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Upending the Century of Wrong: Agrarian Elites, Collective Violence, and the Transformation of State Power in the American South and South Africa, 1865-1914
John Higginson Published online: 25 Aug 2010.

To cite this article: John Higginson (1998) Upending the Century of Wrong: Agrarian Elites, Collective Violence, and the Transformation of State Power in the American South and South Africa, 1865-1914, Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture, 4:3, 399-415, DOI: 10.1080/13504639851690 To link to this article:

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Social Identities. on occasion . The refusal of former presiden t P. A m herst T he Se tting Power and violence have playe d an integral part in sh aping the lives and expectations of people in the A merican South and South A frica for at least tw o centuries. there is eviden ce that the most glarin g features of South African apartheid and A merican segre gation are recedin g. w ho later became a genera l in the Republic’ s guerilla arm y. In 1899 Jan Smuts. 1 assume rene wed vigour. 18 6 5± 1 91 4 Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. both societies are strug glin g to make popular elections and the drafting of ne w law s and constitutions the only legitim ate means of political contest. however. Smuts’s polem ic sough t to ind ict the Britis h Empire for w ar crimes and the excessive use of atrocious violen ce again st Afrikaner civilians durin g its prose cution of the Anglo-Boer or South 6 A frican W ar of 1899± 1902. But as the recent bom bing s in the northern C ape and Rusten burg in South A frica and m ore than a decade of arson against churches used prim arily by AfricanA mericans in the South sugges t. After protracted period s of terror and m ass civil disobedien ce. violen ce had a dire ct and forceful im pact on the expectations of w hite 7 land ow ne rs in both societies during the ge neration that followed the tw o w ars. W hite landow ne rs in both settings 1350-4630/98/030399-17 $7. But a great deal of confusion remains about w he ther both were coincide ntal misfortune s or deliberate in 2 stances of social en gineering . V olum e 4. an d the T ra n sform a tion of S ta te P ow e r in the A m e rica n S ou th a n d S ou th A fric a. O n occasion it became a means for land ow ners to express sim ultane ously their grie vances against the victorious central state and their reluctance to change 8 their w ay of life or the local social structure. Presen tly. This confusion turns largely on a misundersta nd 3 in g of how violen ce assiste d in maintainin g the tw o social syste ms. N um ber 3.00 Ó 1998 C arfax Publish ing L td . Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 JO H N H IGGIN SO N U nive rsity of M assa chusetts. Botha and the A frikane r N ationalist Party to continue to cooperate w ith the Truth and Reconciliation Com mission in South Africa provides us w ith an excelle nt example of the kind of selective amnes ia that 4 feeds confusion about past even ts. 1998 U pe nd ing the C e n tury of W ron g: A g ra rian E lite s . w rote a scathin g 5 polem ic en titled The Century of W rong . C olle ctive V iole n ce . violent forms of contest can. M y presen t rese arch retreats from Smuts’s narrow ly focused charge s. Despite military defeat. the A ttorne y General of the South A frican Republic. focusin g inste ad on an examination of interw ar violence durin g the South A frican W ar and American C ivil W ar and the postw ar reve rberations of this violen ce in the countrys ide .W .

The Reconstruction adm inistration of Alfred Lord M ilner in the Trans vaal had no such brie f. even though British of® cials did speculate on the likely impact of in creasing the number of politically enfranchised A fricans as a means to underscore a British military victory between October 1899 and A pril 1901. Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 . I have chosen to focus on w hite landow ne rs in the M arico and Rustenb urg districts of South A frica’ s Transvaal and those of Edge® eld C ounty . In 1867 Reconstruction in the U nited States had become a radical attempt to establis h political equality between blacks and w hites in the South. Forme r slaveh olde rs and Boer landlord s met the initiatives of the central govern ments and aspirin g blacks w ith w ave upon w ave of protracted violen ce because they had lost power. but in the sh arp contests for land and labour between black and w hite people in the country side of both societies. The suppres sion of black autonom y w as not a foregone conclusion. W hile m uch of the violen ce appeared irrational or `desperate’ to the casual observer. and outcomes of terror and collective violence. and the forcible eviction of landow ners from their holdings smashe d the mooring s of deference that had bound African- Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. not sim ply because of the frustration and anxiety 16 engen dere d by postw ar disruption. torture. The campaigns of terror foisted on these areas after the American C ivil W ar and the A ng lo-Boer or South African W ar of 1899± 1902 were neithe r seren dip11 itous nor spontaneous. Important differen ces m arked the details. These atrocious forms of interw ar violence had notable local precedents and socialised the next genera tion of w hite landow n12 ers. `Farm burn ings’ .400 John H igg inson perceived violen ce as both a method and a process that could express their 9 aspirations as well as their fears. the expropriation of cattle and m oveable property . Black participation in the prosecution of the tw o respective national w ars forced the issues of black equality and black autonomy in the rural areas to the surface in w ays that aggra vated the speci® c griev ances of the defeated 15 land ow ne rs. and the w hite landow ne rs’ decision to use violen ce came only after a careful 17 assessm en t of the tw o govern ments’ ® repower and organisation. As late as the 1980s and 1990s represen tative segm en ts of the w hite population in these areas resorted to violen ce in order to combat w hat they perceived as unnecessary and superim posed efforts to change the local political and racial order. South C arolin a and C addo Parish. it had an inne r logic. I chose these areas because they were notorious for long and deep traditions of 10 regulator or vigilan te violen ce. Louisiana in the southern United States. w hite landow ners in tw o differen tly constituted agrarian societies sh ared a comm on `gram mar of 14 m otives’ . taxonom y. The successful inte rven tion of the tw o central govern men ts vitally depen ded upon a bold restateme nt of the commercially alien able nature of priv ate property and the rig ht of the state to establish political order in the m ost w ar ravage d areas of the country side . and more genera l forms of terror serve d as the 13 catalysts for an undeclared civil w ar between rural blacks and rural w hites. Meanw hile w hite suprem acy in its prew ar forms had become more or less dysfunctional in the initial attempts to reorga nise econ18 om ic life in the countryside after the w ars. Assassin ations.

The re-elaboration of the state’ s power in the tw o countrie s assumed a most urge nt character in those areas of the countryside w he re people of A frican descent were a preponderant majority or w he re their subjugation as depen den t labourers appeared to be the only means of 21 placating w hite landow ners. Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 . Segre gation in both societies precipitously resulted from the m anner in w hich w ar and its subseque nt reve rberations in terrorist violen ce transforme d state power and economic altern atives. and after the respective civil w ars. durin g. sorgh um . In each. fences. They had to in sure that draft anim als could kee p to a straigh t row and not trample on prev iously planted crops. or them selve s. A reg ulator or vigilante tradition created a perve rse set of precedents for postw ar reform s. Insofar as the actions of vigilantes were initiated and encourage d by local elite s. w hite supremacy in its most 22 m ature and striden t form. Segregationists concentrated on the cities. and industrial w orkplaces of the A merican South and South A frica. w hile compellin g these same govern men ts to reconside r the 23 viability of their apparent postw ar political alliances. In their view it w as not possible for w hite men of property and substance to abandon their expectations and claims on power in countrie s in w hich one’s stand ard of livin g continued to be closely iden ti® ed 20 w ith the colour of one’ s skin. A t the close of the tw o national w ars the most m ilitant members of the local elite Ð many of w hom had served the cause of the C onfederacy and Boer republics in elite reg imen ts and death squads Ð w anted it understood that they w ould continue to ® ght well bey ond the form al surre nde r. they m ade for an array of ¯ ashpoints that challe nged the victors’ conception of 24 political orde r. Durin g the tw o res pective postw ar period s the circumstances of agriculture also came to be m ore securely tied to burgeon ing markets for food and commercial staples such as cotton. collective and political violen ce punctuated the life histories of their leading men before. w he at or cotton.U pend ing the Ce ntury of W rong : the A merican South and South A frica 401 A merican slaves and African peasants to their masters and landlord s and to 19 their conceptions of ow nersh ip and justice. but seg regation as a state sponsore d adm inistrative practice and policy of social en ginee rin g depende d prim arily upon the im position of political orde r on the surroun ding countryside . C om peting versions of political order emerged . In the long run these tw o national upheavals profound ly affected the political and social exigen cies of the four areas unde r study. Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. tow ns . Hen ce our exam ination of the violen t actions of w hite land ow ners at the close of the nine teenth century tells how a place w as made for segreg ation. These monotonous tasks had to be carried out and arcane information about seasons and crops com mitted to memory w hether the hands and he ads that actually performe d them were black or w hite. But the hands that drove the w agons and pulled the plow s had to kn ow w hich seasons of the year were like ly to produce the greatest yield of corn. smalle r lives tock. and they had to kn ow readily w he n m ore labour and material were neede d to get in the crops. Violen t w hite land ow ners in both countrie s exposed the ine ffectual nature of many of the postw ar adm inistrative reform s of the tw o reconstruction govern ments .

Late Tuesd ay aftern oon his body w as found astride the m ain road rid dled w ith bulle ts and horrib ly m utilated Ð his ears. w as to distribute yearly contracts am ong black labourers. w ho. w as reor28 ganised in 1863? H ow serious ly sh ould we take the public ren unciation of this violent act by local planters. W illiam . Both men were taken to the farm of W illiam Patrick’ s brothe r George that evenin g but m anage d to escape early the next m orning . because there is no know n human society w he re violence and aggress ion do not occur and because the range of expression of agg ression can also vary Ð from a hostile glance to the exterm ination of en tire segm en ts of a population Ð it is more useful to thin k of violence as capacity 25 rather than instin ct. He and another freed m an named `Cato’ were captured by a band led by W illiam Patrick. and eyes had been cut from his face. O n the M onday before 15 O ctober 1865. Free dm en ’ s Bureau of® cials. Tw o examples serve to illustrate the caveat. and U nion sold iers? W hat kind of Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. morality . a notorious vigilan te and former C onfederate cavalrym an. A ssuming that violent acts are gratuitous is alm ost alw ays a serious error of judge ment. can legitim ately do violen ce to another person ? Secondly. or the assertion by local Freed men ’s Bureau of® cials that the planters were `bitter troublesome and that frequent threats are m ade that w hen Gates w as gone they w ould have it out w ith the nigge rs’ ? H ow ideologically m otivated were all the principal actors Ð w hite vigilantes. Frank made it safely to the Union m ilitary post in ne arb y Rid ge ville . Frank w as w ounded in the arm by a bullet w hile tryin g to escape his tormen tors. fell behin d. but C ato. a freed m an kn ow n as `Frank’ w as ® red upon by a band of w hite `reg ulators’ on a plantation in the Barn well section of the old Edge® eld district of South 26 C arolin a. or that the younge st and more notorious of the Patrick brothe rs. Actual acts of terror and their perpetrators only am ount to the m ost obvious aspect of the problem . had been sent to an elite cavalry company from infantry once the H ampton Legion . through the age ncy of the state. arguably one of the m ost ideologically m otivated of C onfede rate brigades. w ho had been shot through the knee. durin g and after the act w as completed . freed people. one C aptain Gates. social cohesion. 27 tongue. Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 .402 John H igg inson T he Principal A ctors W hat turned planters and landlord s into vigila ntes? W as it the sudden clash of expectations and outcomes that came w ith the w ar and its immediate afterm ath? Did large r if largely hid den concerns drive the agg rieved parties to violence? Violence and aggre ssion in any society autom atically em brace related problem s of social and political costs. W hat do we m ake of these even ts? Does it help us to know that the regulators w atche d the twen ty or so black labourers w ork for m ore than an hour before they rode through the row s to take Frank and C ato. To assess the wellspring s of an act of violen ce we nee d to put the details into a relation consisten t w ith the aims of the perpetrators and the amount of force and constraint that a given society w ould impose upon them before. exactly seve n months after the surre nde r of the C onfederate m ilitary forces and just before a particularly eager Free dmen ’ s Bureau of® cial. and authority Ð in sh ort.

it serve d neverthe less as an ideal measure of actual circumstances. had falle n to Lord Roberts’ s forces. tongues and ge nitals had been cut off. w ho also serve d as its presid ing magistra te. am ong the solitary and rugged m ountains that alle ge dly m irrored the qualities of Boer men . The tribunal had been convened by the former presiden t of the Trans vaal parliamen t or V olksraad. the Trans vaal Republic’ s capital. The other four had been tenants or labourers on Boer farms in the portions of Rustenb urg and M arico occupied by the British and had apparen tly offered information about the w artime activities of their landlord s to British authorities. coinciden tal Ð particularly at a time w he n the formal republican arm y w as retreating and virtually nonexisten t in the 32 33 west? W ould such ex perie nces become normative ones for younger soldiers? To w hat ex tent did such experie nces sugge st a model for postw ar relationship s between returnin g Boer soldiers. 30 B. Klopper.A. In late O ctober or early N ovem ber 1900. It w as the loss of the possibility of this kin d of comm and over black labour that launche d both groups onto campaigns of vigilante terror.U pend ing the Ce ntury of W rong : the A merican South and South A frica 403 reasonin g did each employ in dete rm ining a connection between a hostile gaze or thre at and a violent act? Over thirty years later in South Africa another violen t act took place. and their w ives. A number had been m utilated. Hen drik Schoeman. Violence aimed at blacks and. A ll nine were conde mned to death and summ ary execution followed. child ren . but landow ners in both countries sought to replace w ork routines shaped by affection and kins hip w ith their ow n putative sovereign power. particularly those w ho were sen t to distant prison camps in Berm uda. and 34 A frican tenants and labourers? American slaveholders and Boer land lord s in the upland regions of their tw o res pective countries sought to en hance their comm and over black labour and to neuter the relationsh ip between black people and their fam ilies before the outbreak of the tw o national w ars. The nine men had been tried by an informal trib unal. Ears. six months after Pretoria. The se tw o violent odyssey s appeared to culminate w ith the en d of Reconstruction in the U nite d States and the outbreak of the Gene rals’ Rebellion of 1914 in South 36 A frica. The bodies were lyin g in a he ap. a squadron of Britis h troops discovered the bodies of nine A frican men ne ar the summ it of the M agalie sberg m ountains. Five were ide nti® ed as A fricans w ho had been in the service of British military inte lligen ce. W ho performed the summ ary executions? Did the mutilations occur before or after summary execution? W hy did the sons of the gene rals m ost associated w ith the republican arm y’ s most recent losse s have to be presen t? W as the site of the executions. W hile the more insig htful and inte lligen t land ow ne rs realise d that this kind of control w as m ore of an aspiration than a 35 reality. Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 . the son of the recently deceased General C om mande r of the republican arm y. or so 29 of® cials of the occupying force surm ised . as well as others acted as an escort for the 31 nine . the state achieve d new m ass form s of ex pres sion in both countries during succeeding gene rations but for radically different reasons in some instances. Landow ne rs rem ained at the Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. the son of a Boer ge ne ral. and Piet Joubert. on occasion. Ceylon and India. The details of this process in these tw o distinc t societies were often quite different.

As a result. In these strugg les 39 race. reg ular postal service s. state sponsore d land en closures. w hich w as partly sustained by the changin g agrarian economy. the re-elaboration of state power in the tw o countries gaine d expression through stopgap. and other features that w ould speed the commercialisation of agriculture. w hile they masked this activity w ith the innocuous Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 . measures to reorganise the local police constabularie s and magistra cies. and land blen ded in to one another. but the w hite land ow ners’ sense of hon our and selfsuf® ciency proved poor rem edies for the ills brought by rapid economic 37 transformation. 3) en tailed leg al conceptions of private property that militated against the commercial sale of land and increased the risk of potential investors. 2) a reg ulator or vigilan te tradition among the conquered w hite population that could not be absorbed or defange d by the ne w methods of administration. In the face of opposition from land ow ning w hites. segre gation’ s most sanguinary moments came w hen the central state w as sim ultane ously attempting to absorb the most talented members of local elites and also determ ine the outcome of local situations durin g period s of rapid 41 economic change. The dif® culties arose w hen the national state did not exert its full force in eithe r en deavour. the ne w administra tion sometimes ceded the initiative to the old elite s. C onseque ntly. m y examination of the violent quickening of local w hite elite s in portions of the A merican South and South A frica’s Transv aal amounts to a means of discussin g how segre gation in South Africa and the U nited States could be predicated upon the broad acceptance of locally derived H errenv olk conceptions of dem ocracy and ye t act 42 as a fulcrum for the interve ntion of the central state in local situations. Some of the most salie nt were : 1) habits of in depen den ce and indepe nde nt economic activity on the part of a potential class of depen den t labourers. those w ho participated in the violence belie ved that they could m inimise the moral and political im passe created by these divisions by res urrecting the m ilitary formations of vanquished armies in the guise of `sabre and muske t clubs’ and `commandos’ . C onsequen tly. and 6) the absen ce of a critical number of active collaborators w ho w ould be w illing to be the eye s and ears of the state until a reg ular 38 local judiciary and police constabulary were established . But the central govern ments in both countries did not alw ays take the lead in achieving broad syste mic outcomes to such strugg les. A dange rous paradox arose therefore between segrega tion as a comprehen sive state policy of social en ginee rin g and its likely executors in the local 40 setting . teleg raph and tele phone lines. the com ing of seg regation in both countries w as accompanied by m ore bloodlettin g than many historians have cared to admit. as opposed to long term . In fact. Despite dee p and persisting economic division s w ithin the w hite population. and settlemen t of w hite loyalists in communities know n to be hostile to the state’ s objectives. 4) the absen ce of infrastructural features such as rail line s. 5) the absence of schools to socialise the child ren of the vanquishe d and habituate them to the ne w political order. A w ide range of circumstances that were inim ical to the imposition of political order obtaine d in both areas of the tw o countrie s in question during the im mediate postw ar period s. labour.404 John H igg inson centre of subseq uent violence.

as N apoleon did. at least. W ho w orks? W ho ow ns? Ð these are the question s that lay at the heart of the violent circumstances that m y project w ill examine . 3) lim iting Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. But such questions come w rapped up in a series of `how s’ . Hence the elites viewed the disbanding of the agencies through w hich the power of the central state expres sed its w ill such as the South A frican C onstabulary (SAC ) in the Transvaal and the Free dm en ’ s Bureau and the Provost Marsh al’ s C ourts in Louisiana and South Carolin a w ith a m ixture of relief and trepidation.U pend ing the Ce ntury of W rong : the A merican South and South A frica 405 proceed ing s of farmers’ associations . Rather it tended to coalesce w ith other statements of grie vance and . The dism antlin g of the SA C and the Freed men ’ s Bureau were important illustrations of the ne t effect of such 46 protes ts. its subsequen t victory at the polls in 1906. w ith the formation of the Boer political movement H et V olk. These men sought to create a political clim ate in w hich violen ce com mitted on behalf of private property and w hite suprem acy Ð the tw o being readily con¯ ated w hen conven ien t Ð w ere not only view ed as norm al but in dispen sable. N or do I agree w ith the postmodern conclusion that all tales are equally valid . I do not mean to imply. w ould expect to take an active role in the political affairs of a given community. and the disband ing of the South A frican Constabulary (SAC ) in 1907. If my proposed rese arch project proves anyth ing. expand and contract in relation to the genera l political clim ate at a give n momen t. in January 1905. it is that all anecdotes are not equally valid or true. 2) prohib iting or. there w as a marked increase in the in cidents of vigilan te activity and the violent self-presentation of w hite 43 farmers in everyd ay life. `Progres sive’ English speakin g w hite farmers in M arico and Rustenburg had a hand in such violence and often bene® ted from its sh ort-term consequences. by virtue of their direct access to productive land. even w hen they appear to conform to the receive d w isd om . in turn. It w as durin g the course of the dism antlin g of these institutions that the most volatile protes ts of w hite land ow ners took place. that the past is mere ly a set of lies that the powerful conspire to foist upon a gullible public. impeding the number of blacks w ho ow ned or rented land and w ho. H ow malleable w as the culture of the producing classes? H ow could the nee d for labour in tow n and countryside be met w ithout en ge nderin g `labour shortage s’? H ow could the pursuit of a speci® c version of law and orde r advance or retard the num ber of labourers w illin g to come forth? And it w as in relation to the `how s’ that the central state 45 faltered Ð at least from the vantage point of local agrarian elites. under the leadersh ip of Louis Botha and Jan Sm uts. For example. Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 . M ethods and D ata People often grasp complex realities best w he n they are prese nted as a serie s 44 of anecdotes. Vigila nte activity w as not a sustaine d fact of life through out the tw o period s and countries in question. The comm on features of the politics of exslaveholders and landlord s in the upland region s of the South and South Africa turned on three ne gative aspirations: 1) retainin g the prew ar form of com mand over black labour.

nor did they posse ss a ® xed rank among the concerns of w hite land ow ne rs. land convey ances. and govern men t and new spaper accounts of violen t ¯ ash points. Some. Exslaveholde rs and Boer land lord s also had different expectations from the relationship between the law . in fact. it is also 48 preven table. The re were leve ls of com mitmen t among the 3. O ut of this 3. defensive . M ost of these 3. The three were not mutually exclusive.406 John H igg inson the num ber of blacks w ho possessed and exercise d the political franchise . death and m arriage records. the judicial process.200 w hose names appeared on a more or less reg ular basis in narrative des criptions of collective violen ce and outrages in new spapers and in testim ony given at govern ment commissions. w ould have been reckoned as sociopaths of one sort or another. The various levels of comm itmen t to violen ce among the people com posing m y evide ntiary base also raise important questions and second my earlier concern s about the `instinctual’ nature of violence Ð particularly violence against people of another group. repair or purchase weapons. estate. M any were a conseq uence of sheer num bers: dem ographic change in the upland back country of both countries w as quite dram atic in some cases durin g the respective postw ar period s. and engage in low level but consisten t he ctoring of governmen t of® cials they perceived as inim ical to their in teres ts. The latter contention w ill be the principal one that my ® nd ings w ill engage. Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 .200. The se tw o agrarian elites posse ssed im portant differences as well. give temporary shelter to a man on the run. Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts.200 men were at least on the frin ge s of one kind of violen t activity or another durin g the course of their active life.200 I have iden ti® ed a hard core of about 1. some .200 men and their fam ilies. civil suits. and the state’ s institutions Ð even w hen terror w as the mutually resorted to catalyst to ge t the relationsh ip going . Either their organisations were fairly complacent about ris ks or all the members of such groups Ð normal and abnormal Ð believed that no risk w as too gre at in the attem pt to overthrow the tw o respective governm en ts. By cross referen cing archival materials on Boer and C onfederate prisoners of w ar w ith reg imen tal histories . But most were quite w illin g to be sile nt Ð or to conceal or destroy evide nce. or that apparently norm al people saw their circum stances sim ilarly. If collective violen ce of this nature is the result of factors that are `caused . honour and prestige are not suf® cient insu rance that the recipients of such are not sociopaths. By the stand ard s of our time and perh aps their ow n. I have derive d a provisional sample of 3. but not most. pension records. A ll were not w illin g to kill or die. and interpretable’ . Instead w hite land ow ne rs perceived the immediacy of any one of these goals in relation to their ow n capacities and power 47 at a given m oment. but of course . The y could not capture the habits and traditions of the past in their pristine form. achieve d recognition and notoriety beyon d their given locale. W hether such men were sociopaths or not w as not as important as how they perceive d their fortunes and circumstances.

000 odd Englis hm en w ill come out of it w ith a hazier sen se of meum and tuum . pp. South Africa shall enter upon a ne w and grande r period of her history. or w he ther our people shall cease to exist ¼ and South A frica sh all in future be governe d by soulless gold king s acting in the name of and unde r the protection of an unjust and hated governm en t 7. see also `South Africans rally in sym pathy after Rustenb urg Bomb Blast’. I also w ish to thank the Catherine T. Bruce La urie. by vindicating her Box 33930. 19± 26). Lionel C urtis. Smuts w as not alone in speculating on the conseq uences of the w ar. Keith Shear. In the American instance John Cell prese nts us w ith a masterly account of one such instance of bloodletting Ð the 1898 `Revolt of the Red Shirts’ in N orth C arolina.786. 21 July 1998.U pend ing the Ce ntury of W rong : the A merican South and South A frica 407 I w ould like to thank Joye Bow m an. a future member of Lord M ilne r’ s staff and m ayor of Johannesb urg. Fax (413) 545 6137. N ote s 1. G loria W alqalam/dec96/rutnbrgb omb. M A 01003± 3930. See for exam ple. Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 . John H igginson m ay be contacted at the D epartm ent of H istory. w rote to his m other in this vein ® ve m onths after the outbreak of the w ar: `I don’t think that I sh ould say that this w ar has made men cruel but I do think that 200. Smuts framed the problem in the follow in g manne r: `Brother Africanders ¼ The hour has come w hen it w ill be decide d w hether .htm ). Henry Eichel (1998). It w ould be dead’ . Te lep hone (413) 5 45 1330. W hat is so strikin g about Cell’ s des cription here is that it ¯ atly contradicts his argumen t that segre gationists were inclined tow ard more moderate means: see Cell (1982. Jerem y Krik ler (1993). M benga (1997). 1997. M acA rthur Foun dation for the fellow ship that m ade lengthy sojourns in archives in South A frica and the U nited States possible. U SA . The ¯ aw s in this provisional p roduct are all m ine . 6. `If that law [an 1896 statute that abolishe d county control of voter registr ation] were to rem ain on the books. M ichael H anch ard. See `Ex Police M iniste r Finge rs P.W . Herter H all. Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. for a countervailing view see Fre dricks on (1988. and John D . Eugene Genovese.000 m iles aw ay ¼ ’ . 2. W eekly M ail and G uardian . N an W oodruff. See van O nselen (1996. 4. see also Dubow (1989). 3. U niversity of M assachusetts. 5. eastern N orth C arolin a Dem ocrats contended w ith some justi® cation. Kevin Sack (1996). 254± 55). see also K. w hite supremacy w ould not be just be threatened in their region. 7. pp. and that w ill not help them to govern justly’: see Lionel C urtis (1951). Julie Saville. Thavolia G lym ph. see Jan Smuts (1900). Cell claimed. (http://w w w . A m herst. R oderick A ya and A bebe Zegeye for their patient and sym pathetic reading of earlier form s of this essay and related w ork. Botha in Bombin g’ . Reuters web site: http://dailynew s. pp. See also Vern on Burton (1978). Gilles Vand al (1991). 184± 85 and 3± 4).com/headlines /top ¼ euters/ 980721/new s/stories /safrica 3 htm ). C harles Tilly. however. Ronald Sto ry. M ichael W est. See Thom as Paken ham (1979).

see also K CP A62 f. gave resonance to this tradition. `Never threaten a man ind ivid ually if he deserves to be threatened . W ild to Brevet M ajor General R.H . South Africa: he nceforth D RH P) 1655. 12. For a glim pse of the anxietie s of w hite farmers over the question of the political franchise and land red istribution see: South A frican N ative A ffairs C om m ission (hen ceforth SAN A C ) 1903± 1905. Peter W arw ick (1982). reel 34.J. see also Jeremy Krikler (1993). South Carolin a in the Bureau of Re fugees. for Rustenb urg and Marico see Kem ball-Cooke Pa pers (H istorical C ollections: U nive rsity of the W itw atersran d. W ind ham’ . M alan’ . W ild to M ajor Gene ral R.H . 11. SA N A C. Johannesb urg. A t the close of the South African W ar a vigorous and .A. 7± 9. South Africa: hen ceforth KC P) A 62 A b 2f. for the of® cial gloss on these deep -seated anxieties see `Testim ony of W . the `Edge ® eld Plan’. H ow ard from Anderson . Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 . see also 23 August 1865 report of Brigadier General E. N icolaas van der W alt and petitions of farme rs from the Ceylon Estate in Rustenburg. occasion ally. Saxton at Beaufort. See F. Statemen ts of J. Freedm en. South C arolin a in N A FB RG 105. for the orig ins of vigilan te and terrorist activity in the post C ivil W ar South see particularly the observations of Brig adier General Edw ard A. See the en tire ® le of person al corresponde nce in folde r A b in D ona ld R olfe H unt Papers (H istorical Papers of the W illiam C ullen Library. 869. snapped resistance in the country side . in fact. New nh am’ s 1905 force report. vituperative debate broke out among the Boer ge ne rals about w hether the British blockhouses had. for the massacre of thousand s of freed people and w hite Republicans that accompanied the sem inal elections of N ovember 1868 in Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. Brow n to the C hief of Staff for Brevet Brigadier Genera l C . see also Richard M axwell Brow n (1969). 13. C oetzee. Record G roup 105 of the N ational A rchives of the U nited States (hen ceforth: N A FB ). pp.408 John H igg inson 8.W . 1907. the ne cessities of the times require that he sh ould die’ : see Vern on Burton (1978). Bene ath the apparent term s of the deb ate w as the more volatile issue of w hether the defeat of the republican arm y had been caused by a greater use of African irreg ulars and Boer collaborators in the closing m onths of the w ar: see C hristaan De Wet (1902). testim onial in the V olkstem of Rustenb urg by the Reve ren d D . 9. O rville Vern on Burton (1985). Smith on the cases coming before the Provost C ourts and the activities of the Provost M arsh als in Edge ® eld. Phoken g. pp. Meyer. 1942 and 1990 in Central Archives Depot/Bantu A ffairs O f® ce: Pretoria 2895 (M arico D istrict) and South A frican Truth and Reconciliation H earings. see also `Testim ony of A. Form er C onfederate Lieutenant-Genera l M art Gary remarks about a blueprin t for terror in South C arolina. see also Re port of the Joint C om m ittee in Reconstruction (1865). and A band one d La nd s. see also the marked ly sim ilar accounts of violence and contestation at Braaklagte and Leuuw fontein in M arico in 1903. 129± 37). IV. 20 M ay 1996. South C arolina and the 23 October 1865 report of Lie utenant C olonel C . `The C ase of Diali and M okgatle’ .W . C harle s van Onselen (1990). University of the W itw atersrand. 10. Saxton and those of Lieutenant C olonel John Devereux to M ajor H . See Bern ard M beng a (1997. Postma.S. Johannesb urg. Floris P.

Brow nlea. 45). see also Report on Cotton Production . pp. but w ith a bit of a 14.E. 3 (1. 374). see also Table 1 in Gille s Vandal (1991. Ira Berlin et al.A .E. Rable (1984). 20. A pril): 72± 73. C orbin’ (Wash ing ton D C : G overn ment Prin ting Of® ce. Q uerie s and Replie s’ . for exam ple. 1872). the former sub native commissioner of Piet Retief. 31± 37). but one w hich is open to the prospect of tracing speci® c grie vances as the catalyst for violen ce see D onald Denoon (1973). `I am speakin g of production by our prim itive South A frican methods. Transvaal A gricultural Journal . Jeremy Krikle r (1993. Vern on Burton (1978: p. L. see also S. pp. part 1 volume 3. see also C .N . Ty rre ll. Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. W righ t M ills (1959). see also Eric Foner (1884). Alle n Trele ase (1971) In 1903 a `gentlem an farme r’ assesse d the Transvaal’ s agriculture in the follow ing manne r. vol. Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 17. Allen Tre lease (1971). Peter W arw ick (1982. 2nd sess ion. In 1903. 23. for example. see Roderick A ya (1990). for the usefulne ss of the com parison. see Charle s Francis Adams (1902). For an account that privile ges relative deprivation theory as an explanation for the actions of former slaveholde rs see George C . 22. 21. and en terprise kept a w hole ge neration of Afrikaners a¯ oat on the land’: see Tim Keegan (1988). 20± 22. See Eric Foner (1989). report no. 39± 41). w here the farm er sits on the verandah and sen ds three boys to plough w ith six or ten oxen. Kemball-C ooke bestowed his papers and notes on his successor. See Jerem y Krikler (1993. p. p. General D ixon’ s Force 10/4/01’. Shula M ark s and Stanley Trapido (1979). `It w ould probably be true to that black resources. for an analogous explanation of the actions of Boer farmers. see Euge ne Gen ovese (1996). 68± 88. (1990). 37). penned a revealing letter to the governm en t sponsored agricultural journal unde r the nom de gue rre `gen tlem an farmer’ : see Tyrrell (1903). Katzenellenbogen (1980). for an opposing view . Of course. `testim ony of D avid T. See.A. For an insig htful critique of explanatory models based on various theories. the stateme nts take n from Boer pris oners by R. H . U pon his removal as res ide nt m agistrate of Rustenburg. see also Tim othy J. 19. after 500 of them were captured on various farm s between Rustenburg and Krugersd orp in February ± March 1901: Fam ily H istory A rchives of the Church of La tter D ay Sa ints of Jesus C hrist (hen ceforth FH AC LDS) m icro® lm J-47878 136782. Keegan (1987). Various state of® cials were painfully aw are of the potentially explosive consequen ces. Brow nlea for `Daag’ Intelligen ce. See Eric Foner (1983). 16. see also C harles van Onselen (1992). Gene ral D ixon’ s in tellige nce of® cer. Tim Keegan summed up the dilem ma nicely. See George Fre dricks on (1981). I (1884): 68± 77. Ted Tunne ll (1989). 15. See `N otes. pt 1. and an ordinary sin gle furrow . sk ills. 41. `List of Farm s and Inhabitants West of Pretoria: R.U pend ing the Ce ntury of W rong : the A merican South and South A frica 409 Louisiana and South Carolin a see Se na te Re port. Te stimony taken by The Joint Se lection Com m ittee to inquire into The C ondition of A ffairs in the Late Insurrectiona ry States. Gerald Jaynes (1986). w ith improved farm ing the cost w ould be much less ’. see also Lou Falkne r W illiam s (undated). 42 C ongress. 18. .

27. `Reports of M urders and Outrages. File Ac6. Jenkins and John Bratton. A lle n Trelease. 1865± N ov. SA N A C . Paroles nos. in the sense that an English man looks upon his duty to those under him’ : see K CP A62f.) (1989). 1900± 1902 volume no. see N A FB m icro® lm M 869 Reel 34. `List of Farm s and Inhabitants W est of Pretoria ¼ BPP C D 821 LXIX. see also the observations of British staff and parole of® cers FH A CLD S K-23892 1367078. H is son. Tow ard the end of Feb ruary 1901. See Donald Den oon (1973). see also C . Ted Tunnell (ed. 117 (old no. 1866’ . 15 N ovember. `testim ony of A. recounted the details of the trib unal to British inte lligen ce of® cers: see FH A CLD S . July 1865± Dec. 1868’ and `Report of C onditions and Operations. 63± 68 and 108. M alan’ . and ® ve other relatives were also captured. See the Fe bruary± M arch 1863 corre sponde nce of C onfederate Brigadier Gene rals H . Oct.Q. 56± 57). British Pa rliamentary Papers (hen ceforth: BPP) C D 821 LXIX. A s late as A ugust 1903 British com mand ants in the cam ps for Boer prisone rs in Berm uda w orried that the rig ours of w ar had `hardened ’ some of the younger prisone rs and m ade them indifferen t to exercisin g cruelty. . `Case at M agaliesberg’ M any ¯ eeing Boer soldiers did not think of themselves as `dese rters’ . `I have not destroye d these documen ts because after I have `shuf¯ ed off this men tal coil’.H . 29. David Yudelm an (1983). July 1865± Dec. 32. O ct. 25. D RH P A1655. `Cape Tow n: Staff O f® cer. see also Shula M arks and Stanley Trapido (1979. de la Rey had expressed sim ilar concerns earlie r in the w ar: see Berm ud a A rchives (he nceforth: BA) C S 6/1/20. `Reports of M urders and O utrage s. and C aptain J.A. H ow ard W hite (1970). `Con® den tial Mem o to N ative C ommissioners in Conferen ce at Johannes burg (Lagden ). W ar O f® ce.S. Brow nlea for `D aag’ Intelligen ce. 40± 45. O ne of the seve n. 130 See James Gilliga n (1996). Prisoners of W ar 1± 226. 1865± N ov. 1868’ and `Report of C onditions and O perations. see also A non (1867).A . A ustin in FH A C LD S m icro® lm 1447437 (corresponden ce and muster rolls of the H ampton Legion for 1862 and 1863). one of the ® rst A frik aners in the Rusten burg-Kruge rsd orp area to break the oath of neutrality and take up arms again. W olm arans. pp. 390± 469. General Dixon’s Force 10/4/01. 30. W righ t M ills (1959). See N A FB micro® lm M 869 Ree l 34. 28. Roge r Shugg (1939). `List of Farm s and Inhabitants W est of Pretoria: R. 570. 1866’ . 114). Kitchener to Under Secretary of State. 1901. pp. Th e Three Ye ars W ar. `Case at M agalie sberg ’.G. 191± 92 and 345. Jan Smuts and J. see also FH A CLD S. 26. or possibly F. Kloppers Sr surre nde red to Colonel A irey at H artbeestfontein 118. 33. 18 June 1902’. Govern or’ s Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts.410 John H igg inson w arnin g. Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 24. London. I have asked you to use your discre tion as to the prese rvation or destru ction of any papers I may have left behin d me ¼ I fancy that you may gather from some of them that I tried to do my duty to `brothe r Boer’ . W hite Te rror. See N A FB micro® lm M 869 Ree l 34. 31. pp.H. B. but rather as en gage d in vlucht volm oed Ð ¯ ight in full courage : see Christiaan De W et.

87± 93). 41. Scholtz (1942). 9 M iltair D istrikt’ . 13 A ugust 1903. 134± 37). 63± 68. for the American South see C . 37. Andersson (1907). Barbara Field s (1983. pp. See First Se ssion of the Forty-Fourth Cong ress. See BPP C D 1897. Kafferskra al (Rustenburg). 406± 20). the Preside nt of the U nion Governm en t. See W . see also Frank Tannen baum . `Unie Verde digin gsm acht. . 1875. see also Report on the C ond ition in the South. H ancock and J. thought it more pruden t to supply each w hite farmer w ith at least 50 round s of amm unition: see So uth A frican Police documents micro® lmed by Robert Edgar and housed at the Center for Research Librarie s in C hicago. Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. 3rd September 1917 (3/527/17)’ . H ulett’. for the Gene rals’ Rebellion see A. 1917.M . Ted Tunne ll (1989. Bus 99. These attempts took the form of Sarel Johanne s 34. 61± 68). from H unt concern ing land tenure. Joseph C ham berlain’ . `Congress ional Report on the 1866 New O rle ans Riot’ . Pretoria 3/527/17. Garson (1962).C. van der Poel(1966) pp. Of® ce of the C ommissioner to Secretary of Justice. Stew art E. occupation. 40. righ ts in the area unde r his jurisd iction. See N . H on. pp.G.U pend ing the Ce ntury of W rong : the A merican South and South A frica 411 Despatches. information in relation to the slaughter of American citizens at H amburgh . see also Barbara Field s (1983). In 1917 for ins tance the prospects for a w ide spre ad rebellion of rural A frik aners resurfaced in Rustenb urg. however. M ichael R. see also Julie Saville (1994).M . the param ount chief of the Kgatla Tsw ana. Fitzhugh Brund age (1993). Forty -Third congre ss.R. Documen t N o. 1876). 18± 30. see also Joel W illiamson (1984). p. `Die Rebellie van 1914: historiog ra® ese verken ning’ .L. K LE IO (1979) vol. Eric Foner (1989. pp. Davenport (1963).5. communicating. The m aterials in question are `Con® dential: South African Police. see also W . See C .D . See Anon (1905). Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 36. `Memo to the N ative C om missione r. 42. 43. to w arn him that if his people continue d to `provoke’ w hite farme rs. See Donald Den oon (1973). (W ash ington: G overn ment Printin g O f® ce. S. Pretoria. 38. 1 O ctober. In 1906 H et V olk attempted to foster greater solid arity among Afrik aners across class lines by urging the poorer strata of the rural population to memorialise posthumously fam ily mem bers w ho had died during the w ar w ith detailed death notices. Second session. Tim Keeg an (1988. see also Hele n Bradford (1987). 1904: testim ony of J. H ouse Report num ber 261. 11. Vann W oodw ard (1990). II. `Lt Govern or-General and C om mander-in-Chief to Rt. File Ac24. G. Tolnay and E. (1924). 2124). 35. Illinois. Grundling h. 96. Lyde nburg. 19 M arch 1913’ . 1877± 76 .L. no. sent for Linchwe.H . `Reports of the Transvaal Labour C ommission . `Mess age from the Preside nt of the United States. 472± 74 and 561. see also Shula M ark s and Stanley Trapido (1979. in answer to a Senate resolution of 20 July 1876. Beck (1995). see also the insigh tful description of the range of peasant-landlord relations in Rusten burg in Belind a Bozzoli w ith M m antho N kotsoe (1991). 39. 85. he w ould sen d Imperial troops into the western Transvaal. See D RH P A1655. Nell Irvin Painter (1976). Louis Botha. Local police. pp. T. pp. part 2. H oofdkw artier no. H yman (1989).

L. See R. 44.H .S. C . Eichel. C urtis .S. T. V iolence . Burton. N kotsoe (1991) W om en of Phokeng . Ka® r Kille d’. 1914’ . ± (1985) In M y Father’s H ouse A re M any M ansions: Fam ily and Com m unity in Edge® eld. H . (1978) `Race and Reconstruction: Edge ® eld County. 12 August: 5. R. New O rleans Tim es-Picayune . New York: Cam brid ge U nive rsity Press.F. So uth C arolina. South C arolina) in N A FB RG 105 M869 Reel 34. M iller. H . T. (1982) The H ighest Sta ge of W hite Sup rem acy. Eng lish H istorical Re view . J.R. Godley (1935). Saxton (Edge ® eld. D aven port. C . U nive rsity of the W itw atersrand . Johannesb urg. V. Row land. (1963) `The South A frican Rebellion . Berlin . V iolence. S. 1924 ± 1930 . `Trans vaal: New Estates’ See Eric H obsbaw m (1972). D. N C : University of N orth C arolin a Press. Downloaded by [University of Massachusetts. A nde rsson (1907) `A Paper on the Defen ce of South Africa’. at the age of 15. Reid y. See footnotes 36 and 38. London: Longman. S. B. (1987) A Taste of Freedom : The ICU in Rural South A frica. Sarel’ s notice stated that he `fell in action’ at Zeeru st on 11 M ay 1902. (1990) Re think ing Revolutions and C ollective V iolence . New York: H ough ton. . O xford: Basil Blackwell. (1989) Se gregation and the O rigins of A partheid in South A frica. H und reds of such notices were ® led between O ctober 1905 and Fe bruary 1906: see FH A C LD S R-51583 0991008. D ubow . 3 Feb ruary. New York: C ambrid ge University Pres s. Saville (eds) (1990) Freedom : A D ocum enta ry H istory of Em ancipation. Johanne sburg: Ravan Press. III. Bozzoli.. De Wet. Bradford. (1951) W ith M ilner in So uth A frica . R e fe re nce s A dam s. J. vol.F. Fall): 37. 26 September in Fortnightly Club Pa pers A241 (H istorical C ollections. 211. 12 (1. M if¯ in and C ompany . A non (1867) `The Future of the Freed man’. Glymph. 48. (1998) `In C hurch Suit against Klan. see also observations of Gene ral Edw ard A. Amherst] at 13:29 18 February 2014 47. W ild to Brevet M ajor Gene ral R. 45. A ya. Pretoria N ew s . A non (1905) `Bad Gun Accident.412 John H igg inson van der Merw e’s. New York: C harle s Scribner and Sons. less than three weeks before the form al surren der. South A frica). 19 July. (1973) A G rand Illusion . 211± 15. C hapel H ill. (1902) The Three Years W ar . Journal of Social H istory. Boston Su nd ay G lobe . Barring ton M oore (1978). 46. Dees Goes after Top O f® cials’ . Johannesb urg: Ravan Press. A msterd am : Het Spinhuis. See James Gilliga n. London: M acmillan. James Gilliga n. LXXVII (306): 78. w ith M . J. Den oon. (!902) Lee at A ppom attox and O ther Papers. Cell. I. South C arolin a’. L.

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