The Osing Agricultural Spirit-Robert Wessing | Java | Indonesia

The Osing Agricultural Spirit-Medium

Le médium des esprits en milieu agricole osing
Robert Wessing
p. 111-124 Résumé

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Résumés

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Dans le passé, les communautés de l’Est de Java ont coordonné leurs activités agricoles, y compris le respect des obligations rituelles du peuple à l’esprit tutélaire chargé du maintien de la fertilité des terres de la communauté. La personne en charge de cela était le fondateur de la communauté ou de l’un de ses descendants, le membre de la lignée qui entra le premier dans une relation d’obligations avec l’esprit-propriétaire des terres du village. Au cours des cinquante dernières années, l’évolution politique, agricole et religieuse ont entraîné des changements dans la façon dont ces obligations rituelles sont remplies. Aujourd’hui, l’entité adressée, si les anciennes obligations rituelles sont satisfaites du tout, est souvent caractérisée comme la déesse du riz ou Dieu. Ceci est facilité par l’idée que les entités spirituelles sont indissociables catégoriellement, et l’aspect souligné dépend des besoins du moment. Haut de page

Entrées d‘index

Mots-clés : rituel agricole, Java Oriental, lignage du fondateur, islamisation, jaga tirtha, modin banyu, Osing, Asie du Sud-Est, esprit tutélaire Keywords : agricultural ritual, East Java, founder‘s line, Islamization, jaga tirtha,modin banyu, Osing, Southeast Asia, tutelary spirit

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Plan

Introduction Southeast Asia Wali Puhun East Java Change Conclusion

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Introduction

1 It would be tempting to gloss the termsdhukun or pawang with shaman. However, unlike the classical (...)

2 These often seem to be descriptive titles adopted by the authors of the various books and articles. (...)

Lehman: […] the original and ultimate owners having dominion over the face of the land are the spirit lords commonly associated with more or less prominent features of the landscape. and establish a relationship with the ―Lord of the Water and Land.‖ who is the ritual specialist in charge of the fertility of the rice. although in many places this role is now in decline. they had to make a contract with these spirit lords.4 but it should be clear that throughout the area the relationship between a representative of the founding line and the tutelary earth spirit was seen as vital to a community‘s welfare. but often also the conduct of smaller. in India and as far away as Madagascar. Finally. Similarly among the Akha of Northern Thailand. The reason for this is that the rituals originated in an agreement between the nature spirit-owner of the land and the founder of the community: in exchange for permission to use the soil. 4 See for instance Scholz (1962) for Eastern Indonesia. the latter including the annual rituals described here. e.g. The position of the wali puhun is among the better documented in the literature. (Lehman 2003: 16. the guardian of the waters. dhanyang) that guaranteed the fertility of the fields and the welfare of the community. nearer to Java. and his or her descendants. the pawang ideally represents the founder. while according to the Kerinci of Sumatra the founder even married the forest spirit (Bakels 2000: 114. Among Sakuddei of Mentawai humans make offerings to the spirits and request their permission to exploit the jungle ―in accordance with the primordial agreement‖ (Schefold 2002: 427). Mus (1975). Southeast Asia 3An important article on the role of the founder‘s line in Southeast Asia was written by F. Further a field. and thus the community‘s welfare. e.. but no less important rituals conducted at various times at the rice field.. the seblang dance (Wessing 1999) or the keboan ritual (Siswanto & Prasetyo 2009). 139-40). Similarly among the Toraja the indo padang is a ―rice-priest‖ or ―mother of rice. I want to first look at the discussions concerning the wali puhun of West Java. one person that takes center stage. 5In Indonesia the relationship is widespread as well.1In the course of the performance of various agricultural rituals in East Java. the spirit-owner was given certain privileges and guarantees. tended to occupy central political positions in the community. Wali Puhun . the village ruler (dzöma) is a man close to the source of the community‘s potency.K. in perpetuity. For an example of how a nature spirit is changed into a tutelary spirit see Domenig (. the pawang must be a descendant of the founder of the community. and can be seen as paradigmatic for the problem I am discussing here. An especially important part of his tasks is making sure the people obey the prohibitions on felling trees and unlawful harvesting. 95). the man who mediates between the community and the spirits of both the community‘s founder and the nature spirit(s) that are thought to con trol the fertility of the soil. This last makes this man the equivalent of the Osing jaga tirta mentioned earlier. Rather. In South Sulawesi spirits own the land and assure its fertility in exchange for offerings (Buijs 2006: 45. though as we will see this does not everywhere mean that he is the administrative leader. before considering the data from East Java and the Osing. Bloch 1985: 640). What is rather more particular to this part of the world is the idea that when the first human settlers began to clear any given tract of land.‖ the guardian spirit of the place. In fact. 112). Examples from other areas of Indonesia could be added. similar relations exist (Stutley & Stutley 1984: 345. especially the leaders of the founder‘s line. in Bali. vis-à-vis the spirit world.g. his is a ritual claim as he was the first man (or the patrilineal descendant of the first man) to open the forest in that location. is the pawang or dhukun. 3 Cf. as well as controlling the use of water. The exclusive right to serve as mediators between the lords and human settlers is supposed to pass to the hereditary heirs and successors of the original founders of the settlement. Hayami (2003: 134) writes of the Karen of Thailand that the hi kho or village head is the exclusive mediator with the spirits. 172). and whose ancestors are said to have originated the rituals for rice (Coville 2003: 87.) 4As Bellwood (1996: 25) observes. who is ―responsible for the channeling of proper fertility […] to the village‖ (Tooker 1996: 332 -3). Thus. she emphasizes (2003: 136.2 Among the Osing of the Banyuwangi area he is most often called the jaga tirta or modin banyu. This contract ensured that there would continue to be communication between the two parties as long as both sides lived up to the requirements of that contract. an official called the pasek is in charge of the ―cult of the earth‖ on which the success of the harvest depends (Bertling 1955: 27). It was this man‘s ritual capacities that brought fertility and prosperity. in the literature he is often known under various titles that relate to these latter functions.3 In return the spirit-owner became the community‘s tutelary spirit (Jav. but at the same time remains in the background. sometimes characterized as the ―Source of the Domain‖. 89.1 His functions include not only the leadership of those annual rituals. Thus. This is the very essence of the founders‘ cult. However.) 2In both the seblang and the keboan rituals.

12 These days this government liaison is also called jaro pamarentah (Barendregt & Wessing 2008: 559).10 11 For similar tasks in Bali see Bertling (1955: 27). the people of Kanekes see themselves as the guardians of the relationship between ruler of the ancient state of Pajajaran and the nature spirit and the forces of nature with whom the ruler of this state had a ―founding‖ agreement.) 15 Compare the position of the Thai Chau Phau on the edge of the village (Tambiah 1970: 265).) 13 This is symbolically indicated by the restricted access to him and his house at the upper edge of t (. and Hardjadibrata (2003: 643) gloss puhun with origin. Hasan Ali 2004: 492. also means ―friend of Allah‖. He is indeed said to be a lineal descendant of Batara Tunggal.. Bertling 1955: 27.. the expert in agricultural rituals is called wali puhun. as Ter Haar (1946: 67) observes. which is similar in meaning towiwitan. See also(. Thus. 7 Among the Osing this also happened. or who is him or herself temporarily a spirit. in several Indonesian languages wali also means spirit.. main. and when these must be made (Hardjadibrata 2003: 880)..) .) 9 Among the tasks of the wali puhun is the construction of apupuhunan or sanggar. or cause. Furthermore.) 6Among the Sundanese of West Java.(. the pu’un haranguing occasional offenders. though they prefer the term Kanekes after t(. source. ―pun typically describes the person who […] originates an action [and] […] reflects an image of Iban leadership. As par t of these duties... the term dhukun banyuhaving been changed to modin banyu. a person who is in contact with the spirits and the origin of rice5 (Prawirasuganda 1964: 126). which Prawirasuganda (1964: 126) defines as a person who is consi(. in today‘s Islamic context the term wali means guardian (Dutch:voogd). At the same time. then. The first part of his title. of course. Coolsma (1911: 480). 8 See wiwitanbeginning. the pawang.9 As Sather (1996: 81-2) writes. wali.) 6 Wali. especially in connection with agriculture. which. The term puhun. puhun. which next to source or origin includes the notion of the trunk of a tree. because this person ―is. (2000: 692) in Old Javanese (Kawi) this word indicates a shaman or ritual specialist (dhukun).) 8As proposed by Wessing and Barendregt (2005). Kern continues. brings us to the term pu’un.) 14 The fertility aspect of their role is further accentuated by the fact that the pu’un as well as the (. Eringa (1984: 600). includes the notions of elder. the embodiment of the magic-religious relationship between the group and the land. a founder or founder‘s line. and mainstay of the social group. According to Prawirasuganda (1964: 126) and Rosidi et al. 40)..8 An interesting light is shed by the Iban usage of the word.. and spiritual leader. the pu’un is the Kanekes version of the grondvoogd or wali puhun. as it were. [It] […] represents the locus of continuity. while walian indicates a shaman or priest..) 7The second term of the wali puhun‘s title.. e. however. the leader of the most sacred.11 In other words.. is interesting as well.. in wh(.‖ i.) 10 In the literature these people are also known as Baduy. For Sulawesi see Buijs (2006: 112) and for Burma (.6 especially of a bride at her wedding. he often functions as the magician during land [agricultural] ceremonies.‖ the man who knows the proper formulas and offerings. and Zoetmulder 1982: 2345). the ‗stem‘ through which the continuing life of any permanently constituted social group is thought to flow‖ (see also Fox 1996: 6). a structure contai (. inner settlements of the Kanekes of Banten (West Java). origin..5 Another word forpuhun is punduh..7 However.g. especially where it concerns the spirits‘ grove (Djoewisno 1987: 36)..e.. is both interesting and convenient. as an informant in West Java suggested. the male apical ancestor (= founder) of the people of Kanekes (Wessing & Barendregt 2005: 6. Agama Sunda Wiwitanthe religion of West Java that has been lea(. which returns us to one of the various names the pawang is given in the literature: grondvoogd (cf. they guard against indiscriminate felling of trees and other infractions against nature.. first. which also means beginning or origin (Eringa 1984: 843... Kern (1924: 585) calls him the ―original agricultural priest. compare Robson & Wibisono 2002: 814. as Kern (1924: 584) writes. Barendregt & Wessing 2008: 555). wali can also indicate the person who is temporarily possessed by a spirit..

It is his and his community‘s responsibility to ensure that the territory within the community‘s boundaries remains pure.12 The tasks of the pu’un. although there is. aside from cultural differences between communities far removed from each other.. this being the ritual leaders‘ area of expertise. 12This community unity importantly included agricultural activities. that deviations from the adat (custom) are prevented or punished (Korn 1932: 80-81. also said to be a village head (cf. then. Wessing 1988: 179). was a coordinated community effort. This means that even neighboring communities will have different tutelary spirits with their individual. cf. The initiation of ploughing for the next planting season was not something a farmer would decide on his own. local rulers (raja or sultan) would take precedence and have their fields ceremonially ploughed. 67). including the supply of water. De Stoppelaar 1927: 31. Wessing 2010: 61-3). the Moro. a broad similarity between the customs of different communities. religious communities. the local founder is. 17 Hall (1999: 205) calls them gods. For elsewhere in Southeast Asia see Ka (. Ter Haar 1946: 63. Korn 1932: 79-86. whose task it is to maintain relations with the world of the spirits on whom the welfare of the community is perceived to depend. Similar coordination by the jaga tirta of planting (and thus also of the harvest) took place in the Banyuwangi area of East Java. According to informants in the Priangan area of West Java. it was advantageous to coordinate the planting of the fields of farmers who depended on the same water source. 18 Fieldwork 1970–71. This would distribute demand for water over time and space and avoid unnecessary conflict.‖ 11Given that the agreement between these two individuals shaped local rules of behavior.) . the local specifics define each one and its members as belonging together. Hayami 2003: 138). of course. Berthe 1965: 220). whom Hall (1999: 205) characterizes as ―members of special lineages‖ were influential and powerful people in their communities as it was not just the water but also access to the local spirit powers17 that fell under the jurisdiction of these people. the jaro tangtu or jaro gupernemén. again with his or her individual eccentricities. many local variants.18 until the early 1940s agricultural activities.16 These local specifics include sacred rules of conduct laid down by the ancestors.g. 2000: 533. One reason for this variation. Rosidi et al.. There are. the boundaries of which are ritually guarded by the descendant of the founder (cf. which often maintain an allegiance to the tutelary spirit of the mother-village (cf. is that the spirits involved tend to be quite local. and thus also the harvest. e. after which the commoner farmers would follow (Kreemer 1956: 178.19 East Java 20 Platenkamp (2007: 105) relates how a defeated people in Halmahera.9Although the pu’un is said to be the leader of the Kanekes community. we can speak of customs (adat) as being specific to a place (Wessing 2001: 53 note 12. or Aceh. but generally they conform to the parameters sketched here.14 Since these powers of fertility lie outside the community. the time for it was determined by the ritual expert who mediated between the people and the gods (Kreemer 1956: 173). As Hall (1999: 205) notes. including relations with the world beyond Kanekes are handled by another man. especially agriculture (cf.) 13This coordination continued into colonial and post-colonial times. then. either the community‘s founder or a successor. the location of the shrine to the tutelary spirit is most often on the edge of the hamlet (see Wessing 2003: 438-9). Gowa. in fact. of necessity. In addition. we find ritual leaders. in Bone. who is. Hardjadibrata 2003: 348-9). ―walked backward into (. a local figure as well. Bertling 1955: 26). Those in charge of this coordinated distribution. Elsewhere. 196..15 10Throughout Southeast Asia. used to be regulated by government officials. he is so more in a ritual than in an administrative sense (cf. e. idiosyncratic preferences and demands—except for daughter settlements. 16 Adams (1979: 89) writes that ―places […] define social beings. Administrative matters. where it was said to have lasted until the mid to late 1960s. Planting. the observance of which tends to make the participants into local. 19 Discussions in Kampung Sumberjeruk and Kampung Sagat (2008). of course. creating ―a world ruled by its own specificity and attuned to possibly unknowable logics […]‖ (Pemberton 1994: 237). Thus. compare Hayami 2003: 140. Hayami 2003: 134). Individual fields were part of blocks that performed the agricultural rituals together.g. Rather.. are internal to his community13 and encompass relations with the spirit world and with nature.

. a long history in East Java. Lekkerkerker continues. as Heffner (1985: 75) observed in Tengger. as can be seen in the changes of the titles of Osing village functionaries mentioned earlier (De Stoppelaar 1927: 12-4). the village of Cungking near Banyuwangi was still fully Shaivite. Islamic elders gained dominance.21 Thus in Olehsari. one of the seblang villages. Yet. even though since the . this distinction is not always clear and the community‘s founder may occasionally be referred to as the dhanyang(tutelary spirit). but rather existed next to or in interaction with the earlier beliefs in spirit-powers and the ability of certain people to control them.. note 30). Here too the place of the founder and the spirit were the same. even though their basic pattern is broadly the same throughout the area. of course. though others continued to venerate the old spirit. Beatty 1999: 14-16) in their effort to counter Balinese influence in the region. 24 Rituals dealing with these spirits are primarily oriented on the ever-decreasing forest. these local cults do not have an overarching theology and religious literature against which local practices can be judged. people mentioning outside influences as the cause (cf.. while remnants of even pre-Hindu beliefs retained their foothold there longer and more pronouncedly than elsewhere. Both the founder and the tutelary spirit were unknown.) 18These local practices are. and political as well as economic developments. Another reason could be that daughter hamlets retain an allegiance to the mother-village‘s tutelary spirit. as was mentioned earlier. Java had lost its yoni (female generative power. implying a merger between the founder and the tutelary spirit. and to ―leave everything up to God. These influences tend to be a combination of Islamic pressure to discontinue the associated practices. This situation continues. Local interpretations and practices still abound. and even in 1923 Lekkerkerker (1923: 1030) wrote of this area‘s ―singular position‖ in that people in the Blambangan area continued to adhere to their Hindu beliefs. not all the same. These daughter hamlets would then have a founder but would lack their own tutelary spirit. leading to the rise of the wali puhun and the d (. 21 See the depiction in human form of Indianyaksa (Stutley & Stutley [1984: 345]). 282. Islam had a considerable impact. In 1840. One reason for this may be. the focal hamlet of a village of the same name. and the guardian of this grave (juru kunci) could only tell that the grave already lay there when the community was founded. and thus it came to be venerated. As recently as 1991 a pawang in the Banyuwangi area observed to me that with the arrival of Islam. the process of Islamization of the East Hook was far from uniform. something that is. too.) 16Throughout East Java these days there is often considerable reluctance to speak of the matters outlined here. People there still venerate and distinguish the grave of the founder and realize that there is a tutelary spirit as well. the Muslim saint associated with water.22 23 See for instance the conflict between the Klakah office of the MUI (Majelis Ulama Indonesia) and th (. In the local communities.20 Thus. Change 22 In West Java.. that people tend ―to ‗ancestralize‘ even territorial spirits‖. again.. informants spoke of the dhanyangas a person rather than a bangsa alus (spirit). and Muslim (. The people assumed that it must belong to the person who first opened the land there.‖ this pressure has not been entirely successful. sometimes even encouraged by the Dutch colonial powers (Sri Margana 2007: 244. Yet. Unlike Islam.14In the above I have sketched an ideal model of the relationship between a descendant of the founder and a place‘s tutelary spirit. note 2) something I found as well in various communities in East Java. as early as 1926 De Stoppelaar called the community‘s founder a dhanyang (1926: 416. however. in the Blitar area of East Java some informants stated that the dhanyang was something the old people had believed in. people pointed at a grave as the location of both the community‘s founder (cikal bakal or pembabat) and thedhanyang (tutelary spirit). Islam has. Thus. but in conversation do not distinguish between them.) 17Since 1991 there has been considerable pressure toward a more strict observance of Islamic rules. found throughout Southeast Asia (Mus 1975: 15-6). e. 15Elsewhere too. because.. However. calling the founder a dhanyang (compare Pemberton 1994: 263. this was not a form of purist Islam. Thus in Kampung Sagat. one location of the keboan ritual. others continue to ask the dhanyang and the ancestors to intercede with God: ―the dhanyang is an intermediary between the people and God. often to the dismay of both local and regional Islamic authorities23 that say that the old rituals are devil worship and that the ritual sites are places where the devil resides (tempat setan). of course. Although some claim not to follow the old adatanymore.g. Zoetmulder 1982: 2365). as was mentioned above. In Druju. the local practices depended on the interaction between the local tutelary spirit and an individual founder. in Aliyan. the distinction seems to have at least partially collapsed. like [the saint] Nabi Khidir‖ [Khidr]. Beatty 1999). though this time both resided in a banyan tree.

but the pressure is certainly there. among the Kanekes this task was carried out by the jaro pamarentah. with people displaying appropriate behavior while having their own opinion.. as Mr. Informants pointed out time and again that as a result the role of the jaga tirta as mediator between the farmers and the spirits went into decline (compare Buijs 2006: 118. the entities addressed have changed.) 30 Although Henninger (2004: 49) observes that such beings are not necessarily personifications but ar(. and changes in rice agriculture. . people become entangled in the identities. Tambia(. 27 This was the reason that the keboan ritual in Alasmalang was banned between 1965 and 1990. Equally important have been political developments. With these changes the idea of the hamlet or village as a religious community also seems to have fragmented. As a res (. is said by many to have become a matter of individual choice. 20In Java this process was accelerated by the troubles of 1965 (G30S). Many now neglect to do so.. Conclusion 22As the tutelary spirit has variously merged with the rice goddess. Bambang Samsu of the Universitas Jember pointed ou (. or even that God must be thanked.. After these troubles many traditional practices and celebrations were banned because it was feared that they were either associated with the Indonesian Communist Party26or that they might have political implications. 26 See the novelRonggeng Dukuh Parukby Ahmad Tohari (2007). and elsewhere also similar functionaries existed. placed upon them by the political centers. As Bowen (1995: 1066) observes. however. these office holders (lurah.‖ occasionally even a kiai (Muslim elder).) 21Perhaps equally important have been the changes in rice-growing technology since the late-1960s and the early 1970s... the rule that the officiant of the ritual should be a descendant of the founder has changed to ―a person capable of carrying out the task. leading people to less openly join in celebrations of the relationship with the tutelary spirit.end of the Suharto regime the voice of Islamic purism has tended to become more dominant. These days. The first of these was the necessity that the communities interact with the state of which they were part. Wessing 2002)..27 Long breaks in these celebrations combined with Islamic pressure and the policy of the Suharto regime to ―folklorize‖ these local events has lead to a decline in belief in their efficacy.) 28 See also Pemberton (1994: 240) on the cooptation of local customs into government agendas. a Muslim saint. or at least have had their names changed. especially as the position of the jaga tirtha declined in the face of Islam.25 In dealing with colonial and later Indonesian governments.28 29 This also happened in Central Java where. the rice goddess who embodies fertility in general. At the same time. which lead to the advent of the Suharto regime.. has not been the only factor causing changes in people‘s relationship with the spirits. Ter Haar (1946: 63). the rule that rituals must be carried out has changed as well. that offerings must be made at the rice field. At this time quick growing rice varieties were introduced that increased the harvests to up to three crops a year. and the rule that harvests must be dislameti (ritually safeguarded). however. differences in conviction are mostly quietly passed over. a process that continues today (Beatty 1999. Here and there the founder and the dhanyang are seen as intermediaries to God. this is not uniform. including religious ones. now kepala desa) increasingly gained power. note 2). 30 Yet others claim to ask God directly for rain and a good harvest. or has been ―marginalized in deference to God‖ (Pemberton 1994: 241). As we saw. Hayami (2003: 146). 31 Sekarang kan banyak dikuasai oleh agama.) 19The influence of Islam. Scholz (1962: 155). the object of veneration is said to be Dewi Sri. rather than making offerings to the tutelary spirit or penunggu sawah (guardian of the field). though sometimes still at the pepundhen. that rituals through which to assure a successful crop have ceased. thedhanyang‘s residence. As Beatty (1999) points out. Rather than relying on area-coordination.29 This does not mean. 25 See De Stoppelaar (1927: 12-4).24 Again. farmers now began to plant and harvest their fields individually as it suited them.. Rather. which in turn lead to a change in the agricultural cycle.

Saleh & Anis DJATISUNDA. They belong together and all come from God. 4: 631–646. 1999. Yengoyan. in Indonesian Houses. Kehidupan Masyarakat Kanenes. although the jaga tirtha may have become a modin banyu. ―these days much is under the control of religion [Islam]. Peter. 5. P. Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Sijthoff‘s COVILLE. Nas. Varieties of Javanese Religion. ―Hierarchy. Direktorat Jendral Kebudayaan. Soendaneesch-Hollandsch Uitgeversmaatschappij. he continued. BERTHE. ―The Forms Culture Takes: A State-of-the-Field Essay on the Anthropology of Southeast Asia‖.W. 1996. Leiden: KITLV Press [Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-. 87–112. In appropriately vague terms. 20. and Identity.. pp. 3+4: 189–223. African. ed. . 1979. ancestors. 1965. as is clear from the various understandings outlined above. 22–44. 4: 1047–1078. and God are really only different words for the same thing. [Monograph 52. DANASASMITA.]. pp. House Forms and Settlement Patterns in Western Indonesia. Louis. Founder Ideology and Austronesian Expansion‖. 1985. Leiden: KITLV Press. in Founders’ Cults in Southeast Asia: Ancestors. ed. Groningen: J. 1911. Tj. pp. New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asian Studies. After all. G. BAKELS.. Marie Jeanne. it may be that the dhanyang has not so much been left behind.M. Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology. Elizabeth. 1955. Journal of Asian Studies. Leiden: Research School of Asian. Maurice. Haut de page Bibliographie ADAMS. pp. Bandung: Bagian Proyek Penelitian dan Pengkajian Kebudayaan Sunda (Sundanologi). and which one appeals to is a matter of choice and judgment (Wessing 2010: 72–3). ed.. 2008. BELLWOOD. Schefold.. Ancestry and Alliance. the one with authority in the community who often looks much like the dhanyang but also. J. COOLSMA. spirits. Leiden: A. in the villages where agricultural rituals still continue to be performed. ―Centered on the Source: Hamlets and Houses of Kanekes‖. Polity. in Origins. ANU. James J. 3rd printing.. albeit sometimes under considerable stress. Canberra: Department of Anthropology. BEATTY. Jet. G. Essays in Southeast Asian Coherence Systems.Structure and Transformations in the Religion of the Toraja in the Mamasa Area of South Sulawesi. And thus. John R. Norwood: Ablex. S.J. L‘alliance et la hiérarchie chez les Baduj (Java Occidental)‖. BERTLING. As an Osing informant put it. Man. in De Wereld der Mensen. Fox & Clifford Sather. ―Aînés et Cadets. Visies op mensenetende dieren in Kerinci. Yang Maha Kuasa) (compare Rato 1992: 69). 551–596.. Becker & Aram A. In East Java.. Sumatra.. BOWEN. BUIJS. 2003.B. 1986. ―Almost Eating the Ancestors‖. Nicola Tannenbaum & Cornelia Ann Kammerer. Land. ―De Indonesische Grondpriester‖. appeals to the powers that control community welfare continue under various guises. knowledge of ancestral and tutelary spirits continues to remain clear.‖ 31 People likely still know about these things but are reluctant to speak of them. 2000. pp. 1995. Wolters.en Volkenkunde 229]. as Rato (2007: 20) writes. ed. Wooedenboek. L’Homme. Universiteit Leiden. like God (Bapa Angkasa. 2006. 18–40. An Anthropological Account. Powers of Blessing from the Wilderness and from Heaven. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bart & Robert WESSING.L. A. Andrew. R. the pawang may appeal to Bapa Kuasa. Het verbond met de tijger.23The marginalization in deference to God that Pemberton posits is as yet incomplete. Indonesia‖. ―The Crocodile Couple and the Snake Encounter in the Tellantry of East Sumba. In the words of a 40-ish Osing lady. BLOCH. Explorations in Austronesian Ethnography. and Amerindian Studies. Brummelkamp et al. ―Mothers of the Land: Vitality and Order in the Toraja Highlands‖. Domenig & R. 87–104. but rather that people are afraid to speak of such things due to pressure from more purist Muslims. BARENDREGT. even in the face of Islamic opposition. Kees. and the pawang continues to be an important person. Wessing. ed. 54. in The Imagination of Reality..

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ZOETMULDER. Dissertation. S. Robert. Deborah E. VISSER. in L’homme et la forêt tropicale. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2003. 2007. A Study of the Indigenous Church in East Java. pp. San Francisco: Harper and Row. ―Mijn tuin is mijn kind. WESSING. ―The Shape of Home.en Volkenkunde]. WESSING. Bley. TOHARI. ―A Community of Spirits. 1946. Indonesia: Agni‘s Fire in Allah‘s Paradise?‖. Land. Indonesia‖. R. Northern Illinois University [Monograph Series on Southeast Asia. 4: 644-682. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama. 35: 157–194. IL: Center for Southeast Asian Studies. . WESSING. Harper’s Dictionary of Hinduism. TAMBIAH. Leontine E. Tradition and Transformation in Vernacular Architecture. Ronggeng Dukuh Paruk. 1: 11-111. ―Tending the Spirit‘s Shrine: Kanekes and Pajajaran in West Java‖.B. TER HAAR. WESSING. Crossroads. 2006. Robert. ―Java‘s Last Frontier. 59–74. Land.en Volkenkunde 207]. 1984. Leiden: KITLV Press [Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-. Schefold.. 1988. Robert. H.en Volkenkunde. STUTLEY. ed. TOOKER. pp. 1986.J. Folklore. Université de la Méditerrané. Landen Volkenkunde. 1984. and P. Moussons. pp. Journal of Asian Studies. M.. Robert. WESSING. Special Report No. Ahmad. Indonesia‖. Sanders & M. in Indonesian Houses. Papers in International Studies. in Riding a Tiger.. Spatial Ordening in Sundanese Kampung‖. 2: 323-358. G. WESSING. WESSING. Robert & Bart Barendregt. 1970. People. 1: 49-82. Robert.SRI.. Vernazza-licht. Robert. Dissertation.. ed. The Struggle for Hegemony of Blambangan c. Robert. ed. Philosophy. B. 24].. 1999a. Titus. Athens: Ohio University Center for International Studies. Archipel.. Universiteit Leiden. Robert. ―Putting the Mandala in its Place: A Practice-based Approach to the Spatialization of Power on the Southeast Asian ‗Periphery‘ – The Case of the Akha‖. Dilemmas of Integration and decentralization in Indonesia. C. VAN AKKEREN. 1978. 2001. 2. Ancestors. Margana. 2002. Margaret & James STUTLEY. Bijdragen tot de Taal-. 1996. Bahuchet. Land. Domenig. ―The Gunongan in Banda Aceh. 47. Philip. Amsterdam: Rozenberg Publishers. P. Wolters Uitgeversmaatschappij. 155. Marseille: Société d‘Écologie Humaine. Groningen/Batavia: J. 1970. WESSING. 1999b. ―The Sacred Grove: Founders and the Owners of the Forest in West Java. Pagezy & N. Beginselen en Stelsel van het Adatrecht. Rijksuniversiteit Leiden. 427–460. 18. Southeast Asia Program. vol. WESSING. 55. 2010.. Sri and Christ. and History. 4: 33–61. ―A Dance of Life: The Seblang of Banyuwangi. WESSING. DeKalb. 166. ―Cosmology and Social Behavior in a West Javanese Settlement‖. Addressing Calamities in East Java.J. Robert. 162–180. Een antropologosche studie van de droge rijstteelt in Sahu (Indonesië)‖. 2005. 2007. ―Telling the Landscape: Place and Meaning in Sunda (West Java)‖. The Soul of Ambiguity: The Tiger in Southeast Asia. Moussons 8: 3-26. London: Lutterworth Press [World Studies of Churches in Mission]. Nas. D. ―Shifting Boundaries: Cosmological Discourse in Java‖. Literature. 1982. ―Porous Boundaries. Old Javanese-English Dictionary. ‗s-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff [Koninklijk Institute voor Taal-. Indonesia‖. Holtappel. Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East Thailand. Robert. 1763-1813‖. S. Bijdragen tot de Taal-. WESSING. Its Mythology. Southeast Asia Series No. and Nature Spirits in Java‖.

11 For similar tasks in Bali see Bertling (1955: 27).blogspot.g.html and http://uunhalimah.html (both last accessed 6 August 2010). For an example of how a nature spirit is changed into a tutelary spirit see Domenig (1988). main. 3 Cf. 4 See for instance Scholz (1962) for Eastern Indonesia. 2000: 25). Rather they control and direct the powers present at ritual occasions for the benefit of the community. and wali puhun. first. The last will be discussed at greater length later. . For Sulawesi see Buijs (2006: 112) and for Burma Lehman (1996: 2). Rasmussen 1958).com/2007/11/upacara-sedekah-bumi-indramayu. also means ―friend of Allah‖. while Bertling (1955: 35) writes about a grondpriester (land-priest). Also found in West Java are dukun nurunan (De Bie 1901: 21–2). the guardian of the crop. which Prawirasuganda (1964: 126) defines as a person who is considered an elder by the group. of course. 10 In the literature these people are also known as Baduy. Pleyte [1905: 87[. A special piece of forest is often left for the use of the spirit-owners (Wessing 2006: 35–41.com/2007/11/upacara-mapag-sri-indramayu. the ritual specialist who gets the rice-spirit to descend into the crop. Wessing [1978: 117–9]). a structure containing offerings to the rice goddess of goddess of fertility. in which modin is the title of an Islamic religious functionary (De Stoppelaar 1927: 12–14). though they prefer the term Kanekes after the name of their main hamlet (Danasasmita & Djatisunda 1986: 1). See Kruyt (1903: 373–408) for the same variation in terms used to indicate the man ritually in charge of the crops. 63). the term dhukun banyu having been changed to modin banyu. 7 Among the Osing this also happened. Coville (2003: 95) discusses the rice-priest. Mus (1975). these men do not undertake soul-journeys. De Stoppelaar further explains the participation of a modin in agricultural activities by referring to the part previously played in agricultural activities by dhukun (1927: 14). Kern [1924: 581]. Thus Van Akkeren (1970: 13) speaks of a dukun sawah ordukun tani (rice field or farmer‘s ritual specialist). unlike the classical shaman (e. 6 Wali. and Van Vollenhoven mentions the grondvoogd (Bertling 1955: 40) and tuinpriester(garden-priest). Compare http://uun-halimah. 1999. Agama Sunda Wiwitan the religion of West Java that has been least influenced by religions and culture from elsewhere (Rosidiet al. 2 These often seem to be descriptive titles adopted by the authors of the various books and articles. 5 Another word for puhun is punduh. compare Visser 1984: 41.blogspot. Among the Toraja of Sulawesi the similar role of the indo’ padang (―mother‖ of the land) is one of guardianship as well (cf. 9 Among the tasks of the wali puhun is the construction of a pupuhunan orsanggar.Haut de page Notes 1 It would be tempting to gloss the terms dhukun or pawang with shaman. Coville 2003: 93). as well as the saying of prayers at crucial stages in the growth of the rice crop (Coolsma [1911: 480]. However. 8 See wiwitan beginning.

 31.g. 13 This is symbolically indicated by the restricted access to him and his house at the upper edge of the hamlet (Barendregt & Wessing 2008: 559). See also the location of the Toraja so’bok at the rice fields: ―Seemingly. p. in contrast with the ―more externally oriented decisions of the headman‖ (Tooker 1996: 332-3). 20 Platenkamp (2007: 105) relates how a defeated people in Halmahera. 18 Fieldwork 1970–71.12 These days this government liaison is also called jaro pamarentah (Barendregt & Wessing 2008: 559). 12 February 2008. 21 See the depiction in human form of Indian yaksa (Stutley & Stutley [1984: 345]). which are often characterized as having back-ward facing feet (compare Wessing [1986: 84. 2 February 2008. p. 192). 38. p. Nevertheless. We can read this to mean that they acted like spirits. 31 January 2008. Geise [1952: 68]. 30 January 2008. 29. ―walked backward into the forest‖. the entire society watches what he is doing‖ (Buijs 2006: 112). 39. p. 5 February 2008. the male origin spirit of the people of Kanekes (Jacobs & Meijer [1891: 37]). had lost their humanity and were merging with the spirits. he does not have any status. 31. 31. something that is considered takhayul (superstition) or sesat (deviant) by more strict Muslims. For elsewhere in Southeast Asia see Kammerer (2003: 59) and Hayashi (2003: 192). 1990b]). 23 May 2008. 23 See for instance the conflict between the Klakah office of the MUI (Majelis Ulama Indonesia) and the organizers of the local Maulid Hijau celebrations in the vill age of Tegalrandu. the female protective spirit of a Kanekes hamlet is married to Batara Tunggal. 32. For elsewhere in Indonesia see Bakels (2000: 114) and Coville (2003: 89).g. . too. Compare the ritual position of e. e. See Jawa Pos 21 January 2008. p. the Moro. During the harvest. 15 Compare the position of the Thai Chau Phau on the edge of the village (Tambiah 1970: 265). p. These latter are a form of ―folk Islam‖ that seem to contain elements of the veneration of the local tutelary spirit. p. 88 note 8]). 31.‖ 17 Hall (1999: 205) calls them gods. GAA [1990a. the ―headman […] who is the administrative leader in the Thai government hierarchy‖ (Hayami 2003: 146). leading to the rise of thewali puhun and the decline of the punuh (Wessing 1978: 79). 19 Discussions in Kampung Sumberjeruk and Kampung Sagat (2008). 16 Adams (1979: 89) writes that ―places […] define social beings. ritual workings of his village. the adat they had been practicing became even more the adat attached to the place. Islamic elders gained dominance. the Karen (Thailand) hi kho vis-à-vis his administrative counterpart. Beatty‘s (1999: 84) conclusion that the marginal position of the tutelary spirit is due to the influence of Islam is thus probably in error. Similarly the Akha dzöma focuses on the inner. For Bali see Korn (1932: 151. 32. by merging with the spirits. 22 In West Java. p. 4 February 2008. 14 The fertility aspect of their role is further accentuated by the fact that the pu’unas well as the wali puhun must be married (Barendregt & Wessing [2008: 559]. As such.

27 This was the reason that the keboan ritual in Alasmalang was banned between 1965 and 1990. « The Osing Agricultural Spirit-Medium ». 26 See the novel Ronggeng Dukuh Paruk by Ahmad Tohari (2007). In some areas of West Java the forest is also the place of the ancestors. as well as the books Cosmology and Social Behavior in a West Javanese Settlement (1978) andThe Soul of Ambiguity: the Tiger in Southeast Asia (1986) and a lengthy article ―A Community of Spirits. 25 See De Stoppelaar (1927: 12-4). speaking with a spirit‘s voice and threatening the welfare of the community (Siswanto & Prasetyo [2009: 96–7]). 29 This also happened in Central Java where.24 Rituals dealing with these spirits are primarily oriented on the ever-decreasing forest. Bambang Samsu of the Universitas Jember pointed out to me. Moussons [En ligne].robert-wessing.com. and Muslim opposition to them can perhaps be seen as part of the ever-progressing ―farmification‖ of these communities (cf. As a result people of this community started having visions while others became possessed. Tambiah (1970: 263). Ter Haar (1946: 63). Référence électronique Robert Wessing. Hayami (2003: 146). and Madura. Scholz (1962: 155). Haut de page Pour citer cet article Référence papier Robert Wessing. « The Osing Agricultural Spirit-Medium ». 31 Sekarang kan banyak dikuasai oleh agama. as well as with the social implications of belief systems. URL : http://moussons. Tooker (1996: 332). 111-124. Moussons. Aceh. as Mr.org/2406 Haut de page Auteur Robert Wessing Robert Wessing (ret.com. He has published numerous articles. who thus become associated with fertility (Rikin 1973: 17).) received his PhD in anthropology in 1974 from the University of Illinois in Urbana. 28 See also Pemberton (1994: 240) on the cooptation of local customs into government agendas. He may be reached at robertwessing@yahoo. People. at the time of agricultural intensification (BIMAS). 22 | 2013. Eaton 1993). Crossroads(2006: 11-111). Ancestors and Nature Spirits in Java‖. mis en ligne le 03 décembre 2013. IL (USA). 22 | 2013. His research. Articles du même auteur .revues. His curriculum vitae can be found at www. conducted in West and East Java. consulté le 22 mars 2014. the idea of a spirit-owner of the agricultural land faded in the early 1970s. has dealt primarily with symbolism. 30 Although Henninger (2004: 49) observes that such beings are not necessarily personifications but are rather references ―to the trepidation inspired by whatever is mysterious and awesome‖—here fertility.

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