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4th International Conference on the Science of Computus, Galway, 13-15 July, 2012

Abstracts of Papers

1. Immo Warntjes, Universitt Greifswald, Germany & German Historical Institute, London, England

Iberian computistics, 6th 8th centuries, and the question of celebrating Easter on 25 April

Since the pioneering studies of Charles W. Jones, modern scholarship almost unanimously holds the opinion that the intellectuals of the Iberian peninsula were instrumental in shaping the science of computus in its foundation-period, the seventh century. The texts on which this claim could be based, however, have hardly been analysed; certainly no systematic search for seventh-century Iberian computistica has been undertaken to the present day. Although Brigitte Englisch has published a general survey of the subject, only Joan Gomz Pallars has studied Hispanic computistics in considerable detail, in particular four manuscripts containing early ninth-century algorithms and tracts, showing that early-ninth-century Hispanic computistics is almost exclusively a reflection of the Carolingian works of the time. But which are the pre-Carolingian Iberian texts on computus that allegedly shaped the science of the early middle ages? Most scholars would automatically turn to Isidore (ad 636); but that encyclopaedist appears to have had only rudimentary computistical skills. Few would tackle the thorny question: which of the two Paschal texts attributed to Martin of Braga (ad 579) are actually from his pen. Fewer still have studied Leo monachuss letter to Sedulius of ad 627, or Braulio of Zaragozas letter to Eutropius of ad640. All of these texts, however, are simply descriptive in tone, and mostly serve specific theological purposes; none of them is really technical and designed to explain complex algorithms or scientific concepts. This raises two questions: Were there no Iberian computistical treatises and tracts of a purely technical nature in the early seventh century? Do no Iberian computistica survive from the crucial period between Isidore of Seville (or rather Braulio of Zaragoza) and the Venerable Bede? Two texts have been overlooked which fill both gaps: the prologue to a now lost Dionysiac Easter-table of ad 721 (recently edited by Arno Borst) and, more importantly, an as yet unstudied tract ofad 663 in Paris, BnF, Lat. 609. This paper will, firstly, present the evidence for Iberian computistics in the period ad 550750. Secondly, it will focus on the overriding theme in all of these texts, the question of the Julian calendar limits of Easter Sunday, specifically the date of 25 April. This question is an Iberian characteristic, as it was of no concern to Irish and Anglo-Saxon computists (who considered

the equinox, and therefore the earliest date of Easter Sunday, more important); from Hispanic sources this theme was then taken up again by some Carolingian computists.

2. Colin Ireland, Arcadia University (Emeritus), Dublin, Ireland

Taking sides at the Synod of Whitby

Bedes description of the gathering at Whitby in ad 664 (HE iii 25) to debate the method of dating Easter and the tonsure divided the participants into Romani, who saw themselves as partisans for Rome, and those who supported the Irish. This paper will look at the backgrounds of the participants, specifically at what Bede has to say about Abbess Hild and her community and about King Oswius role in the proceedings. There are contradictions in what Bede tells us and what subsequent critics have interpreted. Another outcome of this inquiry is to show how Irish the context of the participating personnel was in seventh-century Northumbria.

3. John J. Contreni, Department of History, Purdue University, Indiana, USA

A fresh look at Herwagens Bridferti Ramesiensis Glossae: the glosses on Bedes De natura rerum

Most recent discussion of the glosses on Bedes De natura rerum and De temporum ratione has focused on the authenticity of Herwagens 1563 attribution of the glosses to Byrhtferth, the late tenth-/early-eleventh-century monk of Ramsey. I believe that Herwagens attribution by title of both sets of glosses to Byrhtferth cannot be sustained (see my forthcoming Old Orthodoxies Die Hard: Herwagens Bridferti Ramesiensis Glossae). It is time now to examine the glosses afresh, on their own terms. This paper proposes to compare the glosses Herwagen published with the DNR glosses Frances Lipp studied in her 1961 Yale dissertation, especially the ones she published in 1975 in CCSL 123A. The paper will shed new light on the sources of the glosses and their relationship to the Carolingian project of explaining Bedes science in the schools.

4. Luciana Cuppo, Vicenza & Trieste, Italy

Squaring the circle: the wind-diagram in Vatican, Bibl. Apost. Vat., MS. Reg. Lat. 2077, and the encounter with Isidore

One of the wind-diagrams associated with the De natura rerum of Isidore of Seville in the early Middle Ages actually pre-dates Isidore. It can be found in the BAV, Reg. Lat. MS. 2077, a codex from Vivarium dated ad 586. The peculiar feature of this diagram, which in Reg. 2077 constitutes the title-page to excerpts from Vegetius, is a square within a circle with the Greek and Latin names of 12 winds distributed along the circumference of the circle and the sides of the square. There were reasons for placing the winds in a square circle: They are not scientific but doctrinal ones, and find a partial explanation in the commentary of Cassiodorus to Ps. 115. While the square within the circle did not survive in the later manuscript transmission, the overall pattern of the wind-diagram did. It can be seen in the MSS Basel, Universittsbibliothek, F iii 15a, Cologne, Dombibliothek, 83/2, and others. This wind-diagram is constantly used to illustrate Isidores DNR. My paper will explore the circumstances of the encounter of the Vivarian wind-diagram with Isidore and its modes of transmission from southern Italy to Central Europe and (possibly) the British Isles in the time of Bede.

5. R. M. Liuzza, Department of History, University of Tennessee, Knoxville, USA

Wheels within wheels: further observations on The Sphere of Life and Death

The so-called Sphere of Pythagoras or Sphere of Apuleius is a medical-mathematical prognostic device found in a number of manuscripts as early as the ninth century. It was used to determine the course of a disease by manipulating a series of numbers derived from the patients name and the day of the lunar month on which he or she fell sick. The brief instructions for determining these numbers might best be regarded as a fragment of lateclassical magic that found its way into medieval scientific manuscripts. Perhaps even more interesting is the fact that the text is invariably accompanied by a diagram, more or less elaborate, though such a diagram is strictly speaking not necessary in order to use the device.

These diagrams vary considerably in style and degree of elaboration, but show unusual consistency in some aspects of their design. My paper builds on my previous research on this text to discuss further details of its history and transmission, both as a set of instructions and a visual design. I will examine the transmission of different versions of the text (prose and verse, short and long, A and B versions) and will consider the accompanying diagram in their manuscript contexts to make a larger point about the survival and transmission of information in medieval medical and scientific discourse.

6. Marilina Cesario, School of English, Queen's University, Belfast, N. Ireland

Significaciones ventorum in nocte natalis domini et in ceteris xii noctibus vsque ad epiphaniam: the English tradition of wind prognostication (12th-15th centuries)

This paper discusses a type of prognostication which bases its predictions on the significance of the wind on the twelve nights of Christmas, as it appears in English versions produced between the 12th and the 15th centuries. The prognostication almost certainly originated on the continent, as is attested by the earliest surviving copy, which appears in a tenth-century computistical manuscript from Fleury (Paris, BnF, 1616, fol. 12v). This prognostication acquired great popularity in England from the twelfth century onwards. It is striking that far more texts of wind prognostication were produced in England, and for a longer period, than on the Continent. Why was this? Why did monastic centres, including Bury St Edmunds, go on producing versions of this prognosticationvirtually up to the Reformation? Also, with the exception of MSS Worcester, Cathedral Lib., Q. 61, and Cornell University, Plimpton 260, respectively in Old French and Middle English, all other versions are in Latin. Why was Latin preferred to English? Finally, this paper will investigate the manuscript context in which the prognostication appears.

7. Masako Ohashi, Department of History, Nanzan University, Nagoya, Japan

Who was the author of the letter to Nechtan King of the Picts?

Bedes Ecclesiastical History of the English People (ad 731) quotes from a letter to King Nechtan of the Picts sent by Ceolfrith, abbot of Wearmouth-Jarrow, around ad 710. Some researchers suggest that the letter was composed by Bede, while others insist on Ceolfriths own knowledge of the Easter-reckoning. This paper will deal with the sources relating to the issue in order to investigate the authorship of the letter and the circumstances of the Paschal Controversy in the early 8th century.

8. James Palmer, Department of History, St Andrews University, Scotland

An eighth-century Irish computus in Lombardy and the end of the world

This paper discusses a neglected Irish computistical compilation, known from two manuscripts now in Florence (BML Conv. Soppr. 364 (s. x) and Plut. 20.54 (s. xi)). A dating-clause points towards a phase of editing in Lombardy in ad 747, but otherwise a number of features such as ideas shared with the Munich Computus and old insular abbreviations suggest Irish origins. From a technical point of view, the computus presented is, in the Irish context, laterphase Dionysiac and, unlike the Munich Computus, tells us little about early variations in lunar data, and so forth. It is notable, on the other hand, for defending the use of a 12-hour day for calculating the bissextus, possibly in the wake of Bedes sharp words on the subject in DTR cc. 38-39. The context for the compilation seems to be anxiety about the approach of the Year 6000, as the author-compiler intersperses computistical and cosmological concepts with thoughts on symbolic understandings of time, e.g., the open-endedness of old age as a model for the sixth and final age of the world. Here, computus emphasised the artificiality of calculation, just like in the De ratione conputandi and theDialogus Langobardorum; but, just as Bede had warned, this left a responsibility to calculate the cycles of time accurately when the duration of time remained uncertain.

9. David Pelteret, Fazeley, Staffordshire, UK

The provenance and purpose of the computus in the Red Book of Darley (Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS. 422)

The Red Book of Darley (CCCC, MS. 422) is a service-book that contains material in both Latin and Old English. Much of the material isunpublished. Pages 27-49 contain a computus that begins with a lunarprognostic, and also has a calendar, various computistical tables, and material in Old English. It is usually considered to be a Sherbornemanuscript, though possibly originally written at the New Minster in Winchester. A strong case has also been made that its purpose was as amanual for use in pastoral care by a parish priest. Before these viewsharden into fact, it is worth re-examining them. It will be suggestedthat a good case can be made that its provenance lies in anothermonastic house, and that it was compiled for a different purpose.

10. C.P.E. Nothaft, Department of Hebrew and Jewish Studies, University College, London, England

The date of the Passion in early medieval computistics: the strange case of the VictorianDionysiac hybrid table in the Sirmond Manuscript (Oxford, Bodl. Libr., Bodley 309)

The most unusual among the surviving versions of the Victorian Easter-table is probably the one found in the famous Sirmond manuscript (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 309, fols. 114r20r), which was copied in the eleventh century at Trinity Abbey, Vendme, but contains material that can be reliably dated back to seventh-century Ireland. Victoriuss table is here sandwiched between an excerpt from the Eusebian chronicle and a Dionysiac-style Eastertable with extensive annals that runs until 1421, resulting in a peculiar merger of three contradictory sets of chronological data into a seamless whole that poses a number of intriguing questions. The talk will attempt to answer at least some of these by taking into account the Irish reception of the Victorian table, and that tables relevance to early medival controversies about the date of Christs Passion.

11. Ulrich Voigt, Hamburg, Germany

Rediscovering Paul of Middelburg

For some reason or other, the great Paul of Middelburg (14451534) has become virtually invisible behind the even greater figure of Joseph Justus Scaliger (15401609). This has not always been to the advantage of investigations into the history of chronology and computus, and I will exemplify my opinion by discussing the following problem: It is generally believed that there is some sort of computistical progress between the 95-year Easter-table of Cyril of Alexandria (ad 437) and the 532-year Easter--table of Victorius of Aquitaine (ad 457). But what is the nature of that progress? To my knowledge, it was Paul of Middelburg (1513) who first raised this question and ventured on an answer. While his answer is not really convincing, I will argue that the answers given by Scaliger (1583), Bartholomew Mac Carthy (1901), and Charles W. Jones (1937), and others, are even less so. My own answer which disputes the supposed progress from Alexandria to Aquitaine would hardly have been possible without the inspiring help of Paul of Middelburg. I will argue that knowledge of the 532-year Easter cycle is presupposed in the Alexandrian 95-year Easter period, and I will draw some rather far-reaching conclusions from this approach.

12. Richard Landes, Department of History, Boston University, USA

Computistical and chronological activity at the approach of the millennial years 6000/800 and 1000

Historians, even those who pay no attention to the countdowns to the millennium, have noted unusual interest in matters of chronology and computus around 800 and 1000. Indeed, Bernard Guene talked about a veritable fivre computiste from the 10th-12th centuries. Very few of the analyses of these rather sudden spikes in interest have paid attention to the fact that 800 was also 6000 Annus Mundi, according to the dominant chronology of the early Middle Ages (Orosius, Cassiodorus, Isidore, Gregory of Tours, Fredegar), and that 1000/1033 marked dates at which contemporaries may have anticipated the apocalyptic denouement of history. While some Historians who have noted these coincidences (e.g., Landes, Brandes, Heil) consider the activity directly related to these millennial dates, others, (e.g., Palmer, Gouguenheim) have tended to attribute the interest in computus and chronology to internal concerns, e.g., to . . . debates about Easter-tables and the synchronisation of historical data pushing forward the use of ad-dating and arguments about am-dating. This paper will examine these arguments and assess the possibility that the debates about Easter and dating were directly related to ecclesiastical anxieties about the approach of a millennial year and the cognitive dissonance in the aftermath.

13. Megan C. McNamee, Warburg Institute, London, UK & University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, USA

Picturing number in Byrhtferths Enchiridion

It is appropriate to introduce a figure so that what we have said in speech will stand out more clearly than light to the eyes. In the most complete copy of Byrhtferth of Ramseys Enchiridion(Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS. Ashmole 328 [c. 1010]), this statement was realised on the page opposite, where a half-page figure in the shape of a cross was drawn with straight edge and compass in vivid colors. Byrhtferths emphatic words, the manuscripts miseen-page, and the figures careful execution leave little doubt that this and the other thirty-nine figures like it were considered essential features of the treatise by their author, as well as the manuscripts eleventh-century makers. This paper explores the question: Why? and examines the role such graphic aspects played in conveying numeric concepts.

14. L.S. (Sndor) Chardonnens, Radbod University, Nijmegen, Netherlands

Correlations between layout, structure and setting of prognostics in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts

In contrast with discussions of page-design and textual layout in late medieval manuscripts, there seems to be little incentive to examine the textual layout of Anglo-Saxon manuscripts, particularly when it concerns technical texts such as prognostics. A recent essay by William Schipper, Style and layout of Anglo-Saxon manuscripts, contrasts a long-line layout in Old English to the more variable page-design and layout in Latin. This idea of a limited number of options to shape written materials in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts is misguided, however, because it is almost exclusively based on literary texts and homilies. As I will demonstrate, the range of layouts becomes significantly more extensive when technical materials are examined. With the help of prognostics in Old English and Latin, I argue that variation in textual layout can be correlated to the information structure of the texts and the manuscript context in which they feature, with notable differences between non-technical and technical manuscripts.

15. Anastasios M. Ioannides, University of Cincinnati, USA

The computistical work of Matthew Vlastares

Interest in the computistical work of Matthew Vlastares (c. 1280-c. 1355) derives more from its importance in relation to the ongoing rapprochement toward a common celebration of Pascha (Easter), rather than from its technical significance among similar treatises. Unmistakably conservative in its respect and adherence to mainstream traditional theological positions among the Byzantines, the work is at the same time refreshingly scientific in its perspectives, reflecting the authors considerable prowess in the computus, as well as the courage he manifests in challenging enduring bastions of conventional wisdom. The latter seems to have gone unnoticed by those who have appealed to Vlastares at various times since the Gregorian reform of 1582, in order to garner support for their own opposition to an astronomical resolution of the continuing problem of dissimilar paschal dates among contemporary Christians. The present study endeavored to establish whether the following assertions can be validated using Vlastares composition, dated c. 1333: (i) The paschal table (Canonion) employed by the Orthodox Church is ascribed to the first ecumenical council of Nicaea, and is, therefore, part of the unchangeable deposit of Christian faith; (ii) The main cause of the discrepancy between Eastern Pascha and Western Easter is the stipulation that the celebration should follow the Jewish Passover, a rule adhered to only in the East; (iii) Efforts initiated in the 20th c. for a common paschal celebration are tinged with syncretism, inasmuch as they legitimize the ecclesial status of doctrinally diverse congregations in the East and in the West. An exhaustive and detailed reading of Vlastares text leads to the conclusion that none of these three assertions were promulgated by the erudite Thessalonican monk, the last of the great Byzantine canonists. Consequently, these assertions cannot be considered to be an authoritative magisterial product of the Byzantine era; rather, they became endemic in the polemics that followed the fall of Constantinople in 1453, and continued until at least the establishment of the modern Greek state (1830) and of its first university at Athens (1837). In fact, the natural typology offered by Vlastares could have provided a strong argument against the continuing drift within the solar cycle experienced by Eastern Pascha, as well as its increasingly infrequent synchronicity with the monthly lunar cycle. Computistical experts may look upon the on-going fruitless consultations for a common date of Pascha with dismay, unable to comprehend the root causes of its failure, in light of the precision and ubiquity of contemporary astronomical predictions. Viewed within the broader contexts of intercongregational rivalries and of the geopolitical history of the Mediterranean region, however, the paschal controversy may be recognized as an incursion of the West (notably, Roman) in a domain traditionally considered Eastern (specifically, Alexandrian) dating all the way to 325 AD, or conversely, as a continuation of the instinctive defensiveness of the East against real or perceived conquerors, a bequest from 1204, 1453, or even 1917.

16. Leofranc Holford-Strevens, Oxford, England

A problematic chapter of Bedes De temporum ratione

Chapter 47 of Bedes De temporum ratione is notorious for the difficulties caused by the account of the Northumbrian mission to Rome and for Bedes irony at the expense of believers in the traditional Western date of 25 March ad 29 for the Crucifixion. In this paper I shall examine the chapter as a whole and propose solutions for the problems raised.

17. Caitlin Corning, Department of History, George Fox University, Oregon, USA

The more things change, the more they stay the same: The Easter dating controversy at the World Council of Churches (1997-2012)

In 1997, the World Council of Churches met in Aleppo, Syria, to draft a proposal to unify the whole Christian community behind a single Easter dating. This paper explores the arguments put forth by the different divisions within this controversy, and the difficulties encountered so far as the Church continues to struggle with this issue.

18. David Howlett, Oxford, England

Some dating-clauses in Hiberno-Latin computistical manuscripts

The essay considers in a range of Hiberno-Latin computistic texts that exhibit explicit evidence of dates infixed phenomena that confirm on independent grounds the stated dates, often in more than one dating system.

19. Pavel Kuzenkov, Moscow State Lomonosov University, Russia

The Era of Annianus and the computus of Alexandria

It was Dionysius of Alexandria (ad 249-65) who first pointed out that Passover/Easter must necessarily take place after the natural beginning of the year, i.e., the vernal equinox. Soon after the establishment of the 19-year cycle by Anatolius of Laodicea, some Alexandrian scholars modified it to abolish the dates of the full moon of Easter before the vernal equinox. Anatolius started his cycle with the new moon on March 22, the date of the equinox according to Ptolemy. The classical Metonic enneakaidekateris (3.3.2-3.3.3.2) built on this base has two dates of Passover before the limit of March 22. To get rid of this problem, it was enough to shift the beginning of the cycle to March 23 (Phamenoth 27); its lunar epacts coincide with those of Thoth 1. The classical enneakaidekateris based on this date has the earliest Passover on March 21. From that point on this date was taken as the vernal equinox. The important convenience of the Alexandrian cycle was the coincidence of its starting point the new moon of Thoth 1 with the beginning of the Era of Diocletian (August 29, ad 284). The Alexandrian computus became the basis of the world chronology in the system of Annianus (ad 412), known as the Alexandrian era. Annianus criticised the chronology of Eusebius of Caesarea because the creation of the world in it does not fall on the 1st year of the tomus paschalis. The most important criterion of the validity of Annianus system was an impressive mystical harmony between three main events of sacred history the beginning of Creation (Sunday, March 25, 5492 bc), the Incarnation of God the Son (the Annunciation, exactly 5500 years from the Creation, Sunday/Monday, March 24/25, ad 9) and the Resurrection of Christ (exactly 33 years after the Incarnation, Sunday, March 25, ad 42). The basic date March 25 became firmly established in the Christian tradition. In the UK and Italy this day was considered the beginning of the year till the 18th c. In Russia, the era of 5,500 years before Adam to Christ was very revered before Peter the Greats reforms. Among the Christians of Egypt and Ethiopia, the Alexandrian era remains to the present day.

20. Faith Wallis, McGill University, Montral, Canada

Sortes sanctorum and Alea celi: dicing and divination in some Insular computus manuscripts

Perhaps because computus maps out dates in the future, computus manuscripts frequently contain materials on prognostication. The recent work of Roy Liuzza and Lzl Sndor Chardonnens has highlighted the significance of the computistical setting of prognostica in English manuscripts of the 10th 12th centuries. These prognostica divine future events, be it the outcome of a medical crisis, the weather for the coming year, or the approach of the Last

Judgement. The Sortes sanctorum (Lots of the Saints, also called Sortes apostolorum) stand out for two reasons: (a) the oracular data come from the roll of dice rather than the calendar or signs in the natural world, and (b) they do not divine the future, but resolve spiritual and ascetic problems essentially, they answer prayer, but specifically prayer about inner conflict, indecision, temptation or spiritual malaise. The Sortes sanctorum are also a latecomer to the prognostic scene, appearing only at the end of the 11th century. In this paper, I wish to take an approach which differs slightly from that of previous commentators on the Sortes sanctorum by focusing on the activity of dicing itself, and the moral and spiritual contexts of this activity. This involves triangulating the Sortes sanctorum with the hitherto poorly defined genre of spiritualized dicing games, as well as other kinds of games proposed as holy recreation for monks and clergy, notably rithmomachia. It also entails clarifying their connections to computus. Of particular interest is the Alea celi (Dicing game of heaven) schema in the Peterboroughcomputus London, British Library, MS. Harley 3667. This computus manuscript is closely related to Oxford, St Johns College, MS. 17 (Thorney Abbey, ca 1110), which, like the Peterborough volume, contains material by the computist Byrhtferth of Ramsey. The Alea celi is actually embedded in a suite of images closely linked to Byrhtferth's famous Diagram, which is found in both the Peterborough and Thorney manuscripts. The Thorney volume also contains the Sortes sanctorum as well as texts on rithmomachia, and this particular configuration is found in other computusmanuscripts from the British Isles. This paper lays out the case that the connection of the Sortes sanctorum to computus runs not primarily through divination, but through the monastic and clerical allegorization of both computusand gaming.

21. Brigitte Englisch, Universitt Paderborn, Germany

Der Komputus des Victorius von Aquitanien ein Forschungsproblem?

Obwohl das komputistische Werk des Victorius im Frhmitttelalter weit bekannt war und eine breite Rezeption erfuhr, wurde ihm, im Vergleich zur Erforschung der Schriften des Beda Venerabilis oder der irischen Autoren, in den vergangenen 50 Jahren nur bedingt Aufmerksamkeit von seiten der historischen Disziplinen zuteil. So steht, um nur ein Beispiel zu erwhnen, eine hinreichende Untersuchung zur Verbreitung und zum Geltungsbereich der Osterfestrechnung des Victorius noch aus, die einer umfassenden Edition des Traktates welche die breite berlieferung wie auch die Rezeptionsgeschichte bercksichtigen und die die bisherigen reinen Textausgaben ersetzen soll unabdingbar voranzusetellen sein wird.

Innerhalb meines Vortrages sollen anhand relevanter Exempel das Problemfeld umrissen und die Forschungsdesiderate aufgezeigt werden.

22. Wesley Stevens, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Canada

Walafrid Strabos Study of Computus

The personal notebook of Walahfrid Strabo ( ad 849) contains the early copiesof Bedes De natura rerum and De temporibus, selections from Alcuin, andHraban's Computus. Those books were always with him during his manytravels and adventures. After two years in Fulda, Walahfrid became tutor of the boy who becameEmperor Charles the Bald and was in the company of Louis the Pious andJudithduring some of their difficulties with rebellious older sons of Louis. Hewasforced on monks of the Reichenau, as abbot. He is usually recognised forthe quality of his Latin in letters, poems, and the first history ofChristianliturgy. Happily, Walahfrid kept a vademecum, in which the contents reveal hiscontinued interest in natural phenomena and the computus throughouthis life. We shall review that material and explain some of the formulaewhich he added. We shall also try to locate his efforts.

23. Alden Mosshammer, San Diego, California, USA

Two computistical texts: Expositio Bissexti and Quo tempore initium mundi

These two texts were included on fols 75r-77v of the Chartres, Bibl. Munic., MS. 70 that Charles W. Jones studied before the manuscript was destroyed in a bombing attack on the city in 1944. Jones published only the incipit and explicit of the Expositio, and only the last capitulum of theQuo tempore. Complete copies of both texts are extant in manuscripts at Ivrea and Paris. This paper presents a critical text with introdution and translation. Each text is interesting in itself. The inclusion of both texts, as well as full or partial copies of the Prologus Sancti Cyrilli, also demonstrates an affinity among these manuscripts that differentiates them as a family from the Sirmond group.

24. Dibh Crinn, National University of Ireland, Galway, Ireland

The Historia Paschalis in Kiev, Narod. Bibl., MS. I.5876

The National Library of Ukraine in Kiev has an eighteenth-century paper manuscript with the titleHistoria Paschalis that provides a comprehensive survey of the Easter Controversy from the earliest centuries of the Christian Church down to the sixteenth century, with sources cited from the time of Anatolius of Laodicea and other early authors through Bede and other medieval writers, down to Scaliger, Petavius, Bucherius, and Copernicus. The manuscript appears to have been intended for publication, but no such work is known to exist in print. The compiler of this History is nowhere named in the manuscript, and this paper will survey the sources cited and attempt to locate and identify the author.

25. Werner Bergmann, Oberhausen, Germany

Bruchrechnen im Mittelalter. Der ursprngliche Calculus des Victorius von Aquitanien

Seit knapp 1 Jahrhunderten ist es in der Komputistik, der Wissenschaftsgeschichte sowie der Mathematikgeschichte unwidersprochene Lehrmeinung, dass der Calculus des Victorius von Aquitanien im Wesentlichen eine Multiplikationstabelle nur in der Bearbeitung durch Abbo von Fleury auf uns gekommen ist, die rmische Antike und das abendlndisch/lateinische Mittelalter die Kreisberechnung mit der Zahl mit einem Wert von 22/7 durchgefhrt hat und eine intensive Auseinandersetzung der operativen Arithmetik mit den rmischen Brchen nicht stattgefunden hat. Letzteres bedingt sich im Wesentlichen dadurch, dass der Blick der Medivistik sich auf das Rechnen mit dem Spaltenabakus, so wie er vornehmlich im 10. Jahrhundert z.B. in den Werken des Abbo von Fleury (doctor abaci) oder auch Gerberts von Aurillacs dem spteren Papst Sylvester II. (999-1003) erscheint, gerichtet hat, das einerseits durch die Ghubarziffern wohl von der arabischen Mathematik beeinflusst war, andererseits aber die operative Arithmetik auf die ganzzahligen Gren beschrnkt. Allein das Werk des Pseudo-Boethius rekurrierte auf das Rechnen mit Brchen, jedoch nicht auf der Grundlage der rmischen Bruchziffern, sondern mit einem neu definierten Buchstabenziffernsystem, welches letztendlich vllig singulr blieb und keine weitere Verbreitung gefunden hat.

Die Beschftigung mit und das Studium des Gebrauchs der rmischen Bruchzahlen in den Werken der Antike und des lateinischen Mittelalters in mittelalterlichen Handschriften die bislang gleichsam nur am Rande, um nicht zu sagen stiefmtterlich beachtet worden sind wirft eigentlich zunchst mehr Fragen auf, als sie Fortschritte in der Kenntnis erbrachten.

26. David Juste, The Medieval and Early Modern Centre, University of Sydney, Australia The origins of the Latin Prognostica, 800-1100

It is the commonly accepted view that the Latin prognostica of the early Middle Ages are of Greek origin, either translated from Greek in Antiquity or imported from Byzantium at a later date. While this is unquestionably true for some texts (e.g., texts containing Greek words), the origin of the prognostica is, for the most part, undocumented. In this paper, I present cases whereprognostica were translated from Syriac, Arabic and Old Irish in the 9th and 10th centuries, so opening the way for a reconsideration of the subject, and, more generally, for a better understanding of transfers of knowledge in the early Middle Ages.

27. Dan McCarthy, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland

An assessment of the Zeitz Table

The importance and antiquity of the two bifolia used to line the inside front and back covers of Zeitz Mscr. Fol. 33 were first recognised in 1816 by Andreas Cramer, and his reading of the four folios published in 1826 showed that they preserved part of the tabulation of a chronicle for the years ad 29 to ad 448. The chronological apparatus of this chronicle employed both a consular list and criteria from an 84-year Paschal cycle, while references in the preface to the table showed that it had been composed in ad 447. In 1863 Theodor Mommsen published the first reconstruction of the full 84-year lunar cycle, and a partial reconstruction of Paschal dates, and in 1880 Bruno Krusch published a full reconstruction of the Paschal dates. In 2005 Eef Overgaauw and Frank Stewing discovered and published an account of three small additional fragments from the manuscript. This paper will briefly review the manuscript contents and the published scholarship concerning them, and then assess the significance of the lunar criteria for the Paschal tradition espoused by the compiler of the table.