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Crisis management is one of NATO's fundamental security tasks.

It can involve military and non-military measures to respond to a threat, be it in a national or an international situation. One of NATOs strengths is to have the experience, facilities, capabilities and processes in place to be able to deal with different sorts of crises. Within the framework of the Alliance, members work together on a daily basis and have everything ready planning, policies, processes, working practices and tools - to be able to launch a multinational crisis management operation at short notice. In this context, NATO is an enabler which helps members and partners - train and operate together for joint operations, missions and programmes. NATOs role in crisis management goes beyond military operations to include issues such as the protection of populations against natural, technological or humanitarian disaster operations. A crisis can effectively be political, military or humanitarian and can be caused by political or armed conflict, technological incidents or natural disasters. Crisis management consists of the different means of dealing with these different forms of crises. Many crisis management operations are often loosely referred to as peacekeeping operations, but there are different types of crisis management operations. They all have specific objectives and mandates, which are important to know in order to understand the impact, limitations and contours of an operation. NATO decides whether to engage in a crisis management operation on a case-by-case basis. These decisions, as with all other Alliance decisions, are based on consensus between the member countries. Some operations may also include non-NATO countries and the majority involve cooperation and partnership with other international organizations, in a more global, comprehensive approach to crisis management. NATOs crisis management instruments have been adapted and consolidated over time and are key to what the Alliance is today. It has been actively leading crisis management operations since the 1990s and has since developed into a regional organization able to commit itself to operations beyond the Euro-Atlantic area, i.e., it has become a regional organization with a global reach.

The History of NATOs Nuclear Policy Nuclear weapons have formed part of NATOs collective defense policy since its inception in the late 1940s. According to its defense doctrine of November 1949, NATO defense plans call for insuring the ability to carry out strategic bombing including the prompt delivery of the atomic bomb. This is primarily a US responsibility assisted as practicable by other nations. NATOs nuclear policy is based on the concept of nuclear sharing, which involves basing nuclear weapons on the territories of non-nuclear weapon states (NNWS). Only three of the five nuclear-weapon states (NWS) as recognized by the nuclear NonProliferation Treaty (NPT) are NATO members. However, Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Turkey all host nuclear weapons on their territory. These countries all belong to NATO and, according to the NPT, are all NNWS.

In 1954, NATO first deployed US nuclear weapons in Great Britain. In March 1957, NATO Supreme Commander General Norstadt confirmed the presence of US nuclear weapons in Germany. Nuclear sharing meant that the United States provided nuclear weapons and delivery aircrafts for deployment on the territories of its European NATO allies. While the weapons remained under US control at all times during peace time, the US President would authorize their use in case of war and hand them over for use by the host countrys military. In 1962, Foreign and Defense Ministers at the Spring Ministerial Session welcomed US confirmation that it would continue to provide nuclear weapons to its European allies. Nuclear sharing reached its peak in the early 1970s when NATO had 7,300 US nuclear weapons deployed in Europe. It is estimated that NATO today deploys around 480 B61-3, B61-4, and B61-10 nuclear weapons at eight different bases in six countries. Germany hosts the largest number, 150 of these so called non-strategic or tactical nuclear weapons at two, possibly three bases. US B-61 gravity bombs are stored in underground vaults in aircraft hangers. Each vault can hold up to four bombs, which are designed for aircraft delivery. The air force in Belgium, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands still trains its personnel to fly planes carrying nuclear weapons. In continuation with NATOs Cold War policy, the chain of nuclear command lies with the US military. The Nuclear Planning Group (NPG) of 1966 continues to serve as a forum for Defense Ministers of both NWS and NNWS to review NATOs nuclear posture and discuss nuclear matters. The NPG takes decisions on nuclear policy by consensus. Current nuclear policy The policy of nuclear sharing is reflected in various NATO nuclear doctrines, and was most recently reiterated in the Strategic Concept, made public in 1999, which declared that nuclear weapons will remain in Europe indefinitely. After the end of the Cold War, NATO proclaimed a reorientation of its defense mission to respond to new security challenges. With regards to its nuclear policy, NATO states : In the new security environment, NATO has radically reduced its reliance on nuclear forces. Its strategy remains one of war prevention but it is no longer dominated by the possibility of nuclear escalation. Its nuclear forces are no longer targeted against any country, and the circumstances in which their use might have to be contemplated are considered to be extremely remote. NATO's nuclear forces continue to play an essential role in war prevention, but their role is now more fundamentally political, and they are no longer directed towards a specific threat. The fundamental purpose of the nuclear forces that remain is political: to preserve peace and prevent coercion. NATO's nuclear forces contribute to European peace and stability by underscoring the irrationality of a major war in the Euro-Atlantic region. They make the risks of aggression against NATO incalculable and unacceptable in a way that conventional forces alone cannot. Together with an appropriate mix of conventional capabilities, they also create real uncertainty for any country that might contemplate

seeking political or military advantage through the threat or use of weapons of mass destruction against the Alliance.

6.economic sphere. The basis for economic cooperation of states within the Alliance is Article 2 of the North Atlantic Treaty, which envisages that member countries will seek to eliminate conflict in their international economic policies and will encourage economic collaboration between any or all of them. NATOs core business is security and defence, so its work in the economic field is focused on specific economic issues relating to security and defence where it can offer added value. The Alliance reinforces collaboration between its members concerning economic issues which have direct security and defence implications. The NATO Economic Committee is the only Alliance forum concerned exclusively with consultations on economic developments with a direct bearing on security policy. It works as a unique forum for sharing information and expertise on defence and security economic issue, to discuss different interrelated aspects of political, military and economic issues, to share experience regarding the economic issues of security and defence related to countries and regions of concern to NATO. Cooperation with partners and other states is the integral part of NATO economic activity. Cooperation in the context of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council takes place through conferences, workshops and experts meetings. Joint cooperation schemes have also been developed in association with external institutions such as the George C. Marshall Center for Security Studies. These mechanisms have enabled the experience of NATO countries to be made available to Partner countries in a number of fields. Recent examples of such cooperation have included economic dimensions of defence institution-building, economic and financial aspects of terrorism, new techniques for managing defence resources in Allied and Partner countries. NATO economic structures also monitor defence and security economic issues included in Individual Partnership Action Plans.

7. Public informations, With an intergovernmental organization like NATO, individual member governments are responsible for explaining their national defence and security policies as well as their role as members of the Alliance to their respective publics. Complementing these efforts are the programmes developed by NATO itself since NATO also has an obligation to inform publics in member countries and audiences worldwide about its policies and objectives. NATO aims to promote dialogue and understanding, while contributing to the publics knowledge of security issues and promoting public involvement in a continuous process of debate on security. To do so, it engages with the media, develops communications and information programmes for selected target groups including opinion leaders, academic and parliamentary groups, and youth and educational circles. It seeks to reach audiences worldwide, in particular, through the website, the

NATO TV Channel on the Internet and social media activities. It also disseminates hardcopy materials and implements programmes and activities with external partners, while at the same time supporting the NATO Secretary General in his role as spokesperson for the Organization. In sum, communication or public diplomacy efforts encompass all measures and means to inform, communicate and cooperate with a broad range of audiences worldwide, with the aim of raising levels of awareness and understanding about NATO, promoting its policies and activities, and thereby fostering support for, trust and confidence in the Alliance. Communicating with the public was a concern of the Alliance from its inception. As early as May 1950, just one year after the signing of the Washington Treaty, the North Atlantic Council issued a resolution in which it committed itself to: Promote and coordinate public information in futherance of the objectives of the Treaty while leaving responsibility for national programs to each country... (18 May 1950). The same ethos drives NATOs communications and information programmes today, as reasserted by NATO Heads of State and Government in 2009: I quote)As NATO adapts to 21st century challenges in its 60th anniversary year, it is increasingly important that the Alliance communicates in an appropriate, timely, accurate and responsive manner on its evolving roles, objectives and missions. Strategic communications are an integral part of our efforts to achieve the All iances political and military objectives. However, the substantial changes brought about with the information age, mobile media and user-generated content imply a process of constant reform and modernization: communication tools have multiplied and have the potential to hit a bigger and more diverse audience. At the same time, the need for instant communication, direct interaction and information-sharing is increasing.