Greece & Rome, Vol. 48, No.

2, October 2001

PUBLIC STATES:

IN THE GREEK DOCUMENTS ARCHIVES AND INSCRIPTIONS Part II

By P. J. RHODES

We have seen that the published text of a Greek document is not the original text; it may not entirely agree with the original text; and if the text was published in more than one copy the copies may not entirely agree with one another. Nevertheless there was a tendency to consider the published texts rather than the originals to be in some sense the official texts - and as late as c. A.D. 200 Argos sent to another state 'the copy of the stele'.' Orators often cite a text from a stele (and often indicate its location),2 though Plutarch's story about Pericles and the Megarian decree envisages a displayed pinakion which could be turned to face the wall,3 and once we reach the middle of the fourth century texts are also sometimes cited from the Metroum.4 Stelai were modified or destroyed to reflect changing circumstances. In 419/8, after the Spartans had sent a garrison into Epidaurus by sea, the Athenians added to their stele containing the Peace of Nicias a note that the Spartans had not kept their oaths5 - though the pretence that the Peace was or should be in force was still maintained until Athens joined Argos in a raid on Laconia in 414.6 Ath. Pol. tells us that in 404/3 the Thirty in Athens 'took down from the Areopagus the laws of Ephialtes and Archestratusabout the Areopagites';7they also demolished stelairecording honours awarded under the democracy, as we know from decrees ordering the republication of those honours subsequently.8 When the Second Athenian League was founded, the prospectus included the promise, 'For whichever of the cities which make the alliance with the Athenians there happen to be unfavourable stelai at Athens, the council currentlyin office shall have power to demolish them'.9 Similarly the coinage law of 375/4, enacted at a time when Athens distinguished between nomoi ('laws') of greater validity and psephismata('decrees') of lesser validity, ends with the order, 'If there is any decree written on a stele contraryto this law, the secretaryof the council shall demolish it';10and in

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361/0, when Athens fell out with Alexander of Pherae and made a shortlived alliance with the Thessalian koinon,it ordered the demolition of the stelecontaining the alliance with Alexander."l Outside Athens, in the late 360's members of an anti-Athenian party in Iulis on Ceos were condemned in absence and went into exile, but they 'returned to Ceos and overturned the stelai on which were written the agreement with Athens and the names of those who had contravened the oaths and the agreement';'2 Aristotle and his nephew Callisthenes were honoured at Delphi for compiling a list of Pythionikai, victors in the Pythian Games, but in the aftermath of the death of Alexander the Great these honours were rescinded: the surviving fragment of the honorific inscription was found in a well.13 Sometimes Greeks do not demolish a whole stele, but erase a passage in a text with which they are no longer happy. To return to the prospectus for the Second Athenian League: in the clause spelling out the purpose of the League a passage of about three lines has been erased, but not very thoroughly, so that Accame was able to reconstruct a reference to the King's Peace (largely confirmed by the work of C. V. Crowther on digitally enhanced photographs). This erasure is in fact puzzling, because at the only time when Athens would be likely to want to delete that reference, in 367 when the Persians had given their blessing to anti-Athenian terms put to them by the Thebans, Athens had for two years been allied to Sparta and we might expect the preceding hostile reference to Sparta to be deleted at the same time."4 However, though the membership of the League had continued to change, the stele had not been altered since (probably) 375: we have to assume that in a moment of anger against the Persians the Athenians remembered that reference to the King's Peace but did not stop to ask if the stele was out of date in other respects. In the middle of the third century, for a period after the Chremonidean War, Athens was under the thumb of Macedon; in 229 it detached itself from Macedon and accepted the protection of the Ptolemies; in 200 it declared war on Macedon, abolished the tribes named after Antigonus and Demetrius, and also voted to destroy all monuments to the Antigonids and to delete all references to them in published decrees. The decision is reported by Livy, and there is plentiful evidence of its being carried out.'5 For instance, in some prytany documents of the Macedonian period the prytaneiswere said to have performed sacrifices for the health and safety not only of the council and people of Athens but also of the Antigonid royal house: somebody did indeed search out

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those references and delete them; in three texts the deletion was done thoroughly, in a fourth a few letters at the beginning and the end of the erasure can still be made out, and a fifth prytany inscription was not found by the erasers; we also have a decree of soldiers at Eleusis which the erasers overlooked.16 To add a non-Athenian example of erasure - in 217 Philip V advised Larisa, whose population had been depleted by warfare, to grant citizenship to all resident Thessalians and other Greeks, and promised to nominate others; but in 215 he complained that those who had been
enrolled and inscribed on the stelaihad been 'chiselled out'
(EKKoAarrTEtv);

if this was true, those who had advised it had been mistaken; those who had been condemned by the citizens should be reinstated, or if any were guilty of a serious offence and did not deserve to 'participatein this stele' their cases should be delayed until Philip could hear them - and Larisa obeyed and inscribed the whole dossier.17 In the archives, though some texts were preserved and could be retrieved and published on a later occasion, it was standard practice for documents which at the time of their creation were regarded as ephemeral to be destroyed when they had served their purpose. We have noticed that records of payments due on contracts were 'wiped off when the payments were made (though it is not clear whether Ath. Pol. 47.ii-iii refers to one series of documents or two, and if it refers to two it may be that only the notes of payments due were destroyed and the separate records of the contracts were not).18 In the financial decrees of 434/3 the records of the sums due to the Other Gods were to be destroyed when the debts were cleared.19In 408 Alcibiades' settlement with Selymbria included the restoration of hostages, perhaps taken in 410, and in 407 the Athenian decree ratifying the settlement ordered the erasure of the hostages' names by the secretary of the council in the At the end of the Peloponnesian War Athens presence of the prytaneis.20 triremes left at Samos, recording the Athenian the Samians to any gave names of these ships' trierarchsand cancelling any [word to be restored] recorded against them.21 The decree of 405/4 for the reinstatement of atimoi ordered the 'wiping-out' of all relevant documents, 'anywhere in the public realm, and any copy that there might be anywhere'22- which is closer in spirit to the promise in the prospectus of the Second Athenian League that any stelai unfavourable to any of the states joining the League will be demolished. The orator Lycurgus conjures up the possibility that a man might go into the Metroum and 'wipe out' a law there;23and I mentioned above the anachronistic story of Alcibiades'

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'wiping through' the notice of an impending lawsuit there. But when we hear of documents destroyed by the Thirty, or of a note added to the Peace of Nicias or the renunciation of the alliance with Alexander of Pherae, the reference is always to texts published on stelai, not to texts deposited in the archives. When at the beginning of the fourth century honorific decrees demolished by the Thirty were republished, that may have been done on the basis of copies which had been supplied to the honorands; but it may alternatively indicate that, when the Thirty demolished stelai, they were content with that and did not also search out and destroy the original texts in the archives.24 This willingness not only to regard many documents in the archives as dispensable once the transaction to which they referred was complete, but also on political grounds to demolish stelai and to delete passages that had become unpalatable, reminds us that the Greeks did not preserve texts in a historical spirit, to enable researchers like us to verify the financial records of a particularperiod or to discover what was decided and acted on by a particular state at a particular time: if a contractor paid the correct sum on the correct date, the record of his obligation would be destroyed; and if a change of political climate meant that a man or a state was no longer in favour, the evidence that that man or state had once been in favour would be obliterated - though when a stelewas defaced rather than demolished the fact that there had been an act of obliteration would be visible. (I must, however, mention the second-century decree of Paros about the completeness and accuracy of the records,25and also my favourite secretary, Zosimus of Priene in the first century: when the man originally elected as secretary died, and nobody else was willing to shoulder the burden of the leitourgia, he accepted the position and, sparing no expense - that is, spending his own money on the job, as was often done in the hellenistic and Roman periods - he had each document copied both on parchment and on papyrus, and after completing his first year he undertook a second.26 Clearly he was a man who wanted his documents to survive.) It used to be assumed fairly simple-mindedly that inscribed texts were set up so that members of the public could read them: expressions like
(Ko7rTEv Tjt

fiovAo'evwL('for whoever wishes to see') occur in publication

clauses in Athens and in many other states from the fifth century onwards,27 in Euripides' Supplices Theseus includes in his defence of democracy the claim that written laws give equal opportunities of justice to poor and rich,28 and I believe it is no accident that Athens took to publishing documents on a large scale in the 450's, just after the reforms

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of Ephialtes had made the state self-consciously democratic.29 Strikingly, Apollodorus claims that the Athenian law prescribing that the wife of the basileusshould be a citizen woman, married to him as a virgin, was inscribed on a stele, still standing, but with faint lettering - in the sanctuary of Dionysus of the Marshes, which was open only on one day each year, 'so that not many should know what had been written'.30 Recently, however, there has been a growing awareness that by no means all Greeks, even all Athenians, will have had a sufficient degree of literacy to be able to read long and complicated texts; that the stoichedon style, with letters spaced regularly on a grid, no spaces between words, and lines ending whenever their quota of letters has been used, will not have made reading easy even for those who had a reasonable degree of literacy;31that some texts were so located that the upper part, at least, could not be read without climbing a ladder; and in terms of costeffectiveness many texts seem unlikely to have justified their publication. Furthermore, the administrative documents that are published record some aspects of the administration but by no means all, and not necessarily the aspects which a researcher might find most useful.32 It is important to the pride of men who are honoured that their honours should receive publicity; it is important for the families of those who die in war that their family member is listed on the war memorial. It could be of more serious importance to those who were rewarded for fighting on the side of the Athenian democrats in 403,33 or to those who acquired a new citizenship as a result of a sympoliteiaagreement or the like,34that there should be a publicly accessible statement of what rights had been granted and of which men they had been granted to. But what about documents which were not in that way of interest to particular individuals? If an alliance or a peace treaty contained an unusual clause, somebody might have occasion to consult it, and might, depending on how accessible and how well organized the archives were, find it easier to consult the published text than the text in the archives. The same could apply to a litigant who wanted to check the text of a law relevant to the case in which he was engaged. But who would read the Athenian Tribute Lists? Who would read a long and elaborate text concerning the treasury of Athena or the dockyards, which recorded not what should be there now but what the officials of ten years ago had received from the officials of eleven years ago and had in their turn passed on to the officials of nine years ago? In their published form these documents were valuable for what they symbolized as well as for the detailed information that they contained.

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We have a great league of allies, whose members make payments of tribute from which we make offerings to Athena - an equivalent in writing of what Darius had shown pictorially on the Apadana at Persepolis. We have a treasury of Athena with a rich collection of offerings. We have dockyards with a large number of well-equipped ships, and have pursued or are still pursuing the citizens with obligations in respect of those ships. And in every case we, the responsible officials for such and such a year, have done our duty down to the smallest detail, and here is the evidence that we have done so. We are a people whose masters are the laws, and here are our laws visibly displayed to prove it. (Whitley has remarked that, although archaic Crete is rich in inscribed laws, it is poor in other signs of literacy; and he suggests that the purpose of publication was as much to impress those who could not read as to inform those who could.35) We have an alliance with Alexander of Pherae, and if he turns against us we can give expression to our breach with him by demolishing the stele which records the alliance. oKo0TTEv raL
fovAojL'vwt('for whoever wishes to see') and Iva
rTavTE

ElS CaLV ('so that

all may know') can cover gazing on the monument and deriving knowledge from the monument in that sense as well as seeing and reading the text. This approach has highlighted an important truth about inscriptions, but we must not allow ourselves to be carried away too far by it.36It is still significant that, whereas the Apadana at Persepolis displayed pictures, the Delian League published texts - and not just short texts but annual lists of names and figures. It is significant that the temple treasurersand the overseers of the dockyards, if what they published was not always what we should regard as most useful, did nevertheless commemorate their year of office not with some other kind of monument but by publishing the evidence that they had done their duty down to the smallest detail. It is significant that the Athenians could not merely demolish the stelerecording their alliance with Alexander of Pherae, but that they were sufficiently conscious of what was said in the prospectus of their Second League that perhaps ten years later, when they were angry with the Persian King, they went back and deleted the clause referringto the King's Peace, even though they had not kept that steleup to date in other respects; and that at the end of the third century they tried to find all the texts in which there were references to the Antigonids and to delete those references. It was not as easy to find an inscribed law in the centre of Athens as to find a book in a library catalogue or (on a good day) to find a Web-site on a computer; but we should not dismiss

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too readily the possibility that in a world which did not have library catalogues or Web-sites (though of course library catalogues did begin with the Pinakes of Callimachus in the third century) there were people who from time to time looked at the texts of documents for the information which they contained, and sometimes for this purpose went not to the archives but to the publicly displayed inscriptions. In the realm of law, for instance, in Athens it was not just a limited circle of politicians but a large number of citizens who were at least occasionally involved in lawsuits;37there were no professional lawyers whom they could consult, but they would have to examine the laws relevant to their cases themselves, or find a friend who could do that for them.38The use of leukomata for the temporary display of information which some people needed to have reminds us that a Greek society was a society in which people could be expected to read texts which were displayed in public. Think of the importance of newspapers as posters in countries in which not every citizen could buy a copy. Even in archaic Crete there may have been some men who thought it important not merely to display the majesty of the law but to publish a text which would be available for consultation. Apart from the uses I have already mentioned, what other use was made of the records? D. M. Lewis, at the end of a paper which studies inscriptions showing that in Athens the sacred treasurers of 404/3, i.e. those who served under the Thirty, underwent a process of euthynaiand handed over to the democratic treasurers of 403/2 in a perfectly normal manner, remarked that 'An exploration of this kind ... is perhaps very modern in its approach, and it surely would not have occurred to anyone in the fourth century B.C. to do anything of the kind'.39R. Thomas has drawn attention to the fact that Aeschines, who himself served as one of the Athenian secretaries,40goes out of his way to praise the habit of record-keeping,41 and is more sophisticated than the other Athenian orators in exploiting the records, using them to establish the correct chronology of decisions and events42 and flaunting his knowledge of historical documents.43 It was of course impossible in the ancient world to do one thing which we take for granted in the modern: to supply copies of relevant documents to people attending meetings. Athens had a special secretary, elected whereas most civilian officials were appointed by lot, to read documents aloud to the council and the assembly, and each of the jurycourts had a secretary to read documents too.44 In the courts it was presumably the responsibility of the litigants to supply the secretarywith

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the documents which they wished to have read; documents read to the council and assembly will often have been newly-received reports and letters, but retrieval of an older document may have been necessary on
occasions.

Certainly the ancients, even in the fourth century and later, were not like modern academics; but we should not exaggerate the difference between them and us. Herodotus cites inscriptions, both Greek and oriental, beginning with one which he claims to be a lying dedicatory inscription at Delphi; he may derive information from inscriptions at points where he does not say so; but he does not distinguish between inscriptions he has seen and inscriptions he has not; where we can check him he is not as accurate in reporting or as cogent in arguing as we might wish; and it does not appear that he would give epigraphic evidence priority over oral tradition.45But later writers use inscriptions in a more serious way. Thucydides was capable not only of quoting treaties from the period of the Peloponnesian War but also of remarking on the deletion of Pausanias' arrogant epigram from the Serpent Column, of using the stele which recorded the condemnation of the Pisistratids to argue that Hippias was Pisistratus' eldest son, and of finding the lettering on the altar of the younger Pisistratus 'unclear'.46Research was done for such collections as the Aristotelian Politeiai. The Ath. Pol. devotes two thirds of its space to a history of the constitution and the remaining third to an account of the constitution's working in the author's own time; the historical part, probably deriving its material from earlier writers rather than from research in the archives by the author himself, quotes some documents from the late fifth century, and also some 'laws of Solon which are no longer in use';47 the descriptive part is based to a considerable extent on the laws currently in force.48 Theopompus seems to have claimed that an inscription containing the 'Peace of Callias' between Athens and Persia was a forgery, because it used the Ionian alphabet which Athens adopted at the end of the fifth century and not the old Athenian alphabet.49Polybius notes that Timaeus disagreed with Aristotle on the foundation of the Italian Locri, and accused Timaeus of lying when he claimed to have seen an inscribed treaty.50 We must remember the Craterus who made a collection of Athenian decrees;5' and Polemon of Ilium, who collected epigraphic texts in
various places, and was called a
a-rTAoK7Tras

('glutton for stela).52

Eventually Plutarch was able to join in a debate on the antiquity of the Areopagus, pointing out that some people claimed that the Areopagus could not have existed before Solon because it was not mentioned

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in the laws of Draco, but in spite of that the Areopagus must have predated Solon's reforms because it was mentioned in Solon's amnesty law - carefully cited as the eighth law on the thirteenth axon.53 Athens by the late fifth century, and even more in the fourth, was a state which made considerable use of written records. Proposers of decrees are said in literary texts to have 'written' them; public contracts were recorded in writing, and the record that payment was due was erased when the payment was made. A great many public documents, though of course not all, were written on leukomataor inscribed on stone for public display; and to produce the inscriptions which we have, temple treasurers did keep records of what they received and what they passed on; overseers of the dockyards did keep records of ships they received and ships they passed on, and of the trierarchsassigned to different ships and the extent to which they fulfilled their obligations. In the judicial sphere, we have seen that notices of prosecutions were alreadybeing displayed in public in the fifth century; by the middle of the fourth century prosecutors had to submit their cases in writing and witnesses had to submit their evidence in writing;documents relatingto cases which might go to appeal were kept together, sealed in a jar, so that they could be produced if necessary;54the new commercial lawsuits introduced in the 340's were for cases arising out of a written contract.55Phratries and demes maintained registers of their members.56 Some of the actual writing may have been done by salaried clerks, or even by slaves, but until a change in the 360's which allowed for more professionalism it was assumed that every tribal contingent of fifty in the council would contain a man who was competent to act as the state's principal secretary for a tenth of the year; and, to go back to the end of the sixth century, although the institution of ostracism did not require that every citizen should himself be capable of writing a name,57 I doubt if it would have been introduced in that form if that degree of literacy had not been reasonably widespread. No doubt Athens was at one end of a spectrum, and there were other states which did not make so much use of writing or have such a high proportion of literates among their citizens. There was still room even in Athens in the fourth century for non-verbal signs, from the tokens bearing the stamp of a three-obol coin which jurorsreceived to exchange for their pay,58to the symbola,tokens with a jig-saw cut, which were to be used to authenticate communications with Sidon59- but of course Sidon was non-Greek, and in our own world words are much rarerin the road signs of multi-lingual Europe (including the United Kingdom) than in those of the United States.

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Appendix

- Rome60

The Romans used the same range of media as the Greeks, though Roman style in public documents is so different from Greek that it must have become established before the Romans were subject to Greek
influence.61

Documents intended for permanent display were inscribed on stone or on bronze - but in the Republican period usually on bronze, because at that time the Romans did not have ready access to stone fine enough to take small letters.62In Rome as in Athens and some other Greek cities, a very large number of inscriptions came to be set up in public places.63 It was normal practice for laws to be both inscribed for publication and deposited in the archives;64under the Principate, inscription on stone was used for the permanent publication of some religious acta, such as those of the revived FratresArvales.65 Documents intended for temporary display were written in ink (atramentum)on a whitewashed board (album): among such documents were the album praetoris, containing the praetor's edict; the album senatorum, and in municipalities the album decurionum; the album iudicum, containing the men available to serve during the current year in the quaestionesperpetuae.66 Caesar in his first consulship (59 B.C.) for the arranged publication of the 'day-by-day proceedings of both the senate and the people' (tam senatus quam populi diurna acta), but Augustus stopped the publication of the senate's proceedings: we should envisage not a consolidated 'newspaper' but separate alba for decisions of separate bodies, set up in different places; while Cicero was in Cilicia, Caelius hired a team of men to collect news for him, and the work of collecting proved arduous.67Other media may be noticed also: wooden boards with a painted inscription, displayed in sacrificial and triumphal processions (tituli praelati) and subsequently in temples (in the Greek world as well as the Roman);68 election slogans and other texts painted on walls in Pompeii and Herculaneum, most of them in Egypt the use of papyrus for a apparently by professional scriptores;69 notice about a runaway slave, and for a dedication to Diocletian and
Maximian.70

The Romans' preferred medium for documents not intended for display was a wooden tablet (pugillaris,an object that can be held in the fist).71 Those commonly used were tablets with a wax inlay (cera; also caudex and the diminutive codicilli),72on which texts could be incised

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and erased: for security two tablets could be joined in a diptych, with the wax faces inwards, and sealed. Recently wooden tablets of another kind have been found at Vindolanda, near Hadrian's Wall, and at other sites in Britain:73these are very thin tablets, scored and folded to form a diptych which could be sealed, with the text written on the wood in ink; they are fragile and might be thought unsuitable for documentary purposes, but while most of those surviving were used for such purposes as private correspondence some were used for documents. Papyrus came into use in Rome under the Principate, though Roman conservatism was resistant to its use; and it has been suggested that some bronze tablets of the first century B.C. and later, inscribed in a more open format than was usual for this medium, were copying the format of papyrus originals.74 The word tabula could be applied to any rigid writing-medium: to a bronze tablet,75to a whitewashed board76or to a wax tablet;77or, still in the singular, to a connected set of these objects. A long text on bronze tablets or whitewashed boards would be arranged in columns (paginae);78 and the word pagina was also used of the 'pages' of a set of wax tablets. In Rome as in Greece changes in the political climate could lead to the destruction of inscriptions or the erasure of passages in them. When Cicero returned from exile, he attempted to take down the texts which recorded his exile, and Clodius attempted to prevent him;79when a man suffered damnatio memoriae,his name could be expunged from the fasti and other inscriptions in which it occurred.80We have one fascinating inscription giving an edict of Q. Veranius, governor of Lycia and Pamphylia in A.D. 43-8, insisting that because of the uncertainties to which alterations in a document can give rise, no administrative documents which are written on palimpsests or which contain interpolations or erasures can be accepted for inclusion in the archives.81 For Rome as for Greece there has been recent discussion of the function of documents in different media. Sometimes, as in Greece, a text was published both in permanent form and on an album; when a text contains an order for its publication, it commonly adds the stipulation, particularly but not only in connection with an album, 'in such a way that it can be read properly from ground level' (ita ut de piano recte legi possi(n)t) - a stipulation sufficiently regular to generate a standard abbreviation.82However, in Rome as in Greece many of the inscriptions were so placed that they could not easily be read; and C. Williamson has argued for Rome as others have argued for Greece

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that the purpose of inscription in a durable medium was symbolic and sacred rather than practical.83 Also the usefulness of tabulae kept in record-houses has been doubted: P. Culham argues that the aerarium received texts thought deserving of divine protection rather than texts considered archivally important, and that an investigator looking for records would derive more profit from inscriptions and from the records kept privately by the leading families.84N. Purcell has argued recently that the notion that Rome had a great tabularium,now underneath the Palazzo Senatorio on the Capitol, is mistaken;85and in a general account of Roman administration he insists that the administration revolved around people, not offices or documents; that the men who rose high in the administration were men of personal influence, not the clerks who wrote and stored the documents; and that, although documents were retained and stored, they were not catalogued and were not often retrieved and consulted.86 The fire of A.D. 192 which destroyed the imperial archives on the Palatine was important symbolically, but there is no sign that it inconvenienced the Roman government;87whereas after the destruction of three thousand bronze tablets in the civil war in A.D. 69 Vespasian had new copies made of as many as possible.88 But Purcell thinks even inscribed documents were more of symbolic than of practical importance, and he notes that enough of an oral culture survived for some laws to contain a requirement that the text was to be read aloud at regular intervals - a practice for which I am not aware of any Greek parallels.89 Claudius' letter to the Alexandrians was read aloud, but because 'the whole city' could not be present the prefect had a text displayed in public (though we know it from a papyrus copy).90 As with Greece, I think we should accept the symbolic significance of published texts, but should not allow ourselves to be carried away too far from the idea that in principle texts were published or deposited so that those who wished to read them could do so and that there might be a significant number of occasions when somebody did wish to read a published or a deposited text.91There were certainly men in the Roman world who knew the laws which they needed to know (and a profession of legal specialists developed in Rome as it did not in the Greek states): many men in Rome will have known laws from their being read aloud in contiones before they were finally enacted; but there is evidence that inscribed texts were consulted,92 and legal experts had their own copies made, perhaps from deposited texts.93A petitioner to Hadrian asks to be as Trajan had agreed, given a copy of a document from the commentarii, and that is duly done.94 Veranius' edict assumes that documents

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deposited in the archives will be consulted subsequently.95Inscriptions in the provinces can refer to honours recorded in inscriptions on the Capitol in Rome.96 Between the reigns of Claudius and Constantius, privileges granted to Roman soldiers were not only inscribed in Rome but copies were inscribed on folding bronze tablets (diplomata) and given to the individual soldiers.97When men had careers to celebrate, tombstones or honorific inscriptions could spell out their careers in detail.98Historians could cite inscriptions.99Those who could not read for themselves could ask somebody else to read a text to them.?00The Roman world, like the Greek world, was a world in which published texts mattered.
NOTES 1. SEG xxvi 426. 15-16. For further evidence in support of this view see Thomas, Oral Tradition,46. 2. E.g. And. 1. Myst. 95; Lys. 1. Caed. Erat. 30; Dem. 20. Lept. 36. 3. Plut. Per. 30.1. 4. E.g. Dem. 19. F.L. 129; cf. for an epigraphic instance IG ii2 583 (restored). What Aesch. 3. Ctes. 187 cites is a steleset up in the Metroum (cf. ?190 and A. E. Raubitschek, Hesp. 10 [1941], 205 = his The School of Hellas [New York, 1991], 36; also Sickinger, Hist. 43 [1994], 292 with n. 29): compare IG ii2 140. 31-5, where a law of 353/2 is to be appended to an earlierlaw on a stelein front of the Metroum (I am engaged in profitable discussion with Dr. M. B. Richardson about this text). 5. Thuc. 5.56.3, cf. Ar. Lys. 513. 6. Thuc, 6,105, cf. the chronologically difficult 5.25.3. 7. Ath. Pol. 35.2. 8. IG ii2 6 = Tod 98; IG ii2 9; and they presumably demolished the decree of 405/4 for Samos, since it survives for us on a stelewhich also contains the decrees of 403/2 (cf. Part I, p. 39 with n. 52). 9. IG ii2 43 = Tod 123 - Harding 35.31-5. E. Badian sees a threat that for states which do not Demokratieim 4. Jahrhundert join such stelaiwill not be demolished (in W. Eder [ed.], Die athenische v. Chr. [Stuttgart, 1995], 79-106 at 91), but I doubt if there were many such stelai standing at that date. 10. SEG xxvi 72.55-6. 11. IG ii2 116 = Tod 147 ~ Harding 59. 39-40. 12. IG ii2 111 = Tod 142 - Harding 55. 30-3. 13. F. Delphes III.i 400 = Tod 187 - Harding 104; Diog. Laert. 5.6. 14. IG ii2 43 = Tod 123 - Harding 35: King's Peace 11.12-15, Sparta 11.9-12. Full publication of Crowther's readings awaited: see meanwhile CSAD Newsletter2 (Spring 1996), 4-5. 15. Livy 31.44.2-9: for the evidence see S. Dow, Hesp. Supp. 1 (1937), 48-50, updated by Zeit (Hypomnemata73. G6ttingen, 1982), Athensin hellenistischer C. Habicht, Studienzur Geschichte 148 n. 137. 16. Thorough deletion Agora xv 89, 111, 115; less thorough 110; no deletion 119. Soldiers at Eleusis IG ii2 1299. 17. IG ix. 2 577 = SIG3 543; 11.26-39 (Philip's second letter) ~ Burstein 65. The practice of erasure continues: in Hvar in Croatia, in 1999, I bought a local guide-book printed in the 1980's, in which all references to Yugoslavia and to socialism had been neatly painted out. 18. Cf. Part I, pp. 33-4 with n. 7. Thomas, Oral Tradition,53-4 with n. 128, assumes that two series of documents are referred to and that 'all is cancelled at the end', but if there were two series it is possible that only the second was cancelled when the payments were made. Cf. Sickinger, Public Records,68-70 (also 127-9).

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19. Cf. Part I, p. 35 with n. 30. 20. IG i3 118 = M&L 87 ~ Fornara 162. 8-10, 37-42. 21. IG i3 127 = M&L 94 - Fornara 166. 25-30. 22. And. 1. Myst. 77-9 with 76. A. L. Boegehold, AJA2 76 (1972), 23-30, takes the first as a reference to the new central archive and the second to published copies (and contrasts this with And. 2. Return 23, in which he sees a sign that the central archive did not yet exist); but the text seems to imply that those 'in the public realm' will not all be in one place, and what follows suggests that 'copy' includes private copies. 23. Lyc. Leocr.66. Wilhelm, Beitrage, 270, thought the reference was to a displayed text rather than an archival text (cf. Part I, n. 32), but I am not sure that that is right. 24. I do not wish to press the claim of Aesch. 3. Ctes. 75 that the records in the archives are not changed with changes in politics. 25. SEG xxxiii 679. 26. . Priene 112, 113, 114. 27. Cf. Part I, p. 35 with n. 31. For a collection of examples from various states, to which many further references could now be added, see W. Larfield, Griechische Epigraphik(HdA I. v. Munich, 31914), 410-6. 28. Eur. Supp. 433-4. 29. Cf., e.g., Rhodes, C.A.H.2, v. 80. 30. [Dem.] 59. Neaer. 75-6. I think Prof. J. P. Sickinger for bringing this to my attention, in his contribution to E. Harris & L. Rubinstein (edd.), TheLaw and the Courtsin Ancient Greece(London, forthcoming). 31. But notice the warning of Crawford, i, p. 32 (in connection with Roman documents) against assuming that ancient readers not familiar with our conventions could not easily read texts which lacked them. 32. See especially Thomas, Literacyand Orality, 84-8; T. Linders, SO 67 (1992), 27-40; C. W. Hedrick, Jr./J. K. Davies/D. Harris in Ritual, Finance, Politics ... D. Lewis, 157-74/201-12/21325. 33. IG ii2 10 = Tod 100 ~ Harding 3 plus further fragments: complete text Osborne, Naturalization, D 6. 34. The stele containing SEG xxxvii 340, the agreement of the early fourth century by which Helisson became a komeof Mantinea, probably ended with a list of the Heliswasians who had been registered: cf. the connection of registrationwith the stele-engraversin 11.16-18. Cf. the dossierfrom Larisa mentioned above (p. 138 with n. 17), on the new citizens whose names were inscribed but subsequently erased. The importance of an inscription in such a case is remarked on by [Dem.] 59. Neaer. 105. 35. J. Whitley, AJA2 101 (1997), 635-61, cf. shorter version in N. Fisher & H. van Wees (edd.), Archaic Greece:New Approachesand New Evidence (London, 1998), 311-31. 36. After I had written the first version of this paper I saw Stroud, Grain-Tax Law, who announces an attack on this approach at pp. 46-8, esp. 46 n. 95. Hedrick, Hesp. 68 (1999), 387439, notes that some though not all of the 'formulae of disclosure' refer explicitly to informing the citizens. 36. Cf. M. H. Hansen, TheAthenianDemocracyin theAge of Demosthenes (Oxford, 1991), 186-8. 37. The speaker of [Dem.] 47. Ev. & Mnes. consulted the homicide laws on a stele: ?71. References to the Metroum by fourth-century orators (e.g. Lyc. Leocr66 [p. 138 with n. 23, above], Aesch. 3. Ctes. 187) seem to imply that citizens had the right of access, but we have no detailed information. and Athens (Paris, 1993), 223-9 39. D. M. Lewis in M. Pierart (ed.), AristoteetAthenes/Aristoteles at 229. 40. Dem. 19. F.L. 70, 200, 237, 249. 41. E.g. Aesch. 3. Ctes. 75. 42.E.g. Aesch. 2. F.L. 89. 43. Cf. the comments of Dem. 19. F.L. 303, 18. Crown209. See Thomas, Oral Tradition,69-71. 44. Council and assembly, Ath. Pol. 54.5, cf. Thuc. 7.10; jury-courts, Ath. Pol. 67.3, cf. forensic speeches passim. 45. On Herodotus and inscriptions see S. West, CQ2 35 (1985), 278-305. Lying dedication at Delphi: Her. 1.51.3-4.

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46. Thuc. 1.132.2-3; 6.55.1-2; 6.54.6-7 (this last inscription is IG i3 948 = M&L 11 - Fornara 37; Thucydides' transcription is accurate but the lettering is not particularly unclear; for another reference to the unclear lettering of an old inscription see [Dem.] 59. Neaer. 76). G. S. Shrimpton, History and Memoryin Ancient Greece(Montreal and London, 1997), 131, remarksthat Thucydides and Theopompus show 'an unexpected degree of sophistication in the use and criticism of inscriptions'. 47. Ath. Pol. 29, 30-1, 39; 8.3. 48 Cf. Rhodes, Comm.Ath. Pol., 33-5. 49 Thp. FGrH 115 F 154. Shrimpton, History and Memory, 151-2, notes that he did not consider the possibility that what he saw was a fourth-century republication of an authentic fifthcentury text. 50. Polyb. 12.9-10. 51. Crat. FGrH 342. 52. Ath. 6.234 D. 53. Plut. Sol. 19. 54. For the evidence and references to attempts to date the changes see Rhodes in W. Eder (ed.), Die athenische Demokratieim 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Stuttgart, 1995), 303-19 at 310-1. One litigant considered writing a family tree on a pinakion and showing it to the jury, but decided that those sitting at the back might not be able to read it: [Dem.] 43. Mac. 8. 55. Dem. 32. Zen. 1. 56. E.g. Isae. 7. Her. Apoll. 16-17 (phratries), Ath. Pol. 42.1-2 (demes). 57. We must remember the story of Aristides and the illiterate voter in Plut. Arist. 7.7-8, and consider the possibility that prepared votes such as the well-known hoard of votes against Themistocles (O. Broneer, Hesp. 7 [1938], 228-43, cf. Agora xxv, pp. 142-61) might be intended for use by voters who could not write. 58. Ath. Pol. 68.2 (for the nature of the token see Rhodes ad loc.) cf. 69.2. 59. IG ii2 141 = Tod 139 - Harding 40.18-25. 60. I thank Prof. A. J. Woodman for inciting me to write this appendix and for directing me to the discussions on the basis of which I have written it; Dr. A. E. Cooley and Prof. M. H. Crawford for giving me further information and references; and Dr. Cooley for showing me materialthat she has written. 61. For the survey of media and vocabulary with which this appendix begins see especially G. S. Bucher, AJAH 12 (1987) (publ. 1995), 2-61 at 6-29 with 46-55. Following a suggestion of E. Badian, he argues that Cic. De Or. 2.52 refers to the original recording of the annales maximi on wax tablets as the events occurred (mandabat litteris pontifex maximus, 'the pontifex maximus in album, consigned to writing'), their short-term publication on a whitewashed board (efferebatque 'and set out on a whitewashed board') and at the end of the year their definitive publication, perhaps in the Regia, on a bronze tablet (et proponebat tabulamdomi, 'and published a tablet at home'). 62. J. Edmondson, in B. Halpern & D. W. Hobson (edd.), Law, Politics and Society in theAncient MediterraneanWorld(Sheffield, 1993), 156-92, notes how Rome's non-Roman subjects copied the Roman style of publication. Some inscriptions of the Augustan period used bronze lettering on stone (e.g. the original inscription on the Vatican Obelisk, F. Magi, Stud. Rom. 11 (1963), 50-6; AE 1964, 255, gives the text but does not mention that the letters were of bronze), and G. Alf6oldi, Gymnasium 98 (1991), 289-324 at 297-9, suggests that these letters, shining like gold, were intended to symbolize Augustus' new golden age. 63. Cf. A. J. Woodman & R. H. Martin, The Annals of Tacitus, iii (Cambridge, 1996), 114-16. 64. E.g. Suet. Jul. 28.2. Cf. Crawford, i, pp. 25-7, citing further evidence. 65. W. Henzen, Acta Fratrum Arvalium Quae Supersunt (Berlin, 1874), and A. Pasoli, Acta FratrumArvalium quae post annum MDCCCLXXIV repertasunt (Bologna, 1950); CIL vi 20232188, 32338-97; extracts ILS 229-30, 241, 251, 5026-49; some ILS extracts trans. Lewis & Reinhold, ii. 554-7, Lewis & Reinhold3, ii. 516-19; a discussion of form and content M. Beard, PBSR 53 = 240 1985, 114-62, who regards the publication as symbolic rather than utilitarian. 66. Albumpraetoris,e.g. Sen. Ep. 48.10. Album senatorum,e.g. Tac. Ann. 4.42; decurionum, Ulp. Dig. 50.3.2. Album iudicum,e.g. quaestiorepetundarum, Bruns7 10 ~ E. G. Hardy, Six Roman Laws (Oxford, 1911), 1-34 = Riccobono2 7 - A.R.S. 38-46 = Crawford 1. 12-15; Suet. Claud. 16.2. 67. Suet. Jul. 20.1; Aug. 36; Caelius, [Cic.] Ep. Fam. 8.1.1-2 = 77.1-2 Shackleton Bailey. See P. White, Chiron 27 (1997), 73-84; also on the acta senatusM. Coudry in La Memoireperdue: a la

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recherche des archivesoubliees,publiqueset prives, de la Rome antique (Paris, 1994), 65-102; various sur studies of Roman archives are included in that volume and in La Memoireperdue:Recherches l'administrationromaine(Coll. Ec. Fr. Rome 243. Rome, 1998); an English version of C. Nicolet's chapter in the 1994 volume (pp. 149-72) is available as Financial Documents and Geographical Knowledgein the Roman World (Myres Memorial Lecture 16. Oxford, 1996). A. Lintott, PBSR 54=241 1986, 213-28, suggests that the so-called acta urbana for 168 B.C., widely dismissed as a forgery, may after all have been derived from an authentic document. 68. E.g. Suet. Jul. 37.2; a Greek example Sokolowski, LSAM 9 = IK. Ilion 9.21-4. See P. Veyne, RA 1983, 281-300. 69. See J. L. Franklin,Jr., Pompeii: The ElectoralProgrammata,Campaignsand Politics,A.D. 7179 (Rome, 1980), 24-6. The programmataare collected in CIL iv and supplements. 70. E.g. P. Oxy. li 3616; xli 2950. 71. E.g. Sen. Ep. 15.6. 72. Cera, e.g. Plaut. Pers. 528; cerapugillaris,Prudent. Peristeph.9.15. Caudex, e.g. Cic. 2 Verr. 3.26; used particularlyof account-books, e.g. Cic. Q. Rosc. 1. Codicilli,e.g. Cic. Phil. 8.28. A hoard of 175 wooden tablets, containing both texts incised in wax and texts written in ink, was found in L. Caecilius Iucundus at Pompeii (V.1.26): seeJ. Andreau, Les 1875 in the house of the argentarius Affaires de MonsieurJucundus (Coll. Ec. Fr. Rome 19. Rome, 1974). 73. See especially A. K. Bowman & J. D. Thomas, Vindolanda: The Latin Writing-Tablets (Tabulae Vindolandenses(Britannia Mon. 4 [1983]); The Vindolanda Writing-Tablets(Tabulae ii (London, 1994); also Bowman, The Roman Writing-Tablets Vindolandenses), from Vindolanda (London, 1983). Similar tablets from Carlisle include some documents: R. S. 0. Tomlin, Britannia 29 (1998), 31-84. 74. J. Mallon, Archivo Espafol de Arqueologia17 (1944), 213-37 at 234-6. 75. Specifically tabula aenea, e.g. CILi2 2924 = Crawford 8.19 cf. [14]; tabula aerea, Plin. N.H. 34.99. 76. Specifically tabula dealbata, e.g. J. H. Oliver & R. E. A. Palmer, AJP 75 (1954), 225-49 = Ehrenberg & Jones2 94a ~ Sherk, The Roman Empire:Augustus to Hadrian, 36 = Crawford 37, tabula Hebana, 20. 77. Specifically tabula cerata, e.g. Plaut. As. 763. 78. T. Mommsen, Hermes 2 (1867), 102-27 at 116 = GesammelteSchriften,v (Berlin, 1908), 325-51 at 339. 79. Dio 39.21.1-2. 80. E.g. Dio 51.19.3, Plut. Cic. 49.6 (Antony: the earliest known instance, according to Mommsen, Staatsrecht,iii. 1190-1); Tac. Ann. 3.17-18 (Piso's consulship of 7 B.C.). Mommsen pointed out that, if the statement in 18 that not even Antony's name had been expunged is correct, it must by A.D. 20 have been reinstated:in fact, in I. Ital. xIII.i 1 (Fasti ConsularesCapitolini), Antony has been deleted and reinscribed under 47 (magisterequitum)and 37 (triumvir) (the mention of his suffect consulship in 44 does not survive), and his grandfather, another M. Antonius, has been deleted and reinscribed under 99 and 97; in no. 18 (Fasti Colotiani) Antony and his brothers have been deleted and reinscribed under 44-41; no deletions are reported under 47 or 44 in no. 6 (Fasti Amerini), but that depends on a sixteenth-century transcription of a long-lost stone. Under 34, when he resigned his consulship on the first day, he is included, and has not been deleted, in no. 20 (Fasti magistrorum vici) but is not in no. 8 (Fasti Venusini):cf. Dio 49.39.1. Piso's consulship has not been deleted in no. 20, the only list in which 7 B.C. is preserved. Cf. A. Degrassi in I. Ital. XIII. i, pp. 18-19. 81. G. E. Bean, Anz. Wien 1962, 4-9 no. 2 = M. W6rrle in J. Borchhardt (ed.), Myra: eine lykischeMetropolein antiker und byzantinischerZeit (Berlin, 1975) 254-86 ~ Sherk, The Roman Empire:Augustusto Hadrian, 48 (not in SEG, but see J. & L. Robert, REG 76 [1963], 172 no. 252. Cf. a document warning against the acceptance of forged contracts in the public records: Bean, AS 10 (1960), 71-2 no. 124 (not in SEG, but see J. & L. Robert, REG 74 [1961], 244-5 no. 750). 82. E.g. Bruns7 30B ~ E. G. Hardy, Three Spanish Chartersand Other Documents (Oxford, 1912), 98-118 = Riccobono2 24 = F. Lamberti, TabulaeIrnitanae (Naples, 1993), ?li 11.8, 21, of lists of candidates for office; ?lxiii 11. 8-17 (5-13 Lamberti), of public leases, which are to be entered in tabulascommunesmunicipumeius municipi ('in the public records of the townsmen of that town', i.e. on wax tablets, in a local record-office), and also to be proposita . . . ita ut d p r 1 p, quo loco decuriones essecensuerint('published in such a way that ..., in whatever place conscriptive proponenda

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the decurions or conscripts decide they should be published', i.e. on whitewashed boards). In the Delphi version of the lex de provinciispraetoriisof 101 or 100 B.C., the law or a letter containing it is to be published in the cities of Asia, 'according to local custom ... on a bronze tablet, or failing that either on a marble stone or even on a whitewashed board ... in such a way that...' (F. Delphes,III. iv 37 = Riccobono2 9 = JRS lxiv 1974, 195-220 - Sherk, Rome and the GreekEast to the Death of Augustus, 55 = Crawford 12, B. 24-6). I mention here the recently discovered S. C. de Cn. PisonePatre, which survives in fragments of at least six copies inscribed on bronze tablets in Spain. It ends with instructions that it should be inscribed on bronze (in aere) 'in the most frequented city of each province and in the most frequented place in that city', and also 'in the winter quartersof each legion where the standards are of Tiberius directing hoc S. C., ... scriptum... in tabellisXIIII, kept', and is followed by a subscriptio referriin tabulaspub(l)icas ('that this S. C., which was ... copied ... on fourteen tablets, should be placed in the public records'); and the major Copy A has an apparentlyunparalleledheading which states that the S. C. was 'published' (propositum) in the proconsulship of N. Vibius Serenus (clearly this proconsul wished to stress that he had done his duty): W. Eck et al., Das Senatus Consultumde Cn. Pisone Patre (Vestigia 48. Munich, 1996) ~ M. Griffin, JRS 87 (1997), 249-63. Cf the S. C. of late A.D. 19 for Germanicus, which was to be inscribed on bronze (in aere incideretur) with an earlier decree and placed on the Palatine, and published in the municipiaand coloniaeof Italy and in the provinces - and again our knowledge of this comes from a fragment found in Spain:J. Gonzalez, ZPE 55 (1984), 55-100 ~ Sherk, The Roman Empire:Augustus to Hadrian, 36 = Crawford 37, tabula Siarensis, b. ii. 20-7. This diffusion of Roman enactments outside Rome is attested largely between C. Gracchus and Vespasian, and largely in Italy (Crawford, i, pp. 27-8). 83. CA 6 = CSCA 18 (1987), i. 160-83. At 163-4 she denies that the stipulation about legibility was ever made in connection with bronze tablets, but it is made (though not in the wording which was to become standard) in the S. C. de Bacchanalibus: CIL i2 581 = ILS 18 = ILLRP 511. 25-7 (cf. Crawford, i, p. 20 with n. 57), and in the standard language in, e.g., CIL i2 2924 = Crawford 8. 14. In Acta ColloquiiEpigraphiciLatini, 1991 (Helsinki, 1995), 239-51, she focuses on prescripts and the naming of witnesses, arguing that the archives were grounded in aristocratic control of information. 84. CP 84 (1989), 100-15. I think the symbolic aspect of her interpretation has met with more acceptance than the sacred. 85. PBSR 61 = 248 (1993), 125-55 at 135-42. 86. The OxfordHistory of the Classical World (Oxford, 1986), 560-91 at 582-8. 87. Dio 73.24. 88. Suet. Vesp.8.5. There was of course a symbolic significance in this reaffirmationof the past by the founder of a new dynasty. 89. E.g. IG xii. 3 173 = IGRR iv 1028 = RDGE 16 ~ Sherk, Romeand the GreekEast to theDeath of Augustus,53. A. 14-15: alliance with Astypalaea, 105 B.C. It was also to be published 'in a public and conspicuous place, where the greatest number of the citizens walk past' (A. 12-14). In CIL i2 2924 = Crawford 8. 12-14 lists of names are to be both read out and inscribed in bronze. This practice of reading aloud is noted by Purcell, OHCW, 587. Though I know no evidence for reading out documents in the Greek world, Dr. A. Moller reminds me of the curses which were to be read out in Teos and Abdera (M&L 30 ~ Fomara 63; SEG xxxi 985). 90. P. Lond. 1912 = Loeb SelectPapyri, ii. 212 = Smallwood, Doc. Gai. Claud. Ner. 370 - Lewis & Reinhold, ii. 366-9 ~ Lewis & Reinhold3, ii. 285-8 - Jones ii. 96. 91. Cf. Crawford, i. pp. 27-34. N. J. E. Austin & N. B. Rankov, Exploratio: Military and Political in theRoman World Intelligence from the SecondPunic War to theBattle ofAdrianople(London, 1995), 155-61, react against the view that documents in archives were not usable or used, with particular reference to provincial governors. M. Corbier, in L'Urbs:espaceurbainet histoire(Frsiecleav. J.-C. IIf siecleap. J.-C. (Coll. Ec. Fr. Rome 98. Rome, 1987), 27-60, discusses what texts were displayed in public and who read them; and in M. Beard et al., Literacyin the Roman World(JRA Supp. 3., Ann Arbor, 1991), 99-118 at 111-12, notes the use of paragraph marks in long texts to assist readers, e.g. in Claudius' speech on the admission of Gallic senators, CIL xiii 1668 = ILS 212 = Bruns7 52 ~ E. G. Hardy, ThreeSpanish Chartersand OtherDocuments,133-54 = Riccobono2 43 - Lewis & Reinhold, ii. 133-4 ~ Jones ii. 23 = Smallwood, Doc. Gai. Claud. Ner. 369 - Lewis & Reinhold3, ii. 54-5. 92. E.g. Macrob. Sat. 1.13.21, Livy 7.3.5-8, Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4.26.4-5, Cic. Phil. 2.92.

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93. Cf. Cato: Plut. Cat. Min. 18.9. 94. CIL iii 411 = ILS 338. 95. Cf. p. 146 with n. 81, above. 96. E.g. IGLSyr. iv 1314; AE 1976 677, 678 (all from Apamea). 97. A volume (xvi) of CIL has been devoted to these. For an example see CIL xvi 1 = ILS 1986 = Smallwood, Doc. Gai. Claud. Ner 295 ~ Jones ii. 23. Discussion W. Eck & H. Wolff (edd.), Heer und Integrationspolitik (Cologne, 1986). 98. For an example see CIL ix 2845 = ILS 915 = Ehrenberg & Jones2 197 - Lewis & Reinhold, ii. 122 - Lewis & Reinhold3, ii. 44. 99. Polyb. 3.21.9-27. 10 works through the treaties between Carthage and Rome, pointing out that they are preserved on bronze tablets in the aediles' treasury, so Philinus has no excuse for ignorance of them (26.1-5), but acknowledging that the archaic Latin used in them makes interpretation difficult (22.3). See also, e.g., Dion. Hal. A.R. 1.68.1; Livy 7.3.5 ('an old law, written in antique letters and words' - but Oakley ad loc. is not confident that the inscription survived and Livy saw it). 100. There is a wall-painting showing men reading notices in the praedium of Julia Felix at Pompeii: S. C. Nappo, RSP 3 (1989), 79-96, 88 no. 14 with 87 fig. 10. For the reading aloud of inscriptions cf. CIL xiv 356 with S. Walker, Memorialsto the Roman Dead (London, 1985), 62; AE 1989.247.

CORRIGENDUM TO PART I At p. 35 1. 7, for 'Anaceum' read 'Aeaceum' twice.