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1 He was celebrated as an exceptionally talented mystic scholar whose command of Islamic religious sciences made him comparable with the great theologian of his time.    V 0. who were their contemporaries.  The shafi‘i school of jurisprudence is attributed to Al-­ Imam Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad ibn Idris ibn al-­ Abbas ibn Uthman al-­ Shafi‘i (AD 767  –  820). AD 1126  ). ‘Afif 1 r   . a city in northwest Iran. or listening to music as a spiritual practice.2 th e   10 20 The author of Mu‘jam al-­ buldan . in AD 1096 or 1098 and was executed in the same town on the charge of heresy in 1131. 0My translations from other languages are marked by placing the source citations where the original text is mentioned and not at the end of the English translation.‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. “La sakwa” (“The Complaint”). yD     11 b 20  © 3 ol. s 2. This observation a p c i m fr Co . 3. 1. Their writings on sama‘ and the profound spiritual meaning of love and faith in the unseen were subjects that the early Chishti leaders of India studied o f  and incorporated in their own work. for ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat belonged in the same intellectual circle and was the disciple of Ghazzali’s younger brother.   u th st    So Ea   le The little we know about ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s personal life indicates that he came from a   d d   Mi well-­ known family from Miyanji. Yaqut al-­ Hamawi. was born in Hamadan. the distinguished mystic and author Ahmad ibn Muhammad Ghazzali (d. This comparison was apt. his teacher. and others after them have referred to the classical  Un do ke u      sources that are discussed here.A is based on marginal manuscript evidence from ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s major mystical treatise. the citation note is placed at the end of the translated quotation. known as ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat. Pre   /1 0 it y 5 s in Journal Asiatique. January  –  March 1930. For English translations by others. a small town between Zanjan and Hamadan in Azerbaijan. No 20 89 20 1x- 1 s    341 . ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat came from an important family of shafi‘i jurists and had many disciples and followers including some of the Seljuk court nobles. This teacher and disciple were advocates of sama‘ . Abd el-­ Jalil. refers to ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat’s family in his dis018 . 6  –  7. His Work.12   i ve i 10 ‘Usayran.  Mohammed ben Abd el-­ Jalil. eS ti v d  a r an a and the first founders of the Chishti order. and His Connection with the Early Chishti Mystics Firoozeh Papan-­ Matin he distinguished twelfth-­ century Iranian mystic Abu al-­ Ma‘ali ‘Abdallah ibn Abi Bakr Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn al-­ Hasan ibn ‘Ali al-­ M iyanji. His genealogy identifies him as both a Qurayshi and a relative of the Prophet as attested by his name: al-­ Imam Abu ‘Abd Allah Muhammad ibn Idris ibn al-­ ‘Abbas ibn ‘Uthman ibn Shaf‘i ibn al-­ Sa’ib ibn ‘Ubayd ibn ‘Abd Yazid ibn Hashim ibn al-­ Muttalib ibn ‘Abd Manaf ibn Qusayy al-­ Qurashi. ‘Ayn alQudat describes his relationship with Ahmad Ghazzali in terms of the role his teacher played ­ in his spiritual awakening and the opening of his inner sight in perceiving the realities of the unseen world (‘alam al-­ ghayb    ). Abu Hamid Muhammad Ghazzali (AD 1058   –  1111). the   si a   A   Tamhidat (Introductions    ). The present study provides a background on the life and ies d u t scholarship of ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat and addresses the possibility of contact among him.

  Tamhidat. and his body was destroyed. He had anticipated arrest and execution long before it happened and foretold his execution on numerous occasions. and sent to prison in Baghdad. 1999). ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat never refers to himself by his name. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat refers to himself by this name and expresses pride in his hometown of Hamadan. My will to all is to write the following as fatwa : “God has beautiful names.p. in Musannafat-­ i ‘Ayn alQudat al-­ ­ H amadhani (The Compositions of ‘Ayn alQ udat al-­ ­ H amadhani ). He calls himself ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat. 8. he asserted his desire for death with longing. The nickname itself could mean the source for the judges.8 The author of Tadhkarih-­ yi Riyad al-­ ’Arifin (The Biography of the Gardens of Mystics  ) explains that the execution took place before the sultan. ed. Like Yaqut. And they issue fatwa asking for my death (appeal to the sacred laws for my death).  ‘Abd al-­ Karim ibn Muhammad al-­ Sam‘ani. . ‘Abd al-­ K arim ibn Muhammad al-­ S am‘ani.  he   So A u th si a a frica A st Ea le d d Mi t nd cussion on Miyanji. or the very eye of the judges. According to al-­ Sam‘ani.). It could also mean a holy warrior who died for his convictions. if they ask you to fatwa for my death. Yaqut describes ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat as a scholar and man of letters and refers to his father and grandfather as renowned judges. He is referring to 7. AH 525  ). His body was wrapped in a straw mat and set on fire. 6. he was released and returned to his hometown. ‘Abdallah. 329. 1. and it could mean that he is the eye of the judges or the visionary (eye) who was born to these other judges. Abu Bakr Muhammad. Alas. ‘Afif ‘Usayran (Tehran: Manuchehri. in his personal correspondence as well as in his treatises. nor does he identify with his family’s city of origin.  Rida Quli Khan Hidayat. 327  –  28. Tadhkarih-­ yi riyad al-­ ‘arifin (The Biography of the Gardens of Mystics). 5. He was put to death in a violent manner. or someone who is above the judges to whom they should look. In his writings.6 Kamil al-­ Dawla wa al-­ Din has written that in the city they say ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat claims he is God. 108  –  9. oil. but the exact date of his birth is open to dispute. he explains that in the city they call him a sorcerer because they understand neither his connection to the unseen (al-­ ghayb  ) nor his karamat (wonder works). I myself ask for this death in my prayers. and we beseech him by those. He longed to be rid of this death called living. The sources that tell us about ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s death are limited and leave out important information about his execution.. refers to ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s family as he stands under the entry to the city of al-­ Miyanji. who warns him about such rumors. ­ 4:381  –  82. it is still far off.d. ‘Afif ‘Usayran (Tehran: Tehran University Press. where he had studied jurisprudence with a number of renowned scholars. which he himself had visited. ‘Ali ibn al-­ Hasan. 4. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s grandfather was famous not only in his hometown but also in Baghdad.. the author of Kitab al-­ Ansab (The Book of Genealogies  ). This name seems to have some relation to the fact of his genealogy: both his father and grandfather were judges. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat does not explain who it is that does not understand him: the townsfolk or the court.  Ibid. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat was accused of heresy. 1962). and grandfather. arrested.  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. n. 251  –  52. Kitab alansab (The Book of Genealogies ) (Beirut: n. Miyanji. It is recorded that he was skinned alive and crucified in the courtyard of the school where he used to teach. ed. 1991). ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat is said to have described the details of his execution in the following verses:7 We ask God for death and martyrdom And that we want by three worthless things If the friend does what we want We want fire. ed. Tamhidat. “Zubdat al-­ haqa’iq” (“The Essence of Reality”). I have not seen any biographer explain the etymology of ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat’s honorary name or explain in what sense this name applies to him since we do not have any evidence that he held the position of a judge. with a curious nostalgia for it. Moreover. Riyad al-­ ‘arifin. Mullah ‘Abd al-­ Hussayn and Mahmud Khawnsari (Tehran: Intisharat Kitabfurushi Wisal. 3. where he was eventually executed on 23 May 1131 (23 Jumada al-­ Thani.3 42 Co m ra pa so ti v e  S ie tu d f  . In the Tamhidat . sec. sec.4 We know that ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat was born in Hamadan. 4th ed. as learned scholars and judges from Miyanji. and straw. And those who make haste in burying in his name shall be punished for their deeds” [Koran 7:180]. 109.  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. Oh friend.3 Al-­ Sam‘ani does not mention ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat but talks about his father. do it. This information is from Hidayat.5 He refers to a letter from his friend Kamil al-­ Dawla.  249  –  51.

” 3  –  4 . In the introduction to Zubdat al-­ haqa’iq. 11. J.11 As a young man he wrote eleven books and treatises. ‘Imad al-­ Din was six years old. The famous historian of the Seljuk era. In recent years. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat explains that he began working on the question of prophethood at age twenty-­ one. 3 43 Firoozeh Papan-­ Matin  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. The events that surrounded these executions had a detrimental effect on ‘Imad al-­ Din’s entire family. who at the time was twenty-­ five years old.14 Therefore. writings after the age of twenty-­ four. (10) Introduction to Arabic Language and the Practice of Its Literary Sciences. and the museum 450 m3. The building includes a sanctuary.  10. trans.10 Our knowledge of ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s learning and influence is primarily defined by his treatises and personal letters. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ H amadhani. nor did it answer the needs of his disciples for a comprehensive discussion of prophethood. ‘Imad al-­ Din’s uncle. ‘Imad al-­ Din al-­ Isfahani al-­ K atib (1125   –1201). (7) The Pleasures of Lovers and Opportunity of the Passionate. Mahmud. ‘Imad al-­ Din explains that ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat was executed after the author’s uncle lost his status in the court. (6) The Mathematician’s Desire. the son of Malik Shah Saljuq.9 The few medieval scholars who turned to ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat could have risked their reputations for approaching such a controversial figure. ‘Usayran divides ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat’s works into three categories: works of his youth. died of an illness on the way from Baghdad to Iran when he was twenty-­ eight years old. he included his uncle and ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat in his chronicle of the Seljuk.  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat “Zubdat al-­ haqa’iq. 70  –  72. the library 400 m3. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat has received national recognition through the establishment of a sanctuary and memorial center at this location. an important minister and chancellor in the Seljuk court.000 m3. Cf. plot of land. the author of Kharidat al-­ qasr wa jaridat al-­ ‘asr fi dhikr fudala’ ahl fars (The Unbored Pearl of the Palace and Account Book of the Age: An Account of the Eminent Men of Persia  ). A. (3) The ‘Ala’iya Treatise. the opening of the inner sight. Considered to be a blessed place.  Hidayat. The structure is built on a 20. and the ways of understanding the unseen and the afterlife.13 The Zubdat al-­ (The Essence of Reality  ) was completed in 1123. His Work. museum. and works that are attributed to him. He was not satisfied with this treatise. 18.  Tamhidat. In fact.  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. (8) Assault of the Sturdy Nine-­ Year-­ Old upon the Infant Milksop. (9) Goal of Research on the Meaning of Mission . this site remains a memorial to ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat in the folk culture of Hamadan. cal hagiographies do not mention any burial or grave for ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat. 2  –  3 . prophethood. 108  –  9. Consequently. The works that evaluate this period do not provide a definitive answer for the motive of the executions. (4) Slice of Syntax . At the time of ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat’s death. He does not explain whether ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat was sent to the gallows because he no longer had a powerful protector to defend him against the charge of heresy brought against him by his own adversaries or because the enemies of his uncle were trying to give him a warning by killing his friend in a violent manner. he tells us that he 12.500 cm. who were stripped of their noble status and sent into exile. library and manuscript center. and (11) Interpretation of the haqa’iq Real Truths of the Qur’an . 1  –  2 . Arberry (London: Allen and Unwin.12 A. 1962). was expelled from his high administrative position and subsequently imprisoned and executed during the same time as ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat. Members of his immediate family had firsthand knowledge of the execution because several of them were intimate friends and followers of ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat and considered him a just substitute for Abu Hamid Ghazzali. It is a book in one hundred chapters and includes topics on the essence and the attributes of God. when he was writing Ghayat al-­ bahth ‘an ma‘ni al-­ ba‘th (The Goal of Research on the Meaning of the Mission  ). (5) Dictations of Yearning on the Nights of Separation . mysticism.  The construction of the memorial building started in 2003 and was scheduled to be completed in 2009. A Sufi Martyr: The Apologia of ‘Ain al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadani. but the contemporary accounts identify a small ditch in the old cemetery of the city as the place where his remains were left. (2) The Jamali Treatise . The sanctuary is 4. 13. ‘Aziz al-­ Din. ‘Afif ‘Usayran (Tehran: Intisharat-­ i Danishgah-­ i Tehran. Riyad al-­ ‘arifin. J. and ed. in Mussanafat ( Compositions ). The classi9. Arberry lists the titles of his treatises as follows: (1) Entertainment of the Night-­ Traveller to Recognize the One-­ Eyed and the Night-­ Blind . when ‘Imad al-­ Din grew to be a historian. knew of ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat all his life and provided the earliest account of his execution. 1969). ed. and His Connection with the Early Chishti Mystics .  Tamhidat.Mahmud ibn Muhammad ibn Malikshah (r. Shakwa al-­ g harib ‘an al-­ a wtan ila ‘ulama’ al-­ buldan (The Complaint of a Stranger Exiled from Home to the Scholars of the Lands ). and exhibition hall. none of which has survived. 14. AD 1118  –  31).

He was identified as a magnificent but reckless thinker who vexed the state authorities and brought treacherous destruction upon himself and some of his friends.17 Aside from these works. “knowledge by proximity. his knowledge of Arab literary culture. The kind of knowledge that ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat is concerned with. the presence of which may or may not be acknowledged and perceived by the individual. no one dared to openly associate with his name and memory. These were the reasons that he did 16. “Introducing the Fifth Principle: Describing the Five Pillars of Islam”. demonstrates his detailed knowledge of Islamic mysticism. who lived and died in a different epoch. although it can be explained by reason. The Tamhidat is considered ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s most significant work because it is the most comprehensive. “Introducing the Sixth Principle: Reality and the States of Love”. “Intro­ ducing the Seventh Principle: The Reality of the Heart and the Soul”. his exceptional talent as an author. 15.344 Co m ra pa so ti v e  S ie tu d f  . ed.  he   So A u th si a a frica A st Ea le d d Mi t nd wrote Zubdat al-­ haqa’iq to compensate for this shortcoming. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat further explains that his discussions in Zubdat al-­ haqa’iq concern a kind of knowledge that is experienced personally and immediately.  ‘Imad al-­ Din al-­ Isfahani. syllogisms. “Introducing the Ninth Principle: An Explanation of the Reality of Faith and Faithlessness”. 17. Kharidat al-­ qasr wa jaridat al-­ ‘asr fi dhikr-­ i fudala’-­ i ahl-­ i fars. known as Khwajah Banda Nawaz Gisudaraz (AD 1321–  1422). This knowledge is inspirational and cannot be acquired by rational reasoning. while the following chapters demonstrate how the author has organized the subject of knowledge into different categories. The letters provide insight into ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat’s immediate intellectual milieu and the nature of issues and debates that concerned its members. faith in the prophethood. and the other is the renowned Indian Chishti scholar and religious leader Muhammad al-­ Husayni Abu al-­ Fath Sadr al-­ D in Wali Akbar Sadiq. whereas Gisudaraz analyzes major themes in the Tamhidat.  The Tamhidat ’s ten chapters are “Introducing the First Principle: The Difference between Acquired Knowledge and Knowledge by Proximity”. “Introducing the Third Principle: Humans Are Created in Three Types”. except for two sources that discuss him in more detail. his writing was unusually complex and eccentric to be approached with ease and certainty. Shakwa al-­ gharib ‘an al-­ awtan ila ‘ulama’ al-­ buldan (The Complaint of a Stranger Exiled from Home to the Scholars of the Lands ). ‘Imad al-­ Din provides a short thought-­ provoking account on ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s arrest and execution. the case with ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat was a recent judgment and persecution that was too sensitive to be brought up in the writing of his contemporaries.” . 67  –  86.” declares the overall focus of the Tamhidat . It was completed in 1130. The Tamhidat consists of ten chapters on topics of mysticism and describes the wayfarer’s visionary experiences and states of mind at different stages of his or her development. One is the Seljuk historian ‘Imad al-­ D in.” manifests itself in its relationship with different levels of reality. 3:137  –  38. Moreover. is another valuable resource in evaluating his ideas. the Maktubat . His horrific execution was meant to be a daunting spectacle for others to learn from. and analogy. “Introducing the Second Principle: The Conditions for the Wayfarer on the Path of God”. The letters follow the masa’l wa ajwiba (questions and answers) literary tradition of the medieval time and delineate the questions posed to ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat by his associates and disciples. 1999).16 ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s collection of personal letters.15 The first chapter. After he was gone. and faith in the next world. “Introducing the Fourth Principle: Know Yourself in Order to Know God”. Another reason for his oblivion was that he died young and did not enjoy the renown of his older colleagues who were deemed more significant and were discussed at length in the medieval canons. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat’s defense treatise. and his ability to orchestrate his ideas in an emotive and rhetorical style. and “Introducing the Tenth Principle: The Essence and the Reality of the Earth and the Sky Is the Light of Muhammad and the Light of Satan.  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat. Shakwa al-­ gharib. which respectively discuss the following topics: faith in God and His attributes. AD 922). there is not any other significant scholarship on ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat until the early decades of the twentieth century. before his arrest and eventual execution. ‘Adnan Muhammad Al-­ i Tu‘ma (Tehran: Markaz-­ i Nashr al-­ Tarath al-­ Makhtut. Unlike the often discussed martyred mystic Husayn Mansur Hallaj (d. This lacuna is justified by the circumstances of ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat’s death. which he composed during his imprisonment in Baghdad. The medieval sources on ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat are limited for the most part to brief references to him as a martyred mystic. “Introducing the Eighth Principle: Mysteries of the Koran and the Secret of the Creation of Man”. The Shakwa algharib restates his defense in three brief articles ­ at the end of the text. “The Difference between Acquired Knowledge and Knowledge by Proximity.

on the contrary. The Day of Judgment was at hand. and His Relationship with Twelfth-­ Century Mystics of Iran. Dhabih Allah Safa and Muhammad Mu’in. except marginally and often parenthetically as the student of Ahmad Ghazzali. consisted of the edited manuscript of the Tamhidat and his critical introduction to the text.  See Firoozeh Papan-­ Matin. regarded him highly. Louis Massignon and Henry Corbin. who pays exclusive attention to ‘Ayn alQudat. The Chishtis. They joined their Indo-­ Iranian colleagues to advance a complex project aimed at retrieving and canonizing the mystical heritage of Islam. This was also the case in the hagiographies and the mystical literature of Iran and the Arabic-­ speaking world. These thinkers were important for the Chishtis. whose adherence to sama‘ is a distinguishing tenant of their order. an Early Chishti Leader of the Deccan. This focus was determined mainly by the ­ approach of Ahmad Ghazzali and ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat to the controversial subject of sama‘ as a sacred practice for connecting with the spiritual realms and the divine. and God was a merciful and benevolent presence who was as close to man as the throbbing of his jugular vein. Abd el-­ Jalil in the 1930s edited and published the Shakwa al-­ gharib. For them. as opposed to Arabic. “Gisudaraz. Satan was a possessive lover who still held a special relationship with the beloved. Evil was rampant. Similar to Hallaj. ‘Usayran paid homage to his Iranian mentors.” in “Sufism in Deccan. ‘Affif ­ ‘Usayran (1919   –   88). for teaching him the methods of reading and editing manuscripts.  and His Connection with the Early Chishti Mystics . special issue. The God that these mystics described was not a tyrant who sat in judgment over the souls of the dead on the Day of Judgment. Iranian authors of mystical prose literature who produced works in Persian. death was a visionary reality. as mundane as the living. The fourteenth-­ century Indian mystic Gisudaraz was drawn to ‘Ayn alQ udat for the erudite quality of his thought. they propagated a stark view of Satan as an angel. Suleman Sadiqi and Scott Kugle. opened the field of Islamic studies to the West. 2 (2009): 112  –  32. He soon turned his attention to other aspects of Islam. He was the intimate chamberlain of the beloved and was assigned the task of barring others from approaching His presence. Journal of Deccan Studies 7. specifically. These ideas were appealing to the hybrid European Islamists of the Massignon era whose research was focused on themes that stood in sharp contrast to the conventional Eurocentric reception of Islam up to that point.” eds. Italy and Germany.18 In our time. completed at Tehran University. which were interested more in the theologian Abu Hamid Ghazzali than in his younger brother Ahmad and his student ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat. Massignon’s student Jean Mohammed ben Abd el-­ Jalil (1904  –   79). 1923) were the first in their generation who made significant contributions to the scholarship on ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat. celebrated Ahmad Ghazzali as a defining author of mystical literature and studied the writings of ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat attentively. ­ but also because the early Chishtis. ‘Usayran’s dissertation in philosophy and Persian literature. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat entered the scholarly discussion as the first modern students of Islam turned to him when their epoch was scorched with the catastrophic world wars and the rise of fascism among the most sophisticated European nations. His Work. They were original thinkers who dared to transgress the limits of conventional faith toward newer and unforeseen perceptions of the divine. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat and Ahmad Ghazzali were especially important in this project because they were among the first 18. In the acknowledgments. He provided a French translation of the text to accompany the edition. This is especially the case in the works of Gisudaraz. and the Iranian scholar ‘Alinaqi Munzavi (b. no. and the promise of rationality seemed to have been a deception. in general.not receive sufficient attention in the mystical literature of the medieval period. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat and others in his milieu made sense to the FrancoA rab intellectuals who were searching for spiri­ tual certainty among the ruins of their collapsing civilization. a FrancoMoroccan Muslim convert to Catholicism. two major European scholars. a Lebanese Shi‘i who also converted to Catholicism. At the turn of the twentieth century. whereas ‘Usayran and Munzavi dedicated their 345 Firoozeh Papan-­ Matin  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. be it a fallen one. and also to Corbin.

  Lawayih.” introduction to Lawayih. describes the text as ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s homage to his mentor Ahmad Ghazzali. d. and the Ghazzali brothers. the hadith. who is the editor of the manuscript.22 This would mean that if ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat were the author.346 Co m ra pa so ti v e  S ie tu d f  . Suhrawardi al-­ Maqtul. An early founder of the Chishti order in India. 22. the Lawayih lacks the grave intensity that is experienced in the writing of ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat.. 19. ‘Alinaqi Munzavi (Tehran: ­ Asatir. who subscribed to the teachings of Ahmad Ghazzali. Suhrawardi al-­ ­ Maqtul. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat was a logical choice for these scholars. 1998). and leaves out words and terms of address that are characteristic of his diction. was a disciple of Shihab alDin ‘Umar al-­ ­ Suhrawardi (AD 1145  –  1234). Rahim Farmanish. I contend that there is sufficient evidence to argue against the attribution of the manuscript to ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat. j. who along with his teacher is discussed in their corpus. and high Arab literature in his Persian sentences. d. Some of the Chishti authors who composed their mystical treatises in Persian aspired to the writing and the writing style of ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat. by the time that Gisudaraz started his scholarship. which consists of selections from the Sawanih (Accidents  ) of Ahmad Ghazzali. a treatise on love. Namih-ha-ye ‘Ayn al-Qudat alH amadhani. who established a ­ following in Ajmer. Rahim Farmanish (Tehran: Manuchihri. These mystics’ ability to define and redefine their conception of faith and gnosis was the quality that drew some to them and alarmed others away. Another magnificent case is that of the Lawayih (The Decrees  ). commerce. It is sound to say that the author of the Lawayih was highly influenced by Ghazzali 20. and a treatise on Greek wisdom.  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. the inclusion of these independent manuscripts in one collection demonstrates that the compiler selected them based on a connection he drew between the authors. 1958). these texts had long been available in the Chishti scholarly circles. The other means for the influx of these texts into India were travel. 21. See ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ H amadhani. . which is authored by Qadi Hamid al-­ Din Nagawri (d. 3 vols. The writings of ‘Ayn alQudat and Ahmad Ghazzali had reached India ­ as early as the twelfth century. The relationship between Mu‘in alD in Sijzi and Shihab al-­ ­ D in is an instance of the collaboration that facilitated the import of the writings of Persian mystics. This inf luence is clearly seen in the work of Gisudaraz. ed.  he   So A u th si a a frica A st Ea le d d Mi t nd lives to retrieving and editing the unpublished manuscripts of ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat.20 Farmanish bases his argument on the thematic and stylistic qualities of the manuscript and its arrangement in a compilation. considering that Massignon had selected the martyred Hallaj as the subject of his magnum opus and Corbin had dedicated a significant part of his work to another martyr. 2d ed. The highly Arabized style of ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat is recognizable because of his constant interjection of verses from the Koran. Essentially. He further explains that the Lawayih must have been written after the death of Ahmad Ghazzali (AD 1126) because the author remembers him as a deceased sheikh. like ‘Ayn alQudat. AD 1244) and erroneously attributed to ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat. the author of ‘Awarif al-­ ma‘arif (The Givens of Knowledge  ). the Lawayih refers to Arabic phrases far less frequently and instead cites Arabic poetry in between the prose sections. 3:36. This work complemented the established convention among the early Chishtis to study ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat.21 According to Farmanish. Therefore. All three had been executed for the crime of pushing the boundaries of knowledge and rational thought far beyond the sanctified limits of the Sharia. to India. and contact between the Persian and the Chish­ t i scholars and their disciples. Khawaja Mu‘in alDin Hasan Sijzi (AD 1236). In fact. This type of writing produces a hybrid style that ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat compensates for by providing the Persian rendition of the Arabic immediately following the original. he would have completed the treatise sometime in the last five years of his life. a.  Ibid.19 The degree of this influence is such that the Iranian scholar of ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat. “Mugadameh. parts of the Tamhidat. ed.. especially in the latter years of his life. they set the grounds upon which further study of ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat was made possible..  Ibid. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat was not studied at any depth until in the fourteenth century Gisudaraz provided a comprehensive commentary on the Tamhidat . In contrast. h. d. uses words that do not belong in ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s vocabulary..

Hearken: “God is the light of the heaven and the earth” [Koran 24:35]. Did not Husayn-­ i Mamsur tell you that “God is the origin of all the creatures?” His being is the source and the substance of all the creatures. 257. He was. which identified Nagawri as the author and described the Lawayih as a popular mystical treatise that the early Chishti leaders used in training their disciples. 25. “The Lawa’ih of Qazi Hamid Ud-­ Din Naguri. transcending duality. This perspective binds all of creation directly to God. Lawrence provided a study of the Lawayih . Lawrence. if I say what light is you would not bear it and the worlds will be turned upside down.  God is manifest as light in all of creation. and heresy were issues that only experienced mystics could understand.  Bruce B. transcending matter and joining the subtle spiritual realms. considering the early Chishti scholars studied the works of ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat and his teacher Ahmad Ghazzali and aspired to them in formulating their mystical discussions especially on the pivotal subject of love and sama‘ . Hallaj defined this kind of infidelity in terms of a restlessness on the part of the knowing wayfarer who considered all his or her previous certitudes and declarations of faith as attestations to the dualism that separated him or her from God. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s unconventional personality and his controversial arguments on the nature of prophecy.24 The Lawayih is another instance that demonstrates the great influence of ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat and his teacher on the early Chishti scholars. which the notional conception of religion defined as infidelity. perceives that all of creation is ultimately noncorporeal and his or her attachment to the body and matter is but a delusion. The wayfarer exercises this ordeal through annihilation and subsistence by means of which his or her consciousness. 25. In the mid-­ 1970s Bruce B. idolatry and infidelity were one’s assumption that he or she had attained knowledge of God. They were important for the Chishtis. the non-­ Muslim and the idol worshipper were not heretical on account of their belief. AD 1357) Tarikh Firuzshahi (History of Firuzshahi  ).” 3 47 Firoozeh Papan-­ Matin  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. Therefore. and His Connection with the Early Chishti Mystics . 1985). and I will say it by means of allusion. sec. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat argued that all of existence was subjected to idolatry because of its intrinsic distance from the unity of God. In addition. however. Lawrence believed that the manuscript had survived in fragments that appeared in some medieval sources. Words of Ecstasy in Sufism (New York: State University of New York Press.” Indo-­ Iranica: The Quarterly Organ of the Iran Society 28 (1975): 34. His Work. the wayfarer was distinguished as the knowing idolater who rose against himself or herself every step of the way. which he introduced as a treatise by the famous Chishti leader Nagawri. 64. referring to the same treatise.26 Alas. This gnosis enables the wayfarer to base his or her mystical arguments on the knowledge that everything is light. In this midst. according to whom the true believer was on an incessant quest for the “transcendence of duality” in seeking union 23.25 The wayfarer’s questioning walk toward God.  Tamhidat. means that He is the origin of “the heaven and the earth. most meaningfully for their discussions on the complex nature of love and their arguments on sama‘ as a medium for connecting with the unseen realms. In this context. for I compared the quotations that appear in his study with the Lawayih and determined that he was writing about the same treatise and not another source under this title. 338.and ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat and wrote the Lawayih in a style of his own as a response to both authors. 28. the intimate references the Lawayih makes to India and the devotional practices of the idol worshippers of the region can be interpreted as how the author experienced his environment.  Lawayih. They were idolaters because they believed in one manifestation of God as the destination of their faith. was his or her way of staying on course in the move toward union with God. This seems to be a plausible conclusion. 24. He based his study on medieval bibliographical sources and also Diya’ al-­ Din Barani’s (d. who permeates all of creation and is the substance 26. with God.” The essence of the being of the earth and the sky is His light. It means “God and His light are the source of the lights. transcendence.23 Lawrence was obviously unaware of the edited manuscript that Farmanish published in 1958. which is but different gradations of light. Ernst. His views belonged in the Islamic mystical tradition and were informed by the teachings of Hallaj. But I will not withhold it.  Carl W.

320  –  21. their sensory perceptions. the heart signifies humans’ identity. meaning “concealing / darkness of the night / infidelity. their love and disdain for others.27 In his writing he describes all religions as different paths that lead one to God and justifies one’s religion as a personal choice.. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat admits that he is revealing secrets that are supposed to be kept hidden because human beings do not have the capacity to know them and still remain obedient to the all-­ merciful and forgiving God.  Ibid. His predilection for the other faiths did not stand at odds with how he articulated himself as a Muslim and how he relied on the teachings of the Prophet and the Koran. In other words. The heretics and the physicists said that the firmament is the creator of the world. we are tempted to misconstrue our witnessing in the familiar pantheistic or polytheistic terms. 401. our restricted and restrictive human understanding prevents us from comprehending the consciousness of God. and darkness the resurrection of night.  he   So A u th si a a frica A st Ea le d d Mi t nd and the vehicle for the connection between different manifestations. Against this background. In this context. In several places in his writing.. just as we know that God is with us in all manifestations of existence. Light is the commander of devotion. This deficiency requires abiding by Sharia.” They say: “Its light is issued” comes from Him. and the inability to see. the absence of light. A person who sheds the body. The seeker ultimately finds this abstract but intimate god through stages in his own heart. which promote “habitude” and following the preconceived definitions of the “unseen” (‘alam al-­ ghayb ). He explains.  Ibid. which is dominated by the body and the corporeal mode of existence. describe disbelief as concealment of the truth. As the seat of his emotions and the abode of God.29 Alas. in death or in special realms of consciousness. and darkness the commander of sins.28 The following is one of several examples that demonstrate his close affinity with the other spiritual traditions. The form of these intricacies has deprived them from the truth. 29. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat emphasizes that religion is meant to respond to the human condition. Light is the promise of day. these meanings dawn on someone who has gone beyond seventy-­ some various religions. They consider the elements to be eternal. monistic or not. sec. the other. This is the case with faith and heresy as they are discussed beyond the dictums of religion.” which are deduced from the three-­ letter Arabic root k-f-r. The wayfarer comes in contact with his or her heart 27. perceives the irrelevance of religious dictates to his or her altered state of consciousness. which is mediated through their passions. 419. which is a matter separate from the reality of the connection between God and His creation. when we experience God in dimensions where reality is too paradoxical to be comprehensible. The heart is where the seeker measures his capacity for receiving the knowledge of the unseen. The Magi [fire worshippers] said deity is dual: one Yazdan and that is light. Wait until these words light upon you that the Jews and the Christians said: “Indeed the lights issue from the essence of the Lord. The complex quality of his writing clearly demonstrates the breadth and depth of his learning and cultural influences. he speaks about a God who issues through all of creation regardless of how He is perceived. . Therefore. 21  –  22. Kufr comes from one and belief from the other.. 304  –  5 . He describes this light as the illuminations of God’s essence that are trickled into the world of attributes. kafr / kifr / kufr. This is how ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat articulates his ideas through the Islamic tradition of faith as he takes issue with the perspective that interprets faith through the teachings of the Sharia. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat reiterates that the wayfarer’s experience of God is too complex to be rendered as pantheism or polytheism. One who has not yet seen one religion entirely is far from this discussion. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat was a genuine thinker who kept his mind and heart open to diverse systems of thought. “God is the source of the creatures” means this. and their love and ignorance of the divine.348 Co m ra pa so ti v e  S ie tu d f  . have in common the understanding that light is the source of all creation. Ahriman and that is darkness.  Ibid. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat argues that all belief systems. we remain unaware of the quality of His proximity to us. 28. sec.

162.31 ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat explains that the creation. Each seeker comes to grips with this consciousness according to his or her aptitude for understanding the limits of reason. 1.  32. the wayfarer witnesses realities that are incomprehensible by reason. For instance. In this relationship. but He is distinct from them.  Koran 24:35. 265. in the context of this discussion it means “to manifest” and “to make visible. 254  –  55. sec. 34. letter 25. 348. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat asserts that he can confirm these observations through analytical discourse. sec. as. God is predicated as light. The wayfarer’s realization of tawhid signifies the juncture when reason sees the infinite possibilities of perception and also its own insufficiency in interpreting them. has a dual quality. Such a person sees Muhammad as the body and the flesh and Satan as the fallen angel who instigates sin. The salvation from the limitations of the wayfarer’s own humanity and the limitations of rational faculties is contingent on his or her ability to venture (himma ) to question the acquired knowledge and strive for more at every stage of the path. Moreover. sec. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat explains that in Arabic the verb khalaqa (create) has different meanings. for instance. pear in creation.34 In this chapter.  Ibid. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat conveys 3 49 Firoozeh Papan-­ Matin  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. which the wayfarer thinks he or she possesses. whereas the other lights can be named. which in their contrasting juxtaposition reveal and conceal the light of God. and the significance of color and light photisms in defining his cosmogony and eschatology. This is how the wayfarer traverses one realm in the heart and in the unseen and becomes aware of the next one. In his writing. which are faint manifestations of the attributes of God. “The Essence and the Reality of the Earth and the Sky Is the Light of Muhammad and the Light of Satan. The title of the chapter is from the Light verse in the Qudat explains Koran. His Work.  Namih-ha-ye ‘Ayn al-Qudat al-­ Hamadhani.32 Yet the reality of Muhammad and Satan is their lights that appear alongside each other and illuminate the realm of God’s attributes. 31. 35  –  36.35 The noncomparable light of God escapes definition. while His essence remains undefinable. however. and His Connection with the Early Chishti Mystics . 339  –  40.” elaborates on this point.. vol. sec. noncomparable light whose emanations manifest different degrees of luminosity. 29. 33. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat defines God as the all-­ encompassing. the light of the sun or the stars or the light of fire.  Tamhidat. Notwithstanding the intuitive and the suprarational quality of these perceptions. In this relationship. 217.” 35. such as “to produce” or “to determine”.30 At this stage. it illuminates what is still not in sight. The creation has an appearance that is visible to the eye. Therefore the wayfarer is always questioning and moving away from his or her stance toward an unknown destination. 333  –  35. ‘Ayn al-­ that God is the source of all other lights that ap30. That is the case because this knowledge has been based on the realities of the corporeal realm of existence.  Zubdat al-­ haqa’iq. the esoteric meaning of the Koran. 210  –  11. as a manifestation of God.  Tamhidat. the relative nature of religion and faith. is illusive and does not hold any value even in comparison to the illiterate and the ignorant. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat further explains that God’s essence can neither be named nor qualified but can be expressed as light. These emanations constitute all of creation and make it visible. The knowledge past reason is a spectrum similar to light.and with altered modes of consciousness as he or she attains the highest reaches of reason and approaches the preliminary stages of gnosis (ma‘rifa  ). An example of these metaphorical lights is the light of day and the dark of night. One who is used to the kind of understanding that is informed by the visible world of matter cannot readily perceive the light of God in the creation. he or she perceives that faith and faithlessness are the same. These lights are metaphorical in relation to the reality of the light of God. sec. It also has a reality that is the light of God and can be perceived with the inner sight. “God is the Light of the Heaven and the Earth. Thus the dualism in ‘Ayn alQudat’s epistemology of lights points toward an ­ understanding of God’s unity (tawhid   ). the wayfarer perceives that the knowledge.”33 The final chapter of the Tamhidat . which is exposed to the wayfarer in special states of consciousness and is experienced by him or her through annihilation ( fana’   )   —   a spiritual practice that facilitates such unveilings is sama‘ . He is referring to the discursive quality of his scholarly corpus that concerns mainly the nature of prophecy.

in the present context. 39 ‘Usayran notes that in the Tamhidat this word is used in reference to the relationship between 39. sec. www. In this state.350 Co m ra pa so ti v e  S ie tu d f  . 12 August 2003. Seeing these wonders is facilitated by the gradual opening of the “inner sight” (infitah ‘ayn al-­ basira  ).  Abu al-­ Q asim ‘Ubayd Allah ibn ‘Abd Allah Ibn Khurdadbih.” or the event that befalls the heart and settles there. Then something dawned on me: nothing was allowed to remain of me and my quest except what God desired. lest you be seduced by your mind. the veil of perplexity was lifted from the face of this event in less than twenty days”). ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat refers to this event in the context of his meeting with Ahmad Ghazzali. which is my place of origin. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat explains that before his meeting with Ahmad Ghazzali. The knowledge of such finitude is obtained when the inner sight. 36. 30. sovereign of the path and the revealer of truth. “sees” types of truth. Consequently. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat is referring to “willful annihilation. and in the midst of this I was occupying myself with fleeting birds that were almost blocking my way to seeking what lies beyond the rational sciences. this distance consists of stages whose finitude becomes apparent only when any given stage is mastered by the wayfarer. I remained in this condition for about a year and I not yet having comprehended the real nature of the event that had befallen me in this year. The mind’s eye was opening little by little. “Al-­ m asalik wa al-­ m amalik” ( “The Routes and the Kingdoms”). As the wayfarer grows accustomed to these illuminations. And now for years I have had no occupation except seeking to be annihilated in this thing. his eminence. And in his service. lo and behold my eyes of insight started opening. 52  –  56. the act of perception as well as the perceived are still mediated. The distance between Hamadan and Qazvin was 40 leagues (  farsang ). He felt indebted to his mentor and described the experience as follows:38 And while I was setting my encampment on the ground and making the camels kneel that they might recuperate from travel and the night journey. and I do not mean the insight of reason.com. This understanding involves traveling a distance that has no terminus. introduction to Tamhidat. The relationship between insight (basirat  ) and the obtained truths is established through sense perception (al-­ idrak al-­ hissi  ). ‘Ayn alQudat highlights the importance of his teacher ­ Ahmad Ghazzali and their relationship when he describes the opening of the inner sight and the appearance of the light of gnosis in his heart as a turning point in his spiritual growth. ‘Usayran tries to explain what might have happened during their meeting by evaluating how ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat uses the term event (waqi’a ) in his writings. ‘Ab al-­ Futuh Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn al-­ Ghazzali. He perceives that the knowledge of God does not resemble the knowledge of the created things. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat writes about this subject as he warns the reader that he is using words such as “accustomed” and “love” by necessity because language is inadequate in describing these meanings. Paradoxically. one realizes that there are more objects (noncorporeal as they may be) awaiting on the path. Their meeting facilitated the comprehension of the mystical “event” (waqi’a  ) that he described as the opening of the inner sight and the visions of the unseen. ‘Usayran speculates that. 38.alwaraq.37 He recalls this experience as the beginning of his real initiation into knowledge by proximity.  Zubdat al-­ haqa’iq. 36 He explains that insight (basirat  ) attains pre-­ eternal truths through intuition (hads  ). In the introduction to the Tamhidat. the mystical event he had experienced (“And in his service. and God is the source of help in completing what I have turned my face toward. the elder. Until my lord and master. 37. Thus I saw everything clearly. 12. the veil of perplexity was lifted from the face of this event in less than twenty days. Here ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat describes the gradual opening of the eye of insight as an event that takes place in a special realm of experience. At this stage. There are no other references to the meeting with Ghazzali in his writings and their correspondence. 7. through reason.  Zubdat al-­ haqa’iq.  he   So A u th si a a frica A st Ea le d d Mi t nd this knowledge through the symbolism of light and shadow and of good and evil. The inner sight receives the illuminations of the unseen to the degree that the wayfarer is able to withstand their intensity.  ‘Affif ‘Usayran. may God rejoice the people of faith by his longevity and reward him on my behalf with the best of rewards   —   good fortune brought him to Hamadan. Considering ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s different uses of the term event. or vision. he experiences a light that issues from his heart and enables him to approach the consciousness of God. he was facing dilemmas resulting from his inability to understand. 21. . his or her love for the beauty of the pre-­ eternal presence grows more intense. on his trip to Hamadan from his hometown Qazvin. or 240 kilometers.

41.42 It is likely that sama‘ provided the occasion for bringing these Iranian mystics in contact with their contemporary Chishti sheikh. folio 201. The Chishtis. received even less attention.  As Ernst argues.the wayfarer and the sheikh. the later Chishti generations found added interest in ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat through a comparison of his life and his tragic end with that of an important Chishti mystic and martyr.  in the kernel of the eye / And fed it through the eye / Suddenly we chanced at the district of beauty / Now we are rid of both the sight and what is worth seeing” (sec.40 This state of confusion was produced as a consequence of his attempts to understand and define the opening of the inner sight. In the fourth chapter of the Tamhidat . He is said to have memorized the Koran by the age of seven. who always recited the following lines in sama‘ : “We put a sight tical literature and paid homage to them for their discussions on sama‘ . MS 123. cast Ahmad in the shadow of his formidable brother. 43. 63. 85.  Ni˙am al-­ D in Ahmad ibn Muhammad Siddiqi al-­ Husaini. The Chish­ t i sources associate the memory of Mawdud with that of these Iranian mystics. For the most part. Karamat al-­ awliya’ (The Miracles of the Saints ). an important figure among the early founders of the order in Chisht. Safinat al-­ awliya dar ‘ilm sayr (The Compilation of Saints on the Science of Wayfaring ). Biographies. It is accurate to associate sama‘ as the catalyst used in the event of the “opening of the inner sight” that ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat attributes to the meeting with Ahmad Ghazzali in Hamadan. described sama‘ as a spiritual exercise that brought the wayfarer in contact with the illuminations of the divine realm. 396  –  98. Khawaja Yusuf Chishti.d. he was described as the younger brother of Abu Hamid Ghazzali. 42. who was a disciple of the famous Abu Sa’id Abu al-­ K hayr (AD 967   –  1049). annihilation ( fana’ ). Mawdud is a venerated saint who at the age of twenty-­ six. These sources. He is referring to the famous mystic Abu al-­ ’Abbas al-­ Qassab. The difference between these sources and those of the Indian Chishtis is that the former did not elaborate much on Ahmad Ghazzali in the first place. 7. However. His Work. sec. replaced his father.43 It is known that when Abu Nasr Ahmad Jam (AD 1049   –  1141). or according to some sources twenty-­ eight. n. This experience was versified by some mystics who attested to the transformation while being in sama‘ . Qutb al-­ Din Mawdud (d. They acknowledged Ghazzali’s treatise Bawariq al-­ ilma‘ fi al-­ radd ‘ala man yuharrimu al-­ sama‘ (The Lightning Flashes of Indication Concerning the Refutation of Those Who Declare Audition Forbidden in General   ) as a classical manifesto in defense of sama‘ . It is unclear which of these meanings could have been ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat’s intent when he described his meeting with Ghazzali. Naturally. celebrated Ahmad Ghazzali and ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat as defining authors of mys40. Sheikh ‘Abd al-­ R ahman 351 Firoozeh Papan-­ Matin  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. in this body of literature ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat. he does explain that reason had delivered his inquisitive mind to certain thresholds of understanding that had proved insufficient and unsatisfactory: his mind failed him in understanding the mystery of the opening of his inner sight. Mas‘ud Bakk (d.  Muhammad Wala Shukuh. Miracles attributed to him include resurrecting the dead and invoking in his disciples visions of the unseen. and His Connection with the Early Chishti Mystics . Persian (Hyderabad: Salar Jung Museum Library. 496.” he spoke of sama‘ as a reality that involved the transformation of the heart when the light of God shined through the wayfarer and obliterated the fire of Satan. on the contrary.  Tamhidat. which they used in shaping their own discourse on this subject. an emotional state. 44.). interest in ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat was to a great extent prompted by his relationship with Ahmad Ghazzali ought to be emphasized.41 This was also the case in the hagiographies and the mystical literature of Iran and the Arabic-­ speaking world. Biographies. AD 1387). 63). as the leader of the order. unlike those of the Chishtis.). n. That for the early Chishtis. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat was bewildered and saw himself as a restless dweller on murky grounds. reached Herat. 505. MS 22.44 This is the only travel by Mawdud that is recorded in the biographical sources. He spent three days with this master and received teachings from him. ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat.d. Mawdud went to visit him. and visions of the unseen (ghayb  ). AD 1133).  Zubdat al-­ haqa’iq. The relationship between ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat and his teacher Ahmad Ghazzali is one that the early Chishti scholars acknowledge in their writing. catalog no. 85. Persian (Hyderabad: Salar Jung Museum Library. he was unsettled and ready to continue on with a journey that was vague and obscure. who was identified as the disciple of Ahmad Ghazzali. following in the footsteps of his teacher. catalog no. “Know Yourself in Order to Know God.

‘Ayn al-­ Qudat identifies the genesis of their knowledge to be the instance of the covenant when man accepted God’s pledge of love. Poetry and sama‘ are effective mediums for cultivating the heart to accept this light. Sheikh Baraka. Ahmad Ghazzali. Mawdud was a popular name in medieval Ghazni and Herat. Azam Steam. similar to Mir ’at al-­ Asrar. 48. It describes them as the rasikhun fi al-­ ‘ilm . Yet absence of recorded information on this subject does not refute its possibility.45 The Mawdud of the Tamhidat was probably from that region rather than the Arab-­ speaking world. and Abu Hamid Ghazzali. lists ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat.  Tamhidat. in the twelfth century. met with Ahmad Ghazzali and ‘Ayn alQudat.  ‘Ata Hussain. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat introduces Mawdud as his sheikh and even elevates him above Abu Hamid Ghazzali when he explains that he knew about the special relationship of Ahmad. Asmar alasrar (The Nocturnal Tales of Secrets). ‘Ata Hussain ­ (Hyberdad. and ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat during their lifetimes. ‘Ata Hussain.  Tamhidat. Against this background. This evidence supports the argument that ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat was probably referring to Qutb al-­ Din Mawdud Chishti.47 They were endowed with a knowledge that is neither of this earth nor of the heaven: it is found in the heaven of the heart of the choicest seekers.48 He pays homage to ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat for pointing the seeker in the direction of the China of the heart for understanding who these people are. Mawdud. the author of the biographical dictionary Mir’at al-­ a srar (Mirror of Secrets ) ranked Ahmad Ghazzali and ‘Ayn alQudat among the principal teachers of the Ch­ ishti order and placed them and Mawdud in the same category as the fourteenth generation of divine men after the Prophet. ed.  he   So A u th si a a frica A st Ea le d d Mi t nd Chishti (d. but he does not explain if he is Qutb al-­ Din Mawdud Chishti. At this juncture. The following discussion addresses the reference in the Tamhidat in light of these considerations. the distinction between the lover and the beloved is obliterated. which could indicate that although Mawdud was an important member of ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s milieu. The Tamhidat . Mawdud. 47. ­ ‘Ata Hussain (Hyeradad: Mu’in. 46.). This is the only time ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat mentions the name Mawdud. introduction to Sharh Zubdat alhaqa’iq. however. n. He identifies Mawdud as an important sheikh next to his other teachers. reads the reference to Mawdud as proof that Qutb al-­ Din Mawdud is the indi46 vidual in focus. 38  –  39. 366.  The name was used in the Ghaznawid court in that region. remains cautious about drawing definitive conclusions based on ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s reference since biographical dictionaries and writings by other Chishti mystics do not speak about contact between Qutb al-­ D in Mawdud and ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat. or the firm authorities on the knowledge of God: the ones who observe the light of Muhammad and Satan and express their visions through poetry. Gisudaraz defines rasikhun fi al-­ ‘ilm or ‘ulama’ bi-­ Allah to mean those who receive unmediated knowledge from God. 280  –  81. 1945). and Ahmad Ghazzali together as the spiritual elite of its discourse. Abu Hamid Ghazzali is the tenth sheikh whom his invisible guides confirmed to be among the rank of the rasikhun fi al-­ ‘ilm . Ahmad Ghazzali. ed. To further clarify this point. . sec. and Baraka with God earlier than he perceived Abu Hamid Ghazzali was also one of them. from the region of Transoxiana. In the introduction to Gisudaraz’s Sharh Tamhidat (Commentary on the Tamhidat  ). may be attested by evidence from the Tamhidat . 49. The present study. for Mawdud could very well have traveled westward to Iran. 366. AD 1683). sec.  Khawajah Banda Nawaz Gisudaraz.352 Co m ra pa so ti v e  S ie tu d f  . He explains that there is a place on the path when the wayfarer sees God in his or her heart as the wayfarer sees himself or herself in the light of God. because he spoke Persian and ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat remembered him by a verse of Persian poetry that he frequently recited. and from there proceeded to Mecca on ­ the same route that many of his predecessors had taken.d. he was among them so infrequently that ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat did not mention him as often as the others. At one place in the Tamhidat ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat counts a person named Mawdud among his sheikhs. 5. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat cites the following verse by Ahmad Ghazzali:49 45. These people endured difficult spiritual practices in preparing their heart for receiving secrets of the unseen. by Khawajah Banda Nawaz Gisudaraz. an Indian scholar of Gisudaraz. The possibility of relations among Maw­ dud. Mawdud was the son of Mas‘ud ibn Mahmud ibn Sabuktakin. 281  –  82.

‘Ayn al-­ Q udat himself. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat lists this verse immediately after the poem by Ghazzali. ­ Our Sheikh Mawdud repeated this verse often: If the ascetic reaches the beauty of that visage We can reach the district [of the beloved] with just one cry of huy. Majmu‘i-­ yi Athar Farsi Ahmad Ghazzali (The Compilation of the Persian Works of Ahmad Ghazzal    ) .  Ibid. 54. the mirror of your beauty is this heart. and meditation through prayer. ed. His Work.52 This passage immediately follows a verse that depicts God dancing as in sama‘ .  Tamhidat. 3rd. raising His hands in a gesture that the lover interprets to be a calling on him..  Ibid. 53 ‘Ayn al-­ the memory of Mawdud sequentially with the image of God in the kind of jubilation that the wayfarer experiences in sama‘ .  Ibid.. This visionary mode of understanding defined their interpretation of faith and infidelity. His observation is noted by Ahmad Mujahid. 353 These lines. it is His way to move about Q udat coordinates in this manner. The above-­ c ited poem by Ghazzali compares the ensemble of the enchanted mystics with intoxicated nightingales in the garden of love and gnosis. God is heard saying that He is not inviting the lover. the black light of Satan.50 50. 367. This image is complemented with the poem’s meter pattern of ramal muthamman makhbun. 67. sec. Wearing the garb of the infidel (zunnar  ). Ahmed Muhajid (Tehran: Intesharat Danishgah. 282. heard about his ways from others..54 O Muhammad! You have not yet reached the middle of [the path of] reverence and have not Firoozeh Papan-­ Matin  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. 51. sec. As Mawdud is meditating on his intention for the prayer and the orientation that his heart is going to follow in approaching God.O God. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat identifies Mawdud as his sheikh but does not specify whether he heard Mawdud directly. because they were set on the path of constantly striving for a higher truth that removed them from their stance of separation and took them closer to union. and his other sheikhs saw themselves and one another reflected in the mirror of their hearts. he announces that he is an infidel. 66. 269. 1997). After Mawdud comes out of salat . ed. 53. Another important verse is the one that ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat says his sheikh Mawdud was in the habit of repeating. He depicts the Mawdud of the Paris manuscript as preparing for salat (the Muslim ritual prayer). sec. Our soul is rose petal and your love like the nightingale. provide the occasion for ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat to reiterate that Ahmad Ghazzali. whose energetic tenor is readily adaptable to the beat of dance music in sama‘ . on heresy. or met him in his visions and dreams. Their self-­ identification with one another and with God had a qualitative effect on their perception of the unseen in which they saw their oneness with and separation from God.  Ibid. he decides to follow the route that will take him closer to God through infidelity. In the beauty of your light I see myself without a self Thus in this world every one’s intent is he himself. 48  –  49.. See Ahmad Ghazzali. Regardless. and His Connection with the Early Chishti Mystics . an interpretation of the hadith “The believer is the mirror of the believer” (almu’minu miratu’l-­ ­ mu’mina  ). Mawdud. This instance is the only time that the name Mawdud is mentioned in all but one of the manuscript copies of the Tamhidat . This poem and the other stanzas that ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat employs in this section of the Tamhidat are the center of action that highlight the significance of sama‘ for these mystics. 48n10. 48  –  49. This kind of understanding earned them the title rasikhun fi al-­ ‘ilm . he makes it clear that he is intimately familiar with his sheikh’s habit of repeating this very verse.  52. Similar to ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat and Ahmad Ghazzali. Mawdud’s name is brought up a second time in the Paris manuscript copy of the Tamhidat .. ‘Usayran observes this note in his manuscript edition. he proves himself blasphemous by comparing himself with the Prophet. sec.51 The phrase “our Sheikh Mawdud” identifies him as the subject of passage 67. 48. The garden of the poem   —   a metaphor for the garden of mirrors and the heaven that is found in the heart of the ecstatic lover   —   is where these lovers see and recognize each other in the illuminations of the unseen. he is ready to dive into himself and sink into the black light of Satan. 67.

the companion who could tempt mystics astray. the emphasis on Satan and infidelity is not present in the work of the later Chishtis. 67 and 282. AD 1256) and Sharaf alDin Abu Barakat ibn al-­ ­ Mustawfi al-­ Irbili (AD 1170   –1239) reported that Ghazzali claimed that during his stay in Hamadan Satan appeared to him and prostrated before him at the hospice where he was residing. Connection to the spiritual realms through the audition of music was considered to exert healing effects not only on the soul but also the body. “Am I not your Lord?” (Koran 7:172). The key word in these poems is the “district” (kuy  ) that the wayfarer wants to reach.  Ghazzali. He could also challenge them into asserting their stance beyond the chatter of ego and toward an internal quiescence where God could be found in the echo of the covenant that pulsates through the soul.354 yet been allowed into the dark veil whose keeper said: “Then by thy power. Ibn al-­ Jawzi and al-­ Mustawfi questioned his faith in God and said that he fabricated this story to promote himself. then poetry and sama‘ provide an ­ appropriate occasion for recalling the memory of this Chishti leader. This certainly refers to the prophetic saying. In conclusion. When Ghazzali was asked how that could be possible when Satan refused the command of God to prostrate before Adam. He concludes that the mysterious sheikh of this passage was assumed to be Ghazzali (269).  Mawdud Chishti was a celebrity in the Deccan and an inspiration to the later Chishti religious leaders. meaning “fancy” and “passion. Satan was an indispensable adversary who could be employed in navigating the way to God. “My Satan has submitted” (aslama shaytani    ).57 In this midst. 58. he reiterated that Satan repeated the action more than seventy times. Co m ra pa so ti v e  S ie tu d u th f  . Those who understood this principle and set out searching for Satan in the hidden corners and the expansive valleys of their soul were regarded by Satan as worthy antagonists. Moreover. 56. through their inter57. 55. Sibt ibn ‘Abdallah al-­ Jawzi (d. Both passages. I will put them all in the wrong” [Koran 38:82].” These terms bring the picture full circle. are about the way to God through the domain of Satan. with all its attending dangers. sama‘ was conceived as an echo of that call. .56 In the other poem. which it approaches in the sound of music. the similarity between the verse that is cited in the present context and the one that Mawdud likes to repeat can be an indication that both passages are referring to the same person. Majmu‘ih-­ yi Athar. for he does not describe him in this fashion at any other place in his writing. AD 951) and Avicenna discussed in their writing. Wait until they let you there: Without sight one cannot travel the path of wandering [qalandari ] Furtively one cannot go to the district of adversity Infidelity in itself is the basis of faith Leisurely one cannot go to infidelity. ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat and the mystics of his milieu practiced sama‘ with the understanding that the encounter with Satan was an important stage in reaching true faith in God. Majmu‘ih-­ yi Athar. to the point of departure toward God via the passions that are induced by Satan. This is a subject that Abu Nasr al-­ Farabi (d. the wayfarer admits that infidelity is the foundation of belief.  The soul of humankind yearns for the voice of the beloved. for he knew the way and was intent on barring the seeker passage onto the canopies of the beloved. Mawdud’s favorite poem compares the strivings of the ascetics with the vocative utterance huy . was a sacred experience because it invoked the memory of the primordial covenant (mithaq  ) between man and God when God addressed His supreme creature with the question.  he   So ia As a frica A st Ea le d d Mi t nd Ahmad Mujahid. There was a lesson for Satan to learn.  Ghazzali. 86  –  87. a Ghazzali scholar. Sama‘ . According to Mujahid. If the sheikh whom ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat is referring to is Qutb alDin Mawdud. Notwithstanding this. argues that the mysterious sheikh of this passage is Ahmad Ghazzali and not Mawdud. Ahmad Ghazzali boasted about being such a person: a claim for which some scholars of Islam criticized him and accused him of infidelity. In the terrestrial realm.55 It seems unlikely that ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat is referring to Ahmad Ghazzali. Sama‘ was an opportunity to meet and greet Satan. which is orthographically identical to the term hawa . this quotation was recorded among the ecstatic sayings of Ahmad Ghazzali and was thus attributed to him.58 The meeting with Satan   —   fictitious or actual   —   illustrates that Ghazzali’s courageous faith in God compelled Satan to acknowledge this descendent of Adam worthy of his respect.

that Gisudiraz was very particular about prayers and shari‘ah in general. a clear implication of preference to sama‘ over prayers is discerned. Mawdud’s intent is to surrender his humanity in total confidence to an affable God who is there. and His Connection with the Early Chishti Mystics . who will lead him to God. sama‘ is one of the ‘attractions’ ( jadhbah  ) of the Merciful (alrahman  ­ ). Sayyid Muhammad Al-­ Husayni-­ i Gisudiraz (721/1321  –  825/1422): On Sufism (Delhi: Idarah-­ i Adabyat-­ i Delli. This incident provides an example for the kind of wayfaring that the seeker could venture as he navigated the atmosphere of sama‘ . cited approvingly by Gisudiraz. In the fourteenth century. Ghazzali even gave preference to sama‘ over acts of worship: “So the inner nature [sirr] of audition in its various ranks [maratib] comprises the verities of the five pillars. “a person prays with all its formalities. for God might hear them or reject them. It must be noted though. Prayer is doubtful in its being heard (qubul  ). he was cautious about allowing the novice among his students any access to the Tamhidat . His Work. This text could be studied only by those disciples who were experienced on the path of mystical knowledge and could understand the complex nature of the secrets that it disclosed. preparing for prayer and the 59. Sama‘ was a venture that took the wayfarer on the turbulent waters of his or her soul to a state of internal quiescence. who considered sama‘ to be superior to prayer.  Ibid.” 60 meeting with Satan. For us.  Syed Shah Khusro Hussaini. 1983). At the same time.”59 The Chishtis were in accord with Ghazzali on the subject of sama‘ . for prayer. Ahmad Ghazzali. Satan approached the moment of creation with the understanding that humankind is the created image of God. in which respect he is comparable to Ahmad al-­ G hazali as seen through Bawariq al-­ I lma‘ . Whether the Tamhidat is in fact referring to Mawdud Chishti.. whereas sama‘ is ‘acceptance itself ’ (‘ayn-­ i qubul ). Shaykh Mawdud Chishti replied. it ought to be remembered that the emphasis on the domain of Satan was not an issue in the work of the later generations of the Chishtis. When asked whether sama‘ was better than prayers. and cultural heritage. The case of ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. The relationship between medieval Persian and Indian mystic scholars comprises an unparalleled intellectual. 103. and sometimes a man gets from audition perfections such as are not obtained from persistence in many acts of devotion. pilgrimage. when Gisudaraz composed his elaborate commentary on the Tamhidat . and the early Chishti scholars offers important insight on this subject. In the following quotation of Shaykh Mawdud Chishti  (d. linguistic. and fasting and almsgiving to internal ranks. and the two testimonies pertain to external ranks. where Satan was lurking to lure and mislead his prey. in the ravishing tunes that invoke memories of the homeland and arise in humans the longing for the divine. he approached this text with great appreciation for ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s bold and profound teachings on mysticism.  It is sound to conclude that the perspective of Gisudaraz on prayer and sama‘ further elucidates ‘Ayn al-­ Q udat’s description of Mawdud in the Tamhidat where he depicts him in the attire of the infidel. 355 Firoozeh Papan-­ Matin  ‘Ayn al-­ Qudat al-­ Hamadhani. but still he is not certain whether his prayers will be accepted. but he does not seem to have been a man who would take any criticism against sama‘. 127. Gisudaraz approved of Ghazzali and his contemporary Chishti mystic Mawdud. 60.actions.  527/1132).

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