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BERLINER INDOLOGISCHE STUDIEN

Band 13/14 @ 2000

Dance of Ardhanr as Pattini-Kaaki


with special reference to the Cilappatikram

R.K.K. Rajarajan

HERAUSGEGEBEN VOM INSTITUT FR INDISCHE PHILOLOGIE UND KUNSTGESCHICHTE DER FREIEN UNIVERSITT BERLIN

A rare bronze of dancing Ardhanr(vara),1 the Androgyne or Hermaphrodite, is in the Colombo museum. It was originally excavated in Anurdhapura, Sri Lanka, in 1982 (cf. WICRAMAGAMAGE 1980). Professor S. PADMANABHAN of the Peredenia University, who visited my alma mater (The Tamil University of Thanjavur) a few months ago, gave us a copy of the photo (Fig. 1) which is of great importance for research pertaining to Ardhanr. The most significant feature of the image is that it accommodates the feminine part in its right side. Though the figure under study has been published and discussed around nine times,2 the identification does not seem to be very apt. Even though ADICEAM (1968) wrote an exhaustive account of Ardhanrvara, the credit of bringing to scholarly attention the concept of Ardhanr with the breast on the right side as against Ardhanr with the breast on the left side goes to Professor Raju KALIDOS (1992). The report of KALIDOS (1993) was followed by brief notes of his colleagues, GOPALAKRISHNAN (1994-95) and KANDASAMY (1994). This article is based on the hypothesis accounted by KALIDOS (1993: 68), when the breast happens to be on the left the emphasis lies on the Male principle and on the Female principle when the breast appears on the right. The pratimlakaa of the ilpastras brings Ardhanrvara under ivatattvanidhi, thus putting stress on iva and not on Dev. The icon under study is depicted with the breast on the right and so here the androgyne deity is accounted under she and not he.3
Only few dancing Ardhanrvara sculptures have been reported; see e.g. ADICEAM (1968: figs. 29-31), SIVARAMAMURTI (1974: ch. 8, figs. 3, 4; ch. 13, figs. 161, 194, 215), GASTON (1982: 142-43, pls. 69-70), and SMITH (1994: figs: 131, 136). It has been published by a host of Sri Lankan scholars and others (WIC[K]RAMAGAMAGE 1980: 54-55, pl. 67; idem 1990; MIRANDO 1982; WIJESEKERA 1984: 105, fig. 98; PREMATILLEKE 1986: no. 35; LAKDUSINGHE 1987: 56-60, fig. 1; VON SCHROEDER 1990: 238, 264, pl. 67a; idem 1991: 106-7, no. 29; idem 1992: 88-89, no. 29; HETTIARATCHI 1990: 155-57). di akaras bias of Dev stresses the feminine principle, as iva without akti is ava. According to his theory akti is the one who accomadates iva within her (cf. KALIDOS 1992: 1039). BERLINER INDOLOGISCHE STUDIEN (BIS) 13/14 @ 2000: 401-414
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Dr. Inge Wezler Verlag fr Orientalistische Fachpublikationen

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In the Cilappatikram,4 the folk deity Pattini-Kaaki is compared with many gods and goddesses of the Hindu pantheon (cf. fn. 22). Later, as a result of Sanskritization,5 the folk deity of the Tamil country is identified with iva as Ardhanrvara. Before taking up the Colombo bronze for discussion, a succinct account of the previous works on the subject and the image may be presented. T.A. Gopinatha RAO (1916: 321-332) was not aware of the right-breasted Ardhanr. H. Krishna SASTRI (1916: 120-125, figs. 75-80)6 was the first one to publish the right-breasted Ardhnr. ADICEAM's account is thorough in original sources from Sanskrit texts, especially the gamas, and she has illustrated her paper with a large number of photographic samples. Unfortunately, although she mentions four right-breasted images and illustrates one from Karantai (1968: 155-156, 166, fig. 6), she does not discuss this form of Ardhanr. KALIDOS (1992) was the first to focus on the right-breasted Ardhanr images from the Cla temples at Karantai, Tiruvaiyru, Tiruvtikkui and Tirumalapi, giving a detailed analysis of the Tamil literary sources, especially the Cilappatikram and Tvram (1993). The significant contribution of his study is the identification of Ardhanr with an ancient Tamil folk goddess who was deified in the Cilappatikram as Pattinikkaavu (Orramulacci in Kerala),7 the Goddess of Chastity (cf. FYNES 1993).8 GOPALAKRISHNAN (1994-95) focussed his attention mainly on the Tirumalapi image. KANDASAMY (1994) summarized the findings of the two previous studies. KAIMAL (1999: fig. 61) published a right-breasted Ardhanr from Tiruviakui but did not note that the image is right-breasted. The Tiruviakui image was neither included
For a detailed study see CMINTAIYAR (1985); DANILOU (1967); ZVELEBIL (1973: ch. 11). For a detailed bibliography on the subject see PARTHASARATHY (1993: 385-401). See also BECK (1972) and DUBIANSKI (1994). About the Sanskritization of the Tamil deities, PETERSON (1991: 8) referring to HART (1975: Ch. 4) points out that though the Cakam poems do show the influence of northern religion, ideas, and customs, Sanskritization was much more pervasive in the post-Cakam age, when Buddhist and Jain influnces were strong, as reflected in the fifth-century epic Cilappatikram. SASTRI (1916: 127, fig. 80) published a line drawing of Ardhanr from Tiruvi (Tiruvaiyru) and commented, another unusual form comes from Tiruvadi near Tanjore, in which the right half is woman and the left half male. OBEYESEKERE (1984: 536) clearly highlights the term with INDUCHUDANs book saying The crucial piece of sociological information is that pilgrims who visit Koukor refer to the goddess popularly as Orramulacci, the single-breasted one. Now the main Kl image in the inner sanctum hasnt this iconographic feature, but it is obviously a popular and well-established usage. The only single-breasted goddess in all of Indian mythology is Pattini. See also ZVELEBIL 1973: 173, fn. 4. FYNES (1993) identifies the Pattin with Egyptian god Osiris and goddess Isis which would take the Pattini cult to the third millennium B.C.
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nor mentioned by KALIDOS and his colleagues. So it seems that there could be more right-breasted Ardhanr images in the Kvr region.

Previous works on the identification of the image The Colombo museum Pattii-Kaaki image is the only one of its type ever reported. 1. WICRAMAGAMAGE was the first to write about the image in 1980 identifying it as Ardhanri-Naevara in the form of Hari-Hara. Consequently, in 1983 and 1990 he again published the image and discussed the above concept. He dates the image to 9th century. 2. MIRANDO (1982) identifies it as Avalokitevara and akti. 3. WIJESEKERA (1984) identifies the image as Ardhanarisvara and dates it to the 9th-10th century. 4. PREMATILLEKE (1986) also identifies it as Ardhanarisvara and dates it to the 5th-6th century. 5. LAKDUSINGHE (1987) discusses all the earlier works on the image; he also cites the Cilappadikram. He accepts the identification of the icon as Ardhanri, dating it to circa 7th-10th century. 6. HETTIARATCHI (1990) identifies it as Ardhanarinatesvara and dates it specifically the reign of King Manavamma (684-718 A.D.) as the figurine has some characteristic features of Pallava sculpture. 7. Von SCHROEDER cites in his works (1990, 1991&1992) the above Sri Lankan scholars and brings the icon under the heading Ardhanrvara. He dates the icon to the 7th-8th century, as it is of the Late Anurdhpura period. There are many questions pertaining to the iconographic features of the icon, because it is the only one of its type and there is no work which mentions such iconographic features of a deity, except the Cilappatikram. The author Iak Aika described very clearly Kaaki with all the features of the icon from canto to canto. If the icon is identified as Ardhanr(vara) or as Ardhanr-Naevara in the form of Hari-Hara, then why is the female part appearing on the right? Possibily the Cilappatikram gives hints for identying the image. Dating the bronze under study seems to be difficult. The proposed dates range from the 5th to the 10th century A.D. According to Professor GAILs view,9 HETTIARATCHI (1990: 156) who dates it to King Manavamma (684-718 A.D.) is reasonable. Professor GAIL suggests this dating because the sculpture shows much of Pallava influence.
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Personal communication.

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Iconographic Description10 The bronze under study stands exceedingly bent in atibhaga mode (cf. VARMA 1983: 16-18) with a very narrow waist. The right foot is placed firmly on the ground, the left leg is stretched and lifted up. Taking the whole icon into account the dancing mode is very strange. It resembles the mirror reverse of the combination11 of krntakam and daakarecitam of the Taava Lakaam (cf. NARAYANASWAMI 1936: 29-31, figs. 6, 12). In the following discripition, I deal with the two sides of the icon seperately. The proper right half is depicted as the female part. The cascading hair which falls on her shoulder is left free and the wide open eye shows her anger (Skt. raudra). On the shoulder a knob-like object protrudes, which may symbolize the skin of an animal (Skt. ajina)12 with a skull (Skt. kapla). The right ear is adorned with patrakuala. The kuala alone is depicted very clearly, without any snake inside.13 The necklace has a pendant in the centre from which a rope-like string runs down behind the breast band continuing around the breast to the back. A second but thinner string is worn in upavta-like fashion falling from the left shoulder to the right hip. It seems to have been adorned with three precious stones of which only the holes are visible. The breast is twined with a broad band and the breast which stands stiff shows her virginity. The parahasta is lifted up and holds a flat object, either a conch-shell (Skt. akha, Tam. caku),14 or a breast (Skt. vakas or stana, Tam. mulai),15 or something like an agniptra. The arm is adorned with two bangles. The prvahasta is in olahasta mode (perhaps gajahasta, as in iva-Naarja forms, but not thrown across the body) and is adorned with many bangles. From the hip a fine drapery runs down to the ankle, with the ends clearly shown. One end is stuck in on the right hip and falls down as pleats, and the other end hangs down in front. The inner rim of the garment shows five knots, one above the other, which appear like frills.
The most excellent photograph is published by von SCHROEDER (1991: 107, fig. 29), where all the iconographic deatils are very clear. However, the figure is not depicted in its correct position. ZVELEBIL (1985: 18) mentions about the evolution of nanda-tava, as a combination of bhujagcita (40th karaa) and bhujagatrsita (24th karaa). Similarly, the icon under study may be standing in a combination of krntakam and daakarecitam, thus forming a new karaa.
12 LIEBERT (1976: 8) gives a list of deities adorned with ajina, e.g. Ardhanrvara, iva, Durg, Naarja (in different forms), Nlakaha-Avalokitevara, Vana-Durg, and others. 11 10

In most cases when Ardhanrvara is dancing the patrakuala is depicted on the male side, (ADICEAM 1968: figs. 29-31; GASTON 1982: pls. 69-70), and through the patrakuala a snake with the hood wide open emerges.
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All the scholars who worked on the image have identified it as a conch-shell.

Fig. 1 Dancing Ardhanr, Bronze, Colombo Museum, No. 1982.88.1 (after VON SCHROEDER 1991: 107)

Cilappatikram (21. Vacinamlai 487.43) states that Kaaki tears her breast with the right hand. Iamulai Kaiyal tiruki to wrench the left breast with right hand.

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The proper left half of the icon is shown with the male features. The hair is piled up as jamakua. The eye is depicted normal, while the smile at the end of the lips gives beauty, which adds a rythmic calmness (Tam. cnti) to the icon in general. The ear is studded with makarakuala. The parahasta is bent and lifted up, perhaps holding a snake symbolizing an anklet (Tam. cilampu).16 The left front hand, of which only three fingers and the thumb are visible, seems to be in kartarmudr. The left thigh is covered with a short loin cloth ending above the knee. Both the ends are hanging on the sides. Above the cloth an ornamental girdle with five visible pendants is shown. To our knowledge no canonic prescription of this type of right-breasted Ardhanr is reported (cf. ADICEAM 1968, KALIDOS 1993).17 The emblems in the case of this image seem to be rooted in the Tamil cultural tradition, especially in the concept of Pattinikkaavu. Hark! Both anklets are missing!18 Literary and Cultural Background of Pattini-Kaaki In order to understand the Tamil quota of thought, a few words should be said about the Pattini concept in Tamil tradition. Pattini (Skt. patn) is a wife, wedded to her husband by word and deed, comparable to Anasy19 in Sanskritic lore. Chastity (Tam.
Cilampu was the source of Kaaki's misfortune and it is after this ornamant that the epic is named Cilappatikram. Cilappatikram (20. Vaakkuraikktai 478.42) narrates, Porroir cilampon rntiya kaiya the one who carries a golden anklet in her hand. Von SCHROEDER (1992: 88) and all other scholars identify it as a snake. ADICEAM (1968: figs. 29-31) and GASTON (1982: pls. 69-70) illustrate examples where iva (i.e. the male part) is adorned with a snake. If canons, that is stra, fail to supply notes the sources may be found in other vernaculars or regional and subregional idioms; cf. DALLAPICCOLA 1989: XV-XVII.
18 Anklets appear in images of Ardhanrvara (ADICEAM 1968: figs. 29-31) and right-breasted Ardhanr (KALIDOS 1996: figs. 5-7, also 1-2). 17 16

karpu)20 is her birthspell. Kaavul means a god(dess). In fact, Pattini was the nickname of the heroine Kaaki, The one with beautiful eyes (also called Tirumpattii, Holy great Pattini, Vrapattini, Heroic Pattini, and Makalamaantai, Auspiciuos Maiden), in the Cilappatikram.21 She and her husband due to ill fortune in life were forced to migrate to Maturai from the Cla country22 to earn a better life. Kaaki's husband Kvalan (Skt. Gopla) attempted to sell one of the precious anklets of his wife. Due to the machinations of a goldsmith, Kvalan was accused as a robber of state property and the cilampu anklet was confiscated. By a hasty judgement he was beheaded. Kaaki went to the Piya kings court, proved the innonce of her husband with the evidence of the second anklet in her possession and finally destroyed Maturai by causing a conflagration. This she performed by cutting her left breast (Tam. mulai) and casting it on the Piyan metropolis, Maturai. The term mulai is often compared in Tamil literature with fire.23 The holy power of the women is considered to abode especially in their breasts, and the early Cakam text Purannru (100 B.C.-250 A.D., ZVELEBIL 1974: 9) also mentions about a similar event. In puram 278 an old mother
There is no English word which can adequately bring out the full connotation of the Tamil term karpu ( ). It is not merely wifely chastity and faithfulness, although it is the most important element in its connotation. It is, in addition to absolute fidelity in thought, word and deed, absolute devotion, absolute deference and regard, absolute submission and self-effacement on the part of the wife towards her husband. (MUDALIYAR 1958: 175). Cp. Mnk [Tatakai], the Goddess with fish-like [beautiful] eyes). According to the Tiruviaiytar Puram the early form of Mnk is Tatakai (the only three-breasted goddess in Hindu mythology). In the mukhamaapa of the Tirupparakunram temple near Maturai there is a pillar relief image of Tatakai with three breasts standing on the buffalo head like Mahisuramardin (RAJARAJAN 1998: 143-144, pl. LIX. 2). In the putumaapam at Maturai Tatakai is represented in warrior pose (DESSIGANE & PATTABIRAMIN 1960: pl. XLa). Later on, Mnk, Kl, Durg and Kaaki came to be identified with one another. For a comparison of Kaaki with Mnk, cf. KALIDOS 1993: fn. 17; PARTHASARATHY 1993: 331. Cla, Piya and Cra were the acient rulers of the Tamil country in its three integral parts, viz., the Kveri delta, the Maturai region, and the hill country of Kerala, respectively. , having the above event in her mind, reveals her lust for love to Myn (Ka): her breasts are like fire, and the fire can only be put out when her breasts are hurled at Ka. (cf. HARDY 1983: 425; PARTHASARATHY 1993: 12). It is worth quoting Tiruppvai (19): Kotai sees Ka ... Nappinnai kokaiml vaittukkianta malarmrpa vytiravy, sleeping with thy mouth placed on the nipples of Nappinnai, open thine mouth (cf. HARDY 1983: 416; KALIDOS 1997: 124). Was it to put down the breasts fire that Lord Ka slept all the night sucking the nipples of Nappinnai? For further reading on related terms of breast in early Tamil literature, see HART 1973 who gives many examples dealing about holy and unholy (taboo) happenings caused by the term breast. Another example related to the mythology connected with breast is Ptanvadha. The demoness Ptan was sent by Kasa, the uncle of Ka, to kill Ka. While she tried to feed him with her breast milk, Ka sucked forth her soul through her nipples (cf. PARIMOO 1987, GOETZ 1951). The earliest representation of the Ptanvadha theme is found in Badm (6th century A.D.).
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Anasy is the wife of Atri (see Rmyaa, Ayodhyka, SHASTRI 1962: 431-438; WALKER 1983: 97; SIVARAMAMURTI 1980: 39-41; 1981: 117, 218). WALKER mentions a legend (which may be a very late oral story in South India and even has been depicted once in Tamil celluloid media), in which the mischief-making sage Nrada went in turn to Prvat, Sarasvat and Lakshm, praising the virtue of Anasy, declaring that her like did not exist in the three worlds. Envious of her reputation the goddesses went to their respective husbands, iva, Brahm and Vishu and implored them to tempt Anasy. Disguising themselves as mendicants they expressed a desire to be served by her in the nude. The dictates of hospitality demanded that she accede to the wishes of her guests, so sprinkling holy water over them she promptly changed them into babies and gave them her breasts to suck, and retained them in the hermitage as her children. The chagrined spouses of the gods came to Anasy and pleaded for the release of their husbands. So she is even considered as the mother of the deities of the Hindu trinity. Datttreya, the son of Anasy, is a good example (cf. WALKER 1983: 97). For this Pattini concept there are many examples in Indian literature. They are St, the wife of Rmacandra; Damayant, the wife of Nala; Candramat, the wife of Haricandra (cf. POPE 1893: 24752); Svitr, the wife of Satyavn (cf. WALKER 1983: 362-3); and so on.

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threatens to cut off her breasts, the seat of her female power, if her son as a coward fled from the battlefield. In puram 295, when the mother sees the valor of her dead son (cut in pieces), her breasts start milking again. It shows that her joy is so profound that the seat of her sacred power, long since defunct, is suddenly charged with power again. Perhaps having the above event in mind Iak Aika narrates the story of Kaaki. The power of the breast and the fire generated by a flood of blood caused the destruction of Maturai. Then she moved to the hills of the Cra country and from there she was taken to the other world in an aerial chariot. This event was observed by the hill folk who reported the matter to the Cra king, Cekuuvan. He is said to have brought a stone from the Himlayas, chiselled an image of Pattinikkaavu and instituted her worship by undertaking a big festival. The festival was attended by the kings of Lak, Karaka, Mahrra, and other places.24 The apotheosis of Kaaki proceeded stage by stage. Injustice forces her to destroy Maturai. By physical deformation, she is elevated to goddesshood and flys to the heavens. The hunters were the first to worship her as their kuladevat. She became the focus of a state cult under the Cras who built a temple and cast her image in stone. The visitors from Ceylon, Karaka, Mahrra and Madhya Pradesh took the cult to their regions.25 In the course of time, Kaaki-Pattini came to be identified with Dev or Kl.26 Human sacrifices seem to have been offered to her. The successor of Neuceliyan Piya is said to have sacrificed 1000 goldsmiths to appease the wrath of Pattini. Daily pjs (nittal vil) were institued. It is worth quoting HIATT (1973: 232):
Yalman merely says that Pattini is the Hindu Kali (1960: 80; see also 1967: 316). Without prejudging the issue whether this is ultimately the correct equation, I would draw attention to the fact that most previous commentators equate Pattini in the first instance with Kannaki (spelt also Kannakai, Kannakei, and Kannagi). Thus Cartman, discussing Hinduism in Ceylon, says: Another goddess who has many temples in Ceylon is Kannaki. She is known and worshipped by the Sinhalese Buddhists under the name of Pattini... (1957: 76 See also Sastri 1916: 229, Raghavan 1951: 260, Manjusri 1956: 25, Pillay 1963: 177; Navaratnam 1964: 11) The commentators generally add that Kannaki is the central figure in a Tamil epic poem called the Silappadikaram.
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Through the ages the Pattini cult was popular in Sri Lanka (OBEYESEKERE 1984). The Pattinikkaavu cult which had its origin in Tamilnadu developed its roots in Sri Lanka to a little extent through Cttanrs Maimkalai. It portrays Kaaki and Kvalan as Buddhist images which are venerated in a temple in Vaci in the Cra country.27 So the Sinhalese drew the idea of Pattini cult rituals both from Cilappatikram and, to a lesser extent, from Maimkalai (cf. RICHMAN 1988: 14). It is clear that the Pattini cult in Sri Lanka developed from the one in Tamilnadu. The question is why the scholars who have worked on the image under discussion have not been able to think of the icon as depicting the dancing Pattini-Kaaki? Was it because of the lack of awareness of the Tamil sources? Scholars have often discussed Indian texts ... as if they were loose-leaf files, ragbag encyclopaedias; taking the Indian word for text, grantha (derived from the knot that holds the palm leaves together), literally, scholars often posit only an accidental and physical unity. We need to attend to the context sensitive designs that embed a seeing variety of modes ... This way of constructing the text is in consonance with other designs in the culture. Not unity (in the Aristotelian sense) but coherence, seems to be the end.28 So because of the non-unity of the Indian texts it was impossible for the scholars who had worked on the figure to identify it with reference to Pattini-Kaaki. Yet no canonical literature mentions the image, because the cult behind the icon is of folk origin. The Pattini cult which got its importance through the Cilappatikram gives a wide range of clues to identify the image as Pattini-Kaaki: 1. The facial expression is different on both sides; while the right is shown with aggresiveness the left accomodates pacific qualities. This difference between them itself comes under the androgynous system.29 2. It seems to hold an anklet as snake in the left parahasta which was the source of her misfortune, and it is after this ornament, cilampu,30 that the epic is named Cilappatikram The Lay of the Anklet (cf. ZVELEBIL: 1973: 172).
27 Vc was the capital city of the Cra king Cekuvan where he erected the temple for Kaaki with the stone he had brought from the Himalayas (cf. ZVELEBIL 1973: 178).

For a detailed account of the story, cf. KANAKASABHAI (1966: 162-89); KALIDOS (1993: 74-84).

PARTHASARATHY (1993: 331-32) mentions some mythological events connected with breast from India (Kerala and Madhya Pradesh), Germany and Egypt. CHOONDAL (1978) reports that the female pilgrims exposing their naked breasts by removing their upper garments while visiting the goddess Orraimulacci (the Kl-Bhagavat) in Koukor, Cranganore district, Kerala, by singing and dancing. In the same way the temple of the goddess rad Dev in Maihar, Madhya Pradesh, was built on the spot where one of Prvats breasts fell down commemorates the myth of the goddesss dismemberment. SCHOMER (1989) mentions about the event in her discussion of the Hindi oral epic lh. Kaaki is treated as an avatra of Prvat or Pattini, rather than of Kl, in the Sinhalese version of the Cilappatikram called Pattini haela (NEVILLE 1963: 72).
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A.K. RAMANUJAN, Is there an Indian Way of Thinking? (Paper presented at the first workshop of the American Council of Learned Societies - Social Research Council Joint Committee on South Asia sponsored Person in South Asia project, Chicago, 16 Sepetember 1980), p. 16, cited by RICHMAN 1988: 16. SHULMAN (1980: 298) interpretes the androgynous goddess as a combination of aggressive and pacific elements, or as a woman who violates the feminine ideal by realizing her potential for violence (for example, by casting her breast at her victim, like the single-breasted Kaaki/Tirummai). We might also see the androgynous goddess as embodying the principle of exchange: she absorbs the masculinity of her victim or devotee, while he, for his part, offfers up his power and is left castrated or slain.
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Cilappatikram (20. Valakkuraikktai 478.42); cf. fn. 16.

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3. In the right parahasta she seems to hold a breast as akha or as agniptra, the latter held by iva-Naarja in one of his hands. All the scholars who had seen the sculpture identified the attribute in the right upper hand as a akha. As Kaaki is compared with Durg,31 the above assumption can also be accepted. In case of both Viu and Durg, the akha is always depicted in the left hand. But nowhere in art the akha is depicted in the palm. If it is a akha then certainly it is unique, because it could be a metaphor for the breast. In domestic and temple rituals milk is offered to devotees and deities in a akha. The akha itself is milk-white in colour. So the equivation of the akha with stana is not a misnomer. But the Cilappatikram (23. Kauraikktai 497.14) gives the details about Kaaki wrenching her breast as orumulai kuraitta tirum pattini the holy great chaste one who wrenches one breast (cf. KALIDOS 1993: 76).32 So with the above cited epithet it seems possible that the right parahasta holds a breast. 4. The place of the left breast is fastened with a band, but in the case of Ardhanrvara images the breast is depicted bare (cf. ADICEAM 1968; all the images illustrated are bare breasted). So it is clear that the breast band is to stop the bleeding. 5. The left prvahasta is in kartarmudr, a hand pose which signifies seperation, lightning, death, hypocrisy, opposition and disagreement (LIEBERT 1976: 12930). This mudr is specifically used to denote the seperation of women and men (cf. SAMBAMOORTI 1963: 12, fig. 4). 6. Regarding the hair style, what was originally a koai bun made of locks of hair is dishevelled and flows on the right side. It may be due the dynamic movement in

dance, or she had undone it wantonly.33 Wrath leads to a violent dance in order to destroy evil.34 Thus there are several hints, including the lost anklets, that point to an identification of the image as Pattini-Kaaki. Conclusion We may emphasize here that no other known right-breasted Ardhanr image incorporates the iconographic features of the Colombo piece. All Cla images are of the usual Ardhanrvara type, excepting the breast which appears on the right side. This tends to suggest that not only the original iconographic features of Pattini-Kaaki were forgotten by the early Cla period,35 but the iconological tradition also got submerged in historical mist.36 OBEYESEKERE (1973: 219) says, Though the cult of this goddess has virtually disappeared from its South Indian home, it survives to this day among the Buddhists and Hindus of Ceylon. By the Cla period the original Tamil folk deity had on the one hand become a Sinhalaized grmadevat, while on the other it was Sanskritized and identified with iva as Ardhanrvara. Although dancing Ardhanrvaras do occur in the Tvram hymns (KALIDOS 1996: 22), not even a single image has been reported so far from South India. Here is an evidence for dancing Ardhanr! The Abhayagiri bronze is the only prototype having such striking qualities both by chronology and phraseology. The sculptor who created this icon combined the ideas of the three main sects of Hinduism, viz., ktism, aivism, and Vaiavism, and added them to the folk goddess Pattini-Kaaki. Acknowledgements

Cilappatikram (20. Valakkuraikktai 478.35-6) narrates Piarttalaip pa mriya maakkoi, Verrivr raakkaik korravai yalla She is not Korravai, the goddess of victory, With the fierce spear in her large hand, Standing on the buffalos neck that spurts continous blood from its open wound (PARTHASARATHY 1993: 187). See also SAMY (1992: 51, fn. 16) who states, In Cilapatikaram Korravai is considered to be identical with Durga, Kli, Prvati, Younger sister of Vishnu, Mahisasuramardhini, Siva, Harihara, Ardhnari, Krishna, Lakshmi, the consort of Vishnu, Pidari the sixth goddess of the Saptamatrikas. She was also metamorphosed as the new Tamil Mother Goddess of Chastity, Kaaki who became the mother Goddess of Kongunadu Kudamalinadu (Kerala) and also as the ruling goddess of entire Tamilnadu and the universe itself. The above notion can not be accepted fully, as in Cilappatikram, Kaaki is often compared with all the above deities but only in few verses she is identified with the deities. RAGHAVAN (1953: 136) mentions about the Korravi cult prevailing in the eastern province of Ceylon. MARR (1974: 36, fn. 29) in his discussion on the Cilappatikram made a note on Kaaki wrenching her right breast: One is left wondering if there is any connection between this story and the androgynous iva-Prvat image Ardhanrvara.
32

31

I am deeply obliged to the Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung, Bonn, who offered me the prestigious Humboldtian Fellowship to work at the Institut fr Indische Philologie und Kunstgeschichte, Freie Universitt Berlin. My thanks are due to my advisor, Professor Adalbert J. GAIL, Professor Helmut NESPITAL, and friends, especially Gerd J.R. MEVISSEN, Dr. Falk REITZ, Dirk LNNE and Jrgen NEUSS. My special thanks to Ulrich von SCHROEDER who kindly supplied copies of various publications on the Abhayagiri bronze from his library.
In Tamil tradition, when the husband is dead, the wife immediately undoes beautification of the tiara and removes the bangles. Cilappatikram (23. Kauraiktai 506.181) Korravai vyir porroi takarttu she broke her golden bangles in the temple of Korravai. iva dances to quench his wrath at a time when his ugra would not subside even after slaughtering the demon Traka (KALIDOS 1996: 24-25).
35 36 34 33

Karantai is early Cla, 10th century, whereas the Colombo image is datable to the 7th century. For iconography/ iconology/ icononomy and the subtle variations, see GAIL 1989.

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Dance of Ardhanr as Pattini-Kaaki

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References
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Inhalt / Contents

GERHARD EHLERS

Auf dem Weg zu einer neuen Edition des Jaiminya Brhmaa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Two New Inscriptions from the Time of Huvika . . . . . . 29 Protestantische und Post-Protestantische JainaReformbewegungen. Zur Geschichte und Organisation der Sthnakavs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 Intensionale Aspekte der indischen Logik . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Typological Evolution of Western NIA Languages . . . 117 The Functions of Word Order in Simple Sentences in Indo-Aryan and Dravidian Languages . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 The Language of Mirz Ghlib's Poetry and Letters in the Context of the Linguistic History of Urdu . . . . . . 161 Drei frhe Editionen des Vsihadharmastra . . . . . . 175 Typology of Shina Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 Zwei Stempel aus Swat (Pakistan) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 Anmerkungen zum Ballspiel in Indien . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 Vasubandhu versus Pini on Skr. prattya A Case for Ideology or Linguistics? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253

HARRY FALK PETER FLGEL

EBERHARD GUHE LUDMILA V. KHOKHLOVA HELMUT NESPITAL

HELMUT NESPITAL

ANKE SNGER RUTH LAILA SCHMIDT INGO STRAUCH RENATE SYED BORIS A. ZAKHARYIN

GOURISWAR BHATTACHARYA Nandipada or Nandyvarta The -motif . . . . . . . . 265 KLAUS BRUHN ADALBERT J. GAIL GERD J.R. MEVISSEN The Grammar of Jina Iconography II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273 Der sogenannte Paraurma von Phnom Da . . . . . . . . . 339 Corpus of Jaina Stone Sculptures Bearing graha.s as Subsidiary Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343 Dancing Ardhanr as Pattini-Kaaki with Special Reference to the Cilappatikram . . . . . . . . . . . 401 The Western Faade of St Marys Church (Mrtha Maria Forane Church) in Kaduthuruthi (Kottayam Dt., Kerala) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415

R.K.K. RAJARAJAN

FALK REITZ

Mitarbeiter / Contributors

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 438

A complete list of all articles published in BIS is available on the webside of the Institute: http://www.fu-berlin.de/indologie/bis-list.htm

Die Herausgabe dieses Bandes der Berliner Indologischen Studien wurde fast ausschlielich durch private Spenden ermglicht. Unser besonderer Dank gilt Frau Dr. M. E.