)

“WTO Report Card III: Globalization and Developing Countries” by Aaron Lukas, Trade
Briefing Paper no. 10 (June 20, 2000)

Nothing in Trade Policy Analysis should be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of the
Center for Trade Policy Studies or the Cato Institute or as an attempt to aid or hinder the pas-
sage of any bill before Congress. Contact the Cato Institute for reprint permission. Additional
copies of Trade Policy Analysis studies are $6 each ($3 for five or more). To order, contact the
Cato Institute, 1000 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20001. (202) 842-
0200, fax (202) 842-3490, www.cato.org.