STRUCTURE ASPECTSOF PHONOLOGICAL

WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE AND DUTCH TO ENGLISH

COLINJ. EWEN

Ph D

University of Edinburgh
1980

N

CD

N Tb

Acknowledgments

My thanks are due to many people who have enabled this thesis to reach its final form. In particular, I want to express my'gratitude to those who-haýve-=mmented on draft versions of part or all of the manuscript, in particular Frits Beukema, Marc Dupuis, Ad de Knegt, Inger Mees, Robin Smith, Bob Rigter, and Ron Verheyen. Special thanks, too, to Inger Mees for having helped with the construction of the list of references. of my supervisor, John Anderson, on this work has been enormous, both intellectually and personally, and I should like to take this opportunity of thanking him for all that he has done in the past five years. The influence

Abstract

This thesis is concerned with establishing the notational system of dependencyphonologyq first developed by Anderson and Jones * (1974a, 1977), as a framework for the characterisation of phonological is it languages in As the ofsuch, of world. structures and systems fered as an alternative to other,, phonological frameworks that have been proposed, notably models based on the concept of the distinctive feature, such as those of Jakobson et al (1952), Chomsky and Halle (1968), and Ladefoged (1971).
Chapter 1 deals with what it is that a notational system should be able to characterise - i. e. what properties such a system should have - while in chapters 2 and 31 examine various notational systems the been have In 4 formal the of proposed. chapter properties whi'ch 51 in dependency model are developed and illustrated, chapter and be how to the-phonological should sdgment, various proposals as make On the basis of this, I sub-matrices, or 'gestures'. in detail in chapters 6,8,,. and 9 the nature of each of investigate initiatory the the the and these gestures categorial, articulatory, is to function dependency reprecomponents, whose and offer a set of divided into by the'three the characterised the of segment aspects various sent the 71 depart from the In of segcharacterisation chapter gestures. light the in the of reprelook the to sequences structure of at ment 6, devote in and the chapter up categorial gesture set sentations of 'complex discussion the segments' of to representation of a space some large I two Finally, issues, scale phonological consider related and initial in dependency in mutation terms phonology of processes Welsh. and diminutive formation in Dutch.

Table of Contents
Chapter 11.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 Notational Systems 1: Introduction 1 2 4 10 11 14 17 20 21

Phonological Notational

structure

theories' models vs. 'phonological The requirements of a notational system Recurrence processes The phonetic basis complexity Non-componential systems Phonological Natural

Chapter 22.1

Notational

Systems 2: Distinctive

Features 24 27

22 23

2.2 2.3 2.4

Binary distinctive feature theories 2.1.1 The Jakobsonian feature system 2.1.2 The SPE system The binary hypothesis 1 Non-binary distinctive feature theories Naturalness and recurrence systems 2.4.1 Markedness theory in distinctive I1

30 35 feature 40 43

Chapter 33.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5

Notational

Systems 3: Other Models

51 51 59 63 73 81

Natural

phonology

Prosodic analysis Autosegmental phonology The hierarchical Metrical model phonology

Chapter 44.1 4.2 4.3

Notational

Systems 4: The Dependency Model

89

Dependency between segments Dependency within the segment Vowel components 4.3.1 Processes involving vowels 109

89 95 100

Chapter 5-

The Structure

of the Segment

116 117

5.1 Arguments for more componentiality 5.1.1 Phonetic evidence for componen125 tiality 5.2 Phonological gestures . 127 5.2.1 Articulation vs. phonation 131 5.2.2 Phonation vs. initiation 5.2.3 The representation of the segment 134
Chapter 6The Categorial Gesture
144 150 151 151 gesture 154 162

127

136 136

6.1

6.2

6.3 6.4

Trills, taps, flaps, etc. The categorial representations Natural classes Lateral consonants in the categorial Phonological complexity 6.2.1 ' The Jakobsonlan universals 6.2.2 Markedness in the categorial gesture in the 'categorial Hierarchies gesture 1.1 . 6.1.2 6.1.3 6.1.4 Lenition processes 6.4.1 Weakening by gesture 6.4.2 Excursus: the nature change of lenition

IVI and ICI

154

163 169
175 176

Chapter 77.1

The Structure

of Sequences 182 .184

181
182

Syllabification and syllabicity 7.1.1 Syllabification Syllabicity 7.1.2 Syllable structure Strength hierarchies and syllable 7.2.1 structure feature hierarchies Distinctive 7.2.2 and syllable structure Dependency phonol.ogy and 7.2.3 syllable structure Constituents within the syllable 7.2.4

7.2

185
185 187 193 197

7.3 7.4

Stress within the word Unit vs. cluster in phonological represe 7.4.1 Diphthongs and long vowels 7.4.2 Monosegmental and bisegmental analyses of consonant-ýsequences 7.4.3 Prenasalised consonants 7.4.4 Affricates Freaspiration 7.4.5 7.4.6 sp, st, sk clusters The Articulatory Gesture

200 ntations 203 210 215 227 235 247 203

Chapter 8-8.1

258 258 261 264 264 265 268 269 271 272 276 282 283 285 287 288 299 305 308

Vowels: the basic vocalic components lil and Jul 8.1.1 8.1.2 Back unround vowels lal 8.1.3 Central vowels 8.2.1 More on back unround vowels Phonetic representations 8.3.1 Some commonvowel systems Long vowels and diphthongs feature systems Place of articulation: Gravity, linguality, and apicality 8.6.1 Gravity 8.6.2 Linguality 8.6.3 Apicality The dependency representation of place

8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6

8.7 8.8

Secondary and double articulation 8.9 Laterals and nasals 1 8.10 Place of articulation: some conclusions,

Chapter 99.1 9.2 9.3

The Initiatory

Gesture 317

309 310 318

Glottal stricture Glottal stops 9.1.1 Voiceless sonorants involving 101 Phonetic representations Devoiced obstruents 9.3.1 9.3.2 Whispered segments Aspiration Airstream mechanisms

320 322 324 326 337

9.4 9.5

9.5.1 9.5.2 9.5.3 9.5.4 9.6

Pulmonic airstream mechanisms Glottalic airstream mechanisms Velaric airstream mechanisms <kp> sounds holding between the Some generalisations

339 339 348 350 gestures 351

Chapter 10 -

The Phonological Mutations

Representation

of the Welsh

352

Chapter 11 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4

The Phonology of the Diminutive in Dutch
feature interpretations

369
369 385 393

The data, and distinctive A dependency interpretation The <ie, uu, oe> problem Canonical configurations

in Dutch

398

References

405

Chapter 1

Notational Systems 1: Introduction

I shall be concerned with developing a theory the theory of dependency phonology. To of phonological structure, have appeared in which the theory has been date, various publications introduced, and to some extent developed, viz. Anderson and Jones a, forthcoming b), but as yet there has been no attempt to develop a fully worked out theory of phonological structure within the dependis It the aim of this thesis to show how this might be model. ency done; i. e. to indicate how a fully developed model of dependency phonology might replace other systems of phonological notation in use, notably-distinctive feature systems such as that of currently The Sound Pattern of English (Chomsky and Halle 1968; henceforth SPE). (1974a, 1977), Anderson (1980), Ewen (1977,1978, forthcoming

In what follows,

The discussion falls into various parts. In the remainder of this introduction, I examine the requirements of a theory of phonofor which such a theory logical notation, i. e. the kinds of phenomena . Thereafter, be to account. various other proposed notaable should tional systems are examined, and the deficiencies of these are disdependency, 4, basic the the theory In tenets of of chapter cussed. Anderson by Jones are examined, and the model and proposed phonology Finally, I consider in depth is further developed in chapters 5 -9. two 'phonological problems' - i. e. areas of the phonologies of particular languages which present problems relevant to notational systems, and consider how they may be tackled within the notational
system established In general, the rules in the preceding chapters.

however, I will not be concerned with specifying language. Rather, as the aim is to work of any particular

the segment is considered to have some degree of internal structure. the segment is treated as an indivisible entity. 1. hesitate. in principle. to consider data from other languages. exemplification for phonological analysis. theories of phonological notation may differ from each other in being either 'componential' or 'non-componential'. etc. where appropriate. I will not whose phonologies I happen to be most familiar. represented by a single unanalysable symbol such as /i/. Ifl. we may illustrate perhaps the most common (1. Theories in which the segment is considered to have some internal structure may have various forms. /w/. /4/.1): found in in that sPE. In componential theories. and as many of the following chapters are concerned with such variations. universally will be drawn in the main from familiar adequate. before going on to consider various systems of phonological notation. dialects It will perhaps be useful.2.both from the modern languages and their out a system of representation languages these the are and from their histories as with However. which is. with use. while in non-componential theories this is not the case. I shall not anticipate the discussion here. to examine what is understood here by terms such as 'phonological structure' and 'phonological notation'. In the latter.1 Phonological structure the - We may distinguish structure two aspects of phonological structure of segments. As far as the structure of segments is concerned. system currently . and the structure of sequences. Much of the data will areas of difficulty be from English and Dutch . However.

the segment is considered to consist of an (cf.3. for example. g. [+syllabic. might. /f/ would share the feature/e/. in sequences.1) -syl -sonorant +consonantal -continuant release -delayed -strident -nasal -lateral -anterior -coronal +high -low +back -round +tense -voice labic Eng. without system (for (1. (1. a representation in which the segments are presented in linear is in Notational structure sequential systems which sequence only. Sommerstein 1977: Each 94). involve the assignment of seg(1. individual features A the need not concern of us at present. again. ments [rron[d ]a I[ rin I 3 23 121 . among others). -low]. in the sPE system /k/. e. /o/. nature is which system componential allows us to show that parnotational ticular sets of segments have certain phonological properties in common(e.3): in to as syllables. [-voice]. of ordered pairs pair set unordered The exact and the feature-name. /1/. represented English the word or segmental sequential structure. of a value ('+' or '-'). may or may not be The notion of structure In in a notational of systems phonological notation. /0/ the while would share values value consists -high. /k/ In the sPE system.2) RP in be the an given representation <mandarin> might pronunciation): /mmndarin/ i. invokeds however.

what degree of phonological in segments and sequences is appropriate.4): in as categories'.19769 1977). and. Z**=super-foot. assigned somekind of hierarchical structure.1975. the of remainder of these points will be discussed in the second forms the bulk of the 1.see also Anderson (1973. syllable bracketing is based on the syllable where the particular overlap theory of Anderson and Jones (1974a. or additionally.1977). chapter 6. There are thus two issues. firstly.4) and their discussion of the motivation for structures internal organisation. phonological sequencesmay be Thus. 1977) .5 to a and w denote respectively and 'weak'. cr mn a W \a dl Z= foot. l is important .4. Durand (1976). secondly. and s 'strong' I return in §3.2 Notational It models vs. structure for is the the representation appropriate most notation of the what desired The first structures? the following sections. Alternatively. and for further discussion. w= prosodic word. lphonolugical theories' the kinds of considerations to distinguish outlined in the previous section from the question of the kind of 'phonological theory' which may be appropriate for phonologica. sequencesof segments are considered to constitute various 'prosodic (1. while thesis. where a =syllable. Jones (1973. within the version of 'metrical phonology' proposed by Selkirk (ms). like (1. where I also consider in more detail the theory of sequential structure in dependency phonology. for example. what is relevant here is the postulation of hierarchical structures associated with sequences.

such as those to be disbased on the distinctive 4. it has been assumedthat acceptance or rejection of the one necessarily implies acceptance or rejection of the-other. a notational system in which segments having as no internal structure is used in the prerepresented are for derivations ofs example. vdal [ho. 3 in and chapters cussed . e. Partly. analysis. of particular surface forms sentation (albeit as a non'systematic abbreviation for distinctive feature Consider.the theory of generative phonology. phonological rules.. fdal [ho. the here). it is clearly not the case that the two aspects are interdependent. in most works on generative phonology. as a result of the fact that the feature system proposed in sPE has also been adopted as the standard system of phonological notation.to be in someway the system of distinctive inseparable. fd] [ho. for example. ft] [ho. vdal and the rules proposed by van Bakel are not Thus. notational (where the derivations in terms of various other componential systemss whether characterised feature or not. the theory of generative phonology. i. Howevers they be more might also system. no doubt. However. ft] [ho. being expressed in terms of distinctive Indeed. The t6ory of generative phonology.5) grondvormen: regel regel regel (68) (64) (85) [ho. levels. fdal [ho. there has been a tendency to consider these two aspects . developed in sPE and elsewhere. In the past decade or so. is pot dependent on systematic features. and features found in sPE . processes of generative phonology might relevant be represented in terms of a pon-componential (at least informally) importantly. f] [ho. has been seen as the 'standard' phonological theory. with completely its various concepts such as underlying forms. and phonetic phonemic etc.5. the derivations of the specifications)* forms and plural of the Dutch word <hoofd>-Ihead' in certain singular dialectal realisations (van Bakel 1976:71): (1.

The argument.6) gj ___ {'} (1. as (1. However..8) appears more and respectively.6) is.17) are rewritten in terms of distinct(1. if .7) q4I/ _____ ___ {} (1. [ais] (RP) Eng. as <ice> surface whether be derived from an underlying abstract form such as /i: s/ is in printhese to independent the system used represent notational of ciple phonological (or phonetic) claims.7) is (1. more and simple. Hooper Vennemann (see. In addition. be misleading to deny that notational systems and phonological theories interact with each other in fairly intricate ways.a fairly common phonological is the affairs: of state this appropriate process. argues generative pressed feat. or that the choice-of a particular notational system development For the theories. for Hooper Vennemann example. rule 'simpler': (1. associated with 1972.9) (1.ures (1. (1.8) (1. Trubetzkoy (1939) and Jakobson (1941). : it is possible to envisage the use of various types of phonological other with systems notational componential theories. certain of phonological preclude might example. the choice of a non-componential system would preclude.9). generalisations exrender at (1980: 49-50) Thus.8) (1.9) inconceivable" "quite a and rule" '. It would. many of the. less highly in that than the to valued grammar). highly than hence as represents valued. with in a theory of phonology without distinctive 'evaluation (which 'cost' the the to of a measure' measures respect (1. and in which the very abstract underlying forms found in sPE are rejected. for example. Similarly. i ve features. that Kean by phonology.6) and (1.6. such as the Prague School theory of. 1976). the validity of the more recent theory of natural generative phonology.7). form the to should of then. is also independent of the notational system employed. however. or less least perspicuous.

seems to be too strong a nor notational it be At can claimed that the evaluation measure "makes most claim.. Chomsky between the the to be of each abrelationship capture able claim. it is not impossino sense" in a non-componential notational feable to conceive of a notational system not using the distinctive ture in which componentiality could be retained and the notion of the incorporated.7.that is. The Vowel shift processes (reflexes of the-operation of the and Halle Great Vowel Shift in the history of English) must. s/ to (aisl in such a way as to characterise 'vowel the processes shift' processes related of set. however. the details of the-particular leads Kean "in This to that here).10) in form being in its froms as surface corresponding and stract some sense the same: . again. (1. +high -con s -back [ +cons +low +sy I -cons +son -back +high -low +cont -stvc [+]at +son [ son +cont +lab features used are not (where. conclude generative relevant devices feathe the set of and notational classificatory phonology tures are central to the evaluation measure . -back +cor +DR +stri ý+hlghj +cons 4. This. the measure in has features theory a of phonology which sense no neither makes devices". measure evaluation Similarlys form /iis/ an underlying while the motivations for postulating in English may not-be directly related to the issue of it is nevertheless true that the use of a non-componential notations from formulate it difficult to the change very system would make the process as an /j. system. a of example in the Chomsky and Halle generative model.

. characterised cessfully Nevertheless.10) the to be stated "in a very relationships of allows system (1.8.11) (from (sPE: 53). -s/) -)--['Fys] (= [eisl)). -S/ Amxk/ /kwe. processes available specifically. be by that have theory to expressed any we which regularities types of phonological there are certain well-attested for inspection. and of of which recur in be kind used evaluating a system of this must which evidence of is can accept that notation. changes its value for the feature and part (b) that a ['-high. that there theory. abstract surface (RP) /i. while the SPE notational eralisation (1. [low].10) about the synchronic phonology of English can only be sucby a notational system such as that of SPE. I believe that the arguments which must be developed in defence of a particular notational system should not rest on its for the expression of the concepts of a particular appropriateness I Rather. (/-iys/ (= /i. are phonologicalassume phonological is. -n/ [ais] [teik] [kwi. rather than evidence from the constructs of a particular. (a). part undergoes ((gys] -* [Fys] ( =Cazsl)) . ) Chomsky and The generative phonologist would argue that the claims embodied in (1.note that the symbols which Halle use are not those traditionally used to transcribe of the rule <ice> first (b) then part RP. -nl <ice> <take> <queen> It would be difficult to envisage any way of stating this genin a non-componential framework. The two parts +tense] vowel changes its value for the feature thus the vowel of are conjunctively ordered. are which pI rocesses languages it histories the that in the world. sPE: 187): as simple way" (-ahighl +tense v [-alowl j (Part (a) ahigh low slow high (a) (b) that a tense vowel whi-ch-is [-low] of the rule'states [high].

the segments and a of e. together with the necessary adaptation of the notational be seen. would not be an example of such a process.10). description of English . these more processes phonological natural e. I shall . and generally accepted. in that there is no general acceptance of the view that they form part of the synchronic phonology of English. acter of its what is it that a notational system should be able to characterise? of any particular rejection assume that any notational phonological theory. s does not imply that the theory of In generative phonology must also be considered to be inadequate. in the of phonologies natural and occur sequences which It will 'natural' for. or whatever. In the chapters which follow. of course. in detail i. Wolfe 1972). Lass 1976:ch. then. system should be adequate to characterise any well moti vated. suggest are cases where adopting etc. however. that my main concern is with a model of i. phonological analysis. natural an analysis whether In phonemic theory. not of phonological theories.10) in be in apparent not relevant a historical would relationships theory. Rather. then. the 'simple' set of (1. with the adequacy of notational feature system does Although we shall see that the sPE distinctive model outlined in not appear to meet the requirements of a notational thi. to deny the existence of recurrent vowel shift processes in the histories of languages. (This is not.see. for discussion. classical develI in this that theories view. I shall not commit myself either to the acceptance or to the the remainder of this chapter. the phonological representation of adequacy with investigate I this the In of chapter. representation structure phonological languages. generalisations. and which existing notational systems are unable to is the to the theories onus on show proponents of such represent. charremains what processes. 2. 'naturalness' to publicly accepted notions of phonological and similar concepts.9. I shall be concerned only systems.. fact. that there is indeed motivation for the adoption of such a new theory. which do not conform oped which contain rules. system. then. The relationships in (1. generative phonology. be in it terms of generative phonology.

certain classes of segments tend to recur . I assume that. e.10. . in setting.to a greater extent than other classes of segments. uage does. a notational of segments which recur in rules from the classes of segments which do not. and which may be the relics of phonolophonologically In stage of the language. i. form a natural recurrent class not which segments with a set of properties have in the In segments which common. of a notational system there is agreement among phonologists as to what a It is assumed that in notational system has to be able to represent. of particular to say. function in the environments of phonological rules. for often referred to in the. associated with a natural class there is some phonetic propdisto (or serves combination of properties). 1. literature 1975a:139-142).their idiosyncratic of the notational the notational system is not required to offer behaviour means that a 'natural' charac- terisation. It is further accepted by most phonologists that the recurrence That is classes has some kind of phonetic motivation. certain classes of segments repeatedly undergo change. to be able to distinguish the classes system. we do not have been referred to as 'crazy rules' take to account of what need (Bach and Harms 1972). One of the functions of is then.3 The requirements In general. segments of the classes possible of .i. phonetic of any set (phonetically) then. etc. phonological processes in languages. and it is the contention of most phonexample. idiosyncratic rules which appear to beunmotivated. which a perhaps erty tinguish the class from any other given set of segments in the langit hand. Hyman (as defined by the particular that only classes natural ologists notational system being used) should recur in the specifications of the processes in the phonology of any language. e. Such recurrent classes are as 'natural classes' (see. they fall outside the scope system . gically natural processes at an earlier that such rules do not recur in languages. is On the to in other possible associate not question. up a notational system. are classes not random sets natural other words9 in languages.

then. in by the the in terms quessegments of property shared represented indivislisted involved. should correspond in some sense with the There defining the are. secondly. to the natural recurrence Foley (1977). The assumption that a notational system should meet these two require(1980: 165) the Anderson by is formulated as natural r ments (1.3) of (5. (their data following the They present We can illustrate this . would not.12) natural recurrence assumption: (a) phonological classes are not random (b) phonological classes and the relations. natural phonetic properties firstly. ible (1975: Anderson by Lass treatment for the and Consider. ing more thýn one segment from recent works on phonology. i. basis the to of the natural classes. between them have a phonetic basis Although most phonologists would agree that assumption are interrelated. phonetic represent and. of a notational system seems reasonable phonetic that it should reflect this basis. in the first isgues the separately. then. (1. as simply are not tion.32)):.4' Recurrence In the expression 'rules' (within componential of phonological is by the a rule class of segments affected systems of notation). notably instance. For tho'se phonologists who accept that natural classes have a demand it to basis.ii. classes. that the elements of the system. the segments any rule affectwith virtually entities.12): as given assumption. to repmeet two demands must system our notational which resent appropriately the recurrent nature of phonological classes. 1. e. the two parts of some. example. and I propose. in English Old distribution the of voice §5. examine. whatever they may be. (OE) fricatives.

X and Y) That is. form.14) to account for the voicing of the fricatives (1. a systematically recurrent class. and similarly that the set'of vowels and sonorant consonants in OE (i. e. / [-obs] [-obs] - (i. and write a rule nary (1.15): reproduced as (1. sG] are not random.15) [ +obs +cont] [+voice] ->.13): as (1.14) fV S "+. conventions of bicharacterise feature Lass Anderson distinctive phonology. Ef. rather. then. and it is the job of the notational system to be able to Within this the notational property. Z /("____ Y e (where X and Y would be lists of all the possible vowels and sonorant consonants between which fricatives can occur in OQ. a continuant obstruent (fricative) is voiced between two non- . 61) form a class that is recurrent. in this case the class Recurrent classes. of property. e. obscures the fact that the segments [f.12o voiceless fr-eo 'free' healf offrian aefter 'half' 'offer' 'after' ofer 'over' Voiced smitan 'smite' mus 'mouse' assa lass' mmst 'mast' p5Dh 'thigh' Fp loath' moppe 'moth' brUpor 'brother' r-isan 'rise' It would be possible to write a 'non-componential' rule such in (1. Such a foris it argued. but is also a recurrent class. share some kind of 'voiceless fricatives'. s e] mulationg (or indeed [vt z.

and which enable generalisations to be made about (sonorants)). the surface form of the suffix may be [Jel. or [kjal. (1. In Dutch. [kjal. [pjal. In partic[tjal. but also on other information. Etial. then. raam boom duim diminutive in 'window' 'tree' 'thumb' [pjal zalm. depends not only on the last segment of the word the others. a recurrent class is characterised within.13.ptjel.16): a.. as in (1. such a 'components' by a of which are unique (as a set notational system obstruents set) to that class. on hand. and. or [. the behaviour of the diminutive suffix in Modern Dutch (for'a detailed discussion of this phenomenon.14).see chapter 11). [atjal. Considers for example.15). [pja]. 'Natural classes' may also be formed by sequences of segments. on one choice ular. to which the diminutive suffix is to be added. Thus. is meant to characterise uniquely (as far as the OE system is concerned) the state of affairs in (1. the the of. The choice amongst at least someof these forms is predictable from the phonological environment. it. helm worm diminutive urn ta rn horn diminutive pan pen spin diminutive 'salmon' 'helmet' 'worm' in [pjal 'urn' 'rip' 'horn' in [tjal 'pan' 'pen' 'spider' in [atjaj i maan boon tuin diminutive kam stem gum 'diminutive gang ring kreng diminutive 'moon' 'bean' 'garden' in [tja] 'comb' 'voice' 'eraser' in [atjal 'corridor' 'ring' 'bitch' in [atjal .

both Ckjal Catjal after-the sequence <ing> (e. C.16c). phonologically (see again chapter 11). boezem bodem bezem diminutive oven tentamen ]even diminutive kwelling paling koning diminutive 'bosom' 'bottom' 'broom. and If we accept that the form of the suffix is. segment and in terms of sequences of segments. generally in the environment of . g.both in terms of the. however. then it is clear that whole predictable sequences of segments may be said to form a class -a class which should be represented in the notational system. bizum' in-[pjal 'oven' 'test' 'life' in Etjal 'torment' 'eel' 'king' in Ekie I diagramkolom tum-tum diminutive wagon koningin boerin diminutive oefening vergadering herinnering diminutive in 'diagram' 'column' 'a kind of sweet' in [atjol 'wagon' 'queen' 'farmer's in [atjal 'exercise' 'meeting' 'memory' [atja] wife' In (1.5 I Natural processes Associated with the notions of naturalness and recurrence is the'notion of 'natural process'. as we might exin those which one natural class of segments changes into are pect. for example. We find. <koninkje> and <ringetje>).14. In (1.16a) and (b) we see that the choice of the suffix depends not only on the last segment for example. It will notational recurrent be one of the arguments of the following chapters that systems proposed to date fail to account adequately for groupings . 1.-a further complication is introduced. both [tjal and [atja] but also on the character of the segoccur immediately after /n/ ment immediately preceding the last segment. indeed. Natural processes. another natural class_of segments.

a (Lass and Anderson argue that. FurThus. in the This gives the environment of [i] or [j] in the following syllable. ) They formulate the following rule to characterise the proconsider only short vowels affected by icess (for-simplicity. knownsound change of OE i-umlaut involves the fronting of back ' vowels. several rule questions about pose should. as defined within in that it process (spe- .18). d5man efstan hiflan known' dat. following Further. natural processes are recurrent. not of [a]. kind involve to some of phonetic assimilation appears height backness or assimilation of a vowel to a vowel or cifically. dUm 'judgement': ofost hNI 'haste': 'whole': ae mann 'man': faran 'go' menn 'men' : farst I id. (1. classes. in the therefore. following set of alternations in OE (Lass and Anderson 1975:117): Alternation u7 uy a0 (u) (e) cIrp burg 'known': 'city': Example c7pan byrig 'make I id. Eel in <menn> is the I shall notIpursue this matter umlaut of a derived [a]. which themselves form natural classes. synchronically. other sets of segments. First of all. 2 sing. hence both parts of We the natural recurrence assumption are evidenced by the process. the output. and the raising of low front vowels to mid vowels. the syllable). 'judge' 'hasten' 'heal' sing. processes similar to semi-vowel-in OE i-umlaut recur in many languages of the world. natural do-the input. here. pres.15. for example. are the various sets of segments involved shown by the notation and the environment all to be natural classes? constitute That is. the wellther. -I umlaut): -cons [+back] back low [-low] [-back] CO +high [-back We may assume that OE i-umlaut is a natural process.

He the particular system in question? -Secondly. which becomes a front volves assimilation sub-parts rounded vowel under the influence of the front vowel or semi-vowel in However. the notational process is also natural. less natural) of [y] is more marked than either [i] or Specifically. and see chapter a ch. does the notational lationships between the input. is it notationally to have what appear to be two sub-parts in the input and output of the rule. for discussion. into This situation arises as a result of the introduction feature system of the noti on Chomsky and Halle's binary distinctive Some (I. we have seen that i-umlaut is a natural process. does the notational the unitary nature of system adequately reflect If i-umlaut is a'single process (as has the process of OE i-umlaut? been assumed within historical traditionally work). and the environment in such a way as to bring out the naturalness of the process? Thirdly. in that it inof a back rounded vowel. of the rule gives [y] as the mutated form of [u] -a process which appears to be natural 1n phonetic terms. does the notational In other system show that a natural process is involved? notational system allow the expression of the rewords. although the process itself the following syllable. the output. sounds are more e. For One of the example.18)? appropriate It is clear that the notions of natural class and natural proNevertheless. as in (1. or is there something commonto the two sub-parts that is not captured by (1. than others. see ýean 1980. a failure to distinguish the cess are interrelated. sPE: below). Chomsky and Halle assume that changes in languages will tend to change more marked segments into less marked segments. 'marked' Imarkedness'. the and whose markedness value rule mentioned which are not . 2 fuller 9.18). and characterise this by means of a linking principle whereby the output seg- for features is the unmarked value any assigned a process of ment in itself. is natsystem of sPE cannot show that the output of the ural. two adequately may lead to problems for the notational system. [u]s on the basis that front rounded vowels occur less frequently in languages than either of the other series (for exposition.

in that for front vowels the value [-round] is the unmarkedvalue. An examination of Lass and Anderson's treatment of OE Breaking illustrates a typical approach to this problem. then.17* dependson the values of features which are mentioned in the rule. predict [i] to be the expected output. The sPE notathe output. the markednessmetric then fails in the case of OE i-umlaut. The failure 1. parameter. [u]. recurrent some of phonetic correlate. tional system fails to show that the output of i-umlaut is the ex(i. is the Output e.15) (Cobs]. shall return in greater detail to someof the problems associated with markednesstheory in chapter 2. outlined. [cont]. the features of (1. that. in fact. phonetic [voice]) thus. see (1975: Anderson 9$ Lass App.6 The phonetic Generally basis with the belief that the elements of the associated system should allow the expression of recurrent classes as notational these elements classes is the belief-that opposed to non-recurrent kind have i. The sPE markedness theory would. is more marked than the input. (3-1)): (their examples Lass and Anderson give the following . Eyl. and ='any consonant') nant groups (Lass and Anderson 1975: 74). even though the output pected itself is apparently more complex than the input. e. while [+round] is marked. and sPE:ch. Breaking is traditionally of a vowel before the consosaid to be the diphthongisation [r] [x](C)II (where C "[11 +C +C. For a fuller discussion. to distinguish naturalness of process from naturalI ness of class. leads to problems of the type just. process natural). are associated (although disagreement be there properties may phonetic various with feature as to what the appropriate phonetic correlate for a particular may be). Kean (1980). should classes are recurrent just because they can be associated with some Nearly all phonologists appear to hold this view. IV). However.

18.
Broken Unbroken

wearp 'he threw' weorpan 'throw' miox lex crementl

bar

'he bore' 'bear' 'knowl I

beran witan.

The problem which arises concerns the nature and phonetic speof the environment for Breaking. Specifically, cifiability what is it about /[/, /r/, and /x/ that causes Breaking to take place? On the assumption that such a class should be natural, i. e. that it has which can distinguish it from other phonetic properties in common (natural or non-natural), the class of /1/, /r/, /x/ appears classes at first sight to be deviant, if /I/ is a voiced alveolar lateral, /r/ somekind of voiced alveolar trill or approximant, and /x/ a voiceless velar fricative.
The assumption that OE Breaking was', in fact, a natural process /r/ and /I/ in such a way that leads Lass and Anderson to interpret they do share unique (for OE) phonetic characteristics with /x/. they-,,consider OE /r/ to be a uvular continuant (fricaSpecifically, The detive or trill), and /I/ to be a velarised dental lateral. tails of the arguments in support of these particuTar phonetic realihere; however, what is important is that concern need not us sations the class of segments this allows Lass and Anderson to characterise (1.20): Breaking as causing

(1.20)

[+back] +cons +cont

I. e. as consonants without complete closure produced with raising of the back of the tongue. Thus OE Breaking can be interpreted as a least its is to the that at environment extent phenomenon, natural tnatural; i. e. phonetically based.

Although the details of the Lass and Anderson formulation of has just here, been Breaking OE are what relevant not of rule -the dI i'scussed represents a fairly typical approach to such problems on the part of phonologists accepting the point of view that recurrent .

19. important Another natural. strand in what are phonetically classes follows, then, will be concerned with the extent to which proposed turalness; notational systems are adequate in achieving the goal of na. ' that is, is the correspondence between the elements of a notational system and phonetic parameters optimal? For example, is the set of (1.20) in the most appropriate for the characterisation of elements the natural class of segments /r, I x/ (if they do, in fact, repreEts (orR ), j, x] respectively)? sent
Before going on to discuss these matýers in detail, we should systems should be phonotice again that the claim that notational In particular, Foley, natural is not accepted by everyone. netically has consistently in a series of publications, taken the view that the elements of a phonological system are merely elements of an abstract theoretical system, and as'such cannot be said to have any phonetic (see, for example, Foley 1970,1973,1977,1979). "It correlates should be stressed that it is. . the concept of establishing phonological elements independent of phonetic definition which is importOnly when phonology frees itself from phonetic reductionism ant. will it attain scientific status. " (1977: 52).

view is held by Fudge (1967), who holds that the basic phonological elements must be completely abstract, and that "although there may be individual cases where a phonetically-based A similar [the handles systematic phonemic] level adequately, there system The logical conclusion be others where such a system fails. that phonologists (above all, generative phonologists) ought to their phonetic boats and turn to a genuinely abstract framework. (1967: 26). will is burn "

in various places (Cohen 1971, Such -ýiews have been criticised Ohala 1974, Smith 1979; for some discussion, see Lass 1980:39ff). The criticisms centre around the fact that abstract phonological invariably Foley Fudge the theories in the are of and reaelements lised as phonetic events. Each abstract phonological element must be theory to and which refuses correlate, a phonetic some onto mapped kind have basis of phonetic some that elements phonological admit

20. only serves to. obscure -the way in which phonological systems operate. Rather than being a theory of language, such a theory is an abstract 'Manifested 'happen' be by phoneti.c elements. to system, whose elements

1.7

Phonological

complexity

A further aspect which we may expect to be reflected in our This notion system of notation is that of 'phonological complexity'. (1941). Jakobsdn He establishes the its to the of origin owes work laws', which are based on evidence existence of certain 'structural from various phonological areas - language acquisition, aphasia, and phonological systems. In language acquisition, phonological segments are acquired in a fixed order, such that the acquisition of a particular segment, say /X/, depends on the previous acquisition of various In various kinds of aphasia, in which other sounds, say /Y/ and /Z/. the phonological segments are progressively lost, the samepattern holds in reverse. Thus the loss of /Y/ and /Z/ in this example would loss the previous of IXI. Similarly, in the phonological presuppose systems of languages of the world, the presence (as a phonological segment) of /X/ is dependent on the presence of /Y/ and /Z/. Thus, Jakobson would argue that the same structural laws hold in all these areas - in this case, /Y/ and /Z/ are less complex sounds than /X/.
I assume that netic, the facts outlined above have some kind of phobasis (for some discussion see, for ex-

perhaps perceptual 1972, Lieberman 1976), Stevens and that as such, the propoample, than that phonologically others should simpler some soundsare sition in the notational be reflected system. I am not at this stage conjust details the of e. which segrelative complexity cerned with -A. degree but to the which a particand complex which simple are ments be complexity will reflects such relative a system ular notational factor which will be used throughout the following chapters in assessing its suitability.

21o 1.8 Non-componential systems
It seems that theories which are non-componential, i. e. those in which the segment is treated as an, indivisible entity la:cking any discussed above. internal structure, can meet none of the criteria They cannot show classes to be recurrent, and therefore cannot show and as all segments are repwhat they have in commonphonetically, resented by a single sYMbol'or label, no degrees of complexity can be distinguished.

In fact,. however, few proposals for non-componential systems have been made, although Bloomfield (1926), and other workers in the tradition of American phonemics, do treat the phoneme as a minimal unit. Later treatments, such as those of Hockett (1947,1950) also characterise the segment as being phonologically atomic, although at the phonetic level somedegree of internal structure is invoked.
I shall be concerned only with componential systemst and will assume that-non-componential systems unable to meet the criteria are in principle which we must demand of system. In other words, -I take it. that the componentiala notational chapters, then, it assumgtion (Anderson 1980: 166) is valid for any adequate system of representation: componentia lity assumption
of the internal structure of segments is

In the following

the representation

phonological such as to optimise the expression-of ships that are (a) recurrent and (b) natural 17 standard componential feature, whether binary tinctive In chapter 2,1 shall

relation-

discuss what can be looked upon as the systems in use today, systems based on the disor not.

Chapter 2
Notational Systems 2: Distinctive Features

As was noted. in chapter 1, the, most widely used componential system of phonological notation is based on the concept of the distinctive feature, and in (1.1) the feature specification of a partic[+cons], 'specified A feature' then, given. was such as segment ular "is an ordered pair consisting of a symbol representing a position on an axis followed by the nameof the axis" (Sommerstein 1977:94). In this case, '+' is the position on the axis (on which there are only two possible values, '+' and '-'; but see below), and theýaxis is [cons]. The position on the axis is generally referred to as the , It is generally accepted by disvalue of the particular feature. tinctive feature phonologists that the axis corresponds to somepho[consonantal], For feature the for example, Chomsky parameter. netic following (spE: definition 302): the Halle provide and Consonantal sounds are produced with a radical obstruction In the midsaggital region o*f the vocal tract; nonwithout such an obstruction. consonantal sounds .. A, segment is defined by an unordered set of these ordered pairs, and be less to the be according more or similar shown-to can segments in Further, have they feature-values common. natural which number of featurebe basis the of shared specified on can classes of segments distinctive (see Thus, feature-values §1.4). most values or sets of feature phohologists accept the notion that the phonological primitives - the features - should conform to the conditions of recurrence in i. they the discussed §91.4 accept e. natural -1.6; and-naturalness its in entirety. recurrence assumption However, although there is this measure of agreement as to what have there feature achieve, should system notational aýdistinctive

23. nevertheless been various proposals as to how this should be done, and we can distinguish various different schools of thought amongst distinctive feature phonologists. Perhaps the most important distinction is between 'binary' and 'non-binary' theories: in the former, each feature has only two values phonologically - generally '+1 and 11 - while in the latter, features may have more than two values. In §§2.1 -2.3 1 consider someof the binary and non-binary feature systems which have been proposed, while in 92.4 1 look at a partic'problem distinctive feature theory, and area' associated with ular at someof the attempts that have been made to resolve these problems.

2.1

Binary distinctive

feature

theories

The notion that segments should be characterised in terms of a
binary oppositions owes its origin to'Jakobson,. and the first of set fully worked out theory is to be found in Jakobson et al (1952) and Jakobson et ai 1952: 3), for example, Jakobson afid Halle (1956). state:
is obliged The listener between two poto choose either lar qualities of the same category, such as grave vs. acute, compact vs. diffuse, or between the presence and quality, absence of a certain such as voiced vs. unvoiced, vs. non-nasalized, nasalized sharpened vs. non-sharpened (plain). The choice between the two oppositions may be feature. termed distinctive

Thus, although there is phonetically "a continuous variation in the lips from the a close rounding to spreading", Jakobson et al of shape (1952: 9) claim that "no language possesses more than one minimal distinction based on the size of the lip orifice", and state that " the dichotomous scale is the pivotal principle of the Iinguistic structdre
The notion of binary opposition is carried over into the system to be found in SPE. Indeed, Chomsky and Halle claim, without attemptthat "the natural way of indicating their position, ing to justify is by item belongs to a category particular means an whether or not I shall consider some evidence below In doubt the however, this'claim. throw to meantime, on which appears of binary features" (spE: 297).

24o I shall examine someof the more important aspects of the Jakobsonian and sPE feature systems.
2.1.1 The Jakobsonian feature The feature

system

system of Jakobson et al (1952) represents a devel'phonological from the concept of properties' associated with opment the Prague School. Thus, for Jakobson, a feature such as [consonantthose phoall is a phonological property which serves to distinguish [+consonantal] from those which are are characterised as nemes which not. The features, however, are not themselves meant to provide a detailed phonetic specification of segments. This interpretation of the role of'the notational system allows Jakobson to propose that a (around 12- 15) of features is adequate to characterise small number the phonological oppositions of all the languages of the world. Beis he not concerned with specifying precise phonetic differences cause between sounds, such differences can be subsumed_under a single phoThus Jakobson et al (1952: 6) where appropriate. nological opposition, in place of articulation between the velar consider the difference /k/, the palatal nasal /p/, and the prepalatal Ifl stop constrictive , is supplein French "to be entirely redundant, for this difference All of these consonants autonomous distinctions. mentary to-other, are opposed to those produced in, the front part of the mouth as com" diffuse. Thus, French /p b/ and A d/ bear the same rela vs. pact tionship to A g/ as /f v/ and /s z/ do to /1 3/, and /m/ and /n/ to fl are simply (in traditional Ap terms) back consonants, as front, The difference in the to. other, consonants. place of opposed back the three is amongst consonants not a phonological articulation by feabe therefore the in French, and need represented not matter ture system., in which they will all be'characterised as*compact.

Similarly, a feature such as tense vs. lax (Jakobson et al 1952: 36) has various articulatory correlates: tense vowels are longer than (e. /sot/ /sqt/ Fr. lax g. vowels <saute> vs. <sotte>), corresponding distinction English for lax tense consonants corresponds the vs. while fortis vs. lenis. (e. g. /pII/ <Pill> vs. Ail/ to traditional <bill>).

25.
Phonologically, is the same as that between Eng. /p/ this does not seem to be the case. of the role of the notational system, for some spurious generalisations to be avoided. For example, in the Jakobsonian feature'system-open vowels are [compact], as are velar and palatal consonants, while close vowels in the front part of the mouth-are opposed and consonants articulated However, 'there-As no obvious phonological reato them as [diffuse]. son to assume thats for example, open vowels and body of the tongue as a class; i. e. this class of segconsonants should be specifiable recur in phonological processes. ments does not typically Such an interpretation however, makes it difficult the di f ference between Fr. /o/ and /b/, (= (o 1) 'and /o/ (= [0 ])

although phonetically

The Jakobsonian system, then, in that it reduces what are apto single phonoloparently different types of phonetic distinctions gical oppositions, offers, in a number of cases, a characterisation in which certain apparently non-natural classes may,be represented as having the samefeature-values. For example, the set of grave compact sounds would include /o. o/ and /x k/, a set of sounds which does be likely to a candidate for. a recurrent class. appear not
To some extent, this situation results from Jakobson's decithe to smallest possible set of features adequate for the create sion Partly, description of all phonological oppositions in all languages. The too,. it arises from the way in which the features are defined. (although articulatory are based on acoustic properties for the acoustic stimuli are also given), and while prerequisites /o, o/, on the one hand, and /x k/, on the other, may display the same kind of acoustic properties - i. e. in showing a spectrum in which "the lower side predominates" (i. e. [gravel), and in which the first definitions formant is close to the other formants latory correlates are quite different. to say that (i. e. [compact]) - the articuIn fact, it only makes sense properties to the extent that a

segments have certain comparison is being made with other segments which are otherwise simfront /a ilar, that vowels and compact compared are grave with o/ so

/x k/, and are grave compared with palatal vowels, close with compared

'gravity' and ' compactness' are not absolute properties. relational pharyngealisation) arisation. Jakobsonian the of system while at the same time incorpoversality (1966). many 'sub-phonemic' phenomena cannot be characterised. Ladefoged (1971). or historical changes in which the phonemic status of a segment and its relationship to other phonemesremains unaffected. as Chomsky and Halle (sPE). what we have here and phonetic levels. features is the Jakobsonian the and phonological retained. dimension. in the case that the value should for this feature is '+'. and Schane (1973a) all assume. articulawhile the particular In effect. mapping between the phonological features between the correspondence one-to-one necessary . any contrast tory realisation can also be specified.an. of aspect to the two that articulatory phenomena corresponding acoustic no claim (lowering of one or more formants) can be in feature of flattening is language in preserved. but should be able to phonol. It is this aspect-of the notational system of Jakobson et al of representing these non-natural which leads to the possibility classes. labialisation. whichever lvelis Thus the appropriate. important aspect of the Jakobsonian system. There have been proposals which have aimed to retain the uni. but are relative to segments otherwise similarly specified . a.26. and with -consonants That is. be one on retained while. the theory is inadequate as a notational system in that As it is only designed to characterise phonoit is just so limited. exrating [flat] Jakobsonian that the feature suggests phonological ample. logical oppositions. such as the different allophonic realisations of phonemes. as. it should be rewritten onto another dimension its (e. If we accept the notion that a notational system should be concerned with phonetic i. body compact compared non-tongue consonants. that the system should not only characterise specifiability ogical oppositions as Jakobson supposed. for Wilson the of phonetic notion specifiability.then a system such as Jakobson's must n6cessarily be inadequate. is. characterise sub-phonemic detail as well. The desire to have as few features as possible creates an insufficiently constrained notational system in this respect. without a involved. e. On the other hand. articulatory correlates of g.

. velarisation.. This means that many more features are recapabilities of his acoustic features. at least in principle.1.27. . rather. This fundamental theoretical between the two notaA consequence of other differences. feature may be realised by different articulatory means -by labialAs it is claimed that isation. from that of Jakobson. the single establish flat is feature plain adequate to characterise phonolovs. articulatory phenomena. on the grounds that these subsumed distinct were never to be found in phonological opposition in any one language. (spE: 299) Halle Chomsky Thus. partly because Chomsky and Halle distinguish items in fact function to the that can phenomena accept importantly. in the spectrum". we may cite again the much discussed case of the Jakobsonian feature flat vs. As an example. these different articulatory phenomena are never in phonological optically defined) there is no need to features to characterise each separately.2 The sps system The feature system proposed by Chomsky and Halle. the function of the notational is extended so that it should be able to account not only for phonofor the phonetic but also.. feature ity I tional is in any case required. Jakobson had quired. note of specification features together represent the phonetic that "the individual . or pharyngealisation. as. 2. . plain (Jakobson et al 1952: 31). a feature may have any number of values at the phonetic level. acoustic [t] Etl "the two phonetic signs and used for rounded and gically pharyngealized consonants" as opposed to consonants without such sec(Jakobson 1952: In 31). The (acous"manifests itself by a downof flattening However. because but phonetic specificiabilmore phonologically. this ward shift of a set of formants . and segments. articulations et al ondary articulatory however. these three different phenomena must be given position this since). of man". different characterisations. difference (although has been disputed feature models leads to certain the need to give the features a phonetic as well as a phonological iu*nction is that they may. differs -rived Firstly. system of sPE as noted above.. Thus. no longer be binary. although dein some important respects. in the definition logical oppositions. the sPE model. at the phonetic level.

28. depending on the degree to which the phonetic property characterised by that feature is present. Chomsky and Halle do not, in fact, discuss precisely how-this is to be done, i. e. the phonological representations are to be mappedonto the phonetic representations, but we mayassumethat, phonetically, the feature [nasal] might have n values as in (2.1): COnasal] P nasal] [2 nasal] E3 nasal]
[n nasal I where [0 nasal] would mean that the nasal mechanism (i. e. lowering of the velum) is not used, while any other value implies that the velum is lowered, thus allowing air to escape through the nose; as the value increases, so the degree of lowering of the velum becomes greater, and #e amount of air escaping through the nose increases. At the phonological level, however, as noted above, Chomsky and Halle maintain the Jakobsonian binary hypothesis. features all -Thus have either '+' or '-' as phonological values, and no other values are possible. A further way in which the spE features differ from those of

While Jakobson's feaJakobson is in the basis of the definitions. tures are defined in terms of acoustic parameters, the sPE features basis. Thus features with the same namemay be have an articulatory in the two frameworks. For example, Jakobdefined quite differently (1952: 36) define feature lax follows: the tense as son et al vs.
to the lax phonemes the correspondIn contradistinction ing ten-se phonemes display a longer sound interval and a larger energy.

In, Chomskyand Halle's

definition

(spE: 324), however:

Tense sounds are produced with a deliberate, accurate, distinct nontense sounds are produced gesture; maximally , "":'"''rapidly indistinctly. and somewhat then, are defined articulatorily, All the sps features, even features

[sonorant], such-'as

whose-acoustic

properties

- greater

e'nergy (see

29. Ladefoged 1971:93) - seemmore appropriate than the somewhatcumberand Halle (spE: 302): somearticulatory definition given by Chomsky Sonorants are sounds produced with a vocal tract cavity, configuration in which spontaneous voicing is possible; obstruents are produced with a cavity configuration that makesspontaneous voicing impossible. indeed, contains a notion which has been attacked as This definition, having no experimental phonetic justification the notion of different cavity configurations determining whether spontaneous voicing is (see Ladefoged 1971:109-110 for discussion). possible However, for many features, it seems reasonable to say that the terms of Jakobson's sPE system is merely a reworking in articulatory features. That is, although a particular feature in sPE may have a different nameand definition as comparedwith the corresponding feature in the Jakobsonian framework, it is nevertheless the case that the sets of segments defined by equivalent feature-values in the two systems are the same. The two systems in such cases make the same claims about natural class membership- i. e. they agree that a partiis of segments recurrent and natural - but the phonetic set cular correlates associated with this natural recurrent class are different in the two models. Consider, for example, the case of labial and velar consonants. In both models, the set of labials and velars is forming as a natural recurrent class. Jakobson uses characterised the feature grave vs. non-grave to define the class of labials and and Halle introduce the velars as opposed to alveolars, while Chomsky feature [coronall (spE: 304): Corona] sounds are produced with the blade of the tongue its from neutral position; noncoronal sounds are raised blade in the neutral the the tongue of with produced position. Thus labials and velars, which do not involve raising of the tongue, for to alveolars, as a natural as opposed class are characterised (Notice in do. too, that the sPE model palatals, are which example, labials form the hence and velars, a class with can non-coronal, and in Jakobsonian have treatment, thus the and they non-grave are while, ) Using feature the the sPE for this alveolars. as the same value for lenition following the (1971: 22) the Lass rule gives of system,

30. labials and velars in OE:
(2.2) [avoice] +obs -cor [acontl

The effect of the different features in the two frameworks is the same (as far as the treatment of labials and velars is concerned), although in one case the class is characterised by the positive value for the feature [gravel, and in the other by-the negative value for the feature [coronall. In what imediately follows, I shall be concerned with what the

Jakobsonian and spz features have in common, rather than with the i. e. with the notion that all features ways in which they differ; binary, and with the way in which such bishould be phonologically nary features serve to define natural classes as opposed to non-natural classes of segments.

2.2

The binary

hypothesis

Although the idea that all features are binary, at least at the level, is central to both the Jakobsonian and Chomskian phonological feature systems, it has'nevertheless come under attack from many for The is binary hypothesis the motivation adopting sumquarters. (1954: 339): Halle by marised Reduced to Its simplest terms, Jakobson's fundamental description the that was most satisfactory of a argument language would be obtained by using as many dimensions (features) as necessary, but decreasing the accuracy of i. decisions the number e., of significant measurement, dimenbe have to to made regard each with which would disdichotomous The the scale, which underlies sion. features, has minimal accuracy of measurement: tinctive it is, in this sense that It is the simplest possible. the The arguments of the Jakobsonian school, then, involve crucially in to turn to this the correspond appears and simplicity, of notion most efficient ing-s"'(Halle "auditory 1954: 340). transmission of information among human be-

31. However, such an approach begs the question of whether each dimensionor feature should on phonological grounds, rather than on grounds of 'efficiency of transmission', only have two values. In other words, is the dichotomous scale phonologically appropriate in all cases, as well as being appropriate on the grounds outlined above, as Jakobson would claim it is? Fant (1967: 361), indeed, appears to concede that the binary hypothesis is a concept whose justification is non-phonological:
If properly to binary applied, categorization according need not come in conflict with the physical principles It is a matter of coding convenience only. reality.

then, the binary hypothesis is merely a matter of coding convenience, it can be attacked if there exist scales which are not dichotVMOUS, i. e. those on which there are more than two phonological If, values. If the binary it formalism obscures the phonological such a scale, description. must be seen as unsatisfactory status of as a model for its

one area in particular has traditionally been used to illustrate this point, i. e. to argue against the belief that all features binary be at the phonological level - the area of vowel height should has been claimed that the relationship between, front the of vowels in a phonological system such as (2.3) say, each in languages. It

is scalar:
(2.3) 1u e0
m (I

For the proponents of such a theory, there is a single scalar dimension of vowel height, which in the case of (2.3) would have three values.
Before going on to discuss the advantages and disadvantages of of the dimension binary and scalar features for the characterisation that the height, concept of phonological notice should we vowel of familiar before binary dethe the than was simple other oppositions

32.

(1939: features. Trubetzkoy 74ff)' had Jakobsonian the velopment of distinguished three different kinds of phonological opposition - privative, equipollent, and gradual. The first two are both v4rieties of binary oppositions - privative oppositions being those in which of the opposition carries a phonological mark which the one member other lacks, and equipollent oppositions being those in which both lacks,. i. have the the other opposition a property which e. of members (1939: 75). Gradual opposilogically "both members equivalent" are have dein the the terms those opposition various of which are -tions grees of the sameproperty. It has been argued by many phonologists that vowel height is, in fact, a single dimension forming a gradual opposition of the type described by Trubetzkoy (see, for example, Ladefoged 1971,1975, Contreras 1969, McCawley1973, Lass 1976, Sommerstein 1977, Lindau 1975,1978). Phonologists holding this view believe that the relationship between /i/ and /e/ in (2.3) is of-the same type as the /e/ between /a/ in and other words, that each vowel relationship represents a point on a single dimension. They notice that a change such as the English Great Vowel Shift (GVS) involves the raising both of Imil to /ez/ and of-/e: / to /1: /, and that these appear to be kind distincthe in. binary of same of change, while manifestations tive feature notation they cannot be shown to involve the samechange, (synchrofrom'"the Chomsky Halle the be treatment and of seen as can
nic) vowel shift process in English.

As we saw in §1.2, Chomsky and Halle use two binary features the dimension of vowel height. (high] and [low] to characterise [+high] vowels are produced "by raising the body of the tongue above [+l in the it level that and owl vowels neutral position", occupies the , "by loweriný the body of the tongue below the level that it occupies (SPE:304-305). This feature assignment gives i6, the neutral position" the following
(2.4) [+high, [-high, J,I [-high,

values for
-IOWI -lowl +low]-,

the system in (2.3):
Iu 90 m

33.

(while the conjunction [+high, +low] is excluded, as no segment can involve simultaneous raising and lowering of the body of the tongue; for further discussion see §2.4). Thus the changes Ae:/ -ý-/e: / and /e: / in the vowel shift (cf. (1.10)) must be charact; rised as two separate changes, as in (2.5):
(2.5) a. /a: / -)- /e: / [+low - high] _,. [_low],

low

[+high]

in which the first change involves a shift in the value for [low] from '+' to '-', and the second a shift in the value for [high] from 11 to '+'. The two changes are not in any way shown to be formally related, as a result of the characterisation
binary features.

of a single phonetic di-

different by two mension

An the original Jakobsonian system the treatment of this area deviated somewhat.from the strict binary principle to which Jakobson (1952) We find the following definition adhered elsewhere. of et a-Z the feature compact vs. diffuse (1952: 27-28): Compact phonemes are characterised by the relative predominance of one centrally located formant region ... [while in] diffuse phonemes one or more non-central ... formants or formant regions predominate. Open vowels, such as Iml, are compact, while close vowels, such as interVowels /1/, are-, diffuse. that notice mid are -Jakobson et ai forýthe between the two 'single' feature. compact values mediate for these diffuse, and suggest that the appropriate characterisation [-compact, i. is intermediate is a e. value which vowels -diffuse], between the two 'normal' in (2.6): (2.6) [diffuse] [-compact, [compact] (2.6), -diffuse] [±1 [+1 Ie0 M u CL to (2.4), in that to the usual values for this feature, giving the system

differs although apparently similar in is involved, has, feature addition which only a single

34. two values for the features in the Jakobsonian system, an intermediate value for the mid vowels. "The opposition compact vs. diffuse in the vowel pattern is the sole feature capable of presenting. a middle term in addition to the two polar terms. " (1952: 28). Jakobson et al [±1 is appropriate to show the the that the use of symbol suggest status of this middle term, and notice further that it would be possible to resolve "this opposition of two contraries" into "two binary compact vs. non-compact and diffuse oppositions of contradictories: however, Such a solution, seemsto be merely an vs. non-diffuse"., instance of what Fant calls a matter of coding convenience - it is difficult to see that there is any genuine phonologicaa evidence to support the setting up of two distinct binary features. The arguments against the use of binary features in this area becomeseven more compelling when we consider vowel systems with four, rather than three, systematic heights. As we have seen, both the Jakobsonian and Chomskianfeature systems only allow for the expression of three heights, as it was maintained that this is the maximum numberof phonological oppositions which are made in this area in any However-, it has been claimed by many linguists that language. one there are languages in which four systematic. heights are found (see, for example, Kiparsky 1968 on Swiss German, Ladefoged 1971 on Danish, Ewen1977 on Scots).
systems with four vowel heights, we find processes simiJar-to the Eng. GVS. Lindau (1978: 545) cites the following diphthongisation process in Scanian, a Swedish dialect spoken in Malmd, Within in which the epenthe sised element is one degree lower than the original (2.7) /e: / vowel: [ell [eel /Y'. / -* loyl AU [eul -i-

C I, /U. / OU - -ý/0.-/ -* [Mol

/o.-/ -* [eol /a: / -+ [Mal

As (2.7) involves a four height system ((i], the-spE system is unable to account for it.

35. Wang(1968) has proposed a rather different binary feature system, by meansof which it is possible to characterise four vowel heights, as in (2.8):
(2.8) [+high, -mid] [+high, +mid] [-high, +mid] [-high, -mid] iu e0 P_ ea 0 CL feature system allows the character-

Lindau observes that this isation of (2.7) as (2.9): (2.9)
[$mid v ]

0 -* ahigh but goes on to say:

[-amid

The rule predicts the correct inserted vowel, but ... wrongly implies that two separate phonetic mechanisms The rule must be fully deciphered before are involved. one can determine that a vowel-lowering process is described. It seems, then, that strict binary distinctive feature theory is inadequate for the characterisation of phonological scales such as having It handle dimensions height. to the unable notion of vowel -is more than two values.

2.3

Non-binary

distinctive

feature feature

theories

theory to characterise adequately processes such as raising and lowering of vowels of various heights led Ladefoged (1971) to propose that some features are not binary, but The inability have feature than that more a might particular multivalued; been developed has in This view point of two values phonologically. (1969), Contreras Saltarelli for see, example, works various other Williamson (1977). (1973), Ladefoged (1975), Lindau (1975,1978), that is, Proponents of such theories for regarding any single believe phonetic is no justification parameter as a composite of binary that "there

of binary

as in (2. should be characterised by a single multivalued feature. which. which may have up to' ten values (although he suggests that no more than six would occur in language). for the characterisation of articulatory place.10): (2.36. they claim. (2.12) [articulatory place] bilabial labio-dental dental alveolar post-alveolar palatal velar uvular pharyngeal glottal labial-velar labial-alveolar Ladefoged suggests-(although he does not commit himself to the [articulatory is to it place] as a multithat view possible view) .11) 123 II height The second type are what Ladefoged (1971: 43) refers to as multiLadefoged proposes a non-binary feature valued independent features. is just such'a single phonetic parameter. The first such as Ladefoged proposes for the characterisa- tion of vowel height. and suggest instead that the dimension of vowel height.12): in any one as contrastively (2. features" (Lindau 1978:545). We can distinguish are scalarfeatures two types of non-binary features. (2. and each feature-value represents a po-Int on a continuous (2.11): in as scale.10) [1 height] [2 height] [3 height] [n height] where n is the number of systematic vowel heights in a particular language.

and low vowels to have the highest.an aspect of the vowel. Lindau uses the following feature-values the four height vowel system: to characterise (2. in (2. The Swedish diphthongisation process cited by Lindau and reproduced as (2. and mid vowels to high. as in the case of a scalar feature.16) [n+l v 0 _. high] / [n high] .2. occur as points on a continuum.13) [3 height] [2 height] [1 height] (2.-shift which raises problems rather different from those at present under discussion.15) [1 high] [2 high] [3 high] [4 high] iyu e00 e m ce 0. valued independent feature. she gives the following rule for the diphthongisation process: (2. (Notice that Lindau considers high vowels to have the lowest value for the feature.13) allow a rule (2.. where n =1. e. in which low The feature-values vowels are raised to mid. that "the places of articulation form an unordered set" -(1971:44).7) is also given a more satisfactory account within the multivalued feature system. i.3 [n+l I ignore here.. The adoption of a scalar feature to characterise vowel height allows a unitary formulation of processes such as (2.14): Iu e0 m CL height].37. as in (2-5). the diphthongisation of the high vowels in the vowel shift process . ) Using these feature-values..14) [n v height] such as (2. in which the values do not.5).

notation. Lindau claims that (2. the scalar notation does the in class-involved a way. Lass (1976: 69) cites the following two rules. there this framework are other problems work. first sight to be resolved by the adoption of a scalar feature frameinherent in However.17) low the to vowels are similar. if the subset contains more than a single value. then. appears which cussed earlier. is high the /y/. /u/). which may be taken to be appropriate for the lowering stage of the MEOSL process: (2. example. However.9). the process known as Open Syllable Lengthening in Middle English (MEOSL). vowel question consonant rant Within the binary notation we can characterise these vowels as [+high]. are not which subsets of can we write non-binary rules which refer to particular the full set of values of a multivalued feature such as [height]? if only one value needs to be This does not create difficulties in For Dutch diminutive formation. In the binary notation. 1i1e uj t. appear at The problems raised by the binary notation. referred [atjal [tJ91 under which or may be chosen as the circumstances either diminutive suffix after a word ending in a vowel followed by a sonois if in (/I/. the class of non-low vowels undergoing (or [-low] in Wang's system be simply as characterised this change can . /a/ is /a/ by that in this remains process and any way affected ot -n fails to undergo diphthongisation or raising. the only to. involves the lowering of all nonlow vowels. then.16). and within the scalar notation as [1 high]. o A process such as this. ' Unlike the high vowels in the vowel shift process dis(2. immediately captures the generalisation that the new vowel is'one step lower than the original one.38. as opposed to (2. In in binary how the apparent particular.which can be considered characterise not We illustrate this by considering one aspect of may sataisfactory.17) b.

En height]. however.19): (2. there do not seemto be any grounds for deciding whether '[n-height]. . of classes of segments which repre5ent feature. in a four height system) to imagine what concept of naturalness could be appealed to if a rule such as (2.18) is to be considered natural. In later chapters.18): (2. characterising only high and high-mid vowels. a representation such as [-low] seems to characterise a welldefined class of segments. In the scalar notation. [n height]. There appears. I want now to look at someproDosals for distinctive been have the feature made modification of which theory in the light of its shortcomings in the expression of the problems of naturalness and recurrence. where ný: 2' is any more or less natural than any of the representations in (2. where ný: 2 (or where n2: 3. Thus. En height]. the only possibility appears to be arule such as (2.19). various other kinds of evidence will be considered which will support this view. values of a particular We can conclude from the preceding terisation subsets of the that neither binary nor scalar features are wholly adequate for the characterisation of the full range 6f natural classes and processes.18) [n v height] [n-I -* height]. to be no evaluation metric available which would enable any sort of hierarchy of naturalness to be established with respect to representations like those in (2.19) [n height]. 'n2tl' 3 where n -? where n>1 where n: 52 where n: ý3 It is difficult the whole dimension of vowel height. In the meantime. [+high]) formulation that the as although notice of the rule itself presents great problems (see for discussion Pelt 1979). characterises but is formally no simpler than 'n2t3l.18) Scalar features seem to be inappropriate for the characand (2. then. While.39.

to be candidates for phonological processes in languages: (2. have no independent motivation. d. [+back] . systems are in principle In the sPE notation. -back -round v +high +back +round [-round] [-back] . classes and processes. which. in the remainder of this chapter not only with naturalness and recurrence of class. I shall argue. and 1. v +high +back +round. . the following characterisations might be I -). we shall see that feature unable to distinguish adequately the two categories of phonological phenomena.w We can illustrate this of vowel height.21) a. natural and should be able to distinguish recurrent classes and processes. on the one hand. e. f. this test with respect to the charactertinctive In what follows.40.4 with the problems these areas present to feature theory.5 it was claimed that our system of phonological notation between. non-natural . on the other. but also of process. without the aid of extensions to the theory. appropriate: (2. and.20) a.. [+round] C. C. v +high -back -round. 2.4 Naturalness and recurrence in distinctive I shall feature systems be concerned. v +high -back -round F+back L+round b. uw u y b. d. v +high +back _+round. V +high -back _-round. isation problem with some examples involving Any of the following might appear changes of one vowel to another. parts of this chapter it has become apparent that non-binary varieties of disfeature theory fail. and ' In §§1. and In the earlier hence non-recurrent.

rated would. front backness are unround. is /b/ +voice] . distinctive letters in Greek are used to express agreement or which convention". Thus the distinctive flect correctly the relative naturalness of the processes involved. back and non-low vowels are rounded. even though (b) involves fewer feature notation fails to refeature changes. of rule side right (b). which.22) to represent nonand although apparently similar recurrent processes: (2. as and all (2. be as more natural.23) v '-" [around] low $back] (2. (e). (f) require the specification of only one.24) languages.23). presumably. feature theory makes use of the 'paired variable (2. (a) and (d) require the specification of two features on the (i. vowels e. all non-low the value with (2. Thus (b).22) that consonants in a language expresses the constraint have opposite values for the features [tense] and [voice] . while e. -avo'i ce (2.41. (c). More generally. is Halle to themselves Chomsky out more point and as be expected in a grammarthan (b).thus /p/ [-tense. As was seen in however. (e).24) [atense] c high] .22) [atense] c [ -*.22) (2.9). (2. and in any Yet. distinctive feature notation allows the virtu- ally unlimited creation of sets of apparently similar rules. in -(2. in the expression of various Morpheme Structure conlanguages: in straints (2. (c). while (2. differ wildly in degrees of naturalness. This convention is used. disagreement between two values in a rule. for example.23) indicates that the roundness value for non-low vowels agrees i. (f) appear notationally simpler than (a) and (d). However.23) in RP. features two the hand change value). evaluation metric (a) (spE: 401). -voice].27). re"present recurrent phenomena (2.and in English is [+tense.

then.2.42. Consider.28)_ v :5aback -round] [2: aheight] (where a would. 'the feature-values vowel [4 height].23). be a variabld over the values 1. yet feature notation. such a system would allow us to write a number of spurious Morpheme in much Structure constraints.27) operate within a binary framework. Notice that these observations apply equally within non-binary feature systems. Halle's theory Chomsky of own and portant was . Distinctive the recurrent from the non-recurrent. [1 back] would be required in a scalar feature system. most was whose ventions -function ImarkednessI.24) -(2. [2 height]. [2 back]. (2.28): (2. in a language which contrasted four degreees heights three and of backness.22) (2. [3 height]. feature theory in its original form of distinctive led to various the recurrent from the non-recurrent by designed to the a set of conextend system were proposals výhich do just Of these.25) (2.26) [ssonorant] CI [yhigh] v back * [ ice -). which would have no basis in reality. Formally.26) and (2. -5vo [yro6ndl (2. 3). formally identical they to are and which guages.27) (2. in this The failure to-distinguish case. fails to distinguish do.. the sameway as (2... the imto this.27) [S v [Shighl low -" round] do not represent processes which recur in lan(2. for example. (2. [1 height] and [3 back]. For example.

43. i.1 Markednesstheory Chomsky and Halle (spE: ch. they create the following (their X* 'marking convention' . lead Chomsky and Halle to propose that the be incorporate to naturalshould extended relative system notational 'markedness' into lexpectedness'. around].30) respectively: (2.. the same type of formal-specification is required. 2. the class e..30) Eie1A 01 -08 While (2. are and u m (SPE: "universal interpretation" 11 to 1+1 by according rules of and 403). which.29) and "intrinsic (2. the of or representations ness. include to as well as and m u specifications derivation during the of morphemes replaced 1+1 and '-'. . class vowels which agree lowness in the and class of vowels agree which and roundaround]. i. "being universal. do not affect the complexity of front Thus. to the of uncapture markedness relative the grammae". which are shown in (2.29) exactly represents a much more natural class than (2.4. e.30). sets extend or segments ('marked') ('unmarked').29) [1emoouI (2. [alow. more natural are classes not be reflected in the representations associated with the classes. They cite the example of the relative naturalness of the class of [aback. These observations feature They their of original segments. This inadequacy consists in the failure just discussed. and of low unround vowels as opposed to low round vowels. they that handle the to and suggest problems system is due to the fact that no account was taken of the this failure By this they meanithat certain content" of features. in backness the and roundness. front to back round and vowels opposed as non-low round round and back unround non-low vowels. 9) notice that "the entire discussion inbook suffers from a fundamental theoretical of phonology in this of their feature adequacy". ness. 'but "intuitively" that this may than others.

for (spE: 430). certain feature-values are automatically changed by the linking convention applying to the output of a rule. Botha 1971. 1975: APP. but it seemsat best to be tacked on to rescue the inadequacies of the notational system. any features which are dependfeature for their the'value another markedness specificaof on ent tions are automatically assigned the unmarkedvalues for those features. Lass and Anderson cularity. the specifications u and m cannot be said to meet Chomsky and Halle's claim to be accounting for the 'intrinsic content' of their features. what thev seem to be doina is creating conventions to account for relative naturalness according to an imposed set of criteria. a rule which they formulate as (2-32): .44.31) [around] [u round] aback --low (a) [-round] (b) to be more The convention (2. of for see. is only because they are designed to do just that . Lass 1972. and another convention associnoted (spE: 419ff). ) Furthermore. even if their new repexternally (supposed) relative this resentations reflect markedness perfectly. example. phonological list feature-values the to the need all changed obviates on principle the right hand side of a rule.30).29) (2. As Chomsky Halle introduce in §1. Consider. than the vowel system natural Such a system might or might not-prove adequate to predict correctly the relative markednessof classes and systems (provided that we have some independently motivated notion of what naturalness and'markednessare in the first place).31) shows the vowel system (2.IV. the convention that the output of markedness ated with 'linked' is This to the rules marking conventions. markedness theory fails in other respects. Thus.5. by Chomsky Halle the and which changes cited rule example. The introduction of. That is. /fd/ to [s z] before a dental stop in Modern Russian. rather. (2.the circularity be (For fuller theory the discussion of this circannot avoided. rather.

Application of the two marking conventions.32) +ant +cor -nas -cont +ant +cor -nas [+contl The output of the rule. in the absence of linking. there processes exist phonological unmarked output. Cases like which the output is marked with respect to the conventions. of a result (2.33) (2.32) is assigned the value [+del rell (i.34). and the value [+strid] as (2. linked is framework.34): (2.33) and as conventions.35) the as output of gives (2. that. then.35) '+ant +cor -nas +cont +del rel +strid i. reproduced marking (2. Lass-and Anderson (1975: App. e. in that the recurrent output of the phonological rule is indeed the in However. Northern in contrary what and notice round vowels be to there from the as appear many sPE conventions.33). e. [8 to two Halle in Chomsky be 81 the and would (2. these present no problems for the linking principle. [+delayed release]) as a result of (2.32): (2. which. expect might we for become in marked a in this unmarked vowels which area changes become in there marked vowels are changes which as value particular (1975: 289): following the They changes notice unmarked. (2. the desired Es z]. .45. IV) discuss the history of front to English.34) [+cont] Cu strid] [+del -* I rel / adel rel fi +ant 1ý [+corlj [astrid] -* The output of (2.

+round -high The output of this desired segment (2. the However.36)' (a) -y T. e. marking particular.n the absence of linking. specification of an adthan 4s the grammar. arked value m. i. (2. will fail to produce the desired ouput: (2.30). side of right (2.39): in the hand as rule. and more costly to involves it the (2. and [m] respectively. [71 and [cel respectively. ditional feature.38): (2.39) V +back +round -high [+round] back . as the output is automatici.37) F +back j [-back] -. . we must override the marking [round] for the the by on appropriate value specifying convention (2. sPE mark-ing conventions. (2. which will change the value for roundness to '-' (the un- [a] low become front for the and outputs will vowels).46.37). in to linked the to convention conventions. Thus (2. To avoid this. linked to the appropriate conventions.37). je Change Direction mu (b) (c) (d) U -----.01m mU M A change such as (2 -36d) presents problems for the.39) will be rated as less natural. ally (2.38) V -back +round _-high rule is.

41) [+round v].40) is so and of rated as more costly the change in (2. not a more natural process than (2. in terms of the linking principle would However.40) U -* «7 CO[il (2. this is not the case. or at least a less natural process than one in which front unround vowels were the output.. If (2. this would be an acceptable consequenceof the theory. is a change in which the linking principle has to be overridden by specifying-[+round] in the output of the rule. it is. like (2.5 .. However.40). which can be The observed in many phonological processes such as OE i-umlaut..42): than the rule formalising (2. not be captured within the Chomsky and Halle system.42) UT Co I.42) formulation is. front round fact that the outputs of similar processes are typically incorrect that the marking conventions are an suggests making vowels natural prediction although its here.36d). as in (2. ralness [j]q it is nevertheless the expected output of a change such as the The process is a natural one -a fact which canOE i-umlaut of [u].40) is a recurrent. suggest that 11 . ] process. a process which involves the following changes.40). (2. (2.39) did indeed represent an unnatural process.5 1 considered the case of OE i-umlaut.the between naturalness of class and natuin spE to distinguish failure [y] Although be than more may generally marked of process. +back [-back +round ]I -back CO -round II (2. In §1.47. amongothers: (2.41) formalisation the (2. This is clearly due to the problem discussed in §1. .41): (2.

[labial] and [low] to be m-obligatory feat ures. It treatment" seems. he proposes that.44). i -vo ced . hence is Eil the from distinguish to a marksuch uses ing convention discussed above does not apply. leaving [y] as the in fervently debated issue "umlaut. and that the linking principle does not apply to m-obligatory features. that what we have here is another externally imposed conincreases the complexity of the notational apparatus vention which feathere seemsto be no inherent formal reason in the distinctive ture notation for. A solution to this (1969: by Schachter is offered problem "markedness is relevant not merely to the latter these rules simple rules while (2. feature. (2. (For a fuller dis) these Kean 1980.43) and 346). this is due to the fact that they are designed to do just but there are still a large number of cases in which they fail bedistinction basic due failure the to the do to this. who notes that functioninSLof but the to P-rules the of the two that fuýther equally of notices (2. this. 1980: language" which of a [y]. m-obligatory features and u-obligatory features. (Kloeke 1980: 35).43) is a recurrent rule. Following Kean (1980). the hence a rather and output. Kloeke (Kean The feature 36). receives however. have seen.44) is not: He as well". see cussion The preceding discussion shows that the sPE marking conventions have to be rejected as a means of accounting for the 'intrinsic conWhere they make the correct predictions.43) [+cons] voc [-cons] +VOC [-cons +voc [+voiced] / vocs +con [+VOC -cons] -voc +conS] (2 44) . of proposals. say. Kloeke (1980). a plausible past. while [continuant] and [high] are not. working within a similar framework. These are the features for which "there exists at least in feature is for the that segmental system marked which one segment [labial].48. to make even tween the two kinds of naturalness. (2. there are two kinds of features. proposes a the the the to the output of of of specification problem solution i-umlaut process. as we tent' of features. (2.

the metatheoretically established naturalness conditions would (iv ['+voiced] (2.46) [+low] [-high] -* fact is but the "this that that of another expressing way observe and is in feature not subject to marking and will therefore the question (1980-28-29) However. and N is the metatheoretically natural value for that feature in the context X Thus. He proposes the introduction V. An area of difficulty related to the above is exemplified by We saw in (2. whose sole function is to remedy the deficiencies inherent in the deficiencies notation . represent externally imposed elaborations of the theory. because of the way in which the feaHowever.1) of the feature matrices. which. not assimilate in voicelessness when interconsonantal. Chomsky and Halle for [+low] (spE: 405) propose the segments: feature nature of distinctive in distinguishing naturalness combination -low]. Y'. e. too. but vowels do.43) less (2. where "f is any feature. consonants frequently assimilate in voicing when intervocalic.specifically.44).43) (a in by voiced] costfree replace presumably (2. H.45) A -).4) that the conjuncthe sPE features [high] and [low]. they have exactly the samestatus as Chomsky and Halle's markedness proposals. so of a further feature specific4tion that phonological rules may have the form: (2. )wever. from non-naturalness. +low] cannot occur. there is no formal reason within the tures are defined. we shall follow. following marking convention .Nf specified ' (1969: 348). in the than complex making grammar). +low] is formally no different [-high. Kean that observes unmarked". feature framework to expect the non-occurrence of this combifrom the (occurring) [+high. in that is largely the due to the lack of strucchapters see ture (in the sense of 91. always remain .49. (2. even if Schachter's proposals achieve the object of distinguishing natural from non-natural processes. binary nation. which entry would remain unaltered. i. tion [+high. in that they.

50. and.47).47) (or indeed (2. phonetically impossible) specifications.s clearly a consequenceof characterising the single phonetic parameter of Wheneverthis situation holds vowel height by two binar. the-introducThese implications are meant to tion of a set of 'implications'. proposed for vowel height is: -(2. /a/ being this is undetira segment such as possibility of able in that it suggests "that there could be a segment like /a/ in The particular implication all respects except that it is [uhighl". in Kean's model. characterise 'opposite' properties on the parameter in question). (i. where the features. "there is something seriously wrong with a theory that does not predict that [+low] segments will be [-high?. represent yet again an attempt to. . subject .)ý features. e. cover up a formal deficiency in the model. one of the four formally possible feature specifications will be non-occurring. to an implication such as (2. and hence "capture the This avoids the coocurrence restrictions on feature specifications".46)) i.47) [+low] [-high] :) However. block the occurrence of matrices containing such 'contradictory' (i. and proposes. e. [mhighl. the need to have (2. then. Such implicational rules. what should be inherent to the system of representation is characterised by an externally imposed convention. instead of the use of marking conventions for cases such as this.

be to the dependency to in theory relevant some way phonology of are developed in the following chapters.nU X I begin by looking . Miller UN/I N11. which (1978. number noloqy. Donegan (1976. proposals which again involve the postulation degree of structure than is apparent within the SPE greater of a The models which I shall consider all contain notions which theory. and indeed in some segment proposals we shall see that the concept. chapter 2. 3. . forthcoming). unlike those discussed in gical element. in Stampe Donegan (1972.1978). of the segment is no longer In certain of these models. the segment is not viewed as an unordered set of ordered feature-value feature-name.1 Natural phonology at a set of proposals in which the notion of of the the segment is retained.Chapter 3 Notational Systems 3: Other Models In this chapter I will be concerned with some notational sys- feature as the basic phonolotems which do not take the distinctive In most of these models. too. Rather. we shall see that proposals are made concerning the structure of sequences of segments. the of a and consisting a pairs different has internal a rather structure. but in which the internal structure different in the treatment than is various a rather given segment feature theories discussed in chapter 2. This is the distinctiV6 the theory of natural associated 0with of representation notion in developed in been has of notably a places.1979) and and Stampe has been the important aspects of phonology natural One of the most [Donegan] the space see of vowel phonological characterisation (1973). part of the phonological representation.

This property of distinctive feature matrices means that the . nonback sounds are (sPE: 305) produced without such a retraction.1): [-back] [ -!round Iy e0 m of the vowel space as in [+back] [ +round (U) (6) CB . other than the values of the feafeatures. -low] -low] +low] uW 0A 3a (a) Each vowel. It will be recalled from chapter 2 that Chomsky and Halle characterise the dimension of vowel height by meansof two binary feaTwo other binary features are proposed in tures [high] and [low]. [-high. The four features allow a characterisation (3. (I)w '+high -low +back -round. short.2) -high -low -back _+round. only way in which segments can componentiality from each other is in the values they bear for the various differ in that there is no sub-grouping of features and. sPE for the representation of the other dimensions in the vowel [round]: [back] and space Back sounds are produced by retracting the body of the tongue from the neutral position. may be characterised (in the area under discussion) as an unordered set of feature-values as in (3. . Each matrix is apparently formally identical . tures.2): (3. . Rounded sounds are produced with a narrowing of the lip ' nonrounded sounds are produced without such a orifice. of set within feature matrix variable in a distinctive there is no structural (whether binary or multivalued). In features the characterising each segment. high +low -back -round_ . Chomsky Halle's being the system and notational able 'minimally (cf. further. be discussion to the be componential' of said may in in that the §1.1).52.(ce) -round (1) [+high. [-high. then.the only varifeature-values. (SPE: 307) narrowing.

1. complexity referred to in §1. Palatality "opand labiality are chromatic properties. e. is and achromatic palatality while orant vowel [j] have relatively of the triangle theextremes and [u] low sonority. Vowels which are not at appear to be intermediate as far as ([Donegan] find Miller 1973: thus we are concerned. formant than less sonorant ones.3) 1 'colour'.4. lip rounding.2). "associated with tongue fronting. 1 it is. and low intrinsic pitch". then. maximally constricted vocal tract". feature theory and therefore had to be rejected. timized by a minimally open. distinctive circular. The notational in various system of natural phonology differs feature theory.7 cannot be accounted except by appeal to the theory of markedness disAs markedness theory was shown to be inherently cussed in §2.1978: 35).opposed conflicting of one qualities represent More sonorant vowels have a higher first to the other . respects from that of distinctive instead of the four features of (3. notion of relative for by the theory. Within this model. low second formant values.colour "phonetically. and sonority ([Donegan] Miller are established: 1973: 386). less the the and versa. colour . three 'cardinal properties' labiality. incompatible" the are more sonorant a sonority and [o. (lacking labiality). These two qualities intensity .53. has no metric for measuring phonological complexity. palatality. and and labiality. which [a] lacks. Donegan while sonority "is optimized by a more open vowel tract".sonority. high second formant Palatality. intrinsic high "associated with pitch". and have a higher overall intrinsic (Donegan 1976: 146. and [u]. vowel triangle represents the maximal oppoclaims that the familiar sition of the three properties: (3. these properties 386): . values. show a property.. . most sonchromatic vice sound. Cil two i.

that evidence. Donegan (1978: 44) claims that the use of ý single term to cover atality and labiality is justified. and . a she notes rather 36-37) that the acoustic correlates of sonority are clearly scalar. a 30 10 low 0. tal than e. and vice versa. while 1. e. The vowels They lack both or achromatic. interpretatoo. The kind of reprevowel particular tively sentation (3.the less sonorant. in inverse. sm for representing vowels. o. less becomes Nor it . in different heights. feature binary (1978: indeed. As We have seen. that an and sonority are apparently chromaticity nology (3.. envisages a non-binary feature of vowel height.4) (from Donegan 1976: 146): +chromatic +Palatal -labial +tense -tense +palatal +labial +tense -tense yy A -chromatic -palatal -labial (-tense) -palatal +labial +tense -tense uu high mid ee03. similarly. and the more chromatic it is . ordinarily. of (3. the.4) used is illustrated in (3. [a] is and labiality. o. then. that the proponents of natural phonology consider vowel properties to be characteristics which can be present or absent. C pal- It appears. and a are colorless and labiality. the less color it has. said to lack palatality while [11 and [u] hýve 'relalow' sonority. or be present in various degrees. notation. than representation. substitutions or condition frequently undergo parallel in parallel substitutions non-labial vowels often undergo that 'chromatic' vowels do not.. than x. more sonorant a vowel is. palatality and differ only in sonority. as far as the various vowel properties are concerned. I is more palaThus. mor the formalism . in that: labial Palatal and vowels or condition substitutions non-palatal ways. and. Donegan. in'-the and we might expect this to be reflected However.4) seems at odds with the concepts discussed feature the The claims of natural phonotation used obscures above. and m are all palatal. tion.e does chromatic. then. is provided. and e is more palatal the degree of rounding varies for u.4) does not show that as a vowel becomes scalar relationship. sonorant. A. no formal mechani.54.. a scalar suggests phonological and However.

[! 1 are bleaching. and coloring color. i. So [u] [11 involve changes such as properties. is it to a vowels already likely bleaching this them high than makes and even vowels. e. then. except to the extent that the binary feature-value '-1 is [ol As in Chomsky is the that and Halle system. by removal of the palatality [i] ->-. more the applicability on to affect low vowels than high vowels. and processes natural bleaching terms bleaching and coloring are almost self-explanatory: (1973: " 386).55. because of the general condihas. individual the properties of optimize segments". of each process. in Notice that considering the conditions ness". and colouring as having have the tendency to "polarize opposite causalities. vowels rant develop "which distinctiveincreases to their tend a colour. characterises which together is dealing these favour changes. they tend segments". Changessuch as Dl [y] or Cul -). e. used. Thus. less "the the more that a vowel color tion on applicability lower have degree of Low bleach". more sonoor lose less tend to increase colour and sonorant sonority. She defines two of these by Miller discussed are "In bleaching framework. chromaticity Because of this basic causality. colour. bleaching and coloring are paradigmatically motivated . That this failure is. achromatic. vowels [Donegan] Miller. the removal of either or both of the chro[y] [i]. or both simultaneously. removes ' is manifested as the removal of either palatality or labiality. indeed. to polarize or optimize the properties of individual [Donegan] Miller bleaching there are various conditions is likely bleaching Thus. a drawback for the natural phonology model is apparent from the various natural processes' which [Donegan] (1973). of proeach with context-free which (1973: 388) "like that She processes. notes other context-free cesses. Colouring is manifested by "two distinct processes" palatalisation and (rounding). matic -* -ýbleaching by removal of the-labiality colour. labialisation then.[y]. are colouring processes. the notation fails to allow for the possibility of any structural variables other than feature-value. Bleaching. adds color. . it show.[u]. this the colouring. while [y] -).i.

than.Ell and [y] -* [u]. at least perceptually. for other. Further.Eul. similar. e. and by both depalatalisation bleaching than the corresponding of the mid vowels in the [e]. the depalatalisation [il. Thus. less labial than less labials and palatal than pure palatals. just those are with a single colour-. [y] -).[! I and mixed involving the same bleachings. [Donegan] [o**l Miller and cites changes -). and whose properties are vowels which This has a perceptual motitherefore already maximally polarised.132) ceded unrounding of OE y as support for these claims (see also 1978: favoured 85. involving as it does the and. but this time affecting [I] have only a single colour. process vowels. Thus. less chromatic of (3.i. data).. (1978: 47) notes: Donegan thus vation. [61 [o]. while pure vowels. )by delabialisaare less removal of the palatality (hence achromatic) vowel. they tend to becomemonochromatic. as a bleaching sation of high involving tion. a non-palatal Such a change is therefore to give respectively say. and [y] -. [6-1 [A]. the general causality underlying all context-free changes should be in someway reflected in the notation. -* -* that unrounding of OE 'A prethe fact (from Campbell 1959: 76-77. and delabialisation. and they are consequently rarer In the phonemeinventories of the world than pure labials or-pure palatals.. then. so that they are. non-labial more favoured or delabiali[11. This does not seem to be following (1978: 83) the Donegan however. they attenuate each other's acoustic effects. Wemight expect that the conditions favouring bleaching .56. used. bleaching favours 'mixed' vowels rather than pure Mixed vowels are those containing both colours. [y] -ibleaching by depalatalisation. if [lip-rounding and tongue-fronting occur simultaneously]. changes such as vowels [y] -). pure They are thus 'marked' or non-optimal. bleaching: for rule-schemata . -a change such as [a] is rated as highly colour Eal (using Donegan's symbols -* likely.4)). general provides the case. involving the removal of one colour from the Eyl favoured are vowel over changes such as [u] -o.

5) and (3..5) v lower -tense mixed ýv +Iabiaj v lower -tense mixed 1[ V +palatal] [-labial (3. Donegan(1978: 88) notes: Vowels are particularly susceptible to BI-eaching when they appear in like-colored environments . (3. e. (3. Thus '.6) use the convention of the exclamation mark to show that a particular category will favour application of the process. Further.4): (3. reflect pure between 'mixed' and 'pure' vowels in the the-difference to reflect However. labials. palatalization ýs I am at present only considering the characterisation of the vowel from ignore I now on the laxness and environmental conditions. space.6) [-Palatal] (3. and palatals are particularly susceptible to debefore or after palatals.7) [Y] +pa I +lab high lul -pa I (3. susceptible to bleachtng before or after are particularly labials.5) and (3.6). to should expect our we and system vowels. to have such schemata reflects the lack of an approsystem associated with the theory of natural phonopriate notational If bleaching is indeed more natural for mixed vowels than for logy. using the symbols of (3. consider now some particular instantiations first of place.57.'lower' meansthat bleaching favours lower rather than higher vowelS. The need. indeed this.8) Ei] +chrom +pal -lab high 14-1 -+ [-chrom] -pal +chrom' . and similarly lax over tense. and mixed over pure.i.

on the grounds discussed in §1.7.58. a natural as colouring context-free of viewed is to be expected. insights of notational system. the same observations apply to the colouring process. a notion which seems inherent to natural phonology: if mixed vowels are more susceptible to bleaching.i. favours opposite conditions of Thus. inctiveness it the the reduces of vowel. nonincreases its distinctiveness. or of showing that bleaching of a low vowel is more to be expected than bleaching of a high vowel. the natural phonologist can only express this metatheoretically it does not arise out of the notation used. -pal There is no formal indication in (3.7) -(3. colouring affects only achromatic vowels. vowel and is therefore to be sonorant [I] Thus the process. or to [11 by palatalisation to [ul by labialisation the lower than [A] is to colouring natural of a vowel such as more and [a] orjeb colouring of [u] or Cil to [y] is nonwhile context-free dist. (3. In general. In Exactly . being the reverse of bleaching. as natural.would reduce its distinctiveness already. whilethe addition of a colour to an achromatic. e. and this is associated with their being more complex than pure ones. In turn. which the acoustic property associated with the colour which (by attenuating it already has).there is no way of showing whether a vowel1s mixed or pure. we can is externally its in reflected are not natural phonology iý the process can be discovmotivation which is offered say that the. which. Similarly. As with bleaching. low As vowels are maximally sonorant and minimally chromatic.10) of the claims of natural phonology .. no motivation for the the from system only notational ered imposed.9) [ Z51 +chrom' +pal +I. there appears to be no way of representing the notion of relative complexity. The colouring of an already chromatic vowel . the addition of a colour would reduce their distinctiveness. ab mid -)- [e] [-lab] (3. higher vowels tend to colour before lower vowapplicability. the addition of a colour to a vowel has the other colour . els.10) +chrom" +pal -lab low [-chrom].

which. Phonematic units are the units which are segment-sized . which are operative (unlike That is to say. up of two. an adequate notational system associated with natural phonology. lishing 3. but is also . order relaas referable garded (Robins 1957: 192).2 Prosodic analysis In this section I shall discuss briefly the theory of analysis associated with 'the London school' of the forties and fifThe principles ties. a tion to each other in structures" structure is not just a string of these minimal segments. prosodic analysis phonemic analysis. important syntagmatic of the equally relations and functions in speech. are appropriate.vowels. and various phonological systems are analysed in terms of this model in other papers in Palmer (1970). of the three cardinal properties.they "refer to those aspects of the phonemic material which are best rehaving in to serial minimal segments. different the prosodies and the phonematic units. but. must be referred to in offering phonetic explanaparticular. I shall show that the principles phonology do. in various forms. rather. need to be taken into account in estab- That is. she claims. the notions a system of phonological representation. in fact. was the most widely accepted model of phonological does time) the at not consider words and morphemes to representation to be made be made up of a string of discrete segments. and of mixed and pure-. of the theory are discussed in Fi.rth (1948) and Robins (1957). is summarised by Robins (1957: 191) as: The aim of the theory in terms which take account not analysis a phonological but also relations only of paradigmatic and contrasts. However. in any way "the degree of to reflect property which a segment possesses" ([Donegan] Miller 1973: 388).59. tions for the processes of bleaching In a later natural and colouring. and I shall show that the theory of dependencyphonology is able to characterise them in such a way as to overcome the lack of . which. the system fails behind chapter. These two types of element are types of unit.

in languages in which which they develop. then. morphemes. Thus claims that phenomena such as stress and tone cannot.60. This kind of treatment is whose prosody for whom all morphemes are not available to the SPE-type phonologist. Structures. and may belong to structures any length. must be associated in the notation such as syllables. prosodies Turkish is a language with eight vowel phonemes. of stretches of more than one segment. while intonation the prosodist phonetically. also give as where rastively cont occur feature assignment of these segments: an sPE-type (3.. not of a unit longer than the segment.. be associated uniquely with a single segment. and this is reflected Similarly. words. followed by another segmentsegment-type is invariably one particular in languages type displaying the same phonetic characteristics e. and*associated with each of these structures Syllable prosodies might include prosodies. uses which discussing However. of segments characterised up made for example.those aspects The prosodies have as their domains which are referable to prosodies.. discrete In by feature-matrices. considers the problem of in Turkish. by the prosodists is that of vowel harmony. defined by the other aspects of the phonic material . there may be particular stress. is treated as a property of the vowel. are units would be a sentence prosody. in I in monosyllables. I here harmony the and shall principles examine vowel in this he up a setting prosodic analysis of phenomenon. etc. sPE.11).all of which .11)* [+high] [-high] [-back] [-round] iy e0a [+back] [-round] uW (a) [+roundl(U) . Lyons (1962). which a nasalised consonant is always followed by a nasalised vowel such sequences will also be analysed as containing prosodies of 'sylbe In this case. are not necessarily confined to traditional One area. g. and stress. sentences. will abstracted as a domain is the stretch CV. nasalisation lable parts'. a sequence of segments. which has been much discussed suprasegmentals such as these. but rather with. (3. and tone. in a paper the merits of prosodic analysis.

only case. the cooccurrence of high and low vowels in the sameword. Turkish all amongst eight vowel phonemes. There is one exception to this . . This is not the choice because the harmony The however. then. e. /gUlUm/. nor can rounded vowels and and unrounded vowels. the phonemicisation of (3. front back vowels cannot cooccur in one word. In monosyllables. suggests bution that in all as Lyons points the vowels places out.12) a. In polysyllabic words. there are two contrastive degrees of height. ) However. Thus. only two different vowels can occur any pair of high and low vowels showing the samebackness and roundas in (3.61. There is no restriction on. /bulutum/ /kolum/ t/kol lar/ (The forms marked t are those whose non-initial vowels are determined by the exception to the general rule mentioned above. have the word as their rounding and backness characterBecause high and low vowels the appropriate in the word. that there is a free is appro- prosody. acteristics analysis priate of the Turkish to set vowel harmony phenomenon. b. free choice is between high and low vowels. and will istics determine of all the vowels prosody and a -a as F: B and R: N which Lyons represents domain.12). which uses the phonemicisations ness characteristics.12) in polysyllabic in the structure. and roundness. in any one word. then. /kibrltlm/_ /evIer/ 'my match' 'houses' 'matches' 'my cloud' 'my arm' 'arms' d. of vowel constraints. the vowels of succeeding syllables are unrounded. front/back it up two word prosodies distriwords are in parallel i. rounding/non-rounding These prosodies. However.if the vowel of the first syllable is low and rounded. then. backness. respectively. the other phonetic charin In to the'vowels the all are common a prosodic word. found in Lyons (1962: 131): (3. the vowel harmony processes apply. /gOzIer/ /gO**zum/ /kTz'IM/ /adamlar/ /kTzlar/ 'my rose' 'eyes' 'my eye' 'my daughter' 'men' 'daughters' -/kibritler/ C. however.

Ringen (1975: 50. two in can up contrast. and where link up with the phonematic units to give the appropriate surface (Notice. FRgilim tFRgazlar FRgazim BNkizim BNadamlar BNkiziar (for the prosodies are placed convenience) before the word. b. the adoption of a two-dimensional the prosodic phonological tive feature approach..13) a. The representations of the words in (3. enriches the structure harmony feature is to than account of vowel available satisfying In order to capture the generalisations inherent in the reptheory. in which words are not made up merely of sequences of unin a way which allows a more ordered sets. that the nature of this linking up process vowel. formulated. FNkibritlm FNavlar FNkibritlar BRbilitim BRka1 im t' BRkal lar d.13).57) 1972): proposes the following V -). any following a combines with N. resentations two rules (adapted from Lightner (3. phonematic are Lyons represents as i: a.62. give It can be seen that approach captures aspects of structure which are not accessible to standard distincEssentially. ) In the cases where the prosody is R is not explicitly first the phonematic unit a. the predictable first the in for except all a root. to and /e/ /a/ and rather than /o/ and /0**/. set phonematic units.. theory.12) become. which we. however. [aback] /v [aback] Co Roundness harmony V -* [around] /v [around] CO features of backness and In Ringen's model.14) Backness ha=ony in (3. in this prosodic treatment: I (3. vowels roundness are unspecified .

u /bulIt i+Im/ can be seen that the feature framework is a rather clumsy device for It the for it is here. word erty of frontness be to properties of shows and roundness notation prosodic the whole word. successive vowel be fact it harmony the that to a propappears obscures vowel ondly.17) Backness harmony Backness harmony Roundness harmony Roundness harmony u 4. while the feature notation of sPE obscures this. as noted above.3 Autosegmental phonology I want now to turn to some aspects of the theory of . must reapply to syllable. Firstly.63.15) will apply iteratively in the the after vowel second syllable of more than two syllables has been assigned the appropriate feature-values according to the the rule. shows the derivation of values /bulutum/ in a feature-based model such as Ringen's: .16) /kibrIt /bulIt +IAr/ +Im/. it implies that vowel fers from two principal harmony is a process which is dependent on the quality of the first It Secin between and which operates vowels.12) would have underlying as the following: (3. (3. the forms in (3. ) 3. (Notice. further. Thus. sufpurpose used which notational drawbacks. a word. of the appropriate on assign (3. it remains unclear how the prosodies combine with the phonematic units to give phonetic representations. that the prosodic notation fails to indicate that the proso0y is manifested only on vowels. however. The individual than the a vowels.14) basis to the third the the values vowel. values of the vowel in the first Notice that (3. /gU I+ Im/ /kTz + IAr/ representations such in words and (3. and not on consonants. the of second vowel.17) Thus. as rather of whole.

themin present certain problems the our pitch cate into the Although a sequence of can pattern segment pitch we selves. claim with the English "the linguistic representation ordered". a pitch of. the can word vertiHypothesis'. low this high L (where H is L by pitch). stress. as in _+syllabic. In an sPE theory. to then. These autosegments correspond for the most part to suprasegmentals such as tone. . The this theoryýappears Clements used system notational in to derive from that used by the prosodists. which he represents as a indiLow If. sequence feature-matrix. 1976b). -nasal +labial -coronal illustrates <pin>. Like the model of prosodic analysis. of three segments linearly this. in (1977). (1976a. model of autosegmental distinctive feature frameworks from differs the of chapter phonology Z in that not all phonological-units are the size of the traditional level Specifically. in items be divided hypothesis that the i. -nasal -labial -coronal +conson +nasal -labial +coronal pJ L ni the word <pin> uttered in isolation will be produced with a rapidly falling pitch. e. segand pitch followed H in the to the does segmentation of any correspond way not mentation Goldsmith notices that 'Absolute the Slicing in Goldsmith's terms. and are the autosegments. Goldsmith (1976a: 17ff) monosyllable of the word consists (3.18): _+conson .18). and. High want and a we pitch. as we shall framework. Thus. theoretical it is used within a rather different see. of segare made up at one words while segment. there are also other levels at which traditional the of ments length. and pitch. (3. as far as the treatment of vowel harmony is concerned. developed been in has Goldsmith This model mental phonology. the. although. kind.64. different These longer be find or shorter of may segments we than usual segments.

19) +conson -nasal +labial -coronal +syllabic -nasal -labial -coronal +conson +nasal -labial +coronal +hi h] -10 high] +1 ow level first the where $phonological level'. which.19). as Chomsky and Halle would claim..tonological .65. be- not of a-sinshow internal from the segmentation at other levels. is the of the 'autosegmental tiers') level. Tone. He considers. in that a single (sequentially be two assigned ordered) tones. must vowel ities for two an sPE-type representation: possibil. e. falling tones and rising tones. segmentation which differs (3. then is represented as being a property of the whole sequence. this presents problems for their notational system. If tone is a property of the vowel. cause a property such as pitch in English is a property gle segment. i. and as such. then. . suggests (3. the case of 'contour tones' in tone languages. +constricted pharynx -high -round +Highpitch -Lowpitch -Highpitch _+Lowpitch Goldsmith a{ b{ . the same segments at all levels of analysis. but of a sequence. for example. displays this: (3. and . and a low tone followed by a high tone respectively.20) +syllabic . (the first Goldsmith argues that these notions cannot be adequately incorporated into the sPE model. '. not of the vowel alone. may itself cally into fails. and the second the '. in his interpretation consist of a high tone followed by a low tone.

21) both tone.21) +syllabic +CP -high -round ] +Highpitch -Lowpitch AAB [+Lowpitch Highpitch Bj i. Thus a word (or a larger unit) might consist of a set of such autosegmental different in be points. (For further discussion of the notion of sequenti.al ordering within the segment. the tonal features are factored out to another feature level. tone as represented and a a of a sequence In the case of (3.4.21) involves a claim that there can be sequential ordering within is found in distinctive Neither the possibility segment. some notion of vertical ordering must be /a/. ' (3. this dynamic element by association lines: (3. each of which (3.. /a/ falling (3. single a feature notational system as presented in SPE. ) Goldsmith therefore features abandons the notion of vowels (1976: 23): that tonal features are Rather. incorporated to account for the sequential ordering of the tones. -high or +hipitch -Iopitch] [+Iopitchj hipitchl HL a Where appropriate. see §7. but their relation is merely one of simultaneity which they are associated We represent in time.20). ph. and (3.23): .20) e. (3. specifications on the other level constito the vowels with tute segments. as at segmented might tiers.22) +syllabic +constr. a represent with and where low by-Goldsmith high tone. (3. other autosegmental tiers like the two in.22) would be present in the representation of a word.66.

67.23) Like the prosodic analysis of §3. Igbo has two sets of vowels which differ in the value they have for the feature [Advanced Tongue Root] ([ATRI): (3. and so the notion of vowel harmony as a is formalisation. all vowels must [ATRI.25): in tier. we find in the autosegmental model a 'harmonic autosegment'. the concept of the autosegbe used with respect to processes such as vowel harmony. a as on operates Within certain (3.24) ieu0aq(? [+ATRI [-ATRI. whose function appears much the same..2. the given a word of property Goldsmith suggests that the concept of the feature [ATRI as an . domains of the word in Igbo. whose domain is the whole word. have Goldsmith in they for feature the the value which agree [+ATRI forms harmony the that value autosegment.25) ý<v Cv CV v cv Cý I [ +ATR Each vowel is associated with the autosegment [+ATRI. Goldsmith considers somedata from the vowel harmony system of Igbo which illustrates this approach. also may ment Instead of a prosody such as we found in the account of Turkish vowel harmony. (3. which a suggests different harmonic (3.

It the internal (3. following it.28) (in which I leave the feature [high]. and first sufbecause of the [-ATR] specification which with the second suffix. first the three. for example. certain suffixes block vowel harmony.26) prefix #E+ Ii stem vu + suffix tE suffix +s+ suffix ghI # +ATR -ATR # (where capital letters denote vowels unspecified for the feature [ATRI). Thus. of vowels fix). but is the. stem. The Igbo suffix /sI/ operates in this way. as in (3.27).28) structure of the consonants unspecified): [+high] t [+hVigh] m# [+hIgh] #kybrv # [-round] back # would then be associated The autosegmental feature-values with . autosegmentenables the natural representation of certain deviant aspects of vowel harmony in Igbo.26): (3. (3. The features [back] and considered vowel level from [round] would operate within autosegments on a different to give.68.27) #E+ vlJ + tE + SI + ghI # [+A [-A #1 # As in normal cases.2.26) is an autosegmental representation of the underlying 'surface' the of representation (3. and impose their own vowel harmony on any following vowels. which in turn understructure lies the phonemic representation /evutesjghj/: (3. (3. the value [+ATRI is associated with the syllables (the prefix. to yield This in turn asthe appropriate is easy to see how this system would apply to the Turkish data in harmony §3.n blocked is (lexically) associated [-ATRI to any suffix signs output.

+high -back _-round.31) #g II # [-hYgh] zI -hY gh [+-back round # ]r# is perfectly i. to the phenomenon of preaspiration . The framework of autosegmental phonology has also been applied in Icelandic by ThrAinsson (1978). feature on the harmonic vowels would level. values +round] in the first of ation syllable.32): (3.32) #gI.31): (3. where a low . The exceptional cases injurkish vowel harmony.29). to the give and at a later stage deautosegof vowels. thus yield- a representation ing a standard representation. V]r# -high ý[-ýback<l # (+r II nd which will SPE-type -round later # be deautosegmentalised. the however. [-high. (3. (here trigger a rule unspecified) whereby all following [-high] would be associated with a [-roundl. +high -back round'. [-hYgh] Z1.30) #k-Vbr'VtVm# +high -back _-round. to give (3. e. /g6zler/ is given as (3. each mentalised to give the familiar representation in (3. vowel in the first syllable inhibits roundness harmony.69. the underlying representation The associregular.29) #ky [+hl bry [+hYlgh] ý [+hIgh] h] nj L+' ack round] M# Tr (3.30): (3. might be handThe underlying autosegmental representation of led as follows.

the preaspiration process infirst the the of two successive voiceless stops of replacement volves by [h]. as The rule. ThrAinsson argues that. in to of applies. the synchronic rule of pregiving also ends adjective [ht] [t-. Pei-. as in (3.34) masta veita ny'ta xnf . This is apparent in various sets of alternations. th] . (3. [Sal.34): A similar (3. ].. of first the features the of the characterising phonological some of features. . the preaspiration a geminate rule again applies.70. supralaryngeal sbt of voiceless stops. [ma i -. which after A/. Icelandic involves the addition of a suffix /t/. sg. specifically. The past tense suffix is /6/.33) (from 1978:8): (3. /tt/. /s/ If to thus the stem ends in /t/. as giving in (3. [feiht] feitt lj6tt saott [Ijouht] [saiht] 'fat' ugly. sg. given . sweet.t ha [ve it ha [ni. the. instead (3.33).. th] [Ijou: th] Neut. and changes stops voiceless sequence.. in /t/. phonetically.33) feit lj6t smt Fem. give as aspiration s-ituation is to be found in the formation of the past tense of'a weak verb. The formation of the neuter singular form of an adjective in If the stem of the.35) (from 1978: 36): is then. tha] Past 'meet' [grant' mwtti veitti [maihtil [veihtil lutilisel n9tti [nihtil ThrAinsson is concerned with the phonological characterisation deletion is He is involved that the of the argues what process.

either'be characterised directly "by be adding an association line from the set expressed or (3. (I return to the matter of asThe laryngeal features ) 7 in 9. v. I CZ I-son supralaryngeal features: -cont alab acor h yh L. v. -stiff v. c. C. and Ad g/ E-SGI. gl'. -. son feaof supralaryngeal alone. -. ThrAinsson claims that the difference in Icelandic is 'not one of voicing. ThrAinsson claims. c. -constr. V. g]. C. specification formant "reflects the structure of the preceding vowel" might. +stiff V. The supralaryngeal of [h]. c. to of vowel as of supralaryngeal (3.35) laryngeal features: phonological segments: -spr. what remains are the laryngeal features in just this the features are case argues. . (3. which by universal convention. w _j -cont alab Ocor yhigh. -constr.36): features in the Cl".son -cont -son -cont Thr&insson notices that this-anlaysis incorporates Goldsmith's is theory the "autosegmental of-how a various that phonology claim . _-slack I v I±high ±back +spr. _-slack. -constr. C. which. C2 I ±high±back .36) -SG +SG +SG 1 Ll I . gI g]. g] . After deletion chapters and piration tures. +stiff V. Thrainscharacterising'[h] in the Halle and Stevens model. j are taken from Halle and Stevens (1971: between /p-t k/ and Ad g/ 203). g].71.0.. but of aspiration. -slack C1 I-son +spr. and hence uses (CSGI) to characterise the difference the feature [spread glottis] /p t k/ being [+SG1.

of being able "to extend over a number of phoneme places" (1944: 192). Thus. not found ally in sPE.72. sequences rather similar analysis of vowel shared harmony phenomenacould be offered by using Harris's long components 1977: Sommerstein 54). extending properties. the the theory the same size as the are then. three for systems all example. and calls which structure cal these components long components. tongue. the implications theoretical to the underlying respect the that dealt the have phonoI claim prosodists' with not example. I have as 'feature or smear' as the topic the to this thesis. cited discussion). are coordinated" (Goldsmith 1976b: 23). R. i. notes: each other. being the of able to represent the notion of characteristic share befeatures. However. but represent subsets of this segment. -(see. very are segmental phonology be be to notational variants of considered of representation might (1977: 117) Clements Indeed. and are proposed in order to characterise properties A by of phonemes. as an attempt to construct a formal theory capable of exinsights the about prosodic structure of some pressing which Z. or whatever certain phonological known limits the the sometimes segment. the apparatus. Firth shared. Autosegmental phonology could be regarded. the velum. ignored 'spread'. Harris (1944) suggests that there may be components in the phonologilonger traditional than the are segment. underlying nemic principles items to the is the-reader various referred these matters.1 return to a detailed discussion into of the arguments for splitting up segmental representations such subsets. 'normal' segments. lips. sion of two in these sections. each with tiers are mental discusFor long Harris the components. Harris and J. the the e. ways of many of they are not relevant differ with and autosegmental phonology in which prosodic analysis For theories. of autosegments' case. These long components are essentifeatures forerunners the of which have the property. a single of phenomenon yond here. In chapter 5. It can be seen that the concepts of prosodic analysis and autotheir to the systems point where similar. . in part. (see for Sommerstein language are polysystemic logical components of how the Goldsmith's various autosegof account or with the 'associated' be or with photo other. articulatory components of In this the larynx.

vocalic of syllable.which. he : claims. say. this structure defensible in terms of the evidence from the phonetic Using this should also be signal. a vowels Thus is by the characterised a approximation. but constraints a-stretch of viewed as are on vowels. vowel approximation to the patterns characterising rapid transitions are viewed as obSuch a notion is inherent role. according' to Griffen so to all On the other hand. - type of argument. sounds is seen as a constant vocalic pattern. vowel and pattern. in other words. Further. Griffen prophonetics. but differs tant ways.73. based fundamental The hierarchical the on principles of model. but far. are that the segment is abandoned in themas a phonological unit. 3.1967) in acoustic. e. is consistent with the findings of Mermelstein (1973) and Perkell (1969) in physiological phonetics and with the findings of Ohman(1966. e. which moves "from one interrupted by to the constraints on next. the acoustic formant patterns characterising the next.1976). themselves". only approximation vowel 'member this A is then.5. stic or physiological model .the hierarchical poses an alternative model . these 'dynamic' models of phonetics. in favour'of the traditional organization" mo'dels of phonological structure in which the notion of the segment plays a the theories I have surveyed cannot be defended-in terms of acouOn the basis of this. they must be 'natural' as this phonetic evidence is also to some extent an abstraction from the continuous stream of speech-sound. This is the hierarchical model developed by Griffen (1975.4 The hierarchical model I want now to consider a model which also shows some similariin certain importies to the model of prosodic anal ysis. comparatively . transition transition the first from one syllable to the next involves a relatively slow from. i. i. phonetics (1975: 204). the notion that all phonological structures must be established from phonetic evidence in the sense of §1. and that consonants are not entities Thus. ' Griffen lays great stress on the 'inner approach' of Trubetzkoy (1939) and Jakobson et al (1952). Griffen maintains that there is no phonetic evidence in favour of "a segmental approach to phonological (1975: 203). selves.

but they continue in ables may be slightly the transition the vocalic pattern. viewed as syllable prosodies -a syllable. ity'. of the constant pattern: as interruptions During the obstruction. that oppositions among vowels are being it will be recalled. partial obstruction (2nd degree -frication). the of syllable all or part extend over . a member of the vocalic pattern. pitch. such as tone. then. change of of some be by being brought the viewed about presumably. the prosodies of one syllable can affect the prosodies discussed Thus. and may etc. Notice. frontness) height on the syllabic prosodies of the preceding and say. and-minor obstruction (3rd degree -sonorants). Prosodies on the vocalic pattern "include the notion of intonation and a syllable prosody "is a realisation qualof a particular duration for the of a syllable". and ity stress (1975: 208). variconstrained. which The prosodies are associated with-the obstruction. these do not necessarily all occur as obstructions in a particular language. however. and acoustically from syllable to syllable can be interpolated mathematically. However. structions realised as consonants and'glides on the vocalic pattern. earlier influence of the syllabic prosodies of one syllable (prosodies of.74. and the ones largely the here I obstruction prosodies. i-umlaut OE the adjoining syllable.the vocalic pattern. claimss. In addition to the various phonological entities mentioned above . In processes such as umlauting. (Griffen 1975: 209). as would. tunes. are am with which (the inverse of 'aspiration' These prosodies can include 'tension'. It is claimed that the vocalic pattern is traceable from syllable to and it is in this sense that the consonants can be viewed syllable. Griffen (1975: 207) distinguishes three degrees of obstruction total obstruction (1st degree -closure). the syllable. concerned. Griffen syllable. of vocalic quality an voice. 'nasalinherent the is pattern).. the physiological vocalic. and the obstructions there exist in this non-segmental model a series of 'prosodies'. "the most intricate set of prosodies".

give the following hierarchical model of phonological structure (1975: 215): (3. Modern Welsh. the oppositions The strucsuperimposed upon those in the lower levels. into three general division s. cesses): it how and After this brief . prosody Restriction ('Consonantal' Oppositions) Vocalic Vocalic Pattern Prosody Oppositions Vocalic Pattern in the higher levels are In this model.37) Obstruction Prosody . want now to ments degrees how idea the the characterisations of various of of some give (1975: interact. at (notice that /s/ does not this stage in traditional phonemic notation does into it the phonological mutation pronot enter as appear. processes in which the initial in change a phonological particular grammatical environundergoes 10 below (see-chapter for further I discussion). The obstruction division the vocalic constrains in accordance with the sequential pattern order of the division. syllabic sketch of the general principles of the hierarchical model. etc. Obstruction Oppositions Obstruction Syllable Syllable /Transition. Griffen applies this model to a particular he is concerned with the consonant sub-system of Welsh.. prosodies. The vocature is divided . Specifically. i. 'The syllabic division into serves to organize the vocalic pattern sequential order and forms a basis for the obstruction division. Griffen the and obstruction prosodies obstruction 166) gives the following as the consonant sub-system of Welsh. lic pattern division basis for the provides the reprelevel (phonetic of the pertinent sentation or phonological) in the abstraction of the speech event. These various patterns. we are now in a position to consider the way in which language.75. operates with respect to the various processes of initial consonant of a word mutation. e.

column 2 is taken to be basic..38) 123423 vbPfm 6dt0n 9kx0 (4) r Q) in brackets are those which I shall use (T) Th ph (g) oh (where the representations below)./f/ tion. voiced Griffen claims that the stop. opposition Thus.. Griffen 4 In the the column representaand strongest. is the basis of the phonological relationof 'aspiration' ships of the consonant sub-system of Welsh. (3. column 3 and column 2 are related through soft mutation.39). column 3 and column 4 are related through spirant mutation the two col./T/ by hence the assignment of the voiced and voiceless mutation.. example. and /P/ .i. aspiration tions of (3.. and each degree of the aspiration prosody is represented by /h/. it is superimposed on Thus column 1 represents the weakest degree of the the obstruction. /m/ and /p/ -. mutation. nasal of these processes can be nasals to columns 2 and 3.76. and that this opposition is the basis of the consonant sub-system of Welsh. and /b/ ->.that is to say.. It is appropriate at this stage to consider the motivation for the presentation in (3. umns-2 and the two columns 3 are related through nasal mutation.Al by soft mutaby spirant /p/ -). Discussion found in chapter 10..39) (from Griffen 1975: 181): . Specifically: The synchronic phonological relationships between the Column 2 and column 1 are columns are the following: related through soft mutation . e.38) . to give than the basic level as /q/. voiceless fricative. (3. prosody.' This opposition he views as a prosody . and each degree weaker Nasality is represented by /n/. /4/ -*-/1/. for holding between columns argues that the relationship 1 -4 is a gradual opposition of 'aspiration'. voiceless stop. the order voiced fricative.. /b/ -+ /V/.

38) Griffen views it as a phonological 'place-filler' for zero. completely inhibits Thus. he establishes that there are both acoustic and physiological correlates of the four categories of ob(3.39). first column. ghn Notice that the representation /g4/ is not-realised in (3. according to whether or not the prosody. The Ladefoged are members and ulation . . this ratio. (3. e.77. The primary obobstructions are members of a gradual opposition of position of articstructions 1971). the 'voiceless fricatives' The high-to-low correlate (taken from of the larynx before creases as we go from left to right is smallest. Perkell aspect of the aspiration prosody should be noted . labial. The gradual opposition which Griffen sets up has. he claims.39) 0 b d 9 + f -1 0 d4 94 +4 F4 +1 bh dh gh +2 bhh dhh ghh 0 bn dný gn +1 bhn dhn. the weakest two degrees of the aspiration prosody do voicing.38) in The acoustic correlate involves the and (3. (cf. struction frequency ratio of sound energy associated with the obfrom left to right. while the strongest between the We can now examine more formally the relationship and the obstruction prosodies in Welsh. dental. have the lowest high-to-low frequency ratio. inhibit not do. and for the 'voiceless physiological of the orifice One further important 1969: 36-37) is the width The width inconsonant release. from the least to the as we go struction The 'voiced fricatives' in the most aspirated.the fact that the members of the opposition split into two groups. and in the fourth column the highest.increases. "I voicing of 'stops' and 'fricatives. in phonetic evidence. then. justification As a result of an experiment conducted with Welsh informants. i. for 'voiced fricatives' it the fricatives' largest. I return to this matter in chapter 10.

) Superimposed upon these obstructions are the obstruction prosodies . Unlike the in Welsh. there are no lateral or realised as Ist degree obstructions. for example. notation to represent these obstructions. The obstruction oppositions of Welsh. The aspiration prosody. take part same phonological relationships. can be represented as (3. (d). but are merely meant to in order tq avoid any I shall therefore. use-a different The primary obstructions are the only ones which (i. e.40) . prosody .the aspiration prosody. in the various mutation rules. There is only one member of the trill obstructions with closure. and are represented by Griffen as /b/. one relationship Notice again that. a as clarity.78. but also by articulatory configuraas are the primary obstructions. /g/. is formally represented as and the aspiration nasality prosody (q (I different for introduce 0h hh) again. (Notice. {b). velar. however. which differs from the other obstructions in entering into only with one obstruction prosody. as closure). ) Thus Griffen introduces the symbol (0) to represent the second degree of aspiration. Thus the familiar full system of prosodic and obstruction oppositions in Welsh is shown as (3. 'apico-alveolar the fricative' obstructions class of tertiary slit {s). It does not. the phoneme /s/ differs from in that it does not enter into the the other voiceless fricatives. M and trill {rl. then. as we shall see below. bracketing for the identification of prosodies. /d/. and members sition -a notation already from the non-binary feature systems of chapter 2. /3h/. the nasality prosody is privative (n). He also notes (1975: 225) that the use of these particular symbols is "I just could as easily represent the oppoconvenience: a notational /4h/" /2h/. The secare realised as a 1st degree obstruction are not defined by "point of articulation" ondary obstructions alone. confusion. symbolise the obstructions. (b gl' (Primary) d r-I (Secondary) (ý {sl (Tertiary)- [gl. e. as_/lh/. and are not tion (1975: 223).41) (from 1975: 231): .40): (3. i. and the nasality prosody. that these are not phonemic symbols. These are the lateral viz. in traditional terms.

(3. any secondary obstruction. and the (/s/).. The first and second member of the opposition struction.42) (q (n) 0* h hh) (40) (0) Tertiary Obstructions Primary obstructions Secondary Obstructions Thus. either alone (corresponding.. each consisting of one member of the obstruction opposition and one member of either or both prosodic However. (3. there are restrictions on what may combine which Griffen represents as (3. (simultaneously) obany primary and of aspiration . in the /8 dt 0/). with prosody nasality and Secondary obstructions may enter into relationships In g/). theory in some detail because it diI have gone into Griffen's from the interesting in other notational systems respects some verges .79. constrain then. or in the case of the 2nd dental series. to traditional (e. may constrain of aspi'ration The second member of the opposition must of aspiration the tertiary obstruction.41) n) h {b d hh) {s} (Tertiary) Prosodic Oppositiorls g} f-} (Secondary) (Primary) Obstruction Oppositions to proThese two sets of oppositions "enter into relationships duce the various 'sounds' of Welsh. are vilewed as constraints The prosodies. primary obstructions may enter into relationships with any of the aspiration prosodies.. with the ist and 2nd degrees of the aspiration prosody (/1 4ý t/). 2nd degree the tertiary aspiration only with of obstructions Thus (Griffen 1975: 230): The nasal member of the opposition may conof nasality the second or third member of the opposition strain . on the obstruction oppositions. degrees 3rd the of aspiration also g. restrictions oppositions".42): with what.

Clearly. -Notice that the hierarchical model differs from the prosodic and autosegmental models in its explicit rejection of the segmentas a phonological unit. appear not to be minimally componential. However. this nonsegmental aspect is the most important respect in which the hierarchical model differs from any of the other theories discussed in chapters.42). we it in the notamight not expect there to be a way of characterising the first However. privative nature of the nasality opposition meansthat obstructions may differ in whether or not the nasality prosody is present. might natural any or a simmore sitions ilar criticism against the postulation of the gradual opposition of . is the motivation for the which raise questions. expect reasonable hypothetical beholding constraint whýther any predicting of way no tween elements of the 0bstruction oppositions and the prosodic oppoWe level less than is other.42)? That is. most languages would be even more strongly conto enter into relationships strained. it also differs in other ways. and not at all with the nasality prosody? If this were a phenomenonpeculiar to Welsh. there are various aspects of the hierarchical model Wýat. between the obstruction constraints on the relationships particular oppositions and the prosodic oppositions in (3. Further. examined above.42). why can in Welsh only enter into relationships secondary obstructions with and second degrees of aspiration. The obstructions of the hierarchical Model.80. seems only with be There in this to is the to reflected notation. as can be Notably. but to have. the structure of the phonological units of the hierarchical model allows a than is available within greater variety of structural possibilities the minimally componential distinctive feature theories. Thus. as in (3. However. the seen from (3. these restrictions tion. 2 and 3. while the feature-values of the sPE theory are not divided into subsets. will be appropriate for nearly all languages (indeed. allowing secondary obstructions degrees it the the of of and one aspiration prosody). various kinds of internal structure. for example. as we saw in chapter 2. while the other models maintained a unit of segment size as the basic phonetic unit. the obstructions are characterised by different groups of oppositions. unlike the segments of featuretheory.

and shall also offer'a dependency mutation phenomena various interpretation of these processes. (0) in Griffen's Why degree the system. material of with a 'metrical alignment the theory as one in which a structure Thus. prominence is Thus. (1979). again. but in is apparent than in the distinctive is to be found not within the which the greater degree of structure phonological sequences.5 Metrical Finally phonology in this chapter. itional the notion prosodic concepts: we represent in defined on terms of a relation prominence relative . This is the theory of first developed (1977). Selkirk also and see Liberman and Prince (1977: 249) state phonology: of trademploys two basic ideas about the representation first. a greater degree of structure logical representation feature system of spE. Kiparsky McCarthy (ms). than a simple linear sequence) is imposed on a string of seg- but within segment. in Liberman Prince phonology-. should prosody of opposition-be able to enter into more phonological relationships than any other? the aspiration chapters that some of the concepts of the hierachical model are similar to the proposals of dependency phonology. the nodes are marked w ('weak') and s ('strong'). we represent certain structure. that the theory of metrical As can be seen from the quotation defined with respect to the constituents syntactic tree. relative . an interpretation within the formalism of dependency theory gives a more satisfactory account of these concepts.81. we may characterise (other ments.1 In chapter account of the shall consider Griffen's prosody. I shall submit. in Welsh. constituent in linguistic the terms of the notion of rhythm aspects linguistic grid'. I want to consider a model of phono' in which. in particular the aspiration with respect to the characterisation-of 10. in a of an utterance. E]etrical and (1979). above. and second. We shall see in later 3. but.

trees as stronv. . compeers as weak". the labels s and w are only meaningful with respect to each other. so as: . and (3. that all branching is binary.44) swwSsw IIIIII modest balloon gymnast while in a three-syllable word we find: (3. then. Liberman I (1977: 264) "it that Prince note accords quite directly with the and intuition behind metrical comparison to regard the stressed syllable its unstressed.82. (Liberman English A compound shift> and Prince 1977: such as <stress 256).43): is therefore strong. prominence relation. The following.45) sww III pamel-a is one of the principles of metrical phonology The relative then. e. they formulate [-stress] which constraint are a vowels that all w. a node can only be strong in comparison with a. Thus. i.'sister node which is (relatively) weaker. as represented ond. result: (3. in which the first element is more stressed than the sec(3. Similar structures are apparent within the word. Notice that it Liberman and Prince observe that only [+stress] vowels can be S.43) sw II stress shift It should be noted that because 'relative prominence' is indeed (in Liberman and Prince's terms "a relation denotion a relational fined on sister nodes"). holds only between the two sisters of a binary branching structure.

say. the value [2 stress] is absolute. branching structures for <Pamela> are elimi- Perhaps the most important aspect of the Liberman and Prince treatment of stress. rather than on individual segments" (1977:333). then. (scalar) for feature the thus implying particular value that. In the sPE interpretation. the interKiparsky (1979: 432) argues that nal structure of the syllable.47a)] template to the well-known sonority syllabic hierarchy I (3.46) *S [-stress] The other possible nated by this constraint. is governed by a universal rule which syllabification assigns a metrical structure to strings of segments. U.0. and be The may augmented by language-particular which rules. a (where the label a denotes a syllable). fricatives. w. universal core rule requires an optimal matching of the 1(3. r. I return to this matter in chapter 7.47b) 1: (3. it appears that the phonetic value of a vowel bearing the speci-ý fication [2 stress] can be determined independently of the context in which the vowel appears. y. 1. nasals. e. (3.83. while in the sp-Pmodel individual vowels are assigned a [stress]. Within any "pair of adjacent . I turn now to another aspect of metrical phonology. 1. is that "relative prominence is defined between phonological constituents.47) Sonority Hierarchy: stops.

. phonothe prosodic syllable. §7. phrase.has the following tree: (3.49)..1 and 8. like those in (3. Thus. to e. the syllable nucleus plus any following vowel or consonant) forms a constituent within the tree. e.49a) of this long vowels are treated as bimoric.48) cr ws pa Notice the higher branching structure in (3. are logical phrase and the utterance. s (For a discussion of such hierarchies. Prince's theory Selkirk that of metrical of phonology.48). specific posit prosodic categories. he'argues. i. <pad>.84. see the sonority hierarchy. see 9§7. which sub-units These prosodic categories 'label' the nodes of the tree. the the the word. foot.2). in which the rhyme is circled: (3. McCarthy (1979:454) argues that within any syllabic tree the "rhyme" (i. man and Selkirk observes: Finally. is in the the more sonorous in terms of one a marked segments a". all syllables have structures rhyme is affected. ) for a discussion I want to consider a somewhat revised version of Liber(ms). in more general terms. necessary differentiated of prosodic structure.49) a w C (In (3. the intonational is difference there is a showing'that She primarily with concerned between phonological structure (as defined by metrical trees) and . and cites a number of processes in which the Thus.4. found in [the cqnception of suprasegmental representation is too impoverished and it is Liberman and Prince] .4.

the definition following of which may be language-specific. the are possibilities: Selkirk .85. As in Kiparsky's presentation.51) in terms of a s1w labelling. the syllabic branching structure consisting the syllabic tree. syntactic structure. I shall not consider this matter here. adduces various pieces of evidence which support the is highly in the prosodic the that a unit syllable structured notion (see however chapter 7). but will confine my discussion to the "prosodic units at the level of (a). the foot (z). tree is a binary of an onset and a rhyme.50) onset peak V.47) found in the principles above are retained. as in (3. rhyme syl ]able coda while (3. are which are assigned s elements low (= Isubordinatel status)". investigate here I hierarchy. shall not which Syllables are organised into. i.50). In English. e. the syntactic word or lower". however. the foot. we have: (3. more sonorous where in comparison with their sisters. the syllable and the prosodic word (w). the next highest prosodic unit. for English <flounce>: (3.

probate v CO CO ES EW rowbeyt A VG (V G.86. which Prince and . sofa w J. syllabic S sowfa teTplates. (3. One of the adSelkirk for her account over that of Liberman claims vantages which in is the treatment of the pair <gýmnAst>/<m6dest>. g. "function AA a aw p aqma as wellformedness conditions on underlying representations". g. y7nnast ES Ew- c0 imnmst 010 as CO V /X aw CO as aw e. g. ' 9. g. modest w CO CO V rrr adast The suoer foot e. ll:S AA Pamela w CFW _ES CO V CO like Such templates.52) The basic feet: e.tense vowel or di phthong) (i 0 e.

53): (3. ference between the two items can be associated with their different status with respect to the foot. as the two syllables branching structure. because it is (It the bisYllabic foot.53).54) The Prosodic Word: Prominence Selkirk in a right Given a pair of sister [Nj N21. w word. in the Liberman and Prince treatment have the samemetrical tree (cf. foot. Liberman and Prince have to distinguish the trees by marking the vowels with the feature [±stress]. processes main g. to give the prosodic from the following taken are assigned on and principle. (3. clear whether there is independent evidence for the in itself a foot. difference in "foothood" between the two forms in (3. For flapping is the (e. however. the second syllable of <gymnast> is Selkirk and is therefore 'stressed'. and is therefore 'unNotice further that the first syllable of <modest> is stressed'. Thus. N2 is s iff nodes it branches. strong element of stressed.44)). the become a flap. s Liberman and Prince: feet are joined (3. as in (3.87. Finally. ) claims that there are phonological processes whose doE.53) modest +- AA swsw IIII gymnast ++ as the difargues that this feature can be eliminated. while the second syllable of <modest> is weak and is not a foot. A/ example. Thus #e internal structure of <irrespective> is: . the intervocalic /t/ in <total> can only within occur form a single foot. -* Cl) foot. a is not.

55) ZZ Ew" arsývj w Es ý>. Although my main concern in what follows will be with the internal structure of segments. . Ew Ax irispektiv A In this section I have presented in broad outline those aspects important for the arguments that are most phonology which of metrical . of lAelled the syllable.88. I return to the notion of relative prominence. the internal structure*of with particular reference to the sonority hierarchy and its characterisation. It will be seen that this theory of phonological-notation follow. Rather. too. and also the charac- terisation of stress. I consider again constituency trees. ter. the added degree of structure which is apparent in the model comes in the hierarchisation of sequences of segments. 4. al --. for example. from the others considered in this chapter. (3.. in that it retains differs the notion of the segment. In chapvarious aspects of the metrical theory will be of relevance. and it that can be better expressed formally than by the use wilVsuggest In chapter 7. rather than of sequences.

. 2 and 4. I show how the theory of dependency can be used in the characterisathan the segment . In prosodic the state of affairs characterised analysiss.1 Dependency between segments In the sPE notational system. the notational system which will be developed throughout this thesis underlying the rest of dependency the-notational In 94. a relationship which we might represent (4.Chapter 4 Notational Systems 4: The Dependency Model In this. and develop a set of vowel 'components' into can enter which various dependency relationships. syllables tion of structures-larger and words . .e.1): ABC DEF .for example. There is no strucunordered sets of racterised ture involved in sequences of segments. In some of the models considered in chapter 3.1) did not hold. as noted in chapter 2. it was seen that in (4. words conlinearly ordered strings'of of segments (which in turn are chasist by feature-values).the phonematic units.2): ' as .the domain had their as structures of other sequentially orprosodies dered units .3 1 apply the theory.. other than this linear ordering. 4. g. we saw that certain phonological units . chapter I give an account of the principles . to the internal structure of'the segment. as shown in (4.A similar relationship was found in the autosegmental model.while in W.1 of system phonology.

'governs' V nom and erg e. we saw that segments were organised into higher phonological units. nominative and ergency.3). an interpretation which is rather different from any of Such 'dependencyrelations have been postulathose discussed so far. (they in dependent V they turn on are grammar] Ns. 1971c) involves dependencyrelations holding between nodes in trees.x-1 BCDEF where the prosodies (or autosegments) x and y are shown to have reIn the model spectively the strings A -D and A -E as their 'scope'. such as the syllable and-the foot. ted in syntax to represent head-modifier relationshi ps in both e'ndoand exocentric constructions (see. (4. then. (4. 1971b. section. theory the the of case case elements two of of ative. In dependency grammars. dependencytrees are assigned to syntactic sequences instead of the phrase structure trees of constituency grammarssuch as that of Chomsky(1965). from Anderson (1971a:73). [verb]). their respective govern .90. and the notational system of the 10calist'case grammarof Anderson (1971a.3) erg N was beaten N In-this John by BiII (which [(4-3)] lexical) the categories all are are in in terms of dependency rather than constituhierarchized [i. of metrical phonology.2) 11 f. for example. Hays 1964 and Robinson 1970). I want to show that an interpretation of phonological structure is possible using the notion of relationships of dependency. is a dependency tree representing the sentbeaten by Bill>: was <John ence (4. .

or. This concept of representation allows or as a precedes Anderson and Jones (1974a: 14) to characterise the various combinations (4. is the ultimate governor. Wemay represent the (i. consisting of a number _treje. b>a.4): these as relationships of The dependencyrelations in (4. the case labels (nominative and ergative) are the governors in the Two label N. which is represented on the horizontal dimension (i. are subordinate categories all other and strcuture. and hence the root. the governing element is placed higher than the element which it governs). b).4) a. and precedence. in I (4.5): . In turn. e. then. the nonsymmetrical relationship of dependency. a>b ab d.91.3) we have the relationships in (4. dependencyrelationship as ab 'and (strict) (i. a<b.3). ). (4. e. a governs b). types are present of relationship the category of tree. as -14-a. The V. a>b ab b Thus. are used to express the hier(4. etc. a ý-b b. normal left-to-right order). which is repre(where joined by dimension two the a are nodes vertical sented on branch.. of the to the governor. the b of precedence relationship as a<b e. The nodes are connected to each other by in depenhead these the the construction of whole as verb. considered dency grammars. equivalently. the a of archical relationships -Thus (nom. -a<b. 4+'b a a Zb C.3) is dependency theory. labelled is of which of each nodes.

7) in which the nodes are labelled with elements corresponding to the (4. Robinson 1970. the following then. I in fact is shall use represenand so necessary. appropriate for Dutch <put> /potý 'well': (4. The non-syllabic elements. a 'syllable' without a syllabic Notice that this notion is also used in establishing heads in syntax (cf. are only aprepresentations segments involving have further internal if structure no segments propriate below that this extra dedependency see shall we the relationship. we intend something like 'serving to characterise a syllable': element is not a syllable.7): the of categories) assignments node (4.Anderson and Jones (1977: 117) note that: the syllabic element is that element in a syllable which Is obligatory By characteristic and characteristic. is claimed that these notions may be appropriate for the to the extent that we of phonological relationships characterisation phonological structures.6).7).6) graph is Notice that (4.92. can motivate unique governors for particular is apAnderson and Jones suggest that just such a characterisation The syllabic element may be interpreted propriate for the syllable. involved. are dependent on the syllabic.5) erg <N. as the head and therefore the governor of the syllable . N V nom <N<V< It nom erg---*.6) rather than (4. (4. Anderson forthcoming).7) like However. . gree of structure tations like (4. Thus. below the appropriate in which the symbols are located immediately the nodes (the discontinuous lines indicating is equivalent to the tree in (4.

govern ments governs all the other sylsuch that the stressed syllabic tionship. is it i. /bezzem/ 'broom'.9) IIIII IIIII IIIII b e: zm . under. while word element dependency is further there the relaa non-syllabics. respective of as governors selected are again give (4. in and or equivalently. simultaneously'to syllables. then.1977) 1974a: 1.8)-is multi-rooted. labics. /z/ both In-(4. while simultaneously being the 0. the in elethe ' syllabic governor.1976. syllables.8).8) /z/ is dependent be seen that in (4. /p/ and /t/. of syllabics ýon (see Anderson 'overlap' theory I the the of syllable adopt elsewhere. tree e. the two-syllabics labic word such as Dutch <bezem> to their syllables.8) the intervocalic I' Here i.1. whole word.9). assigned are It will forms the coda of the first syllable. such that there is no single ultimate governor of the Anderson and Jones (1974a: 18) suggest that it is in fact have the for to stressed a governor unique all words appropriate the is Thus.1977. the theory that intervocalic consonants.10) (4. In (4. that and is. (4.6) and (4. Jones Jones § . (4.7). as (4. Anderson'1975. both /z/ the and e. in I-return the to this syllable. /e / /a/. a without a unique centre. 1973. the most prominent element in the sylIn a bisyllable. /0/. then.8): (4.1. certain'conditions.11): (4. governs both the non-syllabics.93. second matter of onset However.

The calibration in this way (4. e.94. 'head') the and similarly. while in (4. however. element (non-grammatical) is 'head' the the of that the stressed syllabic have syllabic.11) the governing /e: / is said to be of a dependencydegree of 0. the By convention.10) b m (4. priate Anderson is to the Jones referred reader and pendency phonology. of the syllable. the vertical as in (4. of degree have dependency. applied in have for that is I there phonology not shown value any course.z1"'" IIIII IIIII 2 e: zam the to phonological structure of words and syllables. and the nonsyllabics of a dependencydegree of 2. of being able to establish structures apart from such as (4. then. the fact that they seem to provide and reasatisfying an intuitively holdthe analogue of of prominence relations sonably well-motivated ing between the various segments. this same of all is generally indicated only by the fact that they are on the same levdimension.11) 2 b In (4. characnotion syllabic characteriýes (i. .10). stressed a must single words such all word teristic In chapter 71 shall show that these concepts are indeed approformal the For theory deaccount of for a more of phonology. (4. correctly is that the the the obligatory. and fifth segments nodes shows that the first.9) -(4.9) and (4. the nodes in the tree are labelled. el on This informal sketch of dependency theory shows how it might be As yet. Dependency theory.11). while the non-stressed syllabic is of a dependencydegree of 1. ("J.11) in the third.10).

a :5b and holds).12)-. we introduce dependency precedence. in a componential relationships phonology. representation (4. is (4.95. a and b are coincident in precedence.12) ý b in (4. Before attempting to do this. b. now. the components may occur. I shall consider (following Anderson and Jones 1974a: 2) the types of structure which can be if we add the possibility of dependency within the segrepresented (4.4) In it was seen that four possible structures ment. not as an unordered set as in the distinctive feature theories of chapter 2. of generated dependency and strict If. a within the segment. requires that we first notion of componentiality.2 Dependency within It the segment is also possible to postulate the existence of dependency within the segment. 4. e. but as a set whose members enter into various asymmetrical relationships with each other. of all establi-sh the nature of the components. This then. (1974a:§2. the appropriate graph for the relationship b are components of a single segment. i. could be by together with the relationships using two variables. alternatively. neither a<b -: tionship may be represented as a=b. That is to say. a=b. and secondly. This relanor 6<a (4.8). relationships which can again be modelled in terms of dependency.13) shows the formalised b 5 a (or.12): and a when (4. that we motivate the claim that certain components should be able to govern others. of coincidence: b a --o" . J977: 0. however.131 a.

(4. (4. subjoined and nom I . tions of difference has also been used in syntax.4c) b is adjoined to a (and vice ver(4.14b) the last N is subioined to the case node nom. b a=b.14) share the (4. in precedence it is an adjunction relationship.13a) under condiconditions of coincidence is a subjunction relationship. abstract structure which is also the surface structure common (4. John gave me help. The subjunction relationship Anderson (1971c) argues that the two sentences in (4. while in (4.16): 'complex in Vj to to is as give a segment'. b.4d)).96.14) a.14a): of (4.4b) Thus the dependency relationship in and under sa In (4. John helped me.15) 1-[e rg jI[ abi nom nom N John gave (to) me help In the (where loc and abl are the case nodes locative and ablative). b. a'4*-b a b is said to be subjoined to a (and vice versa in (4.13b)). (4.15).4a) and (4. derivation of (4.

(4. complex relationships each stand which lexicalised help> is the to gi ve word <helped>.17) a. a<bab a>bab a-b b-a Other possible state a and b may be mutually (4. depexist. also required. a re(i. This a: b or b: a In (4. no of employed resentations We because b. a and may co-dependent e. <gave combinations of the. b -" a *4 dependent and coincident. In -')-b b other cases. If a b. mutually relationships -1. lationship of simple combination . the shall a=b.gavel help me The structure governing <gave help> is a segment which is comit is in the that madeup of various syntactic primitives. dependin the unilateral of in relationships which systems required 2)'. ). see of condition between a and ship is dependency the that only however. sense plex in dependency to The other. This relaendent or 4(i _" be b. b is b that mutually governing). it makes no difference which of the two graphic rep- is. there is ordering relationcourse.and a. a -1-.97.18). precedence and dependency b be (i. ency (4.18): in is shown of affairs Finally. we have the two possibilities in (4.16) V [erg abi [=N nom lo nom NN John- [. of mutual relationship below. and a and b are tionship may represented as a in precedence. a) are and a e.17): distinct (4. ab.19): in is as sufficient. b.

b or b. b. the representa4*and the second. for the reasons outlined ) above. a -*. b. (4. and are therefore not from it. of a and b. in holding between a and b are different. b a"ý u Thus.98. I in which a=b.20) in in is. and ab are instantiations of a. (4. (4. a relationship which mtght'.19) a=ba.21) a. b Da However. we have three segdependency relationships with each other. b. a ation a. be repre-. differ the that they only respect shown which ments Suppose now. This characterisation . a where no dependency relations hold between a and b. among which may contract components. rather. both dependency involving and representations a relacontaining tionships rather than simple combination are required.20) a a: b b a. (I ignore b. whenever a contrast is required between two or three items b.21): as sented (4. a system with any of occur all of a b a. is. we consider phonological dependency b. The above represent the possible combinations to representations want now to confine my attention There are four possibilities: (4. that. the three. which are a and up of variogs Further. given the definition of the relationship of simple combination. they are all in a 'hyponomous' reladistinguishable tionship to the 'superordinatel.20) cannot ' in first That b. but the the a and relationships components all contain " first In the case. in the third. b segments to be made b. it appears that the last representation in (4.

prominent (going from governing alone to mutually dependent. As we move from left to right a becomes gradually and alone 'diluted' and less preponderant. 'gradual interpretation the immediate of notion of opposiallows an As we move from the first to the third segment. allows the natural expression of Trubetzkoy's between the representations At one end of the scale.99. and b becomes more 'concentrated' and more preponderant. The introduction of this possibility gives the set in (4. In ihe different dependency relationships which can hold beaddition to tween a and b. Da b bb The concept of a scalar relationship is even clearer in (4.22) than in (4. then. which were members distinguish the to of set of values appropriately subsets not able feature.. b becomesmore prominent. rather. however. we can suggest that'. the following representations scalar feature system: . (in that they contain a However. conversely. there are two further segments which differ from those in (4. they may be present or absent in the representation of a segment. The adoption of these representations gradual oppositions. which were for the characterisation of scales such as these. until at the right hand extreme segments are most b-like and least a-like (having b alone and lacking a). becomegradually more 'b-like' and less 'a-like'.20) in lacking either a or b. that For. Wemay introduce another structural variable.22). appropriate also individual handle the classificatory of segments properties could not feature Such systems were a of particular scale. in chapter 2 we saw that scalar features. The representations. while. then.22) aaa: II. segments are most a-like and least b-like lack b). as characterised such scalar a scale a constituting might be appropriate for a by (4.22): (4. Let us assumethat componentsare not entities that are omnipresent.20).to dependent alone). a becomesless tion'.

4. e. {a.1.22) or {a by the first stituted (whether dependent mutually not by the first subset constituted (again including the case of mutual dependence). first the four values contains by the all segments containing a.23b). a phonological not which were present all of the-models in chapters 2 and 3. the subset constituted second. the class where 0 is the identity element. e. want now sonority.3' Vowel*components_ examined the theory of natural phonology. i. {a*. in (4. e. the depenof the classificatory dency display by the first {--bl. {O a). and three these treating properties as of of vowels the characterisation In 53. The subset of the full set constituted value is the set which contains a alone. can. As the characterisation of the vowel space in dependency terms develops. the subset constituted by i. .the characterisation of the vowel space. e. it will be seen that the dependency model has various other properties besides those just discusseds properties which. is a governing which _4.1 discussed in the type the section. b. e. {a}. in which palatality. i. the vowel space was characterised by a set of properties. values contains all segments which contain cular I turn now to the application of a system like this to a partiarea of phonology . (4.23) would not permit characterisation While the representations properties of the scale in question.23) a.23a) and (4. have I already examined with respect to various of the phonowhich logical models in the last two chapters. the subset contwo values contains segments in which a is i. three values contains all segments in all in (4. it was claimed in chapter 1. should be be found in but in to notation. the for I to consequences explore labiality.100. third. the or unflaterally). bj. [4a] [Ob] Dal Elbl [2al [2b3 [la] [3b] Eoal [4b] A choice would have to be made between (4. previous of components had several the that proposals phonol9gy natural recalled It will be drawbacks. and fourth both a and b. i.

offer a characterisation triangle represents the simplest possible phonemic vowel system found in language. In the'meantime. I shall examine in detail the appropriate. while retaining the three cardinal vowel properties of natural phonology. Using these dependency components. the distinction which was madebetween 'pure' and 'mixed' vowels could not be represented. and all are "three in in that the type. it will be claimed. they all have vowels which might /i be the A system phonemic given representations u a/. in a survey of the vowel systems of a large -set of languages of the world.24) lil Jul jai (Ipalatality') ('Iabiality') ('sonority') Dependency components as such (as opposed to dependency components when used to characterise classes of segments) are enclosed bein this way from tween verticals. relationship. the same relative the stand vowels same of Aland occupy the same regions of the. ] lacked both palatality and labiality). as in (4. then. are In chapter 8. In this section. vowel space". appropriately like this might be characterised as (4. though the phonetic quality may vary. thenotational system associated with natural phonology in no way reflected this claim. case for proposing these particular properties. can be overcomeby adopting the dependencymodel. Crothers (1978: 109).24). Co. and are distinguished other types of phonological representations. we are now in a position to This vowel of the vowel triangle of (3. Further. the possibility of the model defining relative complexity between vowels was also absent.25): . for example. however.101. Although the model appeared to assumethat the individual properties were not omnipresent in the characterisation of a segment (so that. with their definitions. and shall offer a more refined account of the phonetic correlates which can be associated with each of the vowel properties. here. and as a result.3). All of these problems. notes that there are 23 vowel systems which contain only three phonemic vowels. the following componentswill be used: '(4. I shall assumethat these three properties.

then. and the labiality labial. non-sonorant. in indicates as within characterises a segment (insofar as the vowel flill.26) would characterise /y/. and /o/ (4. labial and sonorant. the vowel /I/ in (4. Thus the notions of natural phonology in this respect are given a very in terms of the notation used in the dependency natural interpretation by the adoption of components which may be present specifically model.25). or just of a. presence In 94. aII { lu. ull I (Ii. but non-labial.as palatal and sonorant./ having {Ii. viewed represented lacking /e/ but labiality sonority. properties. is equivalent to {i +. single component. (4. ascharacterised non-palatal and sent.2. aj) further A is but combination non-palatal. by the it was seen that components might also be combined in Let us assume that the vowel components may be combined ways. various to characterise segments in the manner shown in (4. and the palatality fli.{ju. but /a/ and as sonorant. a II In a six vowel system such as (4.26) {li.25) (4. + 01.26): (4. curly brackets.102.27). /e/. is characterised by the presence of the palatality and sonority components are abcomponent.25) 1uI) IaII /a/ A representation that the representation space is concerned). and /o/ . but /u/ is Similarly. as /Y/. (4. hence by and allowing components to be characterised absent. all . Thus. non-palatal and non-labial. .27) /i/ the representations respectively: in /0. both by is a vowel as ul).

u. /o.29): (4. simple all vowel system be represented as (4. (4. the representajil jil-like. incorporating these would combinations. captures the relation and sonority it was claimed by the natural phonologists. The various lines connecting there are the gradual oppositions /I/ -/y/ -/u/ and /e/ -/0/ These gradual oppositions are appropriately /o/. relationships absent. that be-taken vowels. in indicated dimensions It be readily also can seen that Donegan's distinction between . round.28) u.-{I i. and reducing of the presence of hold the jil Similar is within other /. a I} . is virtue preponderant while most-preponderant. height. in traditional then. A seven terms a front. are in an inverse front dimension If the vowels. we see that as we move down the scale.2. i. /0/. A/ -/o/ -/a. (4.29) flill ----------{Ii. mid vowel such as /o/.29) in the same way as the oppositions involving a and b which were (For-ease of illustration. represented in (4. iii-ness jai. jai-like /I/ less The shows vowel and tions become more by jil less for /e/.28) {li. all labial.29).103. is a vowel which is palatal.29). of consider we relationship. uII---------flull i. (4. three the all properties: of combination simple possible (4. aLI.27) is below.-{Ju. which. I use a triangular repdiscussed in §4. scalar for example. of not. between chromaticity then. in the dimension of vowel 'the existence of gradual oppositions. a a in (4.29) show the representations Thus.29). there are gradual oppositions /i/ -/e/ -/a/. (4. e. for (4. are central to as a claim ity. the the thus of segment. /. and'sonorant. and and resentation ) /y/. This in course. etc. labialin dimensions the /y/ while of and palatality and -/0/ -/a/.

. [yI [II --){li. ponent Colouring.104. involves the reverse effect -a basic comThus is the the colouring'of achromatic vowels shows ýdded. or between simple coincidence and of coincidence in which the distinction mutual dependency is unimportant. (4. uJI. however. b. while mixed vowThe adoption of a system in els are those containing two or three.31): in the the nor neither component.the refrom the representation of one of the basic components. EiI -)-. the processes of bleaching and colouring by Donegan) can be given a more natural interpretation.30) as just that . ull -* {-. [ 11 [U] {Iill (lull 04i. {i. b. ) Bleaching of Cil and [u].30b) The characterisation of bleaching as bleaching by depalatalisation. Ull -* ull -ýWil Oull (as defined The bleaching (4. present allows these claims to be which components are not universally reflected in a very transparent way. PI [11 [iI [U] {1110 lull {-.30) I use the representation {Ji.31): reverse of (4.which [il Jul (4. (Notice moval that in-(4. a way which is not available to systems which use features of the type discussed earlier.31) a.30a) involves bleaching by delabialisation where and (4. as shown contains (4.30) a. Pure vowels are those containing only one component. I pure' and 'mixed' vowels is represented in a formally satisfying way. ull {IiII {lull developed the formal account of characterisation and more more is back offered vowels of in chapter 8. fli. u)l -* of course. (4. ull fli From now on I use this convention to represent cases ull. gives a segment . {i. (4.[11 .30): [y] be as can shown of In turn. the loss of a colour is represented in (4. rather than fli.32) a.

thus making it less (4-29. to inby maing the vowels less 'mixed' is crease distinctiveness absent. It can also be argued that the dependency model.105. Bleaching. Thus the relative complexity is characterised without the need to inideas theory. ý-. and /y/ comparedwith /1/.33a) the reverse hierarchy of favourability of Thus the shows the reverse ordering from that in (4. (4. appropriately reflects the conditions under which bleaching and colouring are fafavours mixed low. the change [i] -* [11 is less favoured than [01 -+ Cel. saw that the notation of the natural phonology model did not reflect In the dependency model. _it (4.lacking all components. characterised Colouring.1 we. as such markedness voke metatheoretical . pure high vowels. 1 [01 -* [91. say. {1%1{ i lull fli.29a) is be to shown a highly favoured colouring process. comparedwith /y/. flall all is shown to be a poor candidate for a bleaching process. The (maximally distinct) pure vowel [11 becomes something which is is minimally disnegatively specified . of reverse distinctive it from a minimally a maximally creates representation as distinctive one. in that the change increases tinctive. it will be recalled.33). in that the change produces a maximally the c) mixed.33b) is a better candidate. which in turn is less favoured-than [a] -* Eal. in that the basic causality of any phonological process . In §3. and /i/ (one of the vowels of the basic triangle) just one. involving by the presence of a single component. The relative complexity of. e. (4. the various changes are: this. Thus.33) a. /0/. application. (4. vowels over voured. the distinctiveness of the segment by changing a vowel containing all three components into a vowel containing only two. between pure and mixed vowels is Associated with the distinction the concepi of relative complexity. is best. is inherent in their in its /0/ three requires components specification. distinct vowel.i. representations /y/ two.

34) and jai may govern Jul. in (4.34) allow the extension of the system The representations For example. and the notion of relative complexity arise out of the representations themselves. ).34): in (4. it is clearly not adequate to account for all the possible vowel systems found in languages. The system in (4. However. it is inherent in the notational system that these aspects of phonological behaviour can be determined. can introduce the possibility of lil (asymmetrically) governing jai (asymmetrically) Jul may govern Similarly. languages with four vowel heights cannot be characterised with the representations of (4.29). we well as the relationship Jai. (4. Rather. and series of front unround. in the same manner as in §4. The system can be extended by introdu-cing dependency ýelationinto the representations. and back round vowels.35): . a ten vowel system with four vowel heights. to give the representations {li ja 4. nor do they require for their expression the setting up of extra formal apparatus such as markedness theory or hierarchies of applicability of particular phonological processes. For example. they do not require to be determined externally. The basic reason for the superiority of the dependencynotational system over those discussed in earlier chapters is that the difference between pure and mixed vowels.2.29) utilises all the possible simple combinations of the vowel components. governing lil. all 1 flu '-I. all {la ull in (4. the interpretation of the bleaching and colouring processes.29). would be appropriately characterised as (4. and Jai..106. That is. As ships of the-simple combination of lil and Jai. front round.

not tions lil of Jul are so restricted. As becomes more preponderant the vowels so ations. is appropriate-tained. ly represented by increase in the prominence of Jai in the representjai become-lower. the class of vowels containing Jai. i. e. properties of The set of high vowels. i. does not include any extension of the posJul. while The class of mid vowels is more complex to express. e. u Z al} {lu all Oull /u/ Ila --*'il} Ila --)'i. while the class of Jai). a fact which .35) it becomesmore complex. ull Ila ull /e/ /CP-/ flall /Qj /o/ The various characteristics of the dependency model are reAgain. for the system may also be characterised. quired to ýharacterise Notice that (4.35) {Jill /I/ {li Z al} {li. less be to tend often as a as mid recur surprising. ull /y/ {II. Similarly.107. the alone. might -. appropriate characterisation by a parJai occurs with another element. As the class constituted the representation reticular set of segments becomes less natural. class not containing non-low vowels the sonority component. The set of non-high vowels is {a). e. the class of low vowel. lil do Languages not normally make and sible combinations of front degrees different round of vowels.s is {Jai}. e. the classificatory in the representations. is the class (. and . (4. the gradual opposition of vowel height. the class of vowels containing only Jai. example. be the {a. [-.. class which a}. the class of vowels not containing i.. of rounding among contrasts that from the system is combinait notational apparent however. vowels not should An than the in mentioned. Jai is i. e. processes classes other phonological class in i.a}.

scalar (4. flu aII {I Ic! aI} (lu 4-+.36) is maximally complex in ties than those in (4. the dimension of vowel height. /D/ {ja Z. both deand and symmetrical asymmetrical components (if (4. A however igsystem such as we relationships.36) (in which I ignore the possibility of front (4. Thus there is a of with and of combinations with in inherent the notation that no languages exist in which a claim larger number of oppositions are found in this area.35).there appear to be no languages with more possibiliFurther.36) . Jul. in that it involves. simpler. all /.Z/ {la . lil.36) round vowels): flill /i/ {Iul} /u/ {I a1} /e/ I). however. in addition to the Jai. there of way no feature whether system. of vowel a complexity tion reflects determining is however.108. pendency in is it that front the vowels). If we introduce the mutual dependencyrelationship. (4. dependency degree in that is simpler.36). no relationone again system Jul lil Jai Jai between be between to need or and and set up ships Thus is the notasufficient. This claim seems be to correct .35). combination simple of the relationship in In the the system question. (4. to give (4. does not represent the maximal number of oppositions of vowel height which are expressible within this notation. we are able to add another term. ill /m/ ull {1a 11 /V represents the maximal possible system involving only jai lil Jai Jul. round notationally nore A three height vowel lacks the symmetrical dependency relationship.

37a) must be charactheory failed aa-> e.37b) as a change Further. a feature with five values is any more or less complex than one with three values. An interpretation problems. however. (4. 4.37) a. terised as a change from [+back] to [-back]. is no way of assessing the relative complexity of any of the vowel systems discussed above. and so there. it fails to show that i-umlaut is a from [+low] to [-low]).109.0-: -> y' 0. (because (4.37): as shown parts. of vowels in-dependency phonology allow a more natural expression of the various processes involving vowels which I give here an indicahave been surveyed in the previous chapters. natural theory. 'u . in dependencyterms. in dependency tion of how these processes might be characterised the representations terms.1 Processes involving vowels The various principles ch have been established concerning whi.5.38): The changes involved . appears to involve two sub- /- COi CO i feature to express It does not show that a grounds. because introduce the to of partly markedness need process.3. OE i-umlaut (4. there is no natural correspondence between the numberof values and relative complexity. removes these are shown as (4. on various is involved process unitary single. which appears to show that the output of the rule is unnaturals in that front round vowels are rated as more complex than front unround vowels. That is. As was noted in §1. It was seen that distinctive this process adequately. and (4.

lil. 1i 11 -*{ja-> {la --*)ill fla - J. on than /a/. is {Jill. fli. environment occurs in input the case of be the than is to complex more seen the change is /y/. we assume that towards as assimilation characterised the change involves addition of an lil element.40) {lull -). (4. i l} u --i"all flu lo"a[. /e/ is than more one more Thus. ul) / co {I i 11 . /y/ is one degree teristics of the Old English vowel system). all {li. the the the like the than environment of e. we may characterise the individual (4.1al} co {IiI (where the two parts of the rule aredisjunctively In (4. {lull flu changes as (4. the adoption of this model allows the process toi movement tobe characterised as involving a single type of change fact Jil it be by the that is to of virtue natural seen wards . then. Thus the process can be vowel of the following syllable. and the segment thus affected moves one step towards Jil(where the exact realisation of the Jil' is dependent 'one towards the characstep on particular notion Thus. (4. -* u -0. degree /u/. -)ull {li. Further.38b). but /u/ to the from nevertheless a natural process the change is: This just change the given.38a) between the input and and (4.110.which Jil Further. I ill f -)). Jil-like Jil-like Similarly.{li.39) a. (Jul} -). ull lu aa {ja "' ill {ii--'» all -> /_CO {lill ordered). all-* {li. li {I i-l' all Each change involves addition of Jil. i. the in the output of of an segment. grounds one.38) a. rule. If. Jill {ja ll ->{ja l.39): Jul. the relationship lilis is the the the the output of always rules same output more input.

where V ={.nput class is shown to be natural jal that than showing alone. tion of a four height system from a three height system. I want to return to the vowel. autosegmental and analysis prosodic backness in and roundness can occur agreeing vowels be recalled.41) a. all -)-all In each of the changes in (4. the issue is whether the characterisation of the in the input forms that the of view show class. harmony process of Turkish.111.17)). This matter is not directly identical conissue the of the characterisation with of. such lowering procerned disI discuss (but for it further here shall and not see any cesses. ening. to a process clearly a amenable Iii-like: jai-like. and hence there is a discrepancy in the dependency representations of apparently input and output vowels. Jall fli Ili -). Rather. of with particular reference cussion Pelt 1979). {Iu ->-. which was discussed in chapter 3 with respect to the theories of Turkish. /e/ -* /e/ /o/ ' {I i all lu. . in the same polysyllabi. . -jail in that.41) the output is one degree more jal-like Notice that this process involves the creathan the input. it contains all to do this. In it will phonology. kind MEOSL. than becoming rather more more a vowel (4. -* jail al. involving lowering ýthe the lowering stage preceding ME Open Syllable Lengthis of all non-low vowels (see (2. can a natural process fact ation (4.42) that a scalar feature system fails in (4. The characteris- The i. involves Such dependency treatment.40). jai I -* fla la 11 i -')1} u 16. al {li. al flill {lull I. this to of problem. only between h-igh Only the opposition and c word. Similarly. -* jail {Jul -* . vowels other Finally. The relationship between the naturalness of the process and the by is the characterised appropriately of output complexity relative (4.42) seems appropriate: {Vl -* Miall.

b. and and may be combined as in (4. -.1 and chapter 7). to give (4. a) m NJi. assume that the type of analysis discussed in chapter 3 i. low is relevant within a polysyllabic I suggest word in Turkish.44): (4. is appropriate. ul lul Ii. IiI-. whose scope is the whole word. and stress rules select the appropriate for the words (see §4. C. d. to give (4. These prosodies..112. are I shall (4. al).g Jul b {-. ul {a) z {Na} m . k (Nal zI {aI r of the surface forms of the words proceeds as The syllabification follows. that the following treatment of vowel harmony adequately captures the phenomenon. uj. low ({al) or non-low ({-. that there are two prosodies or autosegments.43) lil li.45): governors (4. a} I {Nal t {-. e. in the dependency lil Jul. a It {--a} m li.44) a. ul These prosodies are specified in the lexical entry of each lexical in the the vowels while entries are specified only as word.43): model. ' k {na }br (-.45) ý7 The derivation k""ý'ýý b lal I 6a z .

node denoting the governor of the word: .1 clusters see consonant of Next.113. nua m lal ZI r (I ignore for the present the problem of the characterisation for discussion. to the-.(4.46) nu k br I va tm INa I tal I nua z Inal I nua I . the appropriate prosody is attached. ) §7.

Finally. as the stressed syllabic of a word is structure the governor of that word. (Notice that there was formalising domain the of of a prosody within the prosodic no way theory discussed in §3. i. ul Iual b1tm . their domain extends downwards only as far as the syllabic segments.114. as they are vowel prosodies.2. within their (4. al z C. the frontness and roundness prosodies in (4. ji.46) have the whole word as their domain.47): with the elements k br m li. ul I I nua zI jai I suggest that the attachment of the prosody to the governor of a structure denotes that the prosody has as its domain the whole in question.47) then. u. the prosodies are 'associated' scope. to give (4. Thus. ) Further.

where I will also discuss in detail the phonetic correlates of the various components. u. can be given 'governing'.115. jai r suppressed in the presence The idea of prosodies hav- by convention. a ZI where any negative value is. I return to a fuller treatment of the representations of vowels in chapter 8. of a positively ing various different structures as their domains. together with the problems of the back of unround and central vowels. then. by the interpretation of means relationship a natural within dependency phonology. specified vowel component. characterisation .

the segment would (5. sets whose unordered of consist difference in binary consisted a or multivalued choice structural only among the values associated with each component. of possible a greater dependency be distinctive features. In such as or a componential components of number a (5. C] [] r] . a segment smaller groupings. and son et al fonnally identical of sets components. Ladefoged That is.1) L 1. too. by is in turn characterised of each which a number of sub-groupings. holding Petween these components. in which segments might be given degree the It is that compocomponentiality. some of their that the systems of representation were property shared which Jakobby type those the of exemplified componential minimally of not (1971). However. did (1952). they not sPE. In the dependency developed in 4. and in the dependency represent lationships2 if any.in the number of components structurally could in the representation of a segment. theory features. there is another way. we saw that segments chapter representations differ in two ways .1): have as a structure such this. by be In characterised can other words.Chapter 5 The Structure of the Segment In chapter 31 surveyed various theories of notation. they a segment up nents making into be type of unit subdivided any other should or components.

although Chomsky and Halle do not formalise the notion to suggest that some of such sub-groupings. The characterisation of English /k/ in (1. no such subIndeed.2. resulting representations nature and Standard distinctive feature theories. do not display the It has been argued by Lass and property of grouping of the features. segments speciof by homorganic "any followed the a nasal fication sequence obstruof . where n is the number of features. they nevertheless-appear such idea can be appealed to. seems to imply an intuitive However. it appears from the nature of the grouping was formalised. in -for example.1). to a formal device which has the effect of creating subis the use of the shorthand notation N for the grouping groupings [+cons.117. proximation then. features'. able specify sets of need as in. etc. However. discussed in chapter 2.1) is necessary for an ality system. the only apacceptance of the possibility of sub-grouoings-.1) would equally well represent the same segment if any In the feature theories other of the 16! possible orderings of the features was used: more there are nj possible notationally equivalent orderings of generally. and they make proposals as to how this adequate notational incorporated. in which the number of sub-groupings would depend on arguments such as those to be discussed in §5.1 Arguments for more componentiality Lass and Anderson (1975) and Lass (1976) produce various arguinto features the organisation sub-matrices such of ments supporting be involves to to One these the (5.. for the homorganic rules which require example. that the ordering of the fearepresentations tures in a segment is completely random. +nasal]. Anderson (1975) and Lass (1976) that the greater degree of componentiby afforded representations such as (5. of. I be examine the motivations for these proposals might in the the 55. the features in a segment. sPE.1. 5. The use of terms such as 'major class 'tongue-body features'.

3)). (5.2): a representation such as would require (5. as the two sub-matrices are called the articulatory gesLass and Anderson (1975: 263) note: ture and the phonatory gesture.2).3) . are identical of representations like However. [+nas]. although they differ in stricture 'manner of articulation'. we require something like (5. In (Lass that in sPE. 'place of articulation' In other words. Lass and Anderson argue that instead (5. the features characterising for the two segments. involved fact that agreement in what s obvious tuitively In (5. this a system and ent" (5. misses the point feathat what is involved is not "pairwise agreement of arbitrary tures" (1975: 260). is cept that one Thus homorganicity is characterised by a Greek letter variable "rang'-' '+' the on any feature in of values and ing over any combination the inner brackets.2) '+son +nas ahigh Oback Ylow Sant ecor wF ahigh $back Ylow 6ant ecor wF -son -nas n as Lass and Anderson point out. the only condition being that as usual all values (as (5. Halle's but Chomsky and with reverse values). ([-obs] The phonatory gestures are non-identical vs. in inThe by of variables agree" pair given any covered is here i.3) a [+nas I artic [ -obs I[ Carticl a +obs (where the feature [obstruent] characterises the same recurrent class [sonorant].3): (5.2). 1975: like Anderson 263). identical the exarttculatory are gestures and L[+obsll.118. but rather the fact that the location of the oral is identical for both segments.

5): <sword>.119. Note in <erpe> is phonetically that the fricative voiced. <cherl>. as it is between ((5. <corn> +V <hand>. <strang>.5). (5. involving lengthening of a vowel before a sonorant followed by a homorganic voiced consonant. ) Thus. and specifications articulatory of (5.. in the rule. <bord> <bald>. <wamb> (5. <climb>.[vvl <Iern>. <lang>.5) V/V [articla ]a[ phon -obs - [articl a +con +voice] phons lengthening as the epenthesis and (5. states of the phonatory gesture. <ald>. I return to this matter in chapter 8.4) two sonorants.5) both characterise to the preceding vowel. <morn>. e. a process such as Old English Homorganic Lengthening (OEHL).3). [rO] End] [ng] [mb] <erpe> <land>. i. <erl> <cald> [VI -0. <strand> <sang> <camb>. then. <word>. e.. in i.2) shows aplace of articulation feabetween the values of an apparently arbitrary set of greement tures. specified tures Similar except for those features which are arguments can be established from gemination processes. as in (5.4) (from Anderson and Jones 1977: 148) might be characterised (5. ) that the environment of the rule involves for the features two successive segments with identical specifications identical for the feathe gesture.. (I return below to the motivation for the particular division of the features between the two gestures. is brought by out while (5. processes in which a segment is inserted which is identical .4) [rdl [Id [rn] as (5. long vowels are of a vowel identical treated as geminates.

it The The minimal schema (5-8) "defines the notion 'replication of a instances individual the could be defined by using binary segment'. however. In the minimally componential feature theories. An alternative [+segl (where S.7) S.2): (5.7): (5. 1976: 166). is 'structural index' [segment]. seems problematical. feature the of status between segments as identi. all features to the preceding segment. The structural change of (5. 'structural change'). (1976: from behaviour Lass these the comes of as such matrices to /pt k/ similar to that 145-151) argues that [? ] bears "a relation 'reduction-stop' it is [a] has the the just to short vowels: as which it is the neutralisation is the 'reduction-vowel': of the /p/: Further /t/: /k/ contrast". as in (5.5) represents such a process. C.120. between the which. in then. this process would require a specification of the same type as (5. C. I. I.6) aobs acons yant dcor wF (5.6).8): [articl a $ Ephon] [articl a 0 [phon] and S. uneconomical". involves values of each individual Lass's terms (1976: 164). ty between seems better to express identity the values of the sub-matrices. is "wildly formulation might be that in (5. feature specifications as limiting casW"(Lass involving subevidence for the need for representations [? ]. . S. aobs $cons yant 6cor wF nj n 'of identity the specification feature in the complete matrix.

is a fairly the formalises (1976: 158) Lass sechange. in the [? A/ SPE each ges-/p/ -* -* -* ing a change of four or five features.11): quence as Full segment [h] +antt] +cor +con [-voice] [-voice] +cont is delete [h] to appropriately Of The propensity characterised .121. -cO'nt then. in is the as entirely segment of (5. A sequence typical oc-. involves from a voiceless again the deletion to [h] less is Further. Glottal stops. the resistant gesture. in the same kind of relaas standing A change fricatives to voiceless tionship as [? ] to voiceless stops. [h] is viewed (5. in that they are component or parameter that is present in Inormal' missing an-entire segments.10) ] 10 ora -cont -son -vo I ce. That information. as in (5. complete voiceless currence deletion fricative in historical than the other > [h] voiceless fricatives. > 0. are seen as "defective". supra-laryngeal of Similarly.9) (1976: 152): (5. fricative to [h].9) -son +ant +cor -cont L-voice_j +son -cons -ant -cor L+10WJ is"deletion Lass suggests that what is involved is. Instead of the complex rules required to characterise the chan] [? involv]. then. [? /k/ ]. framework.10): deleted. articulatory representation of all supra-laryngeal one of the two sub-matrices in the (5. for example.

Location of closest at stricture some point p on the front/back axis. a gesture-shift in which C+cont] is copied voiceless fricaiive into the laryngeal gesture.ralaryngeal gesture: to some degree n. In fact. involved in the "'de-oralization' of a voiceless stop to [? ]" (1976: involving the copying of [-cont] from 155) . i. two-gestures ('back distinctive 'palatal'). quel les articulations Notice. he appears to accept that. and so changes from voiceless stops to [? ] involve only the latter stage. a feature like [continuant] forms part of the phonatory. by a representation in which it lacks specification 191.10). its is it to already on way matrices Phonetically. division. He that there this suggests are with correspond need not apportioned between relevant'information. the gestures However. he proposes two gestures labelled [oral] and [larynfor Lass This distinct there that two are means operations geal]. ).first.122. (spread. P6turs- (1972a: 106) notes: son Ehl [in de ddfinir le La seule possibilitd semble alors Icelandic] comme un tronqon de la colonne d'air sur leenvironnantes se superposent. For Lass and Anderson. 'voiceless (a) gesture a categorial stop'). in the case of the 'de-oralization' gesture of a to [h]. c. too. this seems an appropriate for one of the analysis. suprathe distinction In his model. rather than the articulatory gesture. Instead of two gestures and of'Lass and [phonatoryl. phonologically. 'voice' Sup. two kinds of linguistically ('vowel'. however. locational ' vowel'. in as or. the Lass model is based on between the two gestures being laryngeal vs. "a vowel schemawould be something like laryngeal. deletion of one of the sub-matrices. however. attitude etc. a. and then deletion of the [oral] (5. this" (1976: 153): Laryngeal gesture. (b) or gesture a and . with subsequent deletion of [oral]. that Lass's proposal differs slightly from that Earticulatoryl labelled Anderson. Some lip rounded. Open approximation b. e. a 'gesture-shift' the oral to the laryngeal gesture.

3. [t] ] [? the leaves the say. For languages other than English. proposals which have been made with and from syllable structure the Lass and Anderson treatment though it deviates from various regard to the establishing this I to return grounds. consonantality. by Lass dealt major area and which with not are which than is that other voiced be of phonation-types and considered must . distinction in his presentaNevertheless. and 7.123. noted stop voiceless (1976: 155): operations (a) Gesture-shift: [[-cont]] C-contl (b) De-ozalization: [oral] state Lass and Anderson (1975: 262). The proposals made by Lass and by Lass and Anderson in no way two in being than there the sub-matrices of more possibility explude of segments.6. maintains his convention whereby features may be 'de-oralization' Thus. and deletion of the articulation in.13) is not necessary. and. the representations there are various areas which require phonological characterisations One Anderson.. the distinction articulation. rather. and so forth belong to the first gesture. dichotomy: noted by Lass in terms of the categorial/locational Properties like obstruency. (5. of gestures or components on phonetic matter below. then. he does not utilise-this tion.1 processes evidence from lenition constraints which appears to show that cite of this even area is more appropriate.2. the from to another. ulation' I [cont] is already model. change within gesture specifications -* In this the phonation gesture-unaffected. We use the for the first cover terms 'phonation' gesture. belong to the second. involves to the following two as above. on the other hand. and localized properties like dentalness. gesture of a one copied [? ].2. etc. and 'articfor the second. In §§-5. a feature of the phonation gesture. explicitly is not between glottal that the basic division and supraglottal is on the same lines as those Rather.

whatever the features of the phonation gestureý IAs we have seen (0. the preaspiration tures. have as we seen. c. in Thrainsson's analysis. gi. wishes to treat the set of larynphonology. whether it is necessary to establish new gestures. glottalic. and if not. I c I-son -cont alab $cor -yhi hj . Irrespective of the possible-solutions to these problems. homorganicity can be characterised by referwhile. and also characterises [h] as being specified only for laryngeal. ence to a variable over the entire articulation gesture. rules affecting the natural class of voiceless stops irrespective of their place of articulation (at least would in the Lass and Anderson model) refer only to the phonation gesture. rule in Icelandic. -constr. +stiff V. a rather similar proposal is made by Thrlinsson (1978: 35-36).pulmonic. geal and the set of supralaryngeal features as subsets of "the phonological features composing a phoneme". (see chapter 9). C. For example.124. it should be noted that the "notational independence of the two parameters implies that each is a possible proper domain for a phonological rule: in addition to the whole segment being such a domain" (Lass 1976:155). -slack v. like Lass. is characterised as (5.. breathy voice and creaky voice. in what way the phenomena should be incorporated into the two gestures discussed above. gi. and Whatever the nature of the dependencyrepresentations which velaric. Another major area is that of the airstream mechanismsused in language . which.3). -feaThus. working within the framework of autosegmental Thrdinsson. involves an aspirated stop becoming [h]. be involved in phonological oppositions .for exmay which voiceless ample.14): -+spr. and not for supralaryngeal. must be established to characterise these phenomena we must also decide.

. functional that the involves three production suggests of speech ever. Phonetically. . -constr. g] .125.2). c. and the oro-nasal process. speechthe production of speech-sounds involves varisounds. howtion process. the articulaCatford (1977: 15-16). Stevens feature system. a way as to give rise in initiation has After 15). as (1977: 117). acts upon the air-stream articulation into it type it 'shape' a sound of specific were. (1977: sounds. four processes which are required in the specification of guishes speech . to flow of air.1 Phonetic evidence for componentiality Support for the claim that the segment should be represented as a set of sub-matrices comes from various phonetic aspects of. and qualitý. characterisation worked out.1. deletion then [after What is left. functional components are "initiation (also called 'air-stream mecha- nism' and articulation": By initiation or piston-like we mean a bellows-like (an initiator)$' or organ-group movement of anorgan in the or negative positive pressure generates which between is. approach is apparent in Goldsmith (1976a: §4. a specification shared by [h].the airstream process. c. Icelandic As ThrAinsson treats feature specification [+SGI.. (an is of an organ a moveme9t or posture Articulation interrupts the'air-flow that or modifies articulator) type of to a specific in such. of process. tract to that the adjacent vocal part of The term the initiator and the place of articulation. theories would suggest. is used for this component of speech pro'initiation' 'initiates' is it the the that duction activity since for the production flow of air essential of almost all 63). of the supralaryngeal is simply a segment that has no supralaryngeal features]. distin. for example. ication v. laryngeal but has its the feature own of specification [+spr. of are which more'basic components. by the there is in the fully 5. basic The two two than the third. /pt k/ as being characterised. train set a 1'(1977: sound. which are less atomistic than non-gestural feature Ladefoged (1971: 2-3).. ous parameters. in Halle is the and segment an such a and v. +stiff specif [h] ]. the phonation process. Lass's have to to gesture-shift corresponding a rule need no less A this although similar. it. -slack gl .

acoustic properties or articulatory on whether .strictuteInitiatiqn and articulation can be regarded as abtype and location. sounds sort are produced sounds Notice that Catford inthe of articulators. as noted in 51. it seems clear that view of -In investigate whether the division must of the matrix characterising we a segment into phonological sub-matrices should correspond to divi-sions such as these. It is clear that can occur only when we have a phonation (1977: larynx. 16). Various kinds of phonation are distinguished: for example. whose concern is to establish Foley's irrelevant. 'purely phonological' that of Foley. phonetic determinacy even being are considered. in categorisation. in i. etc. Notice. they basic. setting of some sort Articulation cludes the oro-nasal The third functional component. all solutely involve and all on some of airstream. although purely abstract. and some sounds produced on a glottalic airstream mechanism. to phocriteria such phonetic are which systems is However.6. phonetic in be be to should principle nature) mapped against able whatever (of Thus all be they or an audiof an articulatory parameters whether phonetic This view. while velaric sounds are phoIt is because does phonation not occur with all sounds nationless. system. voiceless phonation. is in contrast to tory/acoustic nature. between take the two a rather one-to-one correspondence between he there that asymmetry phonologishould weaker standpoint is there convincing only phonolounits where phonetic and units cal too. for example. . can be divided into two sub-components .. process as part of the articulation component of speech-production is phonation: in the larynx By phonation activity we mean any relevant in function.6. is inis that there this that necessary. the through passing column of air pulmonic sounds.126. the arguments discussed in §1. vocal-cord vibration. occur all since speech-sounds e. gical evidence depending. whisper. initiatory is nor articulatory not which . which are established on purely physiological I take it as desirable that phonological units grounds. there then. have phonation. that Catford considers it to be less basic than-the other components. nological between phonology and phonetics (at least is an intimate relationship is does there imply here). this that taken a necessary the not view on I levels.

it is clear that Catford's phonetic treatment supports the view that the reprefurther thus sub-matrices. this to a glottAl stop. while Lass's that We have the form seen already oral gesture. phonation between Catford's articulation and phonation components corresponds more closely to Lass's disbetween an oral and a laryngeal gesture than to Lass and tinction between an articulatory Anderson's distinction and a phonatory gesThus Lass's sub-matrices correspond to Catford's phonetic comdivision However. introduce this to certain com-.2 5. should consist of three sub-matrices corresponding to increasing Catford's ulation. plexity Specifically. features [continuant] and any other stricture yngeal gesture. involves [h] (whose ] [? from distinguish also to specification ture. therefore. three functional and phonation. should-incorporate sentations of segments in the system. and is to the phonatory gesshifted oral gesture. This appears to be an unfortunate comdeletion of the oral gesture. artic- 5. distinctive (in level. A more compelling argument against Lass's model is the behav[-cont] can-be seen that the distinction .2. [voice] and [sonorant] will form part of the larture. Whatever the resolution of these problems may be.127. Given these the degree of componentiality let the phonological matrix characterus see whether considerations. (phonetic) components of initiation. Principally the a phonological at plexities feature phonology). Anderson and Jones (1977: 5) note: There may indeed be independent in the internal classification at the same time what appear at may turn criteria phonological of which correlates or acoustic criteria psychological of sound systems. appears ponents. ising a segment. of part will in 'gesture-shift' involves a rule changing a voiceless stop a model deleting the entire in theory. in the phonology.1 Phonolo§ical Articulation It gestures vs. while the moment to be purely out to have anatomical we are as yet ignorant.

lenition hierarchies. either via voiceless fricatives or via voiced stops (see e.voicing being a change in as the laryngeal gesture. fricativisation a change in the oral gesture: (5. while weakening from a sonorant consonant to.17) [ [+contl [+voice] son voiced fricative Sonorisation. say. In processes.15) [[-voice]] C-cont]. there seems to be good reason to treat like those outlined above as representing weakening along a single hierarchy (see for example Lass and Anderson 1975: ch. Ewen 1977. voiced and and sonorant consonants in various types of voiceless fricatives. son voiceless stop [-contl [+vo son ice voiced stop -contl [+vo ]] son i ce voiced stop [[+voice]] [+contl son voiced fricative too.18) [f+cont +Cons] [+son] sonorant consonant [[+son] [-cons] +cont semivowel a set of changes However. 5. voicephonological less stops can weaken to voiced fricatives along two paths. and . iour of segment-types such as voiced and voiceless stops. these changes must be viewed son different to two belonging gestures . for example. a semi-vowel is presumably a change in the oral gesture: (5.128. Lass and Ander156-158). will involve a change in the laryngeal gesture. In Lass 1975: the model. g. ] [ [+Contl '4 [+voice] +son sonorant consonant ] (5.

20) represents the intrinsic act. Features gestures disguises the unitary nature of such processes. mensional.19) (a) Ontervocalic) voiceless stop (b) voiceless stop .19) is one that tends to recur in the histories of languages: (5. tures.we might.[continuant] and [voice] do not belong to this set-of features (spE: 299)). using sPE terminology. Hooper (1976: 199) claims that (5. in a distinctive for example. categorial as major class feathat Chomsky and Halle consider only Csonorantl to be a major class feature .3 the sequence of changes in (5. but notice evidence can be found in the behaviour of elements in hierarchies (see for-example Basboll 1974a.129. syllabicity hierarchies.voiced (c) voiced stop -* voiced fricative (d) voiced-fricative -* approximant consonant (e) approximant -* vowel M I -). refer to them as features (or. Vennemann 1972).20) MARGIN obstruents Least STRONG nasals I iquids glides NUCLEUS vowels glides WEAK liquids . like [continuant]. Like lenition hierarchies syllabicity feature on which. for example.19) do in fact represent single. the features [voice] vowel-like Most vowel-like The characterisation would be: of the various categories in spE features . unidibetween oral and laryngeal division a recurrent processes. (1975: Anderson 150). [sonorant].0 vowe If schemata such as (5. phonology. interand [continuant]. structure of the syllable: (5. in Lass's terms. Hooper 1976. claim that Lass below). and §6. and [voice] seem rather to be of the same phonological type . MARGIN nasals obstruents Less vowel-like WEAK Similar seem to involve a single scale.

130. other in the Jakobsonian framework. this gesture involves a set of phonological 'features' which correspond to phonetic parameters of two different types.. the two relevant clearly gestures stically based on other factors. a distinction ahd. (at least the sound-source partly) with characterising are concerned 'shaping' by its the vocal tract than modulation or rather division (roughly) informal between is This the made configuration. Evidence of this sort (to which I will return in detail in chapters 6 and 7) strongly suggests that the appropriate division between the two phonological gestures does not correspond to that between Catford's articulation and phonation components. Thus it seems that a strict adherence to the componentsestablished by Catford on phonetic grounds can only disguise the fact that the linguidistinction between is '. between. and [sonorant] to another. which and resents sonantal] are assigned to one gesture. a gesture which combines Catford's phonation component with the sub-division of the articulation componentwhich he (i. on the other. +cont +son I -+syl vowels features the of the two gestures interacting.21) ] [ +Cons ±cont -son obstruents [ +cons ] -cont +son nasals [ +cons ] +cont +son liquids '-cons' +cont +son -syll_ . as opposed'to with phonation notice stricture-type both stricture-type locational-'features'. is that. labels stricture-type This division is similar to that proposed by Lass and Anderson. it is possible to with location rather than argue that the association of stricture-type debatable. is that. (5. on the one hand. manner of articulation). In fact. glides -cons. and phonation 'features. see again where we Again it seems reasonable to suppose that the sequence in (5. then. fails to show this. but involves. rather. a purely locational gesture. What I am claiming. 'source features' on the on the one hand and 'resonance features' itself. even on phonetic .20) rep[continuant] [conbut in a system a unitary scale. e. grounds. however.

The label gesture seems more appropriate than the which was used in earlier work on dependency categorial term 'phonatory gesture' phonology (Anderson and Jones 1977. an appropriate Eel include: for might representation (5.2 Phonation vs. [voice] Jakobson feature et al however. on the one hand. 1952). and a number of values at the pholevel for any particular Specifically. of matters more wi. initiation I turn now to the division between Catford's phonation and initiation components. proposes that what is required is a scalar feature [glottal the have to three at values phonological up may which stricture]. articulatory gesture categorial gesture . on other. argument detail in chapter 9. 5. Chomsky and Halle use the binary (1971: (cf.. I believe . the gesture does not correspond only to the phonation combelow.2. Should there be a phonological distinction corresponding to Catford's phonetic one. seeing that. ford's phonetic. as shall see of we some ponent aspects of Catford's gesture.131. but that there is again good phonological evidence between them is not the same as Catto suggest that the distinction that his phonetic component in both be The the question. language. Catford. and if so. Ewen 1977). should it take exactly the same form? What I want to suggest is that there should indeed be two gestures in this area. over spread should gestures of phonation dealt ll involve in some anticipation with. Ladefoged 7-22). In characterising phonation. the and. phonation component will be assigned to another Given the various considerations discussed above.22) --high -low -back -round -cons +cont +son +voice_.

Notice. and vocal cord vibration. in this respect appears to be between the presence and absence of voice. However. voice voicelessness. that some means of characterising is required. a feature like [continuant] argued and Esonorant]. amongst It is clear. feature This level. then.132. there are two parameters involvednetically. does not necessarily imply that a degree of glottal stricture [+voicel (although linin whisper apparently not used systematic communication) shows a greater degree of glottal guistic stricture but does not involve vocal cord vibration. in that categories like voiced stops and voiceless fricatives appear to behave in the same way with respect to various However. Phothan voicelessness. ý. nological Further evidence can be found which appears to show that the two feaI suggest that tures should be assigned to different gestures. Gujarati. glottal This is suggestive of a treatment in which there are two pho6io 'features' to the corresponding phonetic parameters. that the presence in aa model of a scalar feature such as Ladefoged's does not necessarily imply the-absence of a fea[glottal stricture] I have already ture corresponding to Chomsky and Halle's [voice]. breathy and voice. too. voicelessness. which makes a contrast (1971: 17). the important distinction kinds of hierarchies. degree of glottal ture indicating stricture should be kept separate from one denoting voicing in the more general sense. while [glottal stricis a feature of what I shall call the ILJ.. breathy voice. etc. In . it is at least these vari- possible ous phonation-types . is a feature of the categorial [voice] gesture. and at the phonological level-in those languages which make an opposition amongst more than two states of the glottis . rather This might imply that a feathan between various degrees of voicing. A solution nological of this sort allows us to capture the notion of phocomplexity in this area in what seems a natural way. non-binary ts required at the phonetic netic level to characterise the difference between voice. creaky voice.for example. stricture. [voice] is. degree of at least. ture] (or its equivalent) tiatory qesture:.. that phonologically.

gestures while the phonological represent/D/.24) because of the presence in the language The three the complexity of phonation-types. /b/ for ons representati and*/p/ in English (in which only phonological a two-way opposition is made) would involve (5. of and /p/ in Margi would be: ations (5. the tiatory gesture will be present at the phonological level.23): (5. amongst opposition of in two-way in those only a which comparison with opposisystems such is is by this in characterised appropriately made tion phonation-type .23) +ant -cor +voice +ant -cor [-voice L /b/ /p/ of the articulatory where only the representations and categorial be to require spec ified.24) +ant -co r +vo i ce [2GS LJLjL Al +ant -cor +voice CIGS /b/ +ant -co r [-voice [OGS /p/ (where GS denotes the scalar feature of [glottal stricture]). bi-gestural For languages only phonologically representations. quire in which a three-way opposition in phonation-type is made. The specification of the representations of the initiatory gesture is necessary in (5.133. representations of the iniThus. and which are therefore phonologically more complex. /b/. segments in these languages will reture will be lacking. the phonological representations of segments in languages in which only a voiced/ voiceless opposition is found (and in which only a pulmonic egressive airstream mechanismis utilised)ý' the initiatory gesTha t is.

3 The representation The matrix of the segment the segment will from now on be viewed characterising the articulator as a composite of up to three sub-matrices: gesture. (5.25) is an ab-. terise the use of the pulmonic egressive airstream mechanism. Notice also that there is a connection between glottal stricture such that any segment with glottal opening involves a and initiation languages In airstream mechanism. e. and the initiatory gesture. matters are worked out in detail in chapter 9. stract matrix showing the kinds of properties present within each of the sub-matrices: (5. egressive which utilise a pulmonic three-way opposition airstream initiatory features in phonation-type and a two-way opposition in (whose characterisation mechanism will also form part of the that we will not require separate gesture) it seems likely these two properties (i. additional notational complexity.2. 5. Features characterising the other airstream mechanisms (glottalic and velaric) These will also form part of the initiatory gesture. the categorjal gesture. in languages which use more than one airthe gestures.134. the presence of to characterise opening and the presence of the pulmonic egressive airstream glottal Specification of an open glottis will in itself characmechanism). feature the denoting of a presence phonologically. mechanism stream It .25) place height rounding backness consonantality voice continuancy _sonorance stricture glottal Icness glottal suction velaric articulatory gesture categorial gesture initiatory gesture holding be between that there redundancies will clear seems For example.

135. feature denoting the the of specification redundant make voicing will than degree complete glottal closure stricture other of glottal some (and therefore the specification of a pulmonic egressive airstream the in initiatory for that gesture. segment) mechanism .

Chapter 6 The Categorial Gesture Chapters 4 and 5 were largely concerned with the internal structure of the segment. the successful depends the as syllable crucially such sequences lished. However. consonantal. non-vocalic. in that their of the categorial by these representadetermined by properties which are characterised In this chapter. not onset whose source . be the in before discussed this chapter can models dependency representations of the categorial gesture must be estabbecause..1. nantal : have feature the a single vocalic Phonemes possessing is ('voice') abrupt. non-consoFeatures' . then. structure the dependency to thus in of some phonology. returning of sequences interpretadependency in this §4. the of sequences. I shall return to the characterisation of the segment.vocalic vs. the entire it is clear that vowels are vocalic and nonFrom these definitions. periodic feature are acousticPhonemes possessing the consonantal that by the affect zeros of presence ally characterised spectrum. . 6. In chapter 71 want to consider the. as we shall see. while (true) consonants are consonantal and non-vocalic. the categorial tions.. and allow a will matters raised well supported aspects of the various tion of some of the empirically done. chapters and after while mined. tions of characterisation on the representais internal structure gesture. 3.1 IVI and ICI two 'Fundamental Source Jakobson et ai (1952: 18-19) distinguish and consonantal vs. gesture will be exadiscussion in 8 9. with respect to the articulatory and initiatory gestures.

1) Thus. and IaI with respect to the (i. to the articulatory space e. these features are. class which show voiceless plosives in (6. Thus IV[ and ICI have to this extent the same attributes with respect to the categori al gesture as IiI. IVI ICI However. different Jones Anderin and a way rather model dependency Jones two components within the categorial propose and son 'a IVI. are indeed have been interpreted in dependency they the although appropriate. the more prominent a particular dependency component in a tree. (Anderson 1977: 123). For Jakobson et al.2): IVI and ICI alone. a component with a definition similar to the Jakobsonian of consonantal feature. seems that the properties characterised by the two chapter features. of course. differ from the distinctive that and of features proposed by Jakobson et al in that the presence of. one whose presence in the representation a segment correlates with the presence of zeros in the acoustic record 'segment. they have someof the acoustic properties of both vowels and true consonants. Liquids are characterised as having both the consonantal and vocalic features. maximum periodicity and non-existent due to the the of other extreme segzeros). 8). i. latter the the characteristics. represent either end of a hierarchy. be defined 'relatively component which can as periodgesture ic'. IVI-ness find segments with maximum and at one extreme of which we ICI-ness (i. and the way in which they characterise segments.either alone or in combination. IVI in a segment does not necessarily imply that the segment is in a simple binary opposition to an otherwise identical segment not containing IVI. . and at presence reduction ICI-ness the characteristics maximum and reverse ments which show IVI-ness.. binary (see 'It 2). and ICI. e. these two classes have the dependency representations in the categorial and (6.137. the in discussed vowel components chapter question. i. like 4. IuI.2. chapter gesture see vowel then. lack of energy e. Rather. then the greater is-the preponderance of the property characterised by that component for the segment in Further. say. e. Vowels the class of segments withare clearly non-existent and gesture which show the former characteristics. IVI and ICI can characterise segm6nts. as discussed in §4.

"like vow[hence liquids have harmonic the they are vocalic]. nasals and liquids . are seen as combiby of vowels and consonants: "nasality. true consonants. then. as being nearer to the IVI ICI the than the continuum end. as liquids and terms.each of which may form a natural class (as in In the to other) some phonological process. they show significant zeros in their spectrum envelope [hence consonantall".3) '* -4. upon the consonantal patsuperimposing a clear-cut formant structure tern. been viewed as being in some way combinations of vowels and tionally Jakobson et al characterise liquids. too.2) Is vowe {ICII voiceless plosives Such consonants have tradiI turn now to sonorant consonants. only a source els. noted Jakobson. (6. Compare this too with the sPE end of [+sontreatment.3): non-vocalic. (6. we find a representation in which IVI governs ICI. as in (6. seems clear that. C11 {IV sonorant consonants ning the characteristics Because "the formant structure of the liquids is broadly similar to that of vowels". for example. it / . above. e. ICI in (unilaterally than one which rather governs or bilaterally) Sonorants are characterised. as having both the vocalic and the consonantal features . this leads to problems in characterising Notice that for liquids and nasals However. from the obstruents. brings consonants closer to vowels" (Jakobson and Halle 1956: Nevertheless. we need the two sub-classes of sonorant consonants to be able to distinguish i. in which nasals and liquids share the feature-value this class of segments orant] with the vowels. thus distinguishing IVI. at least phonologically. Nasals. acoustic opposed IVI-like ICI-like less than the nasals. are more Jakobson treats nasals as non-vocalic. but 56). Jakobson treats nasals as being consonantal. like consonants. (1952: 18).138. Anderson and Jones (1977: 124) characterise sonorant consonants as being combinations of IVI and ICI.

1.139. both __). in the SPE feature system. (5. as [+son. considered in chapter 4 in that it conof the vowel representations tains two occurrences of the same component. cI . +cons I suggest (following Ewen 1977) that the dependency representain (6.4) +VOC +cons -vocs +con +nas There is a great deal of evidence. Indeed. liquids have an additional subjoined (Notice that (6. ) However.6) { IV 1. "the constrictive the consonantal attenuates . as a natural class. of and model obson ICI-like IVIless (and therefore fricatives consequently more are like) than their corresponding stops. quids viour with respect to Dutch diminutive suffix selection (Ewen 1978.6) reflect these similarities and differences: ..4)). the data surveyed in chapter 1. of (Jakthe compared energy"-as with optimal consonant stop reduction In 1956: 55). The following representation for voiceless fricatives can thus be established: .6) differs from any as compared with the nasals. this natural class can be uniquely defined. and to OE Homorganic Lengthening (cf. Acoustically. iquids tions (6. and the fuller account in chapter 11). ' cf. V. and thus the and sub-structure nasals natural class of sonorant consonants is specifiable. Halle being developed terms the here. that nasals and li- function for behatheir as a natural class see. IV liquids involve the CI.5) nasa sI IVI. however. See below for discussion of the appropriacy of this type of representation.5) and (6. In these representations. which can only be achieved by using the cumber- someformula: (6. {IV C1 (6. may example.

(6. We then. by the superimposiare characterised . either or the notation in (6.4. sound source. tion of a harmonic sound source upon the noise source of the voiceless (Jakobson phonemes" et al 1952: 26). c -'* ý-vi voiced fricatives in (6. Voicing. VI) {IV c vil As there is no ambiguity involved. phonological. be another not..140. INI. by virtue of the addition of the harmonic periodicity Voicing. phonemes. e.7) in double-headed arrow notation the will be used: . increases the of the segment. of a IVI ICI. then. however. where (6. e. the use of the double-headed arrow notation is appropriate In (6. and. dependent is there the of no possible ambiguity. but this time in as preted dependent position. i.7) is opposed to those in (6. the discussion in §4. differ IVI-like in is*more their other representation words.9) {lv.2).. as we ence In that IVI ICI is there only one combination of which can and shall see.8) and. also be inter_may involving the addition of a IVI component. acoustic. example.7) {IV voiceless fricatives in which IVI and ICI are mutually dependent. do have dependent.5) the representation and (6. representations contrasts "' 10) {IV 4. voiceless component..10): in for the between. ning position than that as we shall of the fricatives. I use the form IV.9).8). because of the pres(cf. vocal cord vibration.11) fricatives voiceless circumstances. as in (6. C -" VIIV {I c -).8) 20' {I C VII voiced plosives "Voiced (6. see. in accordance with their characteristics. both have containing and a representation atives from the voiceless fricatives in having IVI in goverhowever. a representation ICI-ness 'diluted' by is the the the presence in of segment which and IVI like Notice fricthe that. or ion node. i. the nasals. The nasals. (6. either govern (6.9): (6. C1 in such are characterised..

plete closure in the oral tract (cf. while absent only and can optionally" vowels "The optimal consonant is for obstruents. ning I This treatment of the categorial gesture allows the interpretation of segment-types as. we have seen that sonorant consonants do a subioined IVI but have this configuration. like between the representations of nasals and li- (6. for the plosives). sonorant consonants are optimally voiced. in that they show comoral stops. particular. we see that the non-continuancy of nasals is indicated by the presence of ICI alone in subjoined position (cf. Ewen 1977: 324In the representations 325. while for the (continuant) we find subHowever.6)) can-also now be given further motivation. tations show that. governing JV. both. ICI alone in governing position liquids. rather alone in not show (as do vowels). while liquids are continuant.1 below). -. [+continuant]. for example.1. and voiceless The represenLike vowels. where nasals Further. I suggest that this reflects the governing position must be considered as an accompanying feature of be (Jakobson 1941: 69). for obstruents voicing is in some sense an additive component. liquids in phonological promay form a natural class with fricatives cesses (see.5) Nasals. as well as being able to from voiceless in being [+voice]. CJ for the fricatives). fact that "voicing (Jakobson 1956: " 56). vs. whereas binary distinctive by the the gradient of segment-types various a comcharacterise must For example. the fact that ICI and JV. established here. and 96. (IV: Cll Although voiced obstruents are characterised by the addition of IVI component. are non-continuant. fricatives bination of values for different features.CJ respectively are dependent on goverIVI alone shows that they are sonorants. and the optimal The distinction quids ((6. Vaiana Taylor 1974: 418-419. Halle vowel voiced. being manifestations of different-points on feature phonologies the IVI -ICI continuum. while for sonorants it is inherent. voicelessness is basic.CJ (cf. for joined JV. in being from differ and voiced obstruents stops may Moreover.141. are given the value [-co nt]). the SPE treatment. forming in different the as segment-types some sense a characterise .

differ from their voiceless counterparts in showing an extra subjoined IVI.12): IVI I Icl i. in between points with the non-existent representother and .a single continuum. e. that the 'major classes' of segment-types should be viewed as points on a continuum such as (6. 'gradual' opposition (Trubetzkoy 1939:75). it was claimed in A. which might have the form: (6. as we have seen. and * (hence minimum) ICI-ness. in maximal represents i. e.12) differs from the kind and non-existent which could be established with respect to the vowel of representation components of chapter 4. the opposition between any pair of voiced and voiceless (Trubetzkoy be 'privative' 1939:75) is to a shown one obstruents the voiced term of this opposition shows a 'mark' which is absent from its voiceless counterpart. Notice that for each of the but rather complex of possible paths. Thus.14) IXI --Ixl 1XI-ness. inherent in the treatment within this section. Notice that (6. and the other maximum ICI-ness non-existent IVI-ness. 'a lal lil.142. (6. a continuum. one end of which represents maximum IVI-ness.14) (in like find can a and we path which components [XI denotes any of the three components): (6. was desirable. which. voiced obstruents gradual opposition. a continuum which one extreme 1XI-ness. 2.13) ua jai i. a characterisation which does not represent. I suggest that the various facts surveyed above lend support to the view. of this For example. e. the dependencysystem allows us to characterise the types of opposition holding between individual members. Jul.

and the characterisation surveyed (see §6. This in turn would prohibit below). CI) " VI I {IV. . consonantal). allow extenappropriate seems unilateral i. 4. feature of the type proposed by Williamson (1977) (see also §6.12) ing ICI-ness. characterisation ICI IVI from fact the that. in 'degrees' of ICI-ness. there would dependency relationships ICI in any way in such be no-other component with which could interact between differences Rather. dependency in the system. major class segments.15) IV. using interpretation Such the of an categorial gesture. distinct Jakobsonian vocalic phonetic properties with associated Thus it vs. display IVI. we would. component within While. and support although given additional they are nevertheless ends of a unidimensional opposite scale. Indeed. two occurrences of related by Such representations Just this to It dependency.3). the the of characterisation preclude the categorial would gesture linked by the type the two interactions of components. is this for Notice.12) is an appropriate appears that. component two of a particular to allow linked by unilateral dependthey that further are the condition with is interpretation that phonologically apWe an such see shall ency. the classes would presumably a model.3 relationships ous hierarchical in §6. in particular.2). of as classes developed in this model. occupy (cf. decreasing -ing gradually by and large.V. g. i. the characterisation of the variholding between segment classes (to be of relative complexity (6.143. and. it woul. phonologically.14). 1XI-ness. e. Ladefoged (1971). types the representations to of sion in instances a representation.15): by as such representations property*displayed structural The representations (6. have to be characterised as difference have a scalar essentially. e.d nevertheless be inappropriate ICI (6. from those of the categorial gesture differ having the 4 in in established chapter the gesture articulatory of (6. c --). increasing IVI-ness correlates with decreasto replace (6. that too. by as the only basic by a continuum such as e.

other than the ordinary sonorant varieties (1952: have Jakobson languages 25-26) "some that notice above. they nevertheless "retain manifest acoustic traces of their relaJakobson and Halle (1956: 56) view the existence of tion to liquids". flaps. it for hierarchies in the that allows expression of within propriate.phonologically. harmonic by the attenuation of the sound source). only a single occurrence of each component is permitted in any representation. by addition of vocal cord (i. ýThus. then. while voiced stops and voiced fricatives differ from voiceless stops and voiceless fricatives reharmonic in the sound source. taps. 6. this difference spects. liquids the the character as reinforcing consonantal of strident such class of liquids. and further. 'a vibration consonantal reduction of energy. such as the Czech sibilant a strident have trill. presence of an additional spectively * differ from in fricatives the-attenuation of reduction of stops and energy. with a greater number of components. turn now to the consideration of various forms of 'r' and 'I'discussed type segments. It has been argued (Ewen 1977) that such segments must be distinguishable both from their sonorant counterparts.1 Trills.1. where there are only two components. "strident of and others counterparts of the /I/ variety Although formant-dampdegree high such segments show of a phoneme". while in the characterisation of the vowel space. ing. to characterise. the categorial gesture. Notice that in the categorial gesture. voiced fricatives differ from voiceless stops in both re-ý -It seemsappropriate. etc. or e. ý fricatives may . (as fricatives obstruents) is maintained by having 10. we require more complex combinatorial properties.144.1in voiced (mutually) governing position. g. this additional structural propIVI-ness fact the that the with of a segment may be erty correlates increased by different phonetic means. . e. by the presence of two extra IVI components in the representation for while the essentially consonantal nature of the voiced fricatives. et ai counterpart of the phoneme /rP. and from voiced form they a natural class with ei.

1974.1975.145. Aitken's (6. which appears in those Scots dialects showing this tive-trill' process. forthcoming. vowels EVERYWHEREEXCEPT lengthen before short These processes took place in many Scots dialects. Aitken's Law might be characterised as (6. cate of e. and leave a system in the modern dialects in which there is no phonemic opposition between long and short vowels in final stressed syllables . both dating from the late 16th -early (1973: 14) by Lass as: and summarised centuries. ment Lass shows that in the dialects in which Aitken's Law occurs: there are both phonetic and phonological arguments for taking /r/ as a voiced fricative than a liquid rather (1974: 338). ther the sonorants or the fricatives. Thus /r/ classes phonologically with the obstruents (1974: 339). Lass 1973. within a distinctive . must be given a characterisation which enables it to form a fricatives.rather. Howev er. feature phonology of the sPE type.16) Aitken! Aitken's Law (after (a): Law s Law (b): long vowels All /r vz6 before All /r NON-HIGH #/. the distribution of length is predictable according to the environ(Lass 1974: 317). but never /I/ or the nasals (1973: 17). opposed to the other.17) (using sPE-type features): . in certain trilled ative environments even an affri] [ý. retroflex] .. /r/ in these cases is usually a rather fric[r]. (like find in dialects that we most Southern and Central /r/ devoicing Scots) which show terminal of obstruents. In parit appears from the process known as 'Aitken's Law' (Aitken ticular. segit be [j] distinguished both from from in that can a and such way ment Thus. Ewen1977) that the 'frica/r/. vz6 shorten #/. 1962. the voiced class with natural formulation by Aitken 1962) the original 17th consists of two processes. /r/-type it is not possible to characterise an alveolar trilled. while the lengthening environment of the voiced fricatives. [i. the type Phonologically. also devoices.

Chomsky and Halle (6. It seems then that the fricative ferent trilled /H should have a dif- within the categorial representation gesture than either the dependency fricatives the In the sonorant or consonants.. /I/ and /r/. "In all cases. in fact. fact no phonetic basis for this distinction. and proposes instead that trills are distinguished from stops and fricatives by a feature [vibration]. to sonocan relationship we show segments rants (6. it is not clear what feature Erl from the voiced trilled i.20): hand. we find a (voiced) alveolar fricative-trill.19) '-son +cont +voi ce +t riII treat trilled as being model.17) [+vo son +coný i ce of voiced fricatives. is the only feature which distinguishes [r] from [z]. /r/ is an (Vaiana Taylor 1974: 410-411). Ladefoged (1971: 107) argues that there is in. the and to voiced fricatives one on on the other. in (6. for example. some kind alveolar have to be established tives proper (say [trill]) from the fricative-trill. movoiced del. too. /r/ (with both voiced'and voicefricatives.18) and (6. of new feature would to distinguish the voiced frica-as. a sonorant" (Kutera by Abercrombie (1967: 54) as In Southern Scots. however. There is also phonological evidence from other languages that [r] can behave differently trilled the fricative from the voiced In Czech. this [r] (spE: 318).146. for which trills have a positive value. fricative Presumably. (6. as . In their produced with 'heightened subglottal pressure'. in which some sort of breaking process is taking place before dialects but not before fricatives. as the class distinguish be to the fricative used will [z]. trill" alveolar like less allophones) "behaves distributionally This [ý] (IPA Irl) is defined 1961: 31). like their these.19): --son +cont +voice I I_ -tri . we need not introduce a new component to account for Rather. e. However.

23) IV -). position.22) {V. C V) i.22): (6. V.1) comments on the can again als histories English Southern between the of and Southern. (6. e. as.. CI) [IV. C} Further evidence supporting the characterisation fricative-trill. specified as (6. their voiceless counterparts (6. C -* 'strident sonorants' from their sonorant counterparts in havThese segments differ in having an ing an extra governing ICI. IVI dependent least) (at in Similarly.and allophonically in some Czech (Kudera 1961:34) and Scots (Lass and Anderson 1975:166). are represented As obstruents. Using the representations established in (6. sonants. (6. as the set of segments containing IV. Cl in governing position. as (6. " ' (6.20) * V.21) V. Cvoice less 'strident sonorants' in which the dependent IVI characterising voicing is absent. voiced fricaand tive-trills can be shown to form a natural class with sonorants con- in Czech: for example. Notice that they are characterised not as sonsubioined extra orants. but as obstruents (in that they do not show IVI alone in governing position).21) is the appropriate representation for the voiceless lateral fricative [ýtl found in many dialects of Modern Welsh in words such as <Llanelli>.21): then. Scots contrasts .147. and for the voiceless fricative trill [t] found phonemically in Welsh dialects in words such as <Rhondda>. of the voiced and also of the class of liquids as opposed to nasTaylor's be found in Vaiana (see §6. and from voiced fricatives ICI.20) for the voiced the lengthening environment of Aitken's Law may be fricative-trills.

In the history before r. only lengthening and before Id. {IV *-V. velar fricatives. She observes the following differences: In Sth ME breaking took place before voiceless palatal and but not in Scots. b.26). dependency). c 0. It is only in these three cases that we find a representation containing two jVjs (which must.25) characterise the voiced continube distinguished (6. process is: Thus the crucial environment for the .VI -. /z/ (vo i ced fricatives) V.27) 4{V ). and points out that Scots evidences strengthening only before This generalisation segments which are both voiced and continuant. c She views all IV. of I and lengthening d. these processes as types of '(vowel) strengthening'. indeed from any other segment-type.1. (1974: 418-419). but not in English. 25) arguments for strengthening 4. The can be very naturally relevant (6. In Early OE lengthening took place before nasal +homorganic In Scots. from in the and can representations and ants. (6.24) a. but /q X/ (voiceless fricatives) (nasals) The representations in (6.148.c while the two environments which cause strengthening not in Scots. captured within the dependency framework. of Scots there occurred both vocalisation C. according to the constraint observed in §6.26) IV *-+ 4-*' C {IV cil in'English. in a very qbvious way. are: (6. CIJ /I/ in Scots are the following: IV. Aitken's Law lengthened vowels before r and the voiced fricatives. stop clusters before Id occurred. In Scots. be related by unilateral strengthening (6.

for these segments: (6. tapped [. while flaps involve "an articulator striking against another in passing while on its way back to its rest position" It is necessary to be able to distinguish (1971: 51). flapped [r]).29) {IC )-. flap 128-130) treats both as a sub-type of flap .29). Ewen Law. is thrown against the other by a single contraction of the muscles (Ladefoged 1971: 50).the 'flick'-type (e. like trills. in 'rate' difference The is in therefore inposition erning dicated by the fact that ICI alone in governing Position correlates . taps from trills and approximants. as can be seen from the following Tamil. g. have a zero-value. If the distinction resentation is not necessary. characterises rapid articTaps and flaps have a positive value for this feature. g. segments are in parallel Ladefoged argues that these sounds should be distinguished by the feature [vibration]: taps.cl) and the 'transient'-type flap (e. which.V.149. like stops. ulation.28)Alveolar tap Alveolar trill set of words in The final a. It differ from trills is not clear whether the distinction between tap and flap is (1977: in the Catford necessary categorial phonologically gesture. Taps and flaps and stops in Ladefoged's model in their value for a feature [rate]. For a fuller discussion of matters concerned with this analysis (1977). essentially. cam 'saw' where the three different arem 'charity' Postalveolar approximant aajam 'depth' distribution. while flaps. the class Taps differ from trills in that one articulator of taps and flaps. taken from Ladefoged (1971: 50): (6.29) seems the appropriate rep- (6. have a positive value for this feature. Cil taps/f laps between trills The relationship and these segments is shown by IVI for identical the in govthey fact that absence of are save the (6. Aitken's see of class of segments which I shall consider i.

They are presented in their graph form: II .2 The categorial representations The following for the categorial (6. such voiceless segments are very uncommon. and stops on the other. Ci in governing position correlates with conwhile with stopness. does not reflect in 'rate' bethe difference tween flaps on the one hand. Notice. (6. between stops tinuancy. for example. C vtc V. processes in which stops are realised as flaps in particular environments. However. too. although we might IV. characterised ICI IV. IV. taps and flaps appear to be near the ICI end of They show "considerable reduction of overall the IVI -ICI continuum. a node and a sentation containing that there is no way of characterising voiceless taps and flaps (un4. (6.29) enables us to show the-relationship and flaps in.1. node sentation of developed so far. c nasals V: C V. However. and may not be needed phonoTogically.cc liquids vowels V. level of energy. Cl in dependent in the reprethe that presence of position argue IV. CC V voiced fricatives voiced 'strident sonorants' voiceless fricatives voiceless 'strident sonorants' . flaps The Cl taps this to and shows some extent.30) Vvv table illustrates the representations established gesture. less {IC )-ICjI is an acceptable representation).29) 6.150. Acoustically. in a tree denotes continuancy in the representations 'stopness' that the argue combination of and 'continuanand we-might by a reprecyl (at least for the taps) is appropriately. with some formant-like (Jassen energy concentration" 1962: 127). both Cl node.

1 1 argued that liquids should be given the characterisa' '" ([IV Cl)). Somemajor classes that guished are shown in (6. C voiced plosives taps/ flaps voice less plosives The representations in (6.1.32) continuant obstruents { IV {ICI CV CV 4.151. .31) vowels sonorants sonorant obstruents consonants {IVII {IVI VICI C (where (_I-) = 'unilaterally governing anything or nothing'). CCC V V. Within to CI). 6. V ). V cI Other non-continuant obstruents voiceless obstruents voiced obstruents voiced continuants (where :t= 'does not govern'). {IV opposed nasals as class 4.32): sub-classes (6. the V.30) conform with the constraint discussed in 96. 6. be can which characterised are shown as (6.30) of a number of can be distin- allows the characterisation natural classes of segments.3 Natural classes The system in (6. tion -0.1.4 Lateral consonants In §6.31): (6.1 whereby only one instance of each componentper segment is allowed unless the two instances are related by unilateral dependency.

33) bl. IVI-like Ic there is phonological /n/. form that the a natural class opposed seen already to nasals. He summarises these processes. Dochartaigh observes that evidence from Gaelic to suggest that /I/ is more the cline /r I nm/. would mean that different . representation. there is evidence from some phonological processes that latcan. which operate in different areas.152. he offers the following account: (6. as (6. The adoption of (6. then. the laterals from the non-laterals can be distinguished of liquids. 'In terms of dependency representations. we have ture the relationships liquids frequently. by means of a component within the articulatory gesture (see §8. Thus.34). and /r/ the most 6 More generally.34) appear to capHowever. msb) notes that in certain other dialects of Scottish Gaelic there are various lengthening and dipherals thongisation able-final differently (6.9).34) Vvv II. while only the non-lateral liquid shows lengthening of the vowel.33): Area 1 ba-.r dall ceann Cazn processes which operate on short vowels preceding a sylllong liquid. although the representations between the segment-types in Gaelic. on occasion.33) that in all areas the lateral patterns with the alveolar nasal. ccv rInm least /m/ the shows where IVI-like representation. Dochartai gh (ms a. which in turn are more vocalic than /m/. r. k'en. kam: Area 2 ba: r daul keun kam-.r dal-. However. Area 3 ba: r daul Veun ka um It can be seen from (6. form a class with the nasals. This leads 6 Dochartaigh to suggest that /r/ has a higher "relative vocalicness" than /I/ and /n/. opposed to the6 liquids. thus than giving vocalic in (6.

however. then.35) the governing IVI node may be taken to characterise ICI jV. (at least This-'double for categorisation' sonorant mouth 4. gesture egorial in is the the While tract. in (6. have be for different to established would representations categorial languages. We {IV V. there centre of oral closure articulation. argue that an appropriate way of representing this is to allow a charin on cateqorial which the normal constraints represenacterisation tations (only two occurrences of each componentper segment.35) (6.153. are phoneti: cally unique as far as the catin having is two manners of effectively concerned. the representation is.36): In (6. whether seems yses.36) Vv V. as in'(6. not captured might ). Thus have the the representations various sonorants would closure. by Cl}. node node and sonorancy. to It ask a way appropriate. a state of affairs which might lead to rather ad hoc analis there therefore.35): * (6. Notice that laterals there Is also a-stricture of open approximation at the sides of the laterals). and only two distinct nodes) is relaxed.. cc c laterals non-lateral I iqu ids nasals Laterals. Cj the the the central continuancy. can be shown to form a natural class with the . of characterising egorial properties the laterals so that they may be shown to have catin commonboth with the other liquids and with the nasals..

that. in languages in which the laterals (6.37) V V.CIj. the various lateral given similar representations. form a natural class with the other liquids. the behaviour of the laterals in Gaelic can be characterised within the categorial gesture language-specific to the representaions proposed by resort without 6 Dochartaigh.1 will be adequate. (in behaviour that areas of addition various phonological shall argue In to those mentioned already) tend to support these representations. mostly remaining sections of stics. (6.2 Phonological In §6.1 The Jakobsonian universals The problem of the representation of relative complexity in pho- .35) of most languages. the categorial gesture of In I the this acoustic. be Thus. more complex situation when the phonologically necessary. Thus. lateral Finally.1.35) is required only the representations of 16. CC voiced lateral fricatives {IV. found in Gaelic occurs. _10' {IV V.2. {IVI the as e.1 complexity in the categorial gesture the dependency representations attempted to justify in terms of various phonetic characteri-. and not with the nasals. -* IVI node superordinate to a ICI node). CC voiceless fricatives C11 -). these the are only*segments containing as other ICIJ (i. captured should difference). chapter. CC {IV. (I ignore here the problem of /m/. it is not clear to 6 Dochartaigh's claim that /m/ is less vocalic than /n/ me whether by different be assigning categorial representations. complexity this section I concentrate on the problem of the relative of segment-types within the categorial gesture.154. only segments containing a or with nasals. or whether this is due to the articulatory Representations logies like would'not be required in the phonoThat is. 6.. can consonants may be characterised as: notice (6. C -0. liquids. other lateral consonants. if lateral sonorants 6.4V.

("minimal this consonantismus fundamental opposition of The nature in is the the representations of reflected vs. (see is that-has §1. all segments and M by ChomI have already shown (in 12. In a feafor distinctive (whether or not we incorporate the proposals regarding ture-matrix is 5). [OF I [-F [+F between. when of relative matrices fully specified) consists of n features.4.. the representations However.7) posed great problems one segments nological feature theory. . The measure of complexity which can be established using the system does not arise out of the representations themselves. segment ular value 1. in or ference and say. minimal vocalismus") ((ICII {IVI)). two segment-types (6-30).155. of consovowel. the acquisition [As] disforward by the articulated stop. [IF 1. but results from the imposition of external conventions. in in involving the system opposition is the simplest possible . the theory on its own terms. the system given in (6. as we have already seen. each of which has a particdifAs is in there for the inherent no question.1) that the introduction 'markedness in Halle theory' an attempt to overcome these of and sky irrespective deficiencies of the success or otherwise of must fail. appear to be the last sounds to resist the process of dissolution. a nants linguistic the sound system provides an exact of solution . the theory is basically an attempt to patch up the deficiencies of themselves. This in the gesture categorial vs. ial representations are inherently is be between the representestablished whether the differences must ations reflect the structural laws which Jakobson establishes. in there no way of chapter made representations multi-gestural is dealing coma phonologically are what we with representing whether featureis two there comparing and of no segment. labial consonants and o. complexity nnMM be [2F to appear equally complex. (1941: 62).30) shows that certain categorWhat less complex than others. at the same time. . in development child the phonological mirror-image of language (1941: 60).. way simple plex or (at least Each in terms matrix complexity. and. Jakobson (1941: 47) observes: At the beginning of the first stage of language developis launched the of vowels acquisition with a wide ment.:.

are lost earlier (e. are a later acquisition. ICI (minimal consonantismus) opposed to a single IVI (minimal opposition acquired by the chilý is that between oral and nasal stop (1941: 48). between two than is opposition g. the liquids. other liquid (1941: 57). Further. ulatory gesture. sentation JVJ. i. stratum that liquids darity" demands higher the the that stratum a acquisition of predict loss lower lower the of a a stratum. has the and child . complex more nasal. while of previous acquisition loss higher the demands stratum.. involving an "open subsidiary cavity in addition to the obstructed cavity. This correlates with the fact it contains an extra subioined in aphasia. Notice that the repre liquids different representations in liquids is that for for than that s. opposition between labials and dentals (which is an opposition in the articThe first consonantal is than the categorial and not relerather gesture. laws irreversible "the the than of and soligeneral nasals. /m/ vs. sound disturbances" "is and most common These comments provide further evidence for giving nasals and (see 96. an nasals /r/) much rarer in Jakobson's terms.156 * a single vocalismus). and with (e. occupy a higher In short. discussion) forms the minimal consonantal system the to present vant Jakobson interprets this opposition of the languages of the world.30). losses the distinction in aphasic one of the earliest (1941: 60).as being the natural one. (whether The number of languages with a single liquid I'or r) is extraordinarily large. liquid for a long time and acquires the only a single only as one of his last speech sounds. a of previous stratum . The nasals have a comparatively _2*1CIJ. the open nasal caviýty is joined to the obstructed oral cavity. and. an opposition vs. e. This is "the most resistant in aphasia" (1941: 72).1). (6. of the stop sound and thereby combines the specific characteristics [paradigmatic opposition] and the vowelý'. in involving {IV only sentation I turn now to Jakobson's consideration simple repre- of liquid consonants. together with an. the first-paradigmatic opposition . liquids /I/ between fact two that the g. /n/).

notice that "the child first changes fricatives to the corresponding stops" (1941: 52) (and vice versa in language dissolution). and loses its voicing in partial sound-muteness.. to any other segments. is. no claims are made as to the relative position in this fricatives the of voiceless and the voiced stops .. there are no languages without [there are] languages in which fricstops. I have noted that the first obstruent acquired (i. at least. 'as is custo(1941: in 63). fricatives fall atives are unknown. voiceless stops in the various areas under examination. with the corresponding stops. as in children. the voiceless consonants function as basic variants. The acquisition of fricatives presupposes the acquisition systems of stops in child language. other. of of world seem poses to be able to have either ries. . whereas . then. the world in which there is no phonemic opposition of voice vs. far the between as relationships voiced and voiceless obstru-As ents is concerned. occupies must which now examine the relationship of the other obstruents to the. voicelessness. Wesee... fricatives appear to occupy the next higher stratum from stops . together. In aphasics. say. However. e. either only voiceless consonants occur or.that stratification law holding such that in. loss the the the other. the one lowest is We the the stratum) voiceless stop. becomedevoiced.. Hence. (1941:70). Similarly. of the one presupposes the acloss in that the the of one presupor aphasia.157. Clearly. of quisition languages Similarly. is generally aphasics mary voiceless in the beginning stage of child language. These observations in (6. (jakobson 1941:51. The consonant.61).. rather than. Jakobson notes: The voiced consonants have. there appears to be no structural the acquisition language acquisition. that voiced obstruents must occupy a higher stratum than their voiceless counterparts.38): are reflected in the dependency representaor both of these two phonological catego- tions . and in the linguistic of the world the former cannot exist unless the latter exist as well. then. in partial sound-dumbnessthe voiceless rather than the voiced conin the languages of sonants are recognised.

158. vious opposition . c voiced Vii stops fricatives The representations of both the voiceless fricatives and the iain IVI ICI like i. the simplest possible representations incorporating basic than a single element. to denote voicing. is reflected in its representation. the extra IVI is in governing position. Again. In other words.3 9) IV V'C I the stratification of the segments discussed IV. involving an extra IVI as in comparedwith the voiced stop and the voiceless fricative relations to the voiced stop.38) {ICI} voiceless stops [IV C11 voiceless fricatives C VI) voiced {lv. as defined by Jakobson's law. the two segment-types in question) depend on the presence of the prefundamental direction in the the of opposition. c " VI) {Ic V IV 4. while in relation to the voiceless fricative. whose representation is correspondingly more complex.39) the opposition denoted by the unbroken line is funda(indicated by broken lines connecting All other oppositions mental.39): far as so (6. We can represent (6. are minimally different from the representation of the voiceless stop. it is in dependent position. On the next stratum we find the voiced fricatives. the representations more of the segments occupying the next stratum up from the voiceless stop'. (6. the relative complexity of the segment. voiced nasaT consonants. the a and single a stops con single e. to denote continuancy.3-C11 {IV cil IcII In (6.

ICI. law holding between. presumably.30).39). there are three paths diverging from ICI . e. which will assume some significance in a moment. previously established. the in the representadirectly representations. (IC11) as consonantal oppositions.i. I assume that this correlates with the between vowels and consonants in language . thts*-representation seemsappropriate for th6-segment*" in higher it to than the occupy appears a stratum segments as any of (6. (except {IVII and JICII) are treated as sub-types of aspect of (6.39). The voiceless counterpart of this segment-type is represented (lacking by {IV. and appears to have a simpler representation IVI like /t/ apdenoting However. It will be noted that. its acquisition or presence in a language depends on the presence both of a liquid and of a voiced fricative. C _* CII. to get from a segment-type IVI higher lower to on a add a stratum. all basic distinction segment-types IC1. to get from the representations for liquids and for voiced to that for /ý/. rather than from JVJ. (1941: Jakobson 58) notes: representation Czech /vr/. reflected differ both and voiceless voiced sonorants' tions in that they cannot be approached by adfrom other representations. CJ). we a segment-type stratum on a Further. we have to add a component. is. a sibilant opposition to /r/. which show the {IV. which is-this fricatives time. I treat all oppositions deriving from (other than {IVII vs.that to the tree. that for the voiced 'strident sonorants'. and hardly any rarest phonemes of their native language presents such other phoneme to Czech children. JCJ. C V. however. is that on each path. for example. An interesting there is no structural and voiceless fricatives. and. nasals I turn now to what appears to be the most complex representation in (6.159. major and persistent difficulties Clearly. ding a single IVI to any representation for 'strident . then. And again. like Jakobson.. dependent a sound voicing). is one of the that occur in language. the its than be to rarer voiced counterpart even very rare pears This appears to present a problem for the thesis that complexity is However.

and in the case of. taps the am not aware of evidence which would indiand of (6. CI} {lv. in in all segment-types a utilising SPE. of more complex than one involving increase in prominence I assume.40) cl) V. formalises the notion of the complexity of phone(Jakobson 1941: 91).160. complexity. c VI} cI IV cI {IC VI} cI will be noted that in (6.40).40). of the type of path connecting one segment-type to another segmenttype: a path which involves increase in prominence of ICI appears to be relatively IVI. c {IV {IV V. they can only ICI the case of -'in.40) 1 ignore the representations I flaps.40). can be viewed not only in terms of the but also in terms number of basic components in the representation. dependency to their respect with categories mic it difficult is Notice that to the very achieve same representations. Rather. the following schematisation types of segment: of the different atification of Jakobson's str- (6. proposed (6. .41): (6. then. tions for liquids or less set by deleting Relative be approached by increasing the prominence of the voiced set by adding ICI to the representavoiced fricatives. the voiceIVI from the representation for the voiced set. then. ) in the of position appropriate such segments cate (It then. feature system such as that degree of transparency using a distinctive language In the. Chomskyand Halýe would require something like (6.

the nature of the feature in any. of articulatory (e.161.. voiced fricatives categorial more complex ties amongst and liquids). Languages. types we a stops and vowels). and the other incomparably distinction I "the the and. is.specifically. reason Jakobson (1941: 91) notices: The more complex a phonemic category its capacity to split. language. then. characteristically -have less stops. ever.41) [-voice] son +trill [-nasal] +cont son +cont +voice] +nasal +son [-cons] C+ýontl [+voice] ---C+cons] Each new opposition (moving from the bottom to the top 9f thediagram) can be characterised by the addition of one (or more) additional feature. the more rarely the later the languages of the world. the amongst simplest caterepresentation. V Within is the distinction of and model much rarer. features the why should appear in the particular order above. but. and the more occur in child up by aphasics. the number of capacity split represents under ferent type types of articulatory gesture which can be associated with each Thus. r ceptional difthe to discussion. types the g. . particular case does not appear to correlate in any obvious way with the considerathere appears to be no formal tions outlined above . . the vowels. the nasals. (6. voiceless gorial be fewer tend to there possibiliwhile possibilities. number e. more of and exr. categorial of find large (i. the weaker is in does it split does this split is it given easily oppositions among the voiceHowobstruents.

of an implicational hierarchy The than a hierarchical structure. categorial the two gestures.42) obs on varias noted above. and a set of contingent choices which any language can make after it has made the non-contingent ones.. to the assumpmade of markedness theory relate primarily criticisms tion that some segments are non-normal in an absolute sense. might u'. number of opposigesture articulatory complex gesture associtions which can be contracted within the articulatory (and hence the-complexity categorial gesture a particular ated with depends the the of cateon complexity that gesture) articulatory of gorial 6. It appears. However. however. What I wish to point out.2.N 162. the choice of features . such as m.1). again 93. is that the (cf. to a minimal hierarchy like (6..2 gesture. more complex be i. Markedness in the categorial Markedness theory. (1972: 61) Lass remarks. then. will consist of a set of necessary choices which appear (unordered) larger to be universal.42) (in which I show only features gesture): relevant to the categorial inventory (6. that there is an inverse relationship between less the The the gesture.. has been criticised not repeat all the relevant arguments here cs + nas voice As in the diagram illustrating tation of the Jakobsonian structural the distinctive feature interprein laws. the choice of members of the phonological as of a language: (dependency-based) rather is .. gesture I and will ous grounds. . . Lass argues that this view. "very like the Praguian notion of 'marklead incorporating implications 'if then ing"'. the the can e.

the dependency model gives (6. ticulation' What I am and 'place of articulation'. superficial (1977: 145): (6.163. and the phonetic correlates of the have been interpreted in various ways. such as Ilenition' processes.42) in {IV cli -+cII v:. 6.44) in parameter' reduction There have been various segment-types in phonological . made for hierarchies The evidence for the need for such hierarchies has been drawn from various phonological phenomena.: (Ic VI) in which the minimally complex status of the segments involved is (6. i. However. since "the elements of a phonoloby be theory consideration of phonological proestablished must gical the to the characteristics of phonetic cesses.43) below brought Anything hierarchy in the out.. without Foley's Examples the parameters are of elements". 'phonological parameters' on the evidence of changes such or strength' in history the in German Spanish. e.42) (6.3 Hierarchies in the categorial gesture proposals for a hierarchical ranking of theory. hierarchies A number of phonologists have established hierarchies on the For exbasis of historical changes. a counterpart seems quite arbitrary.43): (6. and changes and shifts as consonants (1977: Foley's 28-32. type.43) of (6.35-59). proposals which have been concerned with here is the first of segment-types within the categorial gesture. (1977) 'relative Foley up various phonological sets of scales ample. minimal clearly would have a more complex representation. both in terms of 'manner of ar(and voicing). languages parameters other of various have no direct phonetic correlates.

data": Romance and Finally.45): nasals liquids glides vowels spirants 1 2. voiced fricatives.46) Proposed sonorance scale In order of increasing voiceless strength: stops. e. . vowels. a see energy" Escure (1977: 60) sets up the following universal "hierbased features. long vowels. output of acoustic §6. voiced stops. with increasing (1975: (For discussion.45) stops in (6. which valent increasing strength is equivalent to increasing articulatory resistance: (6.164. types There two e. voiceless fricatives. and proposes two scales. consonantal approximants. (6. which are the inverse of in increasing is sonorance scale. of are gest sive continuantization i. voicing zation. liquids.3 456 Vaiana Taylor (1974: 406) draws her evidence from changes in the history of Scots. lenition: "opening. tsdzIjI Ii Sonorance scale: strength -acoustic ijIzds.4. fuller 159). ) and sonori-. Germanic mostly on and manner class archy of major . attitude.44) voiced spirants voiced stops voiceless stops voiceless spirants affricates aspirates double stýps 123 and the 'p-parameterl (6. strength -articulatory energy t resistance Consonant scale: Lass and Anderson (1975) view 'Ienition processes' as weakening from the hierarchical stronof consonants originating ranking a along i. other which equistrength each -a increasing in to acoustic energy. progrestype. and a consonant scale. without change of glottal and then progressive opening.

stronger glides voiceless fricatives Other phonologists have established similar scales and hierarfrom evidence using synchronic phonological processes rather chies than historical change . (6.1977) are concerned with setting up strength hierarchies on the basis both of historical change and rules of syllabification and of synchronic rules.48) Vowels Glides to their behaviour in various fast-speech [r] [1] [n] [m] [rjl Fricatives Stops Hankamer and Aissen (1974) discuss a number of assimilation processes in Pali.50) strength scale of consonants in Icelandic: strength 12345678 j v a wider range of data.1977). syllable of tative (6. ann (1972) and Hooper (1976. 'universal is in following strength which the all relees (1977): Escure identical that to of vant respects surveying Hooper (1976. and propose a "new kind of 'feature'.47) meaker 123456 liquids nasals voiced . overlap segment-types according phenomena in English:.although there is of course a great deal of (1972: in Zwicky 277) establishes a hierarchy of this area.49) S nasals stops 12345679 Ivyr vowels Vennen.165. The ranking along this'ýcalar feature in Pali is: (6. (6. which sonarity may take a range of values" (1974: 137). . fricatives voiced stops voiceless stops . establishhierarchy'. in particular Vennemann (1972: 6) proposes the following tenstructure.

4 and 7. in various i historical basis the of she establishes on which languages. redundancy rules' of set Various other proposals for scalar features accounting for what different manners of articulation also go some way are essentially these observations. has the following values: changes .2. and for a general discussion of the need In phonology Drachmann 1977). [approximant]. nasals continuant voiceless continuant voiced stop voiceless stop Vennemannand Ladefoged (1973) propose a system of cover features in addition to the normal 'prime features'. the major problem that (or sonority hierarchies) has arisen is how strength hierarchies are feature phonologies.166. For example. (1977) Williamson's while tivel. Among the soluto be formalised in distinctive tions proposed is that of Hankamer and Aissen (1974) mentioned above. where +-* feature can be-predicted from the values of the prime features by a 'feature (1973: 69).52) (6. (6. n-ary feature and [stricture]. Segments with particular in values for prime features such as [stop] and [fricativel will [strength]: (6. Ladefoged's towards formalising [frica(1975) multivalued feature [stop] has three values [stop].51) glides liquids 23456 Although the evidence for setting up strength hierarchies like these is clear (for some further disqussion on lenition and syllable struct6re see §§6.52) also-have a particular value for the cover feature 13 strength] [2 strength] [I strength] -+-* +Stop -f ricative] stop +fricative] -*-+ [ stop -fricative] is be 'is to The value for the cover read as equivalent to'. for hierarchies in which a multivalued feature of sonority is introduced.

[sonorant]. distinctive The first is that if a multivalued or scalar feature of strength (or sonority. for example. nasals are not distinguished from other segment-types. ) is adopted instead Of [voice].167. stronger tion. for example. etc. such as [continuant]. Hooper's universal strength hierarchy (6. [-stop. 1977) sets up a hierarchy. not of segment-types.in that. it fails to the other approaches ture).53) 2 1 0 -1 -2 stop fricative approximant high vowel low vowel However. such features are by themselves not adequate to account for all the positions in. which a in Vennemannand Ladefoged's proposal for a cover feature [strength] [stop] [fricativel features to the such prime as and allows addition the formal scalar strength relation while maintaining of expression a (albeit at the expense the possibility of expressing binary relations hypothesis concerning phonological struca much weaker of proposing discussed. example. be than [+stop. features. (6.2. 50 stricture] disguises formulation the binary nature of the opposition. like all . etc. Williamson (1977) would presumably characterise sonants.54) DI stricture] [: vs.51) .. Basbol I (1974a. in it I discuss in syllable structures and will possible ' detail in §7. second solve distinctive in be feature to discussed a arbitrary quite seems scales Ladefoged's in Vennemann formulaFor and why. is that the the order of segments the which on problem. This hierarchy is meant to account for but of distinctive languages. There appear to be two major difficulties in relation to the formalisation between segment-types in a of strength relationships featu-re phonology. should -fricativel -fricativel? However. phonology. it becomes impossible to characterise naturally or equipollent privative oppositions such as that holding between obstruent and sonorant conFor example. binary features the opposition between obstruents and sonorants as: (6.

1: cy representations (6. While (6. as the hierarchy is inherent in the segmental Thus the the problem of apparent arbitrary relationrepresentations. no need to set up an independent :' a 'feature' of strength. feature the between of segments and their relative representation ship is Similarly. Consider now the elements in a strength hierarchy in terms of the dependendeveloped in §6. no probposition lem in expressing binary oppositions holding within the hierarchy - . formalisms like those in (6. is obvious.55) strength strength [I-voice ý A -soporant A (I strength A +voice A +sonorant A +continuant A -tense " strength strength strength -continuant A +tense > strength " strength [+sonorant]: is A and where (I strength A> +nasal 1) strength A -nasal may describe the relations the distinccorrectly.C . IVI-like. C11 {IC VI strength between each element on the strength hierarchy The relationship As an element becomes stronger.CI -). IV cI {IV.55) (proposed by Vennemann see Hooper 1976:207) are not predicted by the notation to be more natural than if the values were reversed: I Similarly. In and is there dependency phonology. less therefo're and vice versa as it becomes weaker.55) vi (ICII stops {IVII {IV * V. it becomes more ICI-like. hierarchy there is in the overcome.168. tive feature representations fail to show why this should be. (6.56) vowels liquids (glides) nasals vd conts vl conts vd stops VII (IV ).

without change of glottal sive continuantization i.57) and (6. I following In the exahierarchies section. 0 .58): (6. j i. governing (1977: 326). 5. then. i. with shall in §7. 3. 1. Lass and Anderson (1975: 159) suggest that: in lenition processes there are two basic options (assuming a hierarchical ranking where we start with a voiceless stop as the strongest type): opening.169. characterised is characterised-by a single obstruent of sonorant the opposition vs. ICI in (either IVI a relationship or alone a governing vs.58) Voiceless Spirantized Dearticulated Deleted t s h 0 sonorization and opening 7. Ewen discussion.4 Lenition processes As we saw in s6. with increasing output of acoustic energy. 1. The last is deletion: though this is not to stage in any lenition deletion is the result of lenition.57) Weakening of closure: no glottal change 4. the privative opposition IVI its dependent by absence. 6. e. (for is obstruents) voiceless of voiced vs. are realised by "sequences of changes that tend languages" in histories the themselves of and again again to repeat (1975: 150). that all say These options. in lenition while the processes area of mine internal deal the structure of syllables. are relevant. Spirantized 'Liquid' Approximant Vowel Deleted t d z r J. the while of presence vs. 2.3. ing. progresattitude. voicing and then progressive openand sonorization. 2. e. further For dependency). (6. and can be represented as (6. which such language. see of mutual the conHaving shown that the formal problems of characterising in dependdo in the arise hierarchies not categorial gesture cept of in detail in two I to areas greater examine now wish ency phonology. 3.2 1 6. Voiceless Voiced. 4.

60) pre-OE /-g-/ [*aagan] OE > 1-y-I [aayan! ME (1-u-D > I-W-3 > [oowenl late >0 [oon] ME own 1 have ignored the dearticulation stage in In developed (6. to give (6.58)) by sonorisation. rather than via a voiced stop (7->. In Ewen(1977: 319). but rather that lenition lenition involve For exammovement along the scale in the order given. (6.59) Progressive feature C+contl obstruent weakening 11: matrix change Coral] change Weakening or [-voice] [+voice] -* Elarynl-[Iaryn]_ change' part of further postpone discuS'sion. thi.58)).170. will following the development: they note ple.57).58) are collapsed 6-o-5 in (6. terms the chapter of multi-gestural model of from the others in involving deletion of the 5.57) and (6.59) Voiceless Vo i ced Spirantized 'Liquid' Approximant Vowel Deleted ' d S Spirantized Voiced r As noted above. may weaken voiceless stop.61) Weakening E-contl -* 1: in (6. gesture. rather a change articulatory 'progressive lenition schema' Lass (1976: 163) proposes a universal Notice that for obstruents: (6. of the 'matrix . and then becomea voiced fricative (5 in (6. (4-)fricative for to a voiceless example.59): (6. s stage differs in than the categorial gesture. (6. these two hierarchies are not entirely distinct. A However.59).57)) by weakening of closure. 3 in (6. Lass and Anderson do not claim that progressive involves all the-steps in (6.

involves a change in the Similarly.61). in if it for to extend use as a schema for prbgressive'lenition are we (6. if (6.62) Progressive weakening In (6. of same changes involve movement along the scale in the direction of IVI. can hardly be (cf. (6.3. [-cons] four feature with a choice among . For example.62): in form take the would general. 1: feature change [-contl -* [+contl or [+voice] -* or [+obs] -* [-obs] or [+cons] -). the the consider rest of we stages worse the change from [z] to [r] involves a change from [+obs] to [-obs] (or [-son] to [+son]). the strengthening of voiced obstruents I .3. And the situation becomes to characterise weakening in obstruents. changes. ture change' is concerned). then. feature phonology requires a those. "progressive and of suppression or 'strengthening'. Lenition. as noted in §6. [cont] and [voice]. we see that although lenition appears to be a unitary it in involves movement along a hierarchy such as that phenomenon. while the change from sonorant consonant to vowel involves [+cons] becoming [-cons]. involves a change in the direction of ICI" (Anderson Jones 1977: 125). if in Presumably. a distinctive choice between two apparently unrelated features. (6.4.171. (6.59). the unitary nature of lenition said to reflect reference to strength relations).62) kind in. discussed in 96. the All are manifestations of process. direction of ICI. IVI.61). 'Weakening I' in (6.55) above with [-voice] IVI dependency the we consider and ICI to components linear of a either end scale.2. and therethen (insofar as Lass's category 'feafore away from ICI. However. lenition until §6. it is clear that each of the represent (6.62). .

V. c>v>q can be extended to take account of the various The 'strident other segment types in (6. c7it/ Jcý Y --A. 0/2 017 c 0 14 **c -" I-.cll-=-{Ivll vocalisation is the equivalent for historical change of the universal Thus the dependency interstrength hierarchy presented in (6. (6. .1. found The voiceless phoneme has occurred in many Scots dialects. in some parts of the country. to voiceless in final position involves the segmentbecoming more ICIlike (specifically by deletion of the subioined IVI denoting voicing).vII 0/2 týs % IVIC Vll---7-{IV sonorisation -. in Welsh has. weakened to its voiced [41 /ý/. sonorants' discussed in §6. often appears to weaken to the sonorant while counterpart [1]. and utilises established in §6.63) Cv>vv. or through a [b] stage. voiced strident sonorants (Evr] and [b]) typically ses. cf. either directly.0.60) can be reprepretation of the historical sented by the following schema: (6. example which can plausibly be interpreted as lenition is the behaviour of Spanish /F/ (/R/) [ý] <rr> in fast non-ener(Harris 46-47.63) (6. in also as sents (which has allophones Ul and [ý 1) cites Czech /r/ discussion his of . of lenition as a shift towards IVI is illuthe strated in (6. 1969: Hooper 1976: 211-212). Harris this as realised a which phoneme repreally). 0. However.59).56). (see Navarro [11 too.172.63) {IcvII >-ýý" >1 s V%cl ev I . either a or word-initially environments is fricative. Vaiana Taylor (1974:404). English changes in (6. TomAs Jakobson. A further 1932: 124).63)9 which is equivalent to (6.1 appear to be able to undergo various kinds of lenition procesThe. weaken to The change of to Ej] their corresponding sonorants ([jl and [11).30).64) CV>V. In certain speech getic (before intervocalicvowel.1: representations The interpretation (6.

where loss of these sounds occur. the voiceless (1941: 58). c. For example. involve lenition least ICI (th6 dioption). In general. rectly i. in all cases le"nition . the relafricative. segment contain's the same basic elements. c Again. -" ). preferred which would of IVI. I suggest that each step in a general lenition process such as (6.59). but to {IVI) to rather addition of give a voiced alone.63). _" C11 does not involve deletion lenition of a voiceless fricative {IV'4+-). and "the voiced combinatory variant becomes3. These various lenition processes can be schematised as (6. (6. one step along the lenition hierarchy (cf.65): (6.173. tions holding between the segment-types in the hierarchy of acquisition (6.c 11 involves an increase in the IVI- We are now in a position to examine more closely the nature of the 'movement towards IVI' inherent in lenition. V.65) {lv. e. ness of the segment-type.66) of one of three processes: (a) addition of single IVI (b) alteration of dependency relationships such that the new t is IIVI-er. the case of Czech settlers in Russia. than before (c) deletion of s*ingle ICI (a) -(c) represents a 'preferred' order. VI} IV:ý cl} II . less preferred alternatives are implemented only . and (6.\oe d\ {IV O-v. bu.40)). Further. cI tl Iv. c -> cil volci {lv.65) is a realiisation (6.

174.64). general lenition (6.64) or (6. weakening of {IV. Clearly.65) (unless from interpret a change a voiced stop to a nasal as lenition -a we ICI IVI involve both demotion of and promotion of change which would Rather. and so instead alternative (b) ! ICI V.65) vocalisation and (6.. CIj must involve (c). {IV on which or and yields either is deleted. these segments seemto form a lenito governing position). CI) (6. {IV.67) { IV -). ! C Similarly. CIj.. V.67) (Ivll can be combined to give the following schema: . ent node. is For lenithe alternative available. : i ICI depending V. demotion {IV the to the dependto give of with applies. C (a) VII cannot involve alternative tion of a voiced (because there are already two IVIs). in which weakening of a nasal gives a vowel. not example. nasals do not participate in either (6. as in (6. I have madeno mention of the nasals with respect to lenition. CI1 C VII.67): (6. tion hierarchy of their own. preferred when : fricative (IV.

at various (non-nasal) but both become the principally at point where points. vocalisation {Ivl} dele-'t'ion j V. but. cI -3. lenibranch. -This is repre(6.68) 6. dary branch. C Cil kO te {lv. a schema with various branches.4. .1 Weakening by gesture change I return now to the other part of Lass's progressive obstruent be better 'matrix by might change'. CD- IV V. (6. c V. involving lenition of the strident sonorants.4 c ": ýD {IV CL cil (IV 0- c (2. consonants a separate sonorant tion of a nasal yields a vowel.68) cvII tjo /Sa lv. (6.175. c vII . which schema. The main branch involves lenition which This branch coincides with a seconoriginates with voiceless stops.69): as sented (6. Nasal form consonants. rather. weakening weakening termed 'gesture change' in the model dcveloped here.69) [[I[oral 10 '*[[I agryn]] 9 a ryn]] .cl) represents not a single lenition schema.

4.68). with eventual delelenition tion. this change will be represented as: [articl {ICII I the ultimate 'goal' of weakening of this sort is like these and Lass argues that representations complete deletion. Excursus: the nature of lenition letion" (1976: 16ý).70) [articl IV . posiposition tion is "the prime weakening environment". is movement away from JCJ towards JVJ. The 'defective' As in (6. then. . other aspects of lenition which I have not here. "support the-notion of submatrix deletion as a form of lenition. I briefly touch on of will some which considered development principle' (1977) 'inertial states that "weak elements in first and extensively preferentially weak enand most most weaken There are various is 'weak The environments' concept of of vironments" known favour is it that traditional. certain positions well course Lass and Anderson (1975: 160) show that intervocalic lenition. with (i. stop is a form of weakening. Tearticulation' flected of a voiceless in the dependency model as: fricative to [h]. while word-final 'sonority (1975: 166) the "variable on is a parameter' environment" (1977: 107).the last stage before deletion being a vowel (unless the weakening is by 'gesture change').cI IV 4:ý cill from that the change a voiceless stop to a glottal assuming while. Foley's. dearticulated) fricatives deglottal as the stage before-final nature of Chl and [? ] (in that they lack an articulatory gesture) shows why they are the last stage before deletion in obstruent lenition (as opposed to lenition through voicing). 6.2 I have noted that lenition processes involve movement along a hierarchy towards zero . e. is re- (6.176. In dependency terms.

and least likely ance)-final in initial.. able-initial intervocalic. and many other similar examples. Consider. <risum> -* OFr <rizu> (Pope 1934: 98). weakness correlates at least to some in dependency tree. (1976: 199) considers likely (utterbeing in to weakening affect clusters most then in intervocalic position. it-is syllable-final position to be weak. we find the change: (6. while syll(1977: is Escure 58).73) V1 V2 ////. any (/ Foley's two be to #. ss ss V1 ý V2 ICI i. however. degree together the a of a node of with extent degree the in the factors of node of convergence as question such with . a strengthening environment (in that obstruents in this position devoice). OE <nemnan>-). position to Hooper be an opening environment" (in that stops tend to spirantise). (C). while "from the point of the view of the 'open'/ typically there is a tendency for-word-final 'close' dichotomy . it is not surprising that one of the prime environments for deletion of consonants is in final position in the unstressed syllable of a word of-two or more syllables. of of positions weak combination a pears from dependency is the representation apparent of such and I assume that positional items. an environmental hierarchy in which the order is final. in which. and S where (which for The the this position weakness of apreason segment. for example. in dependency terms. sets up position strong. position.ME <nempne>. denotes C containing e. any segment a element. Foley (1977: 109) establishes the following position..177. Dutch <Leiden> /leidan/ CL /leida/.72) strong of strong and weak environments: Weak initial /# final intervocalic post-atonic # V post-nasal post-tonic Given these considerations. initial "rough classification" (6.

lenition to deletion tends not to involve a C position in (6. that the propensity of a posiis in some way bound to considerations such as But there are still aspects which have some interesting tion the above.73)ýthe final C has linear order) from the stressed syllabic. a degree of convergence of 1. /rooda/ 'red' <koude> -+ <rode> -* both deletion the the /kou/.74) V2 ZZ s V3 I presume that this is due to the fact that such a structure long a yield vowel (or diphthong) in an unstressed syllable -a would which is fairly situation uncommonin the languages of the world. <Leiden> g. as in Scots <pull> /pul/ -). Jn that it is only connected.74) tend not to. in which the C segment may indeed weaken to {IVII. Compare the corresponding position in monosyllables. deletion seems to be less favoured in position. e. and possibly its distance (in terms of. situations such as that in (6.73)). processes weakening /lefdon/ Dutch /Ieija/. etc: with also . then.c where this'constraint In intervocalic does not hold. appear: (6. V2. to one node dependency degree. in this e. In (6. (Anderson and Jones 1974a: 10). In the position which I am discussing (the not yet been considered. final It is find in to than common position./pux/: (6.178. lower with a It seems fairly to cause lenition obvious. position semi-vowels -. i. i. {IVII stage. e.75) s V1 V1 V2 v. /rooja/. consonant and of vowel).'cold' /kDuda/ /kouwa/ (cf.

I presume that a tendency not to produce directly successive syllabics: militates against complete deletion in this position (although this is not to say that deletion can never occur in this position).76) V1 V2 VI V2 V In these cases. . (6.179.

non-syllabics where /I/.Chapter 7 The Structure of Sequences In §4.1).1) that extent appropriate are we as such representations for consisting unit phonological of more any particular motivate can . 1977) that it dein to appropriate phonological representations establish seemed between the segments occurring in such units. in the non-syllabic elements we saw that. a occurs of dependency.1) IIIII IIIII IIIII burn dependent the the the unwhile are on syllabics. 'farmer's wife': <boerin> as in (7. the dependency graph for Dutch (7. while within sequences longer than the syllable. It was argued in §4. There we saw (as argued by Anderson and Jones 1974a. unstressed syllabic elements were dependent pendency relations on the stressed syllabic. within a syllable.1 (again following Anderson and Jones) that to the (7. particular could be said to be dependent on the syllabic.1 1 surveyed briefly the characterisation the de- within pendency model of phonological sequences such as syllables and words. Nodependent /u/ is the syllabic on stressed stressed syllabic (because A/ dependent it is /n/ final he t directly on that not tice has higher degree but different in a nevertheless syllable).

the stressed element is viewed as the characteristic element of the phonological word. stress. ally acteristic element of the syllable. the sylis availlable. to which all nonsyllabics are subordinate. in that the syllabic element is the most prominent element in. Dutch as selecting one of the syllabics occurring in a word as the centre of the word.and dependency structures by "syllabic (7. it our purposes that syllabicity sufficient efoged ) least Notice at greater prominence. some and stress'(at ical entries are dependency free (as far as sequences are concerned) they consist of simple strings of segments . are troublesome to define. say.181. allows the syllable to be represented as having a unique determinate governor. In other words.7). ing between stressed and non-stressed syllabics Thus. further such rules with concerned any Similarly. but nevertheless the relationship of perceptual prominence holdis non-contentious. "syllabicity be Jones to seems an essentinote and erson The presence of the syllabic as the charcombinatorial notion". correlates with that 'degree of prominence' is not an absolute notion. then. stress can also be viewed as a combinatorial relain a tionship. (universally) Notice that Anderson and Jones assume syllabicity Thus. or root. to concerned speakers" am not with native able further the phonetic correlates of syllabicity. as And(1977: 116). and we can view the stress rules of. rather.1). be for Jones (see Anderson shall not and sPE here. the graph associated with the syllable has a unique centre.1) segment selection" rules are established such as (Anderson and Jones 1977: §4. an area specifying discussion deal for Ladhas of controversy see a caused great which is for 1975: 217ff. the exact phonetic correlates of. whose function is to pick out one of the syllabics string as being more prominent than the other syllabics. as imposing a the graph characterising unique governor on the graph. . perceptually. lexlanguages) be least in to predictable. e. than one segment a segmentwhich is interpretable as more prominent than the others. Syllabicity appears to be just such a notion. as in (7. i. polysyllabic Again. and by stress rules such as those in I 1974a discussion). it forms a "unique sonority peak whose identification (1974a: (I here 9).

theory of syllable boundary placement.1 Syllabification and syllabicity One of the major problems within phonological theories which assume the existence of the -syllable has been the assignment of syllable boundaries. in as they are not of-direct any relevance to my main mena for segtheme. in §7. and underlying the status of /r/ in (7.2) [bu[r]Tnl 1212 (onset) beginning the of the second syllable precedes the end where Thus /r/ is viewed as forming simul(coda) of the first syllable. taneously the coda of the first Such medial consonants are assigned to both syllables. in which it can be seen that /r/ /r/ is simultaneously dependent on two syllabics. the 'syllable bracketing' associ- pre-stress representations. the establishing of appropriate dependency relations Rather. of syllable structure processes space to showing that considerations lend further support to the representations of the categorial gesture established in chapter 6. syllable and the onset of the second.1 shall devote some segmental considerations. ated with (7.1. intervocalic consonants may. be assigned simultaneously to two syllables in Thus. above. associated with Anderson and Jones. in the following sections. the reader is referred to the various mental representations. under cercircumstances. it is not my intention to examine these phenodetail. if they . and given sources I want to look at some areas of this treatment which are relevant to In particular. and this has been one of the reasons why many phonologists have rejected the concept of the syllable as a phonological I shall give here only the broadest outline of the overlap unit. In what follows.2. in However.1 'Syllabification 7.1). /u/ and tain In the overlap theory.1. §4.1) is: (7. 7.182.

while /d/ alone can be syllable-initial. 32 in English. in Dutch (e. it cannot form a final cluster. .4). but not syllable-initial. /r/.. the 'maximalist' states that whenever preboth in be and syll. and syllablecan. includes overlap where required by a maximalist b.5) a. Ambisyllabicity in these terms. we find /nd/ in en[d] <dependent>. able-initial syllable-final can clusters stress both interbe to they assigned syllables when will monosyllables. in (7. we find the division .3)*and (7. 'precede' interpretation of the component final and initial. interpretation Thus. and so the end of syllable 2 irrinediately follows /b/ (which can. can be syllable-final. on the other hand.4) (1974a: data in 4-5. g. occur syllable-finally).1977: the give and principles.2). because while /br/ can form an initial cluster a[blr .3) medicinal algebra eloquent (7. and thus the beginning of syllable 3 precedes /b/. I shall not pursue this here. in <algebra>. on its own. Anderson and Jones claim 'strange'). Anderson and Jones (1977: 104) claim. that "the character of medial clusters is governed by the following principles .. however. that clusters can be divided amongst syllables according to the same (7. holds only in pre- . . which can be final in the language in question.183. be both syllable-initial Thus.4) utensil dependent fraternal (Anderson and Jones are concerned with establishing an interpretation within the overlap theory of Chomsky and Halle's distinction between strong and weak clusters within the English Main Stress Rule. 101): (7. In (7. medial clusters are composed of a syllable-final preceding a syllable-initial sequence.which are for formatives": intended to specify the unmarked possibilities (7. ) In (7. in monosyllabic morphemes. vocalic. then..3). <raar> both syllable-initial and syllable-final is assigned to both syllables.. 42 .

the this In course. -the syllabicity governing. 7. the /d/ no longer forms the coda to the (unbut is now uniquely the onset to the second syllable.6) I lent d pru[212121323 [pru[dlen[flal I (at least in English). in that they retain such cons-0(7. in the terms component of prominence of odicity hierarchy dependent. which reflect degree of periIVI (alone. are minimalwhich is Stressed.7) 11 [pru[dlantl 12121 However.7) <prudent> and <-dential> both form account in 0. stressed) first Unstressed syllables. that the domain within which we find post-stress ambisyllabicity can be interpreted as maximally the foot (cf. then. Once stress where in both cases /d/ is ambisyllabic.1. to to tends consonants attract plied. the discussion of Selkirk's Thus in (7.5). Jones be and off. (Anderson 1977: 124). we might find the following pre-stress syllable bracketing: representations the stressed syllable (7. ist.184. of cases will.30) shows segments towards the top left IVI-like bottom the towards be diagram than to the segments more of right: From such representations. Thus. most syllable. syllable. has apstress it. bisyllabic feet. ignment.2 SyllabiciXy The I turn now from the margins to the centre. absent). On the other hand-. segments will most be However.7) in we see that the /d/ of <prudent> and the Ifl of nants Notice too <prudential> remain ambisyllabic after stress-assignment. in that any originally is transambisyllabic consonant (cluster) ferred to the following stressed syllable. . stressed syllables are maximalist. of the syllable. after stress-ass- [pru][den[f 12 ]a[ 323 In <prudential>. we find the following: (7. read simply can IVI-like form the the syllabic peak of the Thus. display of segment-types in (6. vowel. in the English words <prudent> and <prudential>.

2 1 consider this matter in some detail. as in English <but/liti/ is more likely when the consonant in the ton> /bAtn/. and in §7. such as fricatives 'finger' and /brno/ 'Brno' show selection of the liexamples /prst/ first the the of syllable. The internal structure of the syllable also appears to be determined by the relative IVI-ness of the segments. that of Vennemann(1972) and Hooper (1976. These attempts have largely been associated with the kind of hierarchy hierarchy I discussed in §6.3.185. and there are two distinct type of syllable strucwhich have been postulated in characterising ture constraints. The "partly hierarchy language-specific relational of segments" partly universal. less /pleintf! are common. a fricative.3. than second syilable shows prominent Similarly. this will be choIVI-like in less to the element syllabic preference elements sen as Thus.1 Syllable structure and syllable structure Strength hierarchies The first approach.2 7. e. There have. when it is sonorant. is a further related aspect which must be considered. however. 1977) involves the predicting of syllable structure from the independently motivated strength hierarchies discussed in §6. and it will be useful to consider these before establishing a dependency interpretation of the phenomenon. If the syllable contains a liquid or a nasal. deletion Thus syllabicity However.2. Redlisations say. there correlates with high IVI-ness. syllabic element as quid of a vowel in an unstressed syllable. with the resultant creation of a syllabic consonant. ction. then. in cases where there'is no vowel available for syllabic segment seleIVI-like it that the be next element appears most will chosen. <little> IVI. such as <gushes> /gAfZ/. 7. . i. items such as the well-known Czech or stops. <plaintiff> I if it is. been attempts in other models to deal with the problem of syllable structure.

is that certain weak concity is concerned. the Hooper/Vennemann approach to strength scales outlined in i_6_3 can successfully predict syllable structure in. t. can be illustrated distribution of consonants in a syllable in Modern Spanish (Hooper 1976: 196): (7. sic Clearly. (6. ($ =syllable boundary. scale appears namely. for example.. and most vowel-like". . g/ I/ W/ r/ Hooper (1976: 199) views the syllable The universal model of consonant clustering (cf. ) then. (cf. Icelandic or American Spanish. "the universal aspect . q r /f /r. d.20) above). which Vennemann(1972: 7) sets up on these considerations As far as syllabican predict the order of consonants in a syllable. m. no intrinconsidered The the the on position of elements strength scale motivation. the strength scale may be said to be adequate in the respects disdifficulties from kind it the of same suffers as those cussed above. k. n. b.50)) as "a unit whose center is the most vowel-like and whose outer margins are the least and suggests that "it is reasonable to speculate further vowel-like". that any intervening segments will be intermediate between the least Similarly. I want to argue that. some of which I will in the following section. for convenience. but it is not my concern to note briefly Rather. indeed.8) $CMCncpvcqc m n p. have that the to in §6. sonants cannot establish for themselves a syllable-initial position in the presence of certain strong consonants" (1972: 11). /J p.186. an examination of various other languages will show that such strength scales are adequate in this respect for a large body of languages of the world. which she establishes by the following chart of the possible terning. although discuss these in any detail. (5. There are certainly problems with some languages. And.4. in which we find this pat- /s. I consider only those consonants in Cm position which occur in clusters.

but of certain distinctive claims.2 and syllable structure (1974a. Distinctive Basboll feature hierarchies 7.187. e. while a corresponding scale in terms appears to be totally can be shown to overcome this apparent of dependency representations I return to this matter in §7.9). the non-conso-consonantal] constitute z2antal part of the syllable. often called the nucleus'. arbitrary. 1977) establishes a hierarchy. he or segment-types. For Danish.3. 'the following order relations hold: .. consonants constitute The sonorant part together with possible adjacent voiced the voiced part of the syllable. the following can be read off: The syllabic peak together with possible adjacent glides (i. 'implication chains' hold true without exception: [-consonantal] [+syllabic] 2 R [+sonorant] 2 [+voiced] and [-voiced] 2 C-sonorant] a [+consonantal] 2 [-syllabic]. obstruents constitute The voiced part together with possible adjacent voiceless following Thus the syllable.9) labic -consonantal +sonorant +vo i ced THE SYLLABLE In (7. The non-consonantal part together with possible sonorant the sonorant part of the syllable. which. arbitrariness.2.2. [-syllabic. not of segments features. the segments constitute . (Basboll 1974a: 101). will predict the ordering of elements within the syllable in Danish: (7.

Basboll is forced to is 'semi-hierarchical' feature. contains what he calls tive features in the syllable" features -a set of features which he distinguishes 'hierarchical' from other features. [continuant] which a as characterise hierarchical as in only within the sonorant part of the syllable.188.+son ->. and ordering within predict model versal .11) labic -consonantal +continuant +sonorant BasbOll claims the syllable hierarchy as a candidate for a unithe indeed it to syllable.10) (+cns) (+cns) (+cns) (+cns) +cns +cns -cns (-son) -* -son -). the centre that the feature [syllabic] is no longer present. which Basboll claims might be cpnsidered "the maximally 'natural' or 'unmarked' arrangement of diStinc(1974a: 106). to account for the being closer to the ordering relations of liquids and nasals (liquids nucleus of the syllable than nasals in Danish). (7.) dicts the ordering relations of the Danish monosyllables given above. whether sylla(7. (Notice that Basboll 1977 differs from Basboll 1974a in Rather. of the syllable contains all non-consonantal segments.(+son) -* +son -* -son -)--(-son) (+voi) (+voi) (+voi) +Voi +Voi -voi -voi sfhI bdgvrmnwjrmn ptk vowe IsIvysf r) bdg (= ptQ skvulp: dvcr'rg: / Sg vu JI /dvE.10) correctly bi c (the vowels) or non-syl 1abi c (/w jj 5/) pre. plank!: skwlmsk: psg ry I'm sg (1977: 145). which he However. (7.11): 'cross-classificatoryl (1974a: 107). This syllabic hierarchy. calls (7. not involved in ordering relations.

N =nasal. 2. languages for be to to adequate account a range of other than appears Danish . in Swedish.e. g. redundant may feature [consonantal] appears to be redundant in syllable-final posi'final Sigurd sets up the following tion.12) V C L+N. g. 4. then. order classes' for postvocalic clusters in Swedish: American Spanish (Hooper 1976). some of the order-classes which Basboll's model can predict (Sigurd 1965: hierarchical in 81).13) 1. is redundant in syllable-final position I seg-consonantal some of the 'boxes' have no descriptive in a given language does not in itself prove .12) and (7. Notice that Sigurd does not work within an feature framework. Swedish the be e. Italian Notice that in languages other than Danish. The fact that justification syllabic hierarchy is adequate to account for The hierarchical holding in (7. and Sigurd 1965). S =stop. L =liquid. fricatives Clearly. C =continuant. voiced before voiceless before stops continuants liquids and nasals before liquids before nasals.189. F =fricatives. (7. 3. However: ments postvocalically. 0 =oral. in that Swedish shows no [-syllabic. Basboll's the ordering relations feature [consonantal].13). ) Sigurd extracts the following generalexplicit isations about the ordering relations of consonants in syllable-final in Swedish: posttion (7. Swedish (see the phonotactic constraints established by (Basboll 1974b). VL =voiceless. F scI VL is L rmVbfp Iidst I) gk (V =voiced. Dutch (Cohen et al 1961).

position but obstruent in postvocalic position /-nj/. nor syllable. b-dgmn vj the second position is not the 'voiced' part of the in 'sonorant.15) [+son] +vo -son +cont jj th . then it is in accordance predicted subset of the with the model in the sense that a strict features in the same order will be a relevant hierarchical Each language takes structure. ture [continuant] again plays a semi-hierarchical role. /-mj/. etc.14) clusters contains also Sigurd see 1965: 59-60): hier- the linearisation of syllable-initial consonant (7.190. As long as a language the model is not universal. the feanot occur after sonorants. 106-107). as we would expect. ). by the general model. (7. does not offer counter-examples to the orderings . ). positio6 In Swedish. to syllabic given Ilinearisation' For Swedish. as /v J/ are not sonorant. however. g/ The only characterisation in terms part.14) (e. the following of the syllabic that archy is relevant (notice that (7. be: features to distinctive appears of (7. Vogt's (1942) study of the monosyllable in Norwegian shows that only two order classes seem to be involved in syllable-initial position: p t' k-. model for its syllabic features these or any subset of them in the order of all (1974a: form its hierarchy.14) fsbdgmn ptkv.. then. first is it the Ad occur as position. . g. vowe Ismn0bdgptk rIrI if /j/ is sonorant vj in prevocalic . In Norwegian. /v/ in syllable-initial does' etc. /mj-/. (/-jd/. certain problems arise. is appropriate /nj-/.16) [-Voi [+voi -cont In (7.

to consistent with in Russian that sonorants cannot be nearer to the syllabic (1974a: (e. by Basboll's The order of the items in (7. features given cannot adequately characterise the members of the order classes. which feature it makes use of the feature [continuant] In addition.. n1importe quelle aI ) (--Kobstruente: des consonnes 0 $consonne.16) does not violate the syllabic that the characterisation hierarchy set up by Basboll .there are no ordering relations which Rather. L signifie. (<<I. -a in in Norweis semi-hierarchical.. syllable-final position. the set of hierarchical cannot be predicted by the hierarchy. only which following: find the we gian. Italian.. 107). . it is not possible to reverse is if features hierarchical the still model any of the is it data.iquidet-) /pt kbdgf/ /I r(X)/... (<<consonne: C terna ti *-) signifie ve.18) can again be predicted features hierarchical the hierarchy only a subset of will and again be required. Turning now to a non-Germanic language. its-complexity inadequate is on grounds of and unnaturalness. Although Basboll claims that the hierarchy displays at least a like [mgl-. signifie une . br-1).. .191. be the not true e... he himself that tendency.18) ( (5) (" C jOL}) v Les parenthilses les accolades une signifient une option. where +cons -son +son +Voi r jvptk -voi fsf mnrj bdg (+cont] liquids Notice the again order predicting of and nasals.. than'voiced g. with in (7. For syllable-initial Basboll gives the following forposition. . mula: (7. [91-. obstruents peak . clusters points out universal ig-] in Russian violate the model: if the feature But notice that [the model] will-apply [sonorant] is-removed. i. Basboll (1974b: 34-35) notes that no more than one consonant may occur syllable-finallY.

and If their characterisation in models of phonological representation. in that he/establishes subture on distinctive 'ýthe classes of features (hierarchical vs. position. as in (7. cross-classificatory). etc. choice of the particular features involved appears to be fortuitous. Notice. (This. while clusters involving clusters like */-tx/. for example. hierarchical only within the sonorant part of the syllable.4. not as such rant is not possible to predict the ordering relations of stops and fricaHowever. /-rks/. or */-bv/. and Modern Greek /ftero/ in Russian /ftor/ 'wing'. further away from the syllabic peak than fricatives. argue that for regular clusters [continuant] is hierarchical within both the sonorant and the non-sonorant parts of the syllable. the cluster /ft-/. While Basboll's theory has the advantage of imposing some strucfeature matrices. of are quite common ./st-/. /-ps/.192. ) In §7. it can plausibly be argued that it is also hierarchical within the non-sonoBasboll's for is it treating that it reason part. for example. stops are always tives. isýnot to deny that clusters involving other fricatives occur'. in general. but they are relatively rare. find syllable-initial clusters such as */ag-/.6 1 offer a detailed discussion of clusters involving /s/. the treatment of [continuant] as a semi-hierarIn fact. and after stops in final position. /s/ can occur typically before stops in initial Wedo not. */xp-/.19): (7. it seemsthat in many languages. course. syllable-final /spr-/.19) labic -consonantal +c ontiny ant ! +sonorant +voiced +continuant THE SYLLABLE /s/ . provided that we leave /s/ out of consideration. although Basboll treats [continuant] as chical feature.. occurs 'fluorinel. we could we accept that such clusters are in some sense 'irregular'.

cross-classificatory In this interpretation. It does not provide any explanation of why /s/ /-rxt/. /-rft/.!-Ivd/ and initial /tv-/. for example.2. /-rnst/. But is is clear is still that [continuant] features*in' unlike the other hierarchical that it occurs in two places in the hierarchy. in is not reflected er/Vennemann and Basboll attempt to characterise the representations of these segments. but does show that only one segment is involved in this of idiosyncracy. as shown in externally §6. and Dutch final /-xt/. we find: . 7. with respect the Basboll distinctive observe that the kind of criticism offered in §7.19) is rather that within both the sonorant and-non-sonorant parts of the syllable. idiosyncratic should behave in a consistently way across a wide range languages. Specifically. and various other features (cfý-' the observations in §§6.2. and can only predict There appears to be relations within parts of the syllable. ordering semi-hierarchical. Finally.1 to the Hooper/Vennemann model is equally applicable to feature hierarchy.3 Dependency phonology and syllable structure Within dependencyphonology.3 and 6. inherent to the particular features involved which suggests nothing that. the difficulties arising from the need for the sort of predictive hierarchies discussed in the previous two sections does not arise. This would enable us to account for clusters such as Swedish final /. again from the inadequacy of the sysin that the patterning of segments which Hooptem of representation. [continuant] the need for a hierarchy of this sort arises. /-ft/.4). rather than a whole class of segments. the order of continuant and non-continuant segments can be predicted. because the representations are such that hierarchies imposed of this kind are redundant.193. is still not a fully hierarchical feature.1 to the Danish data discussed by Basboll. but the effect of the display in (7.3. [sonorant] [continuant] should be hierarchical. etc. Applying the representations of the'categorial gesture established in §6.

that is.21) V. Y to denote that X cleus. governs unilaterally This simple principle. C planki /plaglg/ . That is. v.194. v. Cll mno lvc. ýý ( IV:cDsf { ICI} bdg away from the centre of the syllable that we go.V c v (V) V.22) V. ) Y. cll I wji {IV. there is no need to make syllabicity'dependent on a hierarchy such as that of Hooper/Vennemann.20) and below. strength We can establish the appropriate dependency trees for any of the Danish items whose syllable structure can be predicted by Basboll: ' (7. and need not be determined by an externally imposed hierarchy. the less prominent becomesthe IVI-component. C cc v V. C. accounts for the sameset of data distinctive Basboll's feature hierarchy . segments nearer the nucleus are more V -like than segments further away from the nu(In (7. Similarly. then. I use the notation X. ordering relaas tions can be predicted from the phonological representations themselves.-F. cI) I mn vowe Is flv. cll g) (IV. C. (7 20) * V: CIIsfh ICI Ibd ICI }ptk {lv. V. and the more prominent the ICI-component (Anderson and Jones 1977:124). V dvwr! 7 The further /dve-j I y/ (7.

24) V.195. /d/ is submedial cluster syllables where is to the both (cf. ambisyllabicity Similarly. /n/ governors §7. that /p/ is dependent only on the governor of the second sylholds as this is a post-stress representation.24): in ation lable. The internal of the syllable correlates structure with [of hierarchy so that segments syllabicity]. V c C. greater with Thus. (7. to return to the data considered in (7. such a M component tend to come closer high to the with a IVI likely low is Ois It that than elements. C C. we have the following (7. syllabic in terms of dependency: too is appropriately represented from the syllabic in general. Jones and subordination. have the representwill only within the foot.1). too. of syllables ordinate while Observe.V. V /dependant/ c (in the between 2 and 3). /w/ (which I treat as a sonorant consonant - . then.4). C V. <eloquent> (7.1. distance correlates (Anderson 1977: 124).C /k/ where N c ol /elakwent/ c is dependent on.3) and (7. subordinate only to the governor of the second syllable.23) vvv representation for <dependent>: V. C V.

then. can predict any order relations be by Basboll's hierarchy. that the themselves.this is a linguistic We should in a particular variable. without the need for a hierarchy external This does not mean. or order number of order classes. C* V. do not show order classes corresponding to Basb 11's notion The 'sonorant' the 'voiced' of syllable. I return is absent. A word like Danish <sk(elmsk> /sgellmsg/. by virtue of the simple can predicted which IVI-like that segments will occur nearer to the nucleus more principle than less IVI-like segments. Thus. correlates with a greater dePrecedence and dependency. each of members language . The dependency model. of-course.25) V: C c (7.196.15) that be then. C c /Sge I Imsg/ syllable. ding a stop in syllable-initial position. to the the Lass third and subordinate vowel of cf. C V. In all 'regular'-cases. the or part order classes of (7. the exceptional behaviour of /s/ with respect to orpendent. 1976).16)) . to the relations dependency model (or indeed the Basboll hierarchy) will predict the indeed the class. containing /s/ precehave a representation where prevocalic /g/ is dependent on /s/ because of the relative prominence of IVI in each sub-tree.25): v V.4-6. are not indegree of subordination. however (i. disin which the normal correlation between linear and hierarchical tance from the syllabic of the characterisation to a detailed discussion of such abnormal clusters in 57. e. then. V . dering within the syllable is reflected by the structure in (7. will like (7.25). those in which'the syllable structure can be predicted by Basboll's distance from the syllabic hierarchy). and surprised not. (see languages like Norwegian (7.

prominent 7. Consider first proposed the structure for <end>. we have the following: a long vowel or diphthong.v I RI C. the nucleus and the coda) from the onset.5 we saw that.15)-can be represented as (7. cll. v.26) {ICII (lv. Cll The apparent unnaturalness of (7.2.197.in (7.v II {lv: cll {IV. in (7.28) d T . and the nucleus consists of only one segment: where (7. C.16) is shown to be a result of feature framework . within the syllable. Selkirk distinguishes ' the rhyme (i.26): N (7.27) d In a monosyllable containing RP <old>.4 Constituents within the syllable In §3. The notions of the rhyme and the nucleus forming constituents within the syllable can be given a formal interpretation within the type of dependency here. such as (7. OV. pattern IVI than the second. structure is there no onset.26) we see that the usual the distinctive in box contains segments with less that the first operates. e.

198. It is clear that in (7.27) and (7.28) the nucleus is not formally distinct from the coda. This might be remedied by adopting a rep(7.29): as such resentation
(7.29)

d deriving lower from is the the the constituent node, nucleus where dominating deriving from the the the constituent upper node rhyme and fails to allow for the fact that /a/... However, such a formulation sequences of short vowel +sonorant consonant +sonorant consonant and form a natural long vowel (diphthong) +sonorant consonant frequently (see, for 11 below). That is, two the repreexample, chapter class (7.30) 'urn' (7.31) in (respectively Dutch and and <urn> sentations 'earý) <oor> (7.30) are formally different: (7.31)

n

r

In this treatment, then, the status of these two forms appears
to be different, various (7.32) -(7.34) to behave in they the respect way with same whereas this, In to in Dutch represent order phonology. processes seem more appropriate characterisations:

199. (7.32)
a

(7.33)
0

(7.34)
0

lower is by the the to constituted rhyme all nodes subordinate where (and the syllabic itself); the nucleus by all nodes node syllabic dependent lower the and on syllabic node (and the syllabic); uniquely the coda by all nodes that are non-nuclear, and subordinate to both the upper and lower syllabic Similarly, nodes.

the onset of the syllable may be viewed as being subDutch for (7.35), tree higher in the to node, as a still ordinate 'strange': <vreemd>

(7.35)

V

200. If such notions are formally required, these representations distinguishing However, in the various categories. of a way provide I in follows, the main confine myself to the more simple shall what discussed in §7.2.3. representations

7.3

Stress within

the'word noted that within dependency phonology stress can the function of the; stress rules

I have already

be viewed as a combinatorial notion, being to select the in a language in which stress is predictable as the governor of the phonological word in ques-. stressed syllabic tion. However, it is clearly

not the case that all words necessarily contain just one syllabic element which is more stressed than the Rather, a word may contain a syllabic rest. which bears secondary stress, as well as one which bears primary stress, and others which This state of affairs is characterised in sPE by the are unstressed. feature of stress. a scalar (non-lexical) use of what is effectively Thus, a word such as Dutch <wandeling> 'walk', in which the first syllable has primary stress, and in which, according to native speakers, is more stressed than that the syllabic-element of the third syllable of the second, the stress pattern might be informally represented by 1 Chomsky and Halle as /wand3lir)/. in dependency phonology as inThus, the stress rules select /V as the overall governor of the word (i. e. as having a dependency degree of 0- DDO), and assign secondary stress to /1/ (01), and terThus /a/ is dependent on both /o,/ and h/, tiary stress to /a/ (02). /r/ while is dependent on, /a/, to give (7.36): This situation may be represented dependency. degree an extra of volving

201. (7.361
n

0

The interpretation difficult to utilise

model, and utilised behaviour the of phonological of the diminuti've in Dutch -a account which, however, seems in this case to be undesirable. possibility 'puHaverkamp-Lubbers and Kooij note that a word such as <Ieerling> diminutive in /atja/, takes awhile <paling> 'eel' takes a dimipil' behaviour is determand"suggest that the different nutive in stress pattern, the patterns being respectiveined by a difference Thus, <Ieerling> ly /lelerl? o/ and /pAlit)/. has tertiary stress on the while the second syllable of <paling> is unstressed. of this treatment is, of course, that the second sylHowever, lable of <paling> is-less stressed than that of <Ieerling>. I have been unable to find any native speaker support for thjs claim. The implication of Haverkamp-Lubbers and Kooij's claim is that stress is an absolute notion, and that degrees of stress can be compared disecond syllable, The implication rectly all. discussion of this problem 11 1 return to-a fuller is diminutive, it to but Dutch to the notice at useful with respect developed dependency the of stress so representation this pointthat far precludes the kind of treatment proposed by Haverkamp-Lubbers and between the vowels the dependency In the relationship model, Kooij. for both is the same categories first of syllables second the and of is dependent on the first: the Specifically, vowel second vowels. In 6apter between different be formally should sons words; however, it complex to express, seems that such compariif they are available at in /kja/,

of stress in this fashion makes it rather available within the sPE a formal possibility by Haverkamp-Lubbers and Kooij (1971) in their

202. (7.37) 0

V1

V2

(i; e. V, between V, and V2 is relative Because the relationship is 'more' prominent than V2), rather than absolute, as in the sPE mod[n+nt differ V2 has (i. V, can acstress], where and stress], m e. el -En, formally impossible it is V2). V, the within to and of nature cording the model developed so far for a distinction ferent stress patterns in this way.
However'. if

to be made between dif-

is neverwe were to accept that this distinction i. e. if we accept Haverkamp-Lubbers theless necessary; and KooijIs Eng(1979: Dutch forms, Schane's 496) that the or claim about claims 13

<permit>. and <hýrmqt> have different stress patterns (which is not the case'in my speech), then we can incorporate a formal characSomething like (7.38) terisation of this in the dependency trees. lish

seems necessary: (7.38) 0
VS.

V1 per -

V2 mi.t
V1 her V2 mi-t

This distinct' dependency is introduced. degree of in which an extra , ion might seem more appropriate for a pair such as 4gymngst> and difference abcorrelates with-the the stress alleged where <m6d8s't>, however, that this may reduction; notice, vowel of presence sence vs. in there factors a structure which shows to <gymnast> due be other is no syllable overlap, as opposed to <modest>:
r

203. (7.39) [gym][nast] vs. [mo[dlest] 21212 1 21

7.4

Unit vs. cluster

in phonological

representations

The remainder of this chapter will be devoted to a detailed discussion of an area which is on the borderline between segmental and suprasegmental phonology, and hence is more directly of relevance to the main topic of this thesis - the representation of vocalic 'units' such as diphthongs and long vowels, and, in particular, of certain consonantal 'units' such as geminates, affricates, ýandprenasalised The problem which I. stops, and of consonant clusters involving /s/. be addressing is whether such items-should be given a treatment will in which they are interpreted as a single segment, or whether they should be analysed as a sequence of two segments, or whether they should be viewed as single segmentswith some kind of internal sequenThe problem of whether to give a monosegmentalor tial structure. bisegmental interpretation of items such as these has been discussed in the literature for a very long time - see, for example, Trubetzkoy (19.39), Martinet (1949), Pike (1947). These linguists provide argufor setting up various principles to determine whether to anaments , lyse a particular phonetic sequence as one phonological unit or two; however, I shall here consider these arguments only insofar as they are relevant to the particuiar areas mentioned above.

7.4.1

Diphthongs and long vowels

Diphthongs,, -as the name might suggest, have often been interpreted phonologically as being made up of a sequence of two vowels, i. e. bimoric. Traditional notational systems they have been interpretedas (1949), IPA by Gimson the transcription the system as used of as such the phonemic system of RP, represent diphthongs /ea/, /ail, /oo/, etc., where the first symbol of the diphthong, and the second symbol denotes the 'starting-point' hand, Long the are not necessarily 'end-point'. on other vowels, the by Gimson they by bimoric be are characterised to rather means shown (1970) to characterise in this way, e. g. /ia/,

204. /a-. in /, /. RP /1-. /, /u-. lengih as marker, of a
The characterisation of such units within notational systems has (1976: deal discussion, Lass 1), in the to and ch. a great of rise given is basic to that used a characterisation up of setting which course (cf. Anderson Jones 1977: 169, dependency phonology and and within offers a comprehensive account and critique ment of this area. below), of the sPE treat-

Lass notices that:
English-(phonetic) two or vowel systems can have either three contrasting nuclear types: short monophthongs vs. (New York City), ý or short monophthongs vs. diphthongs (RP, Bridlington). long monophthongs vs. diphthongs I (1976: 4). know of none with only short and long monophthongs. The various phonetic vowel systems are presented in (7.40):

(7.40)
NYC. bit bet bat put pot but a M

(A)
RP Br meet e M 0
A

(B)
NYC Li et 70 'I ao ?a 0.8 wo a: Lu a: y: 0. u Z50 e U?
4.

RP

Br

mate boot boa t bought father suit

a y 0.
T

bite
doubt quoit

SL
MO ?L 4.

FL
go OL

aI ao
OL

diphthongs NYC only shows where diphthongs. and vowels

in (B), while RP and Br show both long

However, although dialects like RP show a three-way phonetic Lass argues that there is evidence to suggest that at distinction, is dichotomy "in level there a which all members of the phonological form their a set opposed as surface realizations, (B), regardless of kinds: distributionis The two (1976: 6). (A)" of to evidence a whole (B) "can in appear position under word-final in that of members al,

205.
bee, bay, boo, boy, etc. (A) thu: those of are excluded: accent, while in but *[bL], *[be],. *[bm], *[bol, and so on`, and morphophonemic, that "English shows a large number of fairly regular alternation sets,

in which one term is a member of (A) and the other of (B); but where (B) diphthongal distinguished of members are not monophthongal-and from each other in any way", as in (7.41): (7.41)
NYC divinity serenity insanity conical aa
V

(A)
RP Br L e a
3

(B)
NYC divine serene insane cone OIL Ll ýL 90 ýt 00 RP FL Br aL

discusses two analyses of the English vowel system Smith Trager dichotomy incorporate that this and assumption, of which (1951), and that in sPE, which is in some respects based on that of Trager and Smith. The essence of the Trager and Smith proposal is that "all vocalic nuclei in English are phonologically either 'simple' Lass further the The 'complex'. comand simple alone, nuclei consist of vowels or (Lass " 'glide' Isemivowell. or plex ones are sequences of vowel plus There are three such glides: a fronting glide /y/, which is 1976: 7). [I-e] in the range, a as phonetically a non-syllabic vowel realised backing glide /w/, realised as a vowel in the [u-ol range, and a cen[a], or after non-high tring glide /h/, realised as something-like following length. This the phonemicisation gives analysis as vowels, (from 8): Lass 1976: New York the system vowel of (7.42) bit bet bat put pot but I e a u a a meet mate boot boat bought father suit bite doubt quoit iy eyuw aw oh ah uw ay MW Oy

206. the dichotomy between (A) and (B). The sPE analysis also utilises (phonologically) Vowels, from (B) are characterised as [+tense], and, [-tense] (A).. distinguished from in Vowels the vowels are as such, [+tense]: are which deliberate, disa with accurate, maximally produced are tinct gesture that involves considerable muscular effort; during which the articulatory the mainorgans period . .. is relatively long. Tense tain the configuration ... deviation from the a greater are executed with vowels neutral or rest position of the vocal tract than are the (SPE:324). [lax vowels]. it appears that the simple/complex distinction Thus, phonologically, in However, Smith is the Trager sPE and not maintained analysis. of in the course of the derivation of the vowels in at least some of set [y] or [w] is inserted, (B), a homorganic 'glide' to give (7.43) (from Lass 1976: 11): (7.43)
meet

Surface
Ty

Lexical
W

mate
boot boat bite doubt quoit

Ty
Uw ZYW ýFy aw B'Y

9
U

T U, ZF

(where the qualitative Aue to the application rules; notice [+tense]).

between surface and lexical forms is of Chomsky and Halle's synchronic vowel shift that the macron over a vowel denotes that it is difference

However, as Lass (1976: §1.4) points out, there is no evidence have 'tense in English that the such an offvowels' claim to support Cardinal Vowels 1 is, 8 than (a closer and notice, which sound glide English diphRather, the closing second of element respectively). thongs is always vocalic, and is frequently even a mid vowel: It is instructive that Trager and Smith, whose study of American English is based on superbly detailed and sophifound bservations, no postvocalic o. sticated phonetic [I than ul, and in-general found them more ; glides' closer (Lass 1976:16-17). Me ['L ol or even [e ol.

207.
Lass notices a "troublesome circularity" in Chomsky and All vowels which appear phonetically Halle's account. with the off[+tense]j; in derivation been have their Further, at some stage glide Lass argues, the nucleus represented by Chomsky and Halle as [Tiy] in Thus, the sPE dialect never has a first element [Til, but rather [t]. Similarly, Lass claims, not phonetic "the macron over the [T] must be a purely phonological (1976: [tense] 'observation"' 14-15). The feature for at a prephoby hindrepresentations operator

such vowels is "a purely abstract 'diacritical' levels is projected onto phonetic which netic. sight".
Lass proposes a different solution; that

the vowels

of set

(B)

while the vowels of set (A) contain just one mora of are bimoric, In other words, long vowels and diphthongs length. have the structure /VV/, tures as opposed to short also vowels which are /V/. Such an account capLong of Trager and Smith. from each other by the "idenvowels tity Thus long vowels are or nonidentity of nuclear-constituents. /V Vi/, and diphthongs /V 'iI, 'j I are any potenti aI ly are where i iVi/, feature distinctive (1976: 22). Lass shows that such specifications" does terms, as well not raise any problems in phonological account an as being portant formally phonetically types here. "Raising, lowering, fronting, retraction of rules accurate. affecting He presents a survey of the most iminbimoric nuclei, I reproduce which the simple/complex distinction and diphthongs are distinguished

of long vowels" infrom long ViVi Vi Vi. to Diphthongisation a change vowels" of volves ViVi becoming Vi Vj (or VjVi. ). I'Monophthongisation involves of diphthongs" vowels" involves involves involves ViVi becoming Vi Vi (or Vi becoming Vi Vi. "'Lengthening of short. . Diphthongisation of short vowels" Vi Vj).

long vowels" involves V becoming Vi Vj, and "shortening of i, Thus all common processes can be readily ViVi becoming VV representLass himself has been in the as notices, proposed which, notation, ed

before.
The proposal that the vowels of set (B) be treated as bimoricý: (see dependency Anderson and into incorporated been phonology has

C diphthong is always first the that of a rising too. then. diphthongs. element is dependent on the second. rather than that in (7..46) zv V. as in (7. the first of the two vocalic eleis the non-syllabic and the second is syllabic ments W. As in the Lass model.45) Thus the representations in (7. should either element govern the other? I begin by looking Diphthongs are traditionally at diphthongs. a structural Notice that Donegan (1978: 107-108) suggests: In rising diphthongs.44). the second element is dependFor falling Jones 1977: 69).45): (7.falling. least second. the first ent on the first.45): (7. counts as part of the syllable-onset. element is more where the first where the second element is more prominent.44) Vi (7. like An interpretation of this sort suggests a representation for these s. Anderson and natural interpretation diphthongs. often as as at ..-208. between the two elements can be given a The prominence relationship within dependency phonology (cf.44) and (7.45) appropriately reflect the relative prominence of the two elements of the diphthong property which is absent in the model used by Lass. In the non-syllabic rising quences. element Notice. it is appropriate to investigate the of a IVIs dependency holding between the two relations of possibility that is. Jones 1977). long vowels and diphthongs in the categorial gesture as successive occurrences interpreted are IVI component. V. the high the very and close. in the representation of long vowels and diphthongs. . equences. and rising. divided into two types . Such glide-vowel sequences are in some ways more like consonant-vowel sequences than sevowel-vowel .46) (7. However. as in (7. prominent. while for rising diphthongs. is hence..

49): (7.48) (A) C.. first the of representation appropriate. V bite by Lass.47): falling fasIhion to (7. (A) (containing Thus. and'<bite> (7. as in (7. element in (7. IVI). a representation IVI. V. to the short vowels of group only opposed in the data considered <boat>. V boat C./vV C. in (7.47) Vi i. . 'the Bridlington realisations will v have the categorial representations of <bit>. tical) This interpretation in which the first IVI governs the second (ide n- allows the vowels of group (B) to be char' IVI IVI) (containing the a as natural class as structure acterised ).49) .48): c Jý c This characterisation of long vowels proposed by Anderson and 6 (ms a).46) as a semi-vowel seems Anderson and Jones treat long vowels in a similar diphthongs. V bit (B) V. who suggests that from that of Jones differs -Dochartaigh long vowels have the structure in (7. e.209.

7.4. and to an area which is There are a number section. which. while preaspiration seems to have a similar status.30) and (7. .2 Monosegmental and bisegmental analyses of consonant sequences I turn now from vowels to consonants. in. however. there to this th another area at relevant see which also . too. and some kind of friction phase . I return in chapter 8 to an account of the representation of diphthongs in the articulatory gesture. For example. appear to involve two distinct at least phonetically. which. (surface) ' dominate Notice. the course of the production of a consonant are relevant here. traditionally as involving simply two succesis This /s/ the followed representation clusters of of segments. inselected as the dominating one". in-which "we have two elements in a dependencyrelationship to a governing node where. argue. sive by a stop. interpreted is. related Much of or-as sequences of segments. although one element precedes the other.1978. is discussion. show certain of the properties of the to the discussion of the previous There have been various 'compound phonological proposals to characterise such items as segments' (Hoard 1967.210. tree. rather than a dependency. phases -a closure phase. St Clair 1972. the disagreement has centred around the status of affricates. Specifically. that with does any element. I shall items mentioned above-. This characterisation. volves the creation of a structure which has the properties of a conthe upper stituency. phonological models of consonantal phenomena whose representation has given rise to controversy. prea change nasalised and postnasalised consonants involve phonetically from velic opening to velic closure (or vice versa) in the course of the production of something which appears to be of normal segment We shall length. controversy which is due to disagreement as to whether they should be characterised as single segments.31). neither is however. not node to characterise the such a configuration it becomesvery difficult natural class formed by sequences such as those in (7.but various other phenomena which also appear to involve some kind of change in. or as something 'in between'.

53): is by [waytguz] characterised <white shoes> Convention (7. +continuant C +coronal +anterior -continuant ice -vo L etc. the choose? and > <Why cates.53) AFFRICATE CONTRACTION It] [U -).52) EX] [YI -). is the second part part of affricates [+continuant]. (7. covers intrinsic By I one a complex segment mean with segment.211. + applies. it is reasonably clear that the first by this definition.. Hoard claims that the (segmental) sPE feature [delayed release] (which distinguishes plosives from affricates): difference between the up a simple and a complex.51): C +coronal +anterior -continuant -voi. sequential .50). stop and a voiceless palatal sibinemes -a lant [9]. a [t5l acts as a single unit. a convention which is (7..E EX] EYI 1 1 . I It I IU I .50) sequence /ts/ has the representation in (7. which "he meant that two simple phonemes act as compound Thus Bloomfield afproposed that a voiceless alveopalatal unit".52) (7. the affricate 1973). but is composed of two simple phofricate [t]. [-continuant]. in the case of affri[way6uz] between difference Thus. C +coronal +anterior +continuant -voice L etc. while Thus. the (bisegmental) (7. (1933) notion of the explicitly revives Bloomfield's by phoneme.52): as reproduced voiceless St Clair alveolar St Clair (7. for example. /t-j/ in English is represented as (7. Affricates complex segments are properties. ce etc. suggests the incorporation of a "compound phonological segment convention" in the framework.

54): in as unit". some of the phonologically of guages languages Australia. transcribed e0lre-stopped are found in a number of South American lanetc. lanlanguages. sounds. he notes the existence Further. South of languages of Africa. where tion. . (7. of: to as 'postnasalized another type. which and reason relative only other [continulike the to. (7. uniformly. this that to is [sonorant]. ele6g"] [66' i7d behave as transcribed as etc. they have the distributional of single segments. Similarly.1976) of prenasalised stops: in a variety South America. (1968) image Bach's mirror the convenemploying environment.. and various areas of the %cific. is concerned with the characterisation S. apparently ant] or leads him to propose that pre..54) [-continuant -anterior +coronal +strident +continuant I (7.. in in Indonesian the some some of guages. New Guinea. entire segment characterise purports It is destined fail".55) he as characterises plex segments. is to be read as 'before and after a word boundary'. referred stops' or f-n [pm I Such nasals'. which . of aberrant Like the prenasalized stops. and ordinary nasals. [and] written but interpreted features. differ from each feature "any for this in timing. Asia.and post-nasalised consonants are com(1976: 338): (7. (1972: 125).54) where represents /6/ (or AV). and perhaps elsewhere.212. is this employed" convention when Campbell (1974: 59-60) proposes that affricates should be treated as "complex units or complex segments . Thus the is by [tU the in reflected conas a <choose> unit cluster of status [the inner "Furthermore structures are revealed affricates'] vention. Anderson (1974. properties and phonological He notes that these two types. in New Caledonia. than as a single of column one with more . clearly ments (1976: 331) single units.

he claims.. Anderson (1978) and Hoard the first apparently by Hoard (1967)..213. the in that it reflects fact that nasality may. alternatively. and may 'spread' into adjacent segments (cf.56) [ syl I+-Icons nasal high as (7.. have as its domain more than just a single segment.55) syl I E cons nasa high + + or.56): 0 . proposals is an example of a cluster "which is simultaneously unitary and complex" (for reasons which are not relevant here). the system of phonological representation S. than /tIplan/ Similar for the introduction (7. (7. of complex segments into have been made elsewhere. the autosegmental theory discussed in chapter 3).56). Sm nI ++ is more appropriate. (7. and as incorporating have the complex segment a representation should such (7-57): in as analysis. . (1978) offer the complex segment analysis with respect to other phe(1978: 54) Anderson claims that the initial cluster of Kabarnomena.

g+ + + (1978: following 70). his earlier analysis.3) that within an falling SPE-type feature-matrix.58) 'ý-Syll +syll-cont +cont +cons -cons -voiced -sonor +coronal +anterior L recall Goldsmith's suggestion (see §3.214.58): (7. pitch quence of Finally. tion of a syllabic voiceless stop") will be represented as (7. Noi6corporated into dependnotion were to be directly have decide to there whether were motivations would we ency phonology.57) syl I cons cont ++ lab cor ant cons t. (7. essentially a structhe segmental distinctive tural variable which allows sequential change within the segment. segment. incorporate a new structural Such solutions. Thus. for suggesting a greater degree of structure between the two elements is In there to that reason other words. then. "the complex segment [tTl" (where T stands for "the release por. s'uppose complex a of tice that if this there should be dependency relations within the segment between non- simultaneous elements? . property into ' feature matrix Of SPE. suggests that Hoard while syllabic stops and affricates in Northwest Pacific languages are also complex segments. say syllabic [t]. In his analysis. a syllabic stop. pitch might be represented as a selow high and pitch within a single segment. consists of two parts: The first column will contain the feature specifications that characterize consonantal and nonsyllabic t. The C+syll] be distinctively second column will and will have the feature specifications appropriate to a syllabic release.

7. trasts involving prenasalised stops in Tiv: (7. which contrasts a syllabic nasal followed by a voiced stop levthe at phonetic prenasalised voiced stop with a. and I shall suggest that there is a structural variable to all of the consonantal (apart from intra-segmental change) common Further. a d3lOge 'h. r)go"h6r a 'he received' a QmFbahom 'he approached' 'he left alone' p a dzenda 'he prohibited' J. which displays phonological conof.60) /m-ýbale/ /n +bale/ [mbale] I [m"balel form. in Herbert's analysis. display a (trisyllabic) (disyllabic) 'brother' 'plate' Herbert.60). removes the need for a decision on the question of amonosegmentalor bisegmental analysis. a pandý 'he urinated' (1977: 257) notes.59) aa mbý . and as such.215.4. syllable-initial Herbert el (although the underlying different relationship): (7. who offers a comprehensive account of the analysis and languages. in variety of a consonants offers behaviour of prenasalised . searched' p a g6MA 'he turned'around' 6býý a 'he slashed' a mena 'he swallowed' p% a nendA 'he is backward in growth' p% 0%%.3 Prenasalised consonants As we have seen. there have been various proposals concerning the characterisation of the segments which occur in the first column (from (7. claim shall structurmentioned phenomena al variable is such that it isolates the so-called 'complex segments' from other segments and sequences.'she suckled' P a ndera 'he began' a.59) 1971: Ladefoged 34). i' a Eq30' Y-"') 'he spoke quickly' J.s. ndzUr p a býnde 'he touched' p a dý 'he muddled' P. I that this above. I shall investigate this problem. In the remaining sections of this chapter. the existence of the Nyanja pair in (7.

following vowels.216.1976). on the grounds discussed in §7. Anderson Chomsky and Halle (SPE:317) treat ment is based on the tendency of nasality into adjacent vowels"*(1976: 335). He notes that in Gbeya pure nasal consonants can be followed by nasal vowels. Thus. the difference between the four surface varieties of be A intervocalic to is single allophonic. prenasal i sed stops have the val ues CI prenasal i ty. Apinayd shows a series of voiced stops which may be nasal. a feature [prenasalityl. These monosegmental solutions.4.. 0 nasaIi tyl. them as units at the surface (phonetic) prenasalised consonants as single segments.61) [V'b VI [V bd VI Much of his arguin consonants "to spread [ý ri7b VI [v 6m. together rather with "the than clusters homorganicity of of two consonants.. by S. leads Herbert to between two treat the components".2. they which systems within then. which occur which level. which: must be defined in terms of the duration of an event. consonants have the same length as other single It is consonantal thisfact. Similarly. y homorganic sequence of nasal and non-nasal consothe approximate' nantal segments which together exhibit 'simple' duration in language those of consonants surface (1977: function. depending oral. The possibilities are as follows: (7. are criticisedý (1974. but prenasalised consohe observes that nants must be followed by oral vowels. on the nasality of the preceding and oo postnasal.ý] Nm ý] [ý md VI (V bn [ý mn Thus. prenasal. in addition to the feature [nasality]. segments. the following "phonetic definition" of a-prenasalised consonant: defined as a necesA prenasalised consonant is formally saril. their and various other subtle phonetic adjustments components . shown voiced voiced stops . as does Ladefoged (1971: 35). 16). prenasalised At the phonetic level. who suggests. it is the duration of the velopharyngeal opening which occurs before another articulation such as an oral stop in circumstances which require the whole or fricative complex to be considered as one phonological unit.

if the reand postnasalised an oral vowel. features Rather. is a 'complex nasal conthe result the vowels differ. 'month. def. its takes as this contour. cannot it is [postnasall. cluster an of member while verse its nasality from the preceding vowel.55) and (7. quite miss the point. 'bath. nant results. I 'hi II. [nasal]. def. between first is two in (as the non-nasalised vowcolumn) oral stop (as in the intervocalic two stops voiced secclusters of are els. If there are two segments on which to realize tour'. and the second from the following vowel: to be drawn from these facts is: the The generalization (cluster) has between first vowels of a consonant portion its the second while vowel. 'to sg. nasality of portion. g. 1 'mother. and it is for this reason that in (7. 1 se c. but if there is only one. In Sinhalese. def. rather than the other way round: (7. a nasal consonant nasalises a contiguous vowel. " in relative that segment-boundaries) he proposes the analysis A rather similar case from Sinhalese is cited by Feinstein (1979: 251).217. such domain. the nasality preceding of Where following has the the vowel.62) a. However. b6nTe k9nda sg. mda d. in that to have the entire segment as their timing (either the'segment or across within they differ. and preceding nasal vowel intervocalic takes first the is true. gtnrng f. as is following intervocalic A a prenasalised single stop ond column). drink' sg.56). def. sg. sg. be taken etc. This evidence leads Anderson to claim that features such as "[prenasal]. forms with prenasalised consonants show nasalisation following the the not preceding. def. md'e b. dee I this I 'thing. only on vowel: . isnzran6 e. a complex nasal conso(1976: 337). one segment specification each domain.

def . 1 sg.56). the representations of (7. (or [early feature the velar closure]: movement) prevector proposes Herbert ised nasal a sub-class consonants ([+nasal. cons nasal m syl I++ v ri7b V + + cons + nasal + [ syl I + + VmnV syl I+-I-I+ cons + nasal ++ + cons nasal Anderson's solution. the a use of vector represent vecwhich proposes she toring value over the duration of the segment". 1 nger. sg.218. (7. ! I trunk. (7. gen. def. sg. (1975.61) Using the formalism of (7.1977: 151-152) cites a third type of analysis in which prenasalised consonants are treated as single consolevel. def. 'eel. 'In particular. (1974).64) l.. "changing.1977) considers prenasalised consonants to be He in that Lu+consonant. then.63) a. features. . clearly incorporates the possibility of features having as their domain stretches of the speech-sound both larger and smaller than the segment. def . ganda. syl. least Myers the flyers that at surface at of nants. k3ndee' b. Zmbee Og IIIaIfi d. of argues nasal sequences phonologically "so-called the funcfor consonants prenasalised example. +early velar closure]) are treated as of nasal consonants. (1975: 108-109. 50ge c. sg.64): be as characterised can (7. 'horn. Herbert .

219.65) (7. begJnI 'he will As Herbert notes (1977: 285).+ kor + era/ 'spear 'Pots. notes that the prenasalised as morpheme (7. all of which disthe the consonants. tion in separate syllables until very late in the application of pho(1975: 120). the nasal componentof a morphemefrom derive the coda of a precannot initial consonant prenasalised he that However. level.66) the nasal componentderives from the same Herbert the oral component. ceding initial "the infrequent.65) emba0gc. embindl qnte r)kye ndeebire anteera mwakir]korera /e + N+ barigo/ /e+ N +bIndl/ /e + N+ te N+ kye/ /N+ reebire/ /a +N+ teera/ /mu + aa + ki + N.in (7. derives in from the component nasal a separate undersegment: lying morpheme. while. of majority vast prenasanants are extremely Herbert suglised consonants arise from morphological prefixation". the nasal abstract rules" nological derive from indeof a surface components stop prenasalised oral and in different oral segments and syllables.65) in the component nasal must originate independently from as the oral component (as it forms a separate morpheme).55) and (7. in the Runyankore forms in (7. of source nasal compoprenasalised surface play is be taken to the consonant a separate nasal prenasalised of nent (7. derived do they from are occur.65).56).66) orubalija omuntu ebI co?lco kwenda aryatandika /o + ru + baNia/ /o t mu + Ntu/ /e +bi+ coNco/ /ku + eNda/ /a + rya + taNd i ka/ 'Judgement' 'person' Igifts. such prenasalised consoobserves syllable. underthat consonants such when gests (7. there is no reason to suppose a different source from those in (7. At the then. Herbert considers them to be units at the phonetic level.66). . Thus.)d id it for me' shafts' (7. Ito go.66) (from Herbert 1977:275-276): (7. as we nasal pendent have seen.67): in as lying syllabic nasals. identical in in to those are phonetically consonants (7. 'small saw' 'he hits 'you (p] cows' me' .

ze/ (where =syllable . and between the Sinhalese forms in the way in which he distinguishes (7. kanda I trunk. for example.220. Thus Feinstein abandons the monosegmental approach of Anderson.68) [-cont ] i +vo +-o-nas (7. . kan$da . i. which of-phonetic tures proposed by Myers.67) /N.70) (1979: 247): Feinstein (7.. buN. discrete homorganic nasal and oral consonants. different of (7. siN. between the two forms by means as in (7. ka$nde b. (7. the continuant specification for segment. in that they "make use of ordinary. 'hill.70) 'kanda a. def I sg. nants can only occur in syllable-initial position he claims that: in a theory of phonology which incorporates a direct of syllable structure .69) [ +voi' --nas -i-.68) and (7. motivated features and incorporate the same information as an ad hoc feature within a single posited to account for the movementof articulators Thus.ga/ /N. be " Thus.69) respectively: (7. 'crowd' 'neck' 'barren woman' Herbert also considers the problem of the characterisation of prenasalised consonants at the surface phonetic level. (1977: 185). --*+cont (1979) offers a not dissimilar phonological characterisation Noting that these consoof the prenasalised consonants. 1 Rather. 1prenasalized representation consonants' and ordinary NC (homorganic nasal-oral consonant) clusters alike are represented as sequences of (1979: 246).71) Feinstein syllable distinguishes structures. the level be he He incorporation them to the units. gaN. def. prenasalised voiced stops and would fricatives would be represented as (7.71): a. e. Embungal [nsiogol [r)ganzel boundary). sg. go/ /N. considers proposes which at differ from the vector feavector specifications. [--++contl.

should_affect vowels following prenasalised consonants too: (7. might and tion "in any linguistically significant way". Feinstein. analysis (1979: 271): . in the relative level. too. is the defining characteristic of what are usually characterised as Orenasalised consonants. in that all prenasalised stops are [+nas] (as well as being [+prenas]). indeed. with respect to vowel nasalization. onsets. points out the difficulties which Ladefoged's system would have in accounting for data such as (7. and. monosegmentalanalYses of this sort all fail to capture the obvious generalization about 'prenasalized consonants.221.72) [+syl I [+nas] % [+nas] (where % denotes the use of the mirror-image convention). and so the Sinhalese rule nasalising vowels contiguous to nasal consonants. following the analysis of singular presents 'sequences' of N +C: intervocalic and plural forms involving heterosyllabic NC clusters. that this stops to be He onset.62) and (7. whereas the plurals hereinafter. further. (a) (b) in involve no purely segmental "The representations and " Notice that Feinstein observes that. always to form a syllabic claims. following latter the sequential are represented as surface NC syllable suggested earlier.72). however. which he formalises as (7. namely that-they behave as though they are clusters of nasal a'nd oral consonants. as a result. Feinstein considers prenasalised tautosyllabic. Feinstein claims (1979: 252) that: Indeed. The singulars contain ordinary 'prenasalized the exhibit consonants'. while phonetically identical clusters which are not tautosyllabic are not so interpreted. As noted above. He sets up a mechanism for determining syllable boundary placement in Sinhalese.. the difference duration of the nasals in (a) have be (b) to this. at the phonetic distinction.63). and. which I shall not go into further here. does not funccharacterised.

example. hmn$da d. due to a failure to take account of the kinds analyses of structural properties inherent in the dependencymodel. prenasalisation discussed above (at least of those incorporating some sort of 'combi-Aegmental or assumption) can be reconciled by appealing to plexity' the model of phonological structure which I have been outlining in the previous chapters. mn$da do intend for to the the not consider motivations particular -I rules which Feinstein proposes.2 predicts that a syllableory of syllable initial prenasalised stop is unexpected: "in an /$ndV/ syllable. hom$ba. a syllable which begins with a prenasalised stop violates the hierarchy In dediscussed in §7. Thus.3. if (as in the case of the [sC] clusters is not the'case. principles of syllable structure general IVI-like is terms. However. this is expected to occur nearer the syllabic.2. the sonority of the initial nasal is. I suggest.73) Inanimate Singular a. C. the sonorder of components in prenasalised consonants is contrary-to Feinstein is "a important singly piece of evidence traditionally ority cited as pointing to the unitary status of prenasalized consonants".2.222. and so more a nasal pendency In terms of sequence. . Rather. kon$da. representation the nasal. (1979: 255) notices that the 'sonority hierarchy' thestructure discussed in §7. hierarchical in the §7. than a voiced stop. such that the stop is dependent on Tiv /mb6/ will be: for the of. (7. observes that the fact that the ing stop". Definite Plural ka$ndu ho$mbu hm$ndi ko$ndu aa$ndi Nouns Gloss hill chin spoon backbone fence e. greater than:. what I want syllabification to suggest is that various aspects of the models of. The apparent difference between the various is.3) maintain relation we expected mentioned between the nasal and the stop. that of the followHerbert (1977: 87). too. kan$da b.

(In (7. versed claim that prenasalisation can of Feinstein's (assuming the validity I to What then. prenasalised stops are invariably represented by a 'reN 'normal' dependency' +C clusters are not while structure. shows a characterisation of the prenasalised stop in which 'reversed dependency' is apparent. V. seen. syllable of a only such structures deviant the associated with is that (represented in abstract form as (7. V v /Mbe/ then. C c vv V.as we have ) items these can occur only syllable-initially. C C. (7.75) vv (7. the difference between Sinhalese AaRda/ (/ka$nde/ in Feinstein's syllabification) (/kan$da/) be: /kande/ would and (7. C C.76)) behaviour of these elements: are .75) Thus. claim. ambisyllabic.75b) /d/ in in is hence Jones. V k9nda/ C.223. Similarly.75a) (7.74) V. while and the prenasalised stop belongs only to the second syllable . feature want be onsets).74). V /kanda/ 1 use the 'overlap' analysis proposed'by Anderson (7.

where relative greater showing hierdistance from the syllabic relative correlates with sequential 'deviant' The distance. in this their to a of model. -normal sequences. by S. of elements by is the elements reflected sequential ordering relation phonetic A structure like between A and B. I think. (7. as distinct separate nodes. while the fact that they behave as a single phonolodependence gical unit can be associated with the counter-sequential Thus I am suggesting that in such reversed dependency the two 'segments' involved show a greater degree of intistructures I shall claim. reflects the ambivalent nature 'prenasalised Their status as two such as consonants'. i-. and the controversy surrounding their be function is. of B on A. the then.76). I think. the nasal part and the oral part of. say. appropriate for the characterisation of the various phenomena to be discussed in the remainder of the chapter. stein .76) III III ABC (7. but events functioning as one phonological unit. and may therefore be interpreted it seems equally possible to suggest that the presence of the reversed dependency structure represents not two phonological segments.224. frameworks the employed and Feinthan within *Further. This analysis. is also macy than. notice that the fact Ladefoged by indeed (or and sPE). characterises archical two phonetic deviant nature of such elements. unimportant within the dependency tv. is. is by the making use their characterised of status unique model this available within structure model of phonological richness greater Anderson. is. shown status segmental Whether we call prenasalised consonants one segment or structure. then. The characterisation of prenasalised consonants in these terms. phonologically.-o. Herbert. or at least intimacy in than the unmarked case. 16d'l are under segments. structure. compatible with either a unit or a cluster approach. Although.

I am concerned only with the charthey form phonetic units.V kaIA dependency this the in time structure. here does not bear on Herbert's arguments for the derivation of prenasalised consonants (from a source where they to give a surface form in which form segments in different syllables) Rather. on and component.in syllable-final position such consonants would show the regular dependencystructure.78): (7. Anderson 1976: 332).CN/ -nasa Thus Hyman (1975b: 256) .77) of creating 'cloth' /ka i n/ ka iN -). In the dependency model. The discussion acterisation of such units. The analysis of postnasalised stops such as those in-(7. postvocalic is dependent it. is naturalthat prenasalised consonants occur only syllable-initially 1Y reflected in the framework proposed here .61) in Postnasalised stops (or 'prea similar-fashion.. and seem to occur only syllable-finally. stop . C c C. proceed will and phonological properties stopped nasals') have the "distributional of -single segments" (S. Herbert (1977: 317) denasalisation' rules of Land Dayak which have the a postnasalised stop in word-final position: function the of the process appears to be to prevent the spreadwhere ing of nasality into the previous vowel.225.78) vi v V. nasal. [kai5l will have the tree in (7. reversed see again where we that the the component so oral stop precedes position.cf. cites the 'partial effect (7.

80) XQ-ýý V.V C.V which is dependent both the the are nasal. and medio-nasalised consonants serve where the resulting to provide an oral stop component between the nasal consonant and the (7.79)-. C v C. in to this greater detail there. which serves a of a as result arise such to maintain the orality of an underlying oral vowel occurring contigThis to consonant. S Anderson (1976: 335) reports a third type of element.80) The in representation vowel. the (in the processes shielding or of of case sonants I shall discuss in chapter 8 the characterisation of nasadescribed.79) [m] /m/ --ý/ý Ob I/ýv ]/Vv b-m bi3b I/Vv pre-. shielding process nasal underlying an uously (7. four underlying as of allophones yields (7. and will return in difficulties the that noted a monosegwere which however. a Imedio-nasalised' stop [bi3b]. would seem appropriate for oral medio-nasalised segments: (7. problem lised vowels. oral components on where in turn dependent on both syllabics. notice to consonants with respect and post-nasalised preof mental analysis dependency the Nasal model. I have not discussed in detail the characterisation of the 'spread' of nasality from nasal consonants into contiguous vowels (in into from Sinhalese) contiguous convowels or nasalised the case of just Apinayd). occurs as a conditioned variant (1977: 328-329) in KaingAng. post-. which.226. * in /m/. apparent within not are nasal spreading . Herbert that stops of prenasalised -notes 'shielding' forms process.

4. .or post-nasalised stop in the case of a single consonant. ient to treat the cluster as a single phonological unit.whether or not these are interpreted as two phonological held by be As identical they to to those are such.and [VmdV] show nasalisation spreading into the contiguous stop. or oral followed by nasal stop. in the case of a consonant cluster. Apinayd [VtTmV]. then nasal spread will be prevented from affecting the whole consonant or cluster. for some discus1977: Sommerstein 28-29). and a cluster of nasal followed by oral stop. the characterisation of affricates with respect to the monosegmental/bisegmental interpretation problem has been a matter of controversy in the literature (see. ricate . Similarly. books: thus Abercrombie (1967: 148) observes: introductory following the stop is sufficiently When the friction be to considered a separate segment. . views are apparent at the level of traditional phonemic transcription systems: as Campbell (1974: 59) notes. [VbnV]. can tradition It while Ameri. it is contiguous to 'node'. rtt/vowel because it is contiguous to a nasal 'node'. (homorganic) fricative and which are not considered of stop sequences Representative views are to be found in various to be affricates. ifs simultaneously. uses the unitary symbols 161 and /j/.. sequences such as oral an [VrRbV1. on on the fi.4. and not on the second. many segments.2. The differtng sion.- is clear that. Sinhalese Ckg@al and [k5nd91 both show nasalisati. an oral vowel on the other side of a single consonant or consonant cluster inhibits nasalisation. In chapter 8. which is not contiguous to..227. affricates in the IPA transcription tradition are 'complex the /tf/ symbol' representations given and /d3/. such a node. 'events' are intwo distinct fricand closure a phase volved in the production of affricates -a tion phase . phonetically. Thus. thus giving a pre. these processes are given a more formal characterisation. rather. the cluster marked fricative is known homorganic usually as an of stop and it is is term the convenonly used when aff. dependent is the (whether simply on sequential order of nodes spread or not these nodes are interpreted as separate segments).4 Affricates As was noted in §7. 7.

while plex phonetic remarks: just Generally speaking.. not necessarily are regarded. ) . as in the Greek set. assumption contrasts on ceed tween affricates and stop/fricative sequences] cannot be determined". he In many dialects. Gimson (1970: 173) notes that RP Af. of sition (1977: 440) gives the following set of Polish minimal pairs. [tsila]: Herbert terms Similarly. the absence of degemination still permits an oppolength: in Etsilla?. between Ets] and [ts] (all of the forms turning up as the affricate). Eoýimal [411 'Czech' 'clean' 'warps' 'eyes.. 'aYfricate". we reserve the term laffricatel for those sequences of stop and homorganic fricative and that one and the same syllable. latter of stop plus a sequence merely best to proSommerstein (1977: 28) concludes that "it is Finally. we generally fricative. that occur within for a variety of reasons. bethe that the existence of such e. [ts]-is "voideless dental... ) (fem.. call the former an laffricatel. which apbetween "unit and non-unit stoppear to show a phonetic difference fricative (7. ) 'degemination' sequences": (Notice. the although guage. However. Rhodes. 'whether' Onstr. a. Ckmtsl ident[fpats] English may be phonetically and cats but the ical. but "in Rhodes . however. ) trzech trzysta patrzy otrzyma trzy [tjýxl [tL'fsta] [ patlil [otj'zýal Itif] '3' '300' 'looks' 'obtains' '31 (gen. lanin a representing unit phonemes given as phonetic. Cts] in final German Spatz Thus. that. replaced by the affricates. where (of /kk/) operates to remove the distinction observes.81) czech czysta paczy oczyma czy [41stal 4i] pa. Newton (1972: 132-134) appears to make a phonetic disbetween [ts] and [ts] in dialects of Modern Greek spoken in tinction S [peat in from underlying /pe5aki/. [i. as il 'child' but Datsil from underlying /1&kkT/ and [papUtsil 'wells' 'shoe' from /papUtsi/. the affricates the 'non-unit' and the stop-fricative being comonly sequences the opposition between sequences is often not apparent.228. d3/ "will here be treated as comCatford (1977: 211) but'single phonemic entities".

and from fricatives by slowly more Ladefoged uses two features [stop] and [fricativel to the three categories .4.82). §7. in than the production of a stop. cross-classify fricatives have positive are [0 stop.82) [ t9 -continuant] +anterior +coronal [+continuant] + -anterior +coronal . 1fricative]. while affricates both for features. The kinds of solutions proposed within feature theory parallel discussed for those the consonants made prenasalised closely quite Chomsky and Halle and Ladefoged have monoin the previous section. One of the areas in which proponents of the complex segment theory claim that the monosegmental analysis is inadequate is segments (Campby a convergence of underlying separate segments" are produced bell 1974: 61). There is no real change in feature 9 t in are. . still present of and gestures the articulatory is in their the real unitary only change and the affricate. Let us assume. are distinguished segmental analyses: for Chomsky and Halle affricates being from stops by means of a feature [delayed release].affricates and sequences distinction a of stop +fricative.1971. as Campbell 1974). which [t][U [tý] fails to the the sequence produce affricate amalgamates between the two: to reveal the relationship 'amalgamation' rules.1978. thus allowing us to show "that affricates values are related to both fricatives and stops" (1971: 55).2 St Clair 1972.stops 'are [1 stop. Complex segment analyses are proposed by various phonologists. in any case. "by which I mean rules in which unit being [-cont]. Thus Campbell claims that a rule such as (7.1973. although affricates which sis ford's argument does not. affricates by virtue of the fact that the closure phase is released [+del rel]. in (Hoard discussed 1967. 0 fricativel. Newton and Herbert's evidence might appear to support an analyCattreated in are as monosegmental. (7. [+delayed -anterior +coronal release I for both composition. that at least phonologically. our system of representation must enable us to make between the two categories . status.229.

It is not immediately obvious how affricates terised within are to be charac- dependency phonology.86) [ýJixl.230. This. is not revealed by the formulation in (7. Anderson (1977: 126) propose (without defending their choice) (7. the distinction and be (7. and.84) C V: C Thus. (7. In that they consist of two as a single phonological unit. a word such as English <check> might have the categorial (7. In the have the complex segcollapsed which have (7. Amerindian in Puget Salish.87): .85) clý V: C v c between (Rhodes) Greek [tsilal Similarly. [sPE] formalism tends to obscure this".85): in representation representation for (voiceless) affricates: (7. indeed. it is obvious intuitively that d and s 'fuse' into J.. . [4ex'] Polish shown as and might and [tsilial. or (7.82). -anterior +coronal I +continuant this time Hoard (1975: 34-35) offers exactly the samecriticism. but the . we might phonetic units functioning expect them to show the same kind of reversed dependency structure as that proposed for the prenasalised consonants. however.84) Jones and as the appropriate (7. language.83) [+coronal continuant] +anterior [+continuant] + -anterior +coronal [ -continuant _ý.83): form in the these amalgamation rules would ment analysis. there to an which respect with (-[d'zl) (=[f-sl) have "the t j d effect +s +s which c are rules and -* -). A similar rule would presumably be required for those dialects in Rhodes [ts]/[ts] distinction.

ample... deviates Wehave seen that most of the arguments for the phonological involved have they the that are phoneticclaim affricates of status The for to identical +fricative arguments sequences. (7.4... and the kind displayed by prenasalised consonants as 'sequence reversal'. If this strucstructure reversed then. is not the case in Anderson and Jones's analysis of the affricates. wh. we ture is to be incorporated into the system of representation.3. for the There appears at first sight to be no phonetic justification in the case of dependency reversal. should be the governor. C.. this sonorant element.87) displays the dependency relaaffricates. We may refer to this affricates kind of reversed structure. 4c. while characterise tions holding within a 'normal' syllable. v (7.85) and (7. for exthe justi- . ting up affricates justify (alto the the phonetic signal of claim aspect no necessary in justification the be case of. (where I ignore the structure after the first vowel).87) ZZ V: C v tS1.86) diverge from the normal syllable structure in rather a different way than the structure In setting up the postulated for prenasalised consonants in §7. Rather. Rhodes seems mind. the structures in (7.86) displays the reversed dependencystructure which Anderson and Jones take to (7. then. reversed dependency structure for these elements. as showing 'dependency reversal'..86) c V: C Greek Pol ish tsi. I argued that this in that the more sonorant element preceded the less appropriate was However..231. (7.87) displays the expected structure (in that fricatives IVI-like than the stops). are purely phonological. must find arguments from other areas. ' However. ile the suggested stýucture for more are from the expected pattern. (7. and as such. stop setally there is as units. there phonetic may though it in Bearing this that Greek)..

Newtoh claims. in (7.87). while in (7.88) than in normal structures. which. associated sequence forms a single phonowith the claim that a stop +fricative language is the reversed dependency logical unit in a particular of 'Complex segments'.88) A.88).86) by exemplified Thus. where stops and affricates Ladefoged's but in fricatives. exists the difference characterise However.89): between (7. not system. is also temporally more closely related. for structures like (7.4. as in (7.89) IIIIII IIIIII ABCABC dependent on C. but notice also that in these the first node is more intimately reversed structures related to the syllabic (7. in as opposed fricatives. ICI IV: for in the Cl governs argument structure which .86) (7. to [-cont].87) does not appear to in length.85) must be phonological.88) and (7. therefore it is not surprising is potenfially (7. then. more intim ately related to C than in (7. that it is to be expected that in (7. uld-involve WO is inherent Indeed. The difference The reversed dependency structure represents successive nodes which function as a single phonological unit.232.3 also have the length of a single segment. fication and (7. fricatives. nants discussed in §7. 'equally' from Herbert differ and stops affricates which A further (1977: 163-164) appears to suggest that affricates function more often that the duration of the consonantal less than the 'normal' structures structure in (7. We might argue.89). which appears to be characteristic structure. A is directly . notice that the prenasalised consobetween [ts] and [ts]. in than categorisation such a rather are Chomsky and Halle's feature system. that the affricates claim are a sub-class of stops.89) it is merely subordinate to C.

to than is suitable: we might expect /s/ sonorant more (7. from than rather the reversed dependency structure is adopted for affricates. too. the reversed dependency structure apparent. dependency shape. in that dependent on the less sonorant. the more sonorant element is still Thus.V V. the the on argument above. As/ In in English that final for clusters should ate structure (7.90) C.233.V V. however. would outlined structure a such possibility of phonetic shortening. do find we not position contrasts in length between affricates vocalic (of [ts] Cts] Newby the clusters +fricative stop and noted sort vs. in In As/ this case. that in postconfiguration. in that the final element (the fricative phase of is dependent on the penultimate (the stop phase). it seems appropriate sequence that we do not have a structure in which the element further*: fVom*. yielding an apNotice. likely fricatives. we have both sequence and dependency reversal. then. C.V v C. 'non-reversed' The question remains. howthe affricate) * is still ever. affricates have the 'expected' In postvocalic position.91) be /t/.91) c cz v V: C kat S/ . as to what exactly the appropribe. typically develop historically fricatives. it that than and seems affricates with stops with from stops (perhaps via aspiration). we have already seen that Catford claims identical that final /f-s/ in German is phonetically with the final parently English. I the nucleus (131) governs the element nearer to the nucleus ([d]) imply.V then. (7. ton in prevocalic position). C.90): RP <judge> /d3Ad3/ will have the representation If (7.

However. Given the arguments of the last two sections. The possible of argument would be the following. which contradicts normal phonological analyses of these clusters in final posiif /s/ is taken to be'dependent on /t/. we have the (cf. They do not occur intramorphemically (with It seems at the exception of a very few words such as <adze> /mdz/). using Campbell's complex segment proposal. formation. (7. already proposed for affricates structure that As/ is not clear to me exactly what the solution to this problem line One be. char(7. rather. as in the tree for <cats>: cal processes (plural possessive formation). will be given a representation ing a reversed dependency structure with three nodes. g. is attached directly (7. such given prenasalised involv(e. /a nd35yc")I/).59) in those in Tiv data the as affricates. might English As/ (and /dz/) clusters arise only as a result of morphologiIt 3rd person present tense formation.91) implies (7.92) ccV: If this v C solution can be given some independent phonetic support.234. in such morphological processes. Notice that Herbert (1977: 159). has a unit status.93) F+cons -voc +voice +nasal +ant +voice -nasal +cor _-cont +contj . Similarly. but.90)).92). (and uniquely) to the governor of the free morpheme. it is clear that (7. distinguish to this kind of structure from those discussed able are we above. tion. (7. the realisation (/s/ bound the morpheme or /z/) does not function in the same way of in the syllable as when it is intramorphemic.93): the affricates as prenasalised acterises (7. least possible that. /a ndzu"U'r/.

Icelandic (as already noted in chapter 3).5 Preaspiration In this section I consider a phenomenonwhose treatment in debe different from discussed to in terms those appears rather pendency the previous two sections. for example.. there has been some discussion in the literature as to whether preaspirated two.4. preaspiration reasons... other among possibility dialect.. for example.95) glac glag. while Welsh provides an example For a general discussion of of a language with preaspirated vowels.. be interpreted or phonologically segment should as one consonants BorgstrOm (1940: 20-21)... Gaelic.... C. has raised problems with respect to its status as a phonological seglanguages Various show preaspirated consonants. in the than that and.94) V....c... but whose interpretation.. lects As in the case of prenasalised consonants and affricates..... gives pairs in Lewis Gaelic which between preaspirated and unaspirated stops: opposition an show (7.v 40 of such structures will be: v 7. at ad cl. nevertheless.V V ýC.... Kylstra see preaspiration. ag [glahkl v glag] vy [aht [ad y ) (imper. (1972). . ' 9 rasp! a bell' la fester' la hat' Borgstrom considers the possibility of regarding the preaspira(h but this "as +occlusive)". ment.. shorter same h of than ordinary an er ...... rejects consonants of groups ted stops "the is shortbecause.. The dependency representation (7.235. and various diaof the other Nordic languages.

Cfeiht] [Ijouhil sa i ht . /h/.1941) considers. finally. string As Herbert four underlying of posed Ternes (1973: 57ff). eh 0 /ph th are monophonemic: position".ý xk/. phonemes: /kh/. is given the sequence of preas a group of two phonemes. tý] th] th] 'fat' lugly. partly because aspiration [h]-segment dialects "Ross have length the the occlusives preof of (1941: distinct long 100) because by h" and and a very partly ceded a different characterisation. (1977: 86) points out.96) for the Ross-shire Thus we find the transcriptions forms: (7.236. (7. and /t/. but also by [x] and the preaspiration in (7. he interprets the the group ht etc. "postaspi rated" allophones [ph th].97): is as repeated and . +stop is treated is not only realised by [h]. Pei: [Ijou: [Sal. preaspiration in the other dialects which Borgstrom (1940. However. 'a buck' In these dialects. [hp allophones counterparts in initial These phonemes have kh/.. are interpreted as biphonemic /(. argues that "the sequences resulting from historical interpreted are partly monophonemically. initial ht].97) feit . /kh/ /a/. the phonetic sequence [khCht] is said to be "the realization of three underlying phonemes . sg. (7. posiwhich do not have mirror-image counterparts in initial All 11[h]+Stop" tion. /a/. do have "which mirror-symmetrical sequences. which was given as (3. "fricative +stop" sequences occurring medially and nemically". while in the other dialects the (which [khcLht]. in the southern dialects". j6t saat Fem. .96) ca t[ boc Voht [ýohkl 'cat. p (. Lewis preaspirated stops as single phonemes. in considering the Applecross dialect of Scots Gaelic.33). . 'sweet' feitt ljdtt satt Neut. sg. Thus.f' (. partly biphopreaspiration Thus. and final "Preaspi rated" Various views have been put forward with respect to the Icelandic data presented by ThrAinsson (1978). ly identical") As comcal. Herbert ls "plionetical. and /th/11 in the Lewis dialect.

offers a bisegemental analysis of preaspiration. egg> (Haugen 1958: 72) and aspirated d g>. nent but a single then. Sur le plan de ]a durde.unaspirated <b rddd. this perhaps not such of postaspiration. quIon compare d'une part les d' d'aspiration et vs. preaspiration as a of separate phone.97). as and such while /b/ is realised as [p]. then. vs. occl. preaspiration moyens chiffres d'aspiration +cons. is However. in Haugen's model aspiration is the defining-factor of the <p t The appropriate phonemic representations for the two serk> series. is (7. du m6me durde est trop grande pour qulil puisse slagir inverse. sations Malone's (1923) analysis of the same phenomena in treating postaspiration for its "great inconsistency" as-a compobut Malone. Icelandic shows two series of voiceless stops . segmentýanalysis (1978: Haugen As ThrAinsson 5) to think.237. appears as an Haugen criticises level "typically has the at phonetic a norpreaspiration out. are /bd g/ and /pt k/. dans ordre un phdnomA-ne qui se prdsenterait Haugen. Thus. treats the aspirated . in each case the aspiration occurs-on the side of the consonant closest to the syllabic". points is length in Icelandic. as column series second of <p (post-)aspirated. then. as in the words <labb. column of as <p [p [ph Notice that if the t k] th kh]. as phonetically resented vs. preaspiration part autre diffdrence de la dvident il est que + consonne occl. be to allophonically aspiration stated. in the tk> they preaspirated. are not also Haugen (1958: 72) argues for a treatment of the Ifortis' series of stops (<p tk>) in which both preaspiration and postaspiration are interpreted as "components of fortis stops. in first The two series can be repthe tk>.97). postaspiration generally whereas mal segment (1972a: 66) Pdtursson notes: much shorter". thus /p/ may have realiand [ph] [hp]. the stop. (7.98) shows the phonemicisation in Haugen's system of somewords displaying preaspiration (from Thrdinsson 1978:6): (7.98) kappi pakka hattur [khahpi-] [Oahka] [hahtyr] /Rapi/ /pa ka / /hatyr/ 'hero' 'thank' 'hat' series as single phonemes. tency inconsis. ies. and (7.

. _-slack As in the . . then. we are again An analysis in terms been have suggested.100): Thus the sequence [ht] in <hattur> has the representation (7. gl -constr. +stiff V. unaspirated series while geal is treated (7. +stiff V. (7.t hyr] /hatyr/ ' /hattyr/ /haddyr/ 'hate' 'hat' 'hair' [hahtyr] (hat. (7. g]. -constr.101) --spr. preaspiration and (post-)aspiration are rather different phenomena. (7. gi. (7. v. is treated as a single following stop. Phonetically. terms Icelandic of as noted in chapter 3. however. +stiff _-slack C1 V.102) -+spr. while preaspiration seems to aspiration is a very common be very rare". gi. -constr. cases of the phenomena discussed in the previous two both where situation a oneconfronted with sýctions.99) IL hatur hattur haddur [ ha-. gl. c. that Thrdinsson (1978: 4) points out that "postphenomenon.102): has the features. too. two-segment analyses and . C. . c. C. for supralaryngeal as lacking any specification for the but as showi ng the laryngeal feature specifications A postaspirated stop. +stiff C2 V. of in (7. c. c -slack v.. and this leads Thrlinsson to accept Malone's [hp] [ph]: to the adopt phonetic notations also and view. _ _ _-slack -son -cont -lab +cor --high_. vs.101) larynfor has the in the representation simply and segment. v.100) laryngeal Thrlinsson +spr. gl. offers a representation of the aspiration phenomena in distinctive features. Yrl Notice. features: phonological segments: supralaryngeal features: +spr.238. -constr. [h] where features. c. gl. gi. v. c.

and in chapter 9 below. which other among ' having degree in a greater of glottal opening and no vocal sonorants 10. component. unaspirated voiceless series and Clearly. of representation specification degree large of glottal openfact that a the with segments capturing the characterretaining while do cord-vibration. celess sonorants. istics of In the typical sonorants. as no yet way we particular. overrides the voicing 'thus the in the inherent sonorants. glottal of ponent in the ly comparable to the multivalued feature [glottal stricture] Ladefoged framework. d This as represente. ing not show vocal because these segments retain the necessary sonorants. Voi differ from voiced things. cord (7.. roughopening. it is argued gesture must include a comthat the representations of the initiatory 101. however. of phenomena ration between the the voiceless aspirated stop opposition of representing In to the order show stop series. of the ing Thrdinsson's two-segment analysis of preaspiration.239.103) 000 CC voiceless vowels voiceless nasals voiceless liquids In the representations of (7. traces of these detailed of formal account matters. is needed to account for voiceless sonorants. the presence of governing 101.1 in their representations: show governing vibration. denoting a large degree of glottal opening. favourI to tends dependency evidence provide suggest. how the dependency model can be applied to this area. I shall 9. detailed the arguments of chapter more pate some of antici- In Ewen (forthcoming a). more 91 and a give chapter for 101 be the characto appropriate also appears The component .103). voiced formant of the patterns. the elements of the dependency model developed in the previous chapters are not adequate to account for the preaspihave In Icelandic. model.

(1976: 187). of prominence for the unaspirated series. incorporate the assumption The representations the monosegmental analysis of the aspirated series is correct. of series gesture developed in chapter 6. is taken to be a component of the aspirated is. The (in (dependent) absence of a opening. the be to case is not /bd g/ said Rather. a-glottal stop display would characterise . less P6turshave open or glottis".240. In dependency terms. argued various places aspiration of and that degree of aspiration correlates with degree of glottal. then. as in (7. then. Notice too that although the series above. 101 is dependent. 101) chapter 9). opening. Icelandic has an aspirated and an unaspirated both In terms of the repreof which are voiceless. [ph th kh] {Ic -) oil Ad [p tQ g/ that that in (7.104): (7. I have been discussing in this chapter.104). They differ both series have the representation in the relative 101: for 101 is governing. that aspirated segments show a 101 than corresponding non-aspirated more prominent segments. it degree time the have of glottal opening at of release".104) {10 )-.Cll /p t k/ . it seems. sentations of the categorial JCJ. while aspirated narrowed Similarly. sent 101 101. of the phenomena in in It has been general. tic evidence mentioned 101 it is that is ab'unaspirated'. and so'display do segments with contrasts which which representation phonological (cf. a widely more sounds in Icelandic. Thus Kim (1970: 111) states that "if a stop is n degree aspirated. stops. As noted above. show some segments in the glottal such representation. interpretation by be the to appears supported phonewhich series. an must n (1977: 114) "modern that techniques Catford observes of glottowhile laryngoscopy have that show unaspirated voiceless sounds a and graphy (though not completely closed) glottis. in of aspiration a study concludes: son terisation Llexamen de glottogram'mes de consonnes aspirdes et non II Pessentiel islandais confirmer quIen semble pour apirdes Paspiration de comme une fonction peut Ztre d6crite Pouverture glottale au moment de Pexplosion. then. while the aspirated series. postaspiration an.

ent. however. I that preaspirated stops are biassume. c Ef ei ht 1 Notice first this analysis. then. of of all ]) interpretable is this v. or not such a configuration equated whether pendency (cf. specification. v. what I want to argue is that articulatory the preaspiration 'segment' in Icelandic has a rather different speci1[h]' in such cases. . following Thrdinsson. and is therefore to be defined as a voiceless fricative with no However. gl -slack -constr. c.105) v v. it is characterised by the presence of 101 alone. still lacks the articulatory fication. preaspiration in Icelandic is realised [h]. least distinct that'they in a deat or are sequentially segmental. ThrAinsson the in (7..100). is rather differThe analysis of preaspirated stops.. is be to tree. There are two ways of justifying [h] ([+spread Thrainsson's that characterisation gl.105). [h] In that §5. which represents the surface form of <feitt> (neuter sg. then.. V: C 0 o. segments show maximal glottal thus. is the period of preaspiration itself to vious sections).1. between /pt Ad the k/ the and opposition of the nature g/ series of . 4. instead of being characterised as IV: Cl. cf. model as displays alone property occurring more a particular ment containing it in if than with other occurs combination properthat property of the in this opening.241. also specification specification However. 101 in On the chapter principles a segoutlined alone. ) 'fat': (7. ties: JV: 101 CJ is than appropriate because the rather choice of Secondly. case. be represented? As Thrlinsson points out. saw as we can best be characterphonetically ised as a segment lacking any specification in the articulatory gesture. as in (7... discussion in the pretwo the the segments of occurrence with How. within +stiff c.

Thrdinsin phonological specification". ) son claims: this sort of movement should have two consequences: it should make'the stop unaspirated. As the opposition is one of aspiration.. is is can which and an autosegment aspiration from the stop where "capable of such behaviour as moving or floating If this is so. occlusive consonne h. rather than as a voiceless fricative. then least a appears cluster. by Liberman apparently made see proposal similar tion 'segment' to Thr6insson's claim (1978: 38-39) that preThis is parallel behave independently. in Icelandic may be viewed as a kind of prosody whose domain may beforming-a syllabic the whole consonant (cluster) onset or coda.105). closest to the syllabic: "preaspiration excludes If only one occurrence of 101 is to be associated with each ' (7. in the the of characterisation phonological ready required 101 [h] to the then reflects its phonological staof represent choice tus as a period of aspiration. Evidence that this treatment might be appropriate comes from the fact consonants in Icelandic are never postaspirated. is a matter to be stated in the alloof this aspiration the position (1976: "apras P6tursson's 174) Compare that also remark phonic rules". in Icelandic. (A 1971 Pdtursson is. it originated 1972b.. if specified as would no the preceding segment were voiced. since the feature to a wide open glottis. since it [+SGI.105): in the structure than corresponding stop .106) be better to in Icelandic.242. longer be Secondly. It is also necessary to account for the fact that the preaspira1 suggest that aspiration governs the stop in (7. First. we would expect it [+SG]'refers to become voiceless. I noted above that Haugen it is not also postaspirated. West jamais la aspirde". at the a containing preaspirated of a syllable rhyme representing of way (7. (1958: 72) observes that aspiration occurs on the side of the consonant that preaspirated postaspiration . and 101 is allanguage. Thrlinsson stop notes (1978: 49) that if a vowel follows a preaspirated Secondly.

Representations (7.106). '108) are shown to differ in ICI 101 holds between the and nodes.106) 101 inherent in following The the the stop. [+SGI the specification where As we saw in (7. contrast with words stop [fei: th]. contrast with such as singular those such as (7. of the clusters sonorant of from differently in different these 39) are clusters realised (1978: shows. then. accounting among /p deaspiration for the t k/: things of other (7. He notes "spreading indicate that the the of glotwhich of phenomena a number tis that one would expect to go with the stop is absorbed by the preitself deaspirated.107) [-Sylll [-SGI [+SGI=:: >[+SGI is transferred to the '[hl' segment. with an ordinary aspirated stop in the feminine as such form. segment". the forms in (7. C part of the) surface Thus.108).108) \ý O.106) is parallel to that made by ThrAinsson (1978: §5. aspiration This leads Thrlinsson to propose the following rule. claim governs where (7. in Modern as dialects Further . (7.106) and (7. forms such as Pelht]. representing the (relevant form of the feminine singular form: (7.4). whether or not strict precedence evidence for the appropriateness of this analysis comes As Thrlinsson behaviour +stop.109): in Icelandic. with preasýirated form in the singular neuter of the adjective.243. (7.97). In is the stop other words.

244.109) 3 4 in and would show either columns of cases two unattested 101 in position: two governing of occurrences or zero (7. in However. model. is: the column represented devoiced and the stop deaspirated. only a single 101 appears in the tree.112) `0 (7-113) *V v0v. 107.109).109) tilpa heimta vanta vinka 'coat' 'demand' 'luck' $wave' [ulpal [heimta] a [vagtal Eviokal 0 [u I pha [he imtha I [vanthal [v iokha *[u I pha *[he iýt ha *[vagthal *[v ir)kha] 0 *[u I pa *[he imta *[vant aI *[v I r)ka liquid. voc 1php c0 c .111): (7. as in (7. le Nord dans as columns shown comme et In the dialect in the first devoicing dialects 4. se qui e>> <<jeune 3 [st-UlOal"). while the (7. the sonorant or on the stop. in the dependency model. the dialects between the is clear the difference two columns in where the single consists specification of aspiration i. there show-both which are no and deaspiration.111) v CC P ph In each case. It rule (7.107) that accounts for and aspiration. e. whether 101 is realised'on is realised.110) 0 V! CC0 (7. . Pdtursson the'stop is also aspirated voiced and quid d'origine "formes .110) and (7. while in the second column the li1972b: (cf. the r6gionale commestulka of existence who not es E 1e 1 'Ouest dans Sud ka fiII comme et prononce stU'i. (7. both and voicing or In Thrlinsson's in column 1 of (7.

(7. I turn now to the characterisation of preaspirated consonants Consider following data-(from intervocalically. . in other words. I suggest that the only difference ICI. although the sequence is well-formed.112) and (7. the following structure stops. however.4. 101 in change with no the of and precedence involves relative (7.115) 0. tha] ýCvej. Past mmta vei ta nita [mai-.. (I ignore details the the the of of characterisation appropriate seems other segments): (7. whereas it derives from an underbecause ted stop lYing aspirated segment: for further discussion. thal [ni-.: It that there apparent occur. (Notice that (7. we have not yet formalised the notion of a cluster prosody.114) rnf.245. thal $meet' 'grant' lutilizelý ma9tti veitti nftti [ma i hti i [n ihtl I [velht between intervocalic contrasts aspirated and preaspirated show which In the case of the aspirated series. aspirated stop show the in that alone. I return to this matter in §9. clusters of sonorant +underlYingly tures. C For the preaspirated series. only a occurring aspirated stops as constraints same 101 is. it contains a surface unaspirated rather than aspira101 is dependent.113) being unacceptable strucThus.116): in as the dependency relations. can single governing is no formal reason for.113) is deviant in that. the set of occurring Thrainsson 1978: 10): (7. see chapter 9).

246.preaspiration process of aspirate mutation.116) C we again see the reversed dependency has sequence a phonetic with which associated sometimes structure been interpreted as a single phonological unit. it seems that the representation ing c. of voicing.116) is appropriate.117): 'his 'her church' church' [i egiols] ei eglwys ei heglwys Ci heglo.118): in have the representation [h] vowel. and chapter 10 below). It has been argued that Welsh. (7. Griffen to the system phonological relevant Hence. That the not as preaspiration dent on . kind of a different In Modern Welsh. as cases interpreted is having IVI. is. A be preaspirated. If (7. opposition rather which forthcomEwen (see 1975.117) notably after vowel under certain grammatical condithe-feminine possessive adjective. this should of (7. there is a of vowels. then. which has the effect of inserting an I consider briefly . (7. will simoly XX 101 is dependiscussed in the previously. [h] segment before an initial tions. where I also discuss other aspects of the 101 in phonological representations. Notice that. s] is a language in is than that the of aspiration. I return to a more detailed account of the Icelandic preaspiration rules in chapter 9. behaviour of Finally preaspiration in this section. 101. as in (7. like Icelandic.

which. is -its govThe IVI. Initial however. <fish>. but.2-2. Eng. various ways from clusters 90). in certain occur wegian <fisk>. 1977: different distributional languages. as the characteristic element of the syllable. syllable[s] in hierarchy. the sylthe vowel within its domain. and 7. does not contain any consonants. Eng. ) Dutch. in such clusters the than stop. as characterising lable onset. in g. Phonetically. <skate> and its Dutch cognate <schaatsen> /sxa: tsan/: in syllable-final position it has been replaced by /s/.4.247.. as noted in §7. is more sonorant (Catford drive" "burst distinct muscle of chest pulse.120) spate state skate (Notice that /sk/ wasp chest bask has been lost in standard syllable-initially Modern Dutchq and has been replaced by /sx/. <vis> /vis/. rather. 101. as in the following Dutch and English examples: The final spelen stelen 'to play' 'to steal' wesp kast 'wasp' 'cupboard' (7. st. and Nor[sk] loandoes. therefore governs ernor. EsCI the that syllabicity initial clusters violate [s] Typically.6 sp. sk clusters area which I want to deal with under the heading of been interpreted have both as single phenomena which phonological level the inof segments at as sequences phonological and segments [s] followed by the of of clusters analysis a stop. in this case. e. Du. cf. Such sevolves both in many and syllable-finally syllable-initially occur quences languages. cf. [skutar]. <scooter> words The analysis of these clusters (which I shall transcribe as [sC] for the purpose of the discussion) raises someof the same problems as have been noted above. or takes a in deviate the Phonologically. They in show the normal patterns .

While initial with clusters such as pr. both they can occur syllablenotably. and p. owicz addition. St-. see DavidThese facts. syllableand syllable-finally.with sk. sen-Nielsen'(1975).may alliterate Ii terate-. sp-. same properties shall This Jones. dependency degree "the of accords with prominence of in which [p]. /-Ik/). skfrom other clusters.wi s"sk Rather. I shall discuss the various arguments put [sC].and pi-. properties initially whereas. and the stop is identified either with the /pt k/ series. with spst-. as'noted in 97. with Sk. sp only with sp". or with the /bd g/ series. consonants show a reversed prenasalised (7. . st only with st. hi-. g. final clusters in a language are generally the mirror-image-of sylIn' lable-initial clusters (e. structure.. English <sate>. and may not al h.9 Sp-. like the discussed dependin 57.for discussion. clusters notes. which I shall discuss more fully below. /-rp/.2. for example. /pr-/ vs. have led [sC] to as a single phonological unit. /kl-/ vs. in.121): in as ency structure. (1971: 195) [sC] deviate from Kuy. [s] in which governs thus giving a structure In what follows.4. Dutch <seinen> 'to signal'. hr-.248. or is treated as an archiphoneme . alanalyse some phonologists though these sequences have more usually been given a bisegmental anaIn such bisegmental analyses. the (s] is identified with /s/ lYsis.3. tend to arguments for which of analysis a monosegmental forward by Anderson dependency proposed structure and the reversed support displays the I argue.2.121) IVIl. that [sCI sequences violate the syllabicity hierarchy leads Anderson and Jones (1977: 125) to propose that they. The fact (7. nor th hn-. can alliterate with etc. as the normal alliteration rules "in the inherited Germanic verse".

and notices. for that prenasalised consonants. e. unlike other clusters. g" in initial clusters in Swedish is very similar. and also initial phonemes. sk/ in Engl i sh as "si ngl e se[ sCI as a uni t. This leads Vogt to vs. This is not apparent in the various unitary analyses to be discussed below. d. -r-st. it shows that two chronologically distinct 'events' are involved. e. can form both initial and final clusters. xy) parallels minated. initial Thus find " we and final st and sk. clusters of this type in Swedish: shows the possible initial (7. sk and "the related Stops p. is the /sC/ composite the phoneme /r/. final in Norwegian. a similar argument.249. sk-rst-r-. as yx. However.r[scl (i. gian. and not on the vowel).121) does not compel a treatment of CsCl as a single segmený. k b. t. where phoneme x and yx). -r-sk [sC] clusters as "Composite phonemes". with final -. "The clusters sp. for example. noting that the distribution of sp. st . the prob(7. If they are so characterise then the violations of the syllable structure rules are eli(i.122) sp p b st t d sk k 9 Sigurd (1965: 62) offers r spr pr br str tr dr skr kr gr I in spj Pi bj tv dv skv kv - SPI Pi bl kl 91 kn gn Kohler (1967: 51) offers rather different reasons for treating He i nterprets /sp. initial [sclre. too. finally. in that it reflects the proposed as [sC] ([p] in (7. a structure like (7. rather. notes that [sC] in Norweious sources. be because it interpret to arbitrary partly would elements"s quential . _v treated.etc.121) being directly dependent on of unitary status (s]. Arguments for the unitary status of [sC] clusters come from varVogt (1942: 14). i. but All other initial clusters cannot occur xy can occur finally in the reverse order.122) 1em of identi fyi ng " the sounds af ter s" as [ptQ or [bdg1. st. do not they behave in all respects as single behave as the other clusters.

t... ones alien sk/ svPI.124).123).124) . k. . lists in the possibilities given which as shown by Fudge (1969: 268): (7. by zero except when place 1 contains p... which are interst... structures preted as biphonemic sequences. (1969-273): (i. in which [sC] clusters are treated in that: biphonemic. ... that of series (7. and perhaps f. single tive analysis. and partly "to separate the inherent from /sf. other advantages include the avoidance of decision Identify to the stop on whether arbitrary an [p])-or [sp] (i. the "stop Fudge's (1969) arguments are primarily concerned with syllable English He that the onset syllables contains claims of structure. ABCDABC. 11 012 Onset .. as It will it avoids the necessity of postulating an extra place (place 0) at which a system in the syllable structure and which must be filled of only one element operates. kP. the th... by various phonemes. of a portion [b]). the first two 'Places'.123) Onset ABCDABCD apt6k3wIr 1bbdjg c sp St sk be seen that in (7. of which may be filled (relevant) (7. the /sp. m. . given as (7.. Spt bbdjg 16 k3wIr D . n. v... b e. wt.123) [sC] clusters'are treated as Fudge claims that this is preferable to an alternaphonemes.250. section as /p.. t. stop ofýseries e.

in the languages under consideration sion". as (7. and This leads Kurylowicz in the form of a phrase structure (7.126): (7.251. but in word-initial position only sT. E (s +-t) tree. shows str.([sC-1) occurs:. word-final exists -sT and -Ts [-Cs]). its components) is therefore is. elements is (1971: 197). rigid. such as alliteration. He notes that in Latin. Kurylowicz (1971) interprets [sC1 clusters as being neither nor biphonemic sequences. but as being "phonological unitary phonemes compounds". (i.127) str that the alliteration processes cited by KuryTo/r/ does the affect the of not that ability presence of wicz show Notice further .125) word-final word-initial -sT : -Ts sT- (taken The phonological status of sTas a whole. and English.is to be treated as a phonological compound. This in turn leads to the claim that clusters of three consonants are to be considered as "dichotomous groups with different degrees of internal coheinitial Thus. pounds order.127): internal cohesion. (7. as against The latter the former. not different from that of -sT. permutable. 126) or. sT. The Each of them elements of -sT are on an equal footing. Gothic. an opposition clusters. where the order of'the ter. in which s and t show the greatest structure a together form a group with r. to draw a parallel between syntactic comdefining the feature of compounds is their rigid as and sT-. the clusor the second place within may occupy the first Not so in sT-. He cites evidence to support this claim from various sourand the behaviour of initial and final ces. [-sC] between in position e.. as in (7.

that does not possess feature In fact not shared with some other spirant. and as as <gesp> and <wesp> as Igeps]. to by the a e. in that each of the others is i. [sp]. [sk] and clusters to alliterate with themselves.130) /p/ diffuse grave mellow A/ diffuse acute mel low /k/ compact grave mel low . [str] [st] find alliterating with we Kury4owicz gives as an example: (7. any it shares each of the three features with two other spirants. Thus. at least.129) /f/ diffuse grave strident ] /E)/ diffuse acute mellow /s/ [ diffyse acute strident ] /V '[ compact ] acute i strident Cygan claims: /S/ is unique among the spirants in The position of It is the only spirant English. 'buckle' 'wasp' Dutch [wmps]. be interpreted they that should as single segments. He gives the following Jakobsonian distinctive feature characterisation of the English voiceless fricatives: (7.252. Cygan means (1970) attempts to offer an explanation of this fact in terms of a feature framework. [weps]. then. [st]. forms [sC] clusters have the following characterisations: (7. more intimately linked than those of normal consonant clusters. /s/ is the "unmarked" spirant. <wasp> [Cs] clusters. mellow for /0/. whether or not this There is. a great deal of evidence to support the view that the elements of [sC] clusters are.128) 212 on stefn stl3on. grave of exclusive presence marked The stops with which /s/ for /f/. in the data from Beowulf 'which I wundon p streamas More eveidence that [sC] clusters show greater internal cohesion than other clusters comes from their tendency to show metathesis with Thus we find English <ask> occurring as [aks]. feature itself. Thus. compact for /U.

is difficult to see that this characterisation Cygan applies seems equally and A'/ possible for to define or /p/ /p/ 'univocally' A/ as diffuse. as grave. sation of as grave. as mellow. Cygan offers no independent motivation for the hierar(7. is not arbitrary.131): (Tense) particular choice is the hierarchi- spirants diffuse c pact grave acute mellow /G/ stridint /s/ However. as: in (7. in preference compact /V to (7. in again. as acute. A/ and /k/ It it as mellow. We can univocally A/ will then remain as unmarked.131). but in comparison with it will the unmarked /s/. an apparently equally natural alordering chical ternative can be constructed.132): 132) (Tense) spirants acute grave mellow strident diffuse /s/ The choice of (7.131).. The basis the features Cygan's in (7.132) can be defended . the same marking procedure to the stops: define /k/ as compact and /p/ as grave.253. contrast as mellow with its stridency.

Thus Davidsen-Nielsen's the syllabicity violate in this be to respect. similar hierarchy of the stops.133). as (7. the fact that both [sC-1 and [Cs-1 (and both [-sC] be is to [-Cs]) However. In in dependency syllable-final structure as a. The essential bond that holds them together seems to be the attraction within the turbulents class between the unmarked continuant and a contrastively marked in each case. (1975) claims that the distributional behaviour [sC] be not regarded as evidence for their unitary status need of different for from that of other consonant clusindeed a status or ters . of evidence cited above tend [sC] initial displaying interpretation the clusters of as to support (7. and so. thus allowing Cygan's characterisation referred to above. "each of the stops supplies one of the three essential diffeatures negatively manifested in the spidistinctive ferentiating (7. voiceless stops and voiceless fricatives hierarchy. can occur and occur the only reason that voiceless stops and voiceless fricatives in the same category is the fact that [sC] clusters would otherwise hierarchy. by the fact that only (7. reversed . circular seems argument The various arguments and pieces. In this theory. Cygan's argument. it appears merely fortuitous that the features yield the parallelism Davidsen-Nielsen of (7.131) is compatible with a. expected. as noted above. as we have seen.2. non-continuant However. belong 2.in view of Basboll's theory of the syllable discussed in §7.133) /s/ non-compact non-grave non-mellow ] /k/ [compact] /p/ [gravel [mellow] 1(7-133)] may be an explanation for the strict parallelism and the very strong cohesion of these clusters. does not seem to a phonetic argument in any real sense for the status of constitute [sCI clusters. Rather. It is this that allows Cygan to make the claim that in [sC] clusters. Davidsento the same category in the syllabic Nielsen claims.254.121).133): in rant".

we one more where we V.134) show a regular structure.136 vv V: C V: C c the two Thus.4. words as in ory of The interpretation (7. as in English will /N.135): (7. /pa-. lowed by /s/ of (sC] clusters as havi ng a reversed depend' Such has interadvantages. ency (7. will be given the characterisation Similarly. in In the overlap theas <fester> vocalically divided into syllables the such are syllable. other cases on be simultaneously intervocalic find: than have consonant. then the structure structure. st/`: <past> (7. EsCI clusters position. directly dependent /s/ is on vowels. the in which only be that only one consonant can maintained can constraint a universal In dependent two directly syllabics.-C If these clusters are given a reversed dependassociated with <fester> will be: .135) Ef c[ st ]er] -1 2 in English the to show syllable boundary placement only words are. and two because fact that that the consonants are ambisyllabic of such [sC] are the only clusters which can occur both syllable-initially and syllable-finally. C English structures ending in a sequence of stop foloutlined in §7.. English. V.4.255. sýtructures other can occur structure ency in /festar/.

(7. C V. C c V. (7.138) 1--vv V.139) V'V. as in Englilsh of consisting Such clusters consist of the [sCI structure fol<screw> /skru. Finally lowed by a more sonorant consonant. Such clusters occurphenomena the intervocalically show also expected structure: ring . C V: C c as in (7.139): in which the /r/ shows the expected dependency relation with [sC]. V.256. C c /metrik/ in this section I consider the analysis of clusters [sC] followed by another consonant. V /fendar/ (7. the alliteration cited above). -/.137) v V: C V. thus reflec ting the fact that this relation is phonologically normal . (cf. C C.

C /mi nst ra I V: C c We have seen in this chapter that various phonological phenomena have been interpreted as single phonemes. as or system of reprenemes. . sequence reversal a reversed thus allowing us to represent. C V V. interpret to all of these as displaying seems plausible sentation. deviant their system phonetic and/or phonological notational it while not committing us to a decision on whether characteristics.140) vv V. within the or dependency reversal. they are to be interpreted as single phonemes. itself. C V.. (7.257. complex phonemes. or sequences of phonemes. involving dependency either structure. as sequences of two phoIn dependency 'complex the segments'.

1. the locational gesture. 8. that vowels should be defined I do not propose to examine again the way in which these dependency in the vowel space a system can characterise erties this in Nor do I intend to consider discussion §4. in and apparent i. I ' discuss first the representations of vowels. of model we saw that the vowel be by three dependency components. and then go on to consider consonants.3 showed that this framework shared some basic concepts with the dependency In particular.Chapter 8 The Articulatory Gesture "I of the articula- In this chapter I consider the representations tory gesture. phonology. 1 W. the see feature proposals for further the various kinds of distinctive prop(for . repeated characterised could space here as (8.2. and in §4. more examine rather want tem).1 Vowels: the basic vocalic In §3.in particular ture representations detail in the assumpI to Rather.1): lil lul lal (Ipalatality') (Ilabiality') Osonority') any the (but 2.1 see again and and of vowels representation discussion the for feab of associated some of problems a with coming of the RP vowel sysof vowels . or perhaps more accurately. Ewen forth§62.3).1 I'discussed components the framework of natural phonology. tions 4. the representations for the two categories are not entirely distinct. although. as might be expected. e.

/i/. if so. perturbation moved tongue position be distract in the may tongue vocal the supralaryngeal position of the acoustic signal. high. /u/. This acoustic effect is due to the convergence of certain forin the in for frequencies resulting vowels question. both For F2 F3 in their are spectra. ns contai angl e iest by the child. is both for F2 F2 [u]. good phonetic reasons underlying the status [i]. that the is caused e. in fact. / to most /o. This term is used by Stevens (1972) to characterise certain properties Specifically.259.1). extremes of characterise should ponents There are. [a] in the basic. what exactly the phonetic correlates of these should be. to is /u/ and velar rounded) compared narrow qualities". and and are for and though the I is this that even Stevens effect maintained shows hi gh.. secondsuch should whether parts ly. [u]. these vowels have the property that these vowels. basis the assuming and indicate facts acoustic These basic. for /u/. /a/. The discussion will be in two by properties such as those in (8. Eel. by the i. these are the three vowel s acqui red earl lanthe system minimal vowel of also represent and is "characterised Jakobson. of fairly less be the same acoustic a effect can or produced with more degree In the configurations. guages of fundamentally by the presence of'phonemes which contain two distinct (or /a/. to reasonable. [cel. For the a such system world. and properties. to by affecting without centimetre a up placed /i/. and regions as phonologically of vowels It has been shown that these are just the vowels which are Iquantall. there is a great deal of evidence to support least complex the view that /1/. (1976: 101) to lead Lieberman propose a phoSuch considerations . be there firstly. each of ant m. to It that /I/. wide range of articulatory of articulatory than for other non-quantal precision required to produce these vowels is less vowels such as ELI. be the phonological vowels. other words. is low. /u/. F. [a]. As is well known. and /a/ are the phonologically fundamental tri(1941: 50) the that Jakobson vocalic shows vowels. then. assume our comseems compared these three the triangle. and distinct peaks low F. etc. [i].

Lieberman explicitly 'acute' and 'gravel. theory and the kind of phonological theory between this 'phonetic' it is in like this which pro§4. rather. distinct to produce yielding easiest while most useful highly the valued vowels of are most signals acoustic detectors' in Human beings have 'property human speech. binary rejectsthe assumption. /u/ and /a/ detheory which vowels quantal vowel netic limit-. and claims. and that vowels can be characterised There are obvious similarities their relative gravity or acuteness.2) that the two axes are labelled However. at these vowels. the neural level between the sound producing system of C1976: 102). Homo sapiens and . He illustrates this with (8.2). fire to that are sensitized when systems their auditory frequency formant by that specify patterns activated 'match' in is. in terms of the vowel space. The second aspect of Lieberman's vowel theory: it is that the quantal vowels being is quite simple. the auditory system. that these two axes define. the total acoustic vowel space that defines humanspeech". 0 ti . There a other words. in which the first and second formant frequencies of the vowels of Swedish are plotted on a mel scale (derived from Fant 1969): (8.3.2 2 C-4 looo . in part.2) 2000 "Cote isoo . in "the /1/.14 ce 400 600 Mi (mels) 800 be seen from (8. and phonetic evidence outlined It will for kind that dependency the the view support of characterisavides tion being developed for vowels is appropriate and natural.260.

roughly predominates: is is F3 F1. front and back. lil in follows. [i]. front. jil Jul and The main problem concerns the definition of the components repJul.3): in as shed (8. level (among be the afticulatory can associated with at mants. (8. and a relatively posed to more open vowels). with cavity associated Acute vs. [u]. plain Iy w vs. as opterms. and in acoustic terms. I shall consider only as and and what resented high vowels. other the spectrum predominates. and. . Notice that Jakobson et al (1952: 36) offer a somewhatad hoc "optimal distinguishing "Optimal for device grave" and notational . ment flat is and variation. char(i. high. as opposed to [11).flat grave (Jakobson et al 1952: 28). e. There are various parameters which might be used in the definitions of our components. and For lip-rounding. is. in articulatory terms.261. for example. indeed. these vowels are distinguiand [w]. Similar phonetic characteristics might be derived for [u] and [a]. acute characterise and vs. plain is manifested by. perceptual and other kinds of information might be introduced. [y]. plain with rounding variation. a downward shift of a set of forMatting lities. e. i. in Jakobson's high Fz'and F3 by acute. It seemsappropriate at this point to investigate further the basic to the the components corresponding of arproperties phonetic ticulatory gesture. F3. grave vs. relatively acterised low F. round and unround. In the Jakobsonian framework. the if than F2 is segment acute. vs. -flat four to the combine possibigrave. and unround. is F2 than the nearer segspeaking. the things) acute upper side of segments. nearer grave. (diffuse. [1]. while for grave segments the lower side The 'tonality' features if F.3) acute VS.

in be in e. i. either an one acute" vowels on the other. lip .4) is. vs. be tongue possible. in languagessuch as Japanese. in which processes (a before 1.4) [-back] VS.11 be here as symbolized may and flat "With this /i/. that one or other of the tonality in SPE terminology) may be primary. is shown u (where [+back] tral' position). u. or roundness in featurethat He redundancy-free notices for back rounded vowels. [w] [11 in in Russian. back but before e set of vowels). allophones are and as which redundant. /u/. case often matrices He from backness. e.4): (8. considers a variety of roundness or. there are and of another. of one phoneme. be backness that may the predictable is either it. /1/ is '-' and /y/ or /I/ is '+' 1±1. not cL o. using articulatorily as (8. [+back] [-round] Ty vs. which neither guages back is between front round. on grave" plain or acute is 1+1.3) and (8. "attenuated hand from the class. characterises retraction of the tongue from the 'neu- between the front/back The relationship and round/unround para(1973b). and be to the the cases Trubetzkoy equipollent considered low vowel). can considered primary.262. [+round] based features. one 175). from roundness. The SPE system. and Trubetzi. opposition koy's (where is there "For triangular systems is vowel equipollent. sition lanEyl [u] Thirdly. assumption A/ but 11 vs. primary should or gravity e. 1973b: (Schane frequent" most (front Secondly. the and unround terms. occur 'cavity' features tongue be poand position primary may vowels). depending on Trubetzkoy (1939: 0. notices Ftrstly. primary and are position may situations lip shape redundant.3) three that the language in question. This leads Schane to consider the question of whether backness be flatness) considered (i. by Schane been The has to examined problem relating meters features (or (8.

-* ent nI 1973: 388) is ([Donegan] Miller in reflected than ones pure tinctive Jul lil distinctive. the front round. /u/. /a/. in which consonants are palatalised before front do bebefore but labialised assimilate vowels. Further. status ull). have more complex representations. e. and that of Jul. Lieberman's approach). is characterised by acuteor roundness. propose evidence which frontness is primary. the natural phonology notions of bleaching and colouring are here. for front leads him to that unround vowels. is frontness. In i-umlaut. for and as such vowels primary Such considerations appear to provide evidence for characterisThe basic articulatory ing lil and Jul as follows. with the vowels /i/. and ness. maximally are alone and the representations. then. roundness is prijn Nupe His assimilation such as concern processes examples mary. mixed' series. as characterised colouring while less disThe {li. round. Bleaching. influence in front the become of a uunder vowels (not backed) become the-in-front under round vowels unround umlaut. two umlauting processes occur. Similarly. g. (from Hyman1970). the is addition of a compoflill). not round vowels. in Icelandic. a vowel which is neither front nor round. [front]. the interpretation removal of a colnatural a given (e. lil labiality. the interpreted component g. the should as proper of /e/. a ul) of is removal as -). than one which acute For a language such as French. i.263. vowels mixed of as (lull (e. be feature-name frontness is [back]. or palatality. {li. are relative to any other components in a particular segment (cf. front. Acoustically.unhave. A segment with Jil alone will be fronter and more lil in is combined with another component. Thus the two 'basic' .5) series in Trubetzkoy's terms. our. the the back simplest while representations. or flatting. One of Schane's proposals is that instead fluence of a folilowing /u/. back round following /i/. the dependency representations will be: {li. while for back round vowels. and round . and fore /a/. gravity. correlate of Jil in Donegan's terms. /i/. Jul by These components. of course. (8. Ul-l -{IuII /Y/.

ture' of the different characteristics. producing a less distinctive vowel.presumably because of their lack of distinctiveness. as the representative of Jakobson's "attenuated class". sentation demonstrating their time the phonetic relationship with same at while the other series of vowels.. and offers For front vowels.1. without recourse to Jakobson's dubious notational device. 8. then.{i. presents fewer problems.it is not front and it is not round . Such the not containing a repreof vowels or class as e.3. "Conse'basic' either marking series produces front rounded vowels.and this corresponds to Donegan's characterisation of [w] as colourless or achromatic. back vowels are unmarked. the third basic vocalic element.2. i. of extreme s. notices the rarity of the series. must be (8. Back unround vowels. 8. /y/. . (8. and front vowels marked. is distinguished from the optimally 'acute vowel /i/. " quently. reflected by their-achromaticity or lack of dependency components. Similarly.1. e. and rounding marked. I return to this matter in 58.1. Such vowels are not very common. ul is shown to be a 'mixwhereas characteristics. as noted in 54.3 lal Jal.6): as represented negatively. lack of rounding is unthe following explanation. too. The class of back unround vowels. Schane (1973b: 1978). deviate in two respects from the maximally unmarked series. the other basic . ul lil Jul.6) . series. and the optimally grave vowel /u/. while for round vowels. flat acute.264. __ this hows the complexity class of segments. marked. degree their defining the of respective possible maximal containing I the combination i.2 Back unround vowels The treatment so far suggests that the back unround vowel lacks both the componentsdiscussed in the previous section .

mal opening on the articulatory acoustic level. and Jai can aclanguages. - The vowel component jal. ' lil. u. ] have As is characterised by a high F. be would section). N{i .i. rather than being a shorthand notation for lil. a low F2. In (8. unnatural. previous glosses of the This suggests the need for a further vowel component -a compolei be (cf. It power' than with greater diffuseness" is this property which allows the natural phonologists (DoneganIffil.265. e. involvi ng any one and as such any representation and not round. and jai. we mant region. While Jones a component such clearly necessary to allow and for the representation of central (and centralised) vowels. al. Anderson can which represented as of nent is 1977).. they show a relatively predominant centrally (o. Jul. ler 1973) to characterise the achromatic vowel property as 'sonority.2 Central vowels The-set of vowel components developed so far is only adequate for the expression of a subset ofýthe total set of vowels found in Jul. 'as I shall (1978) by Crothers to data that below. open vowels are more sonorous than close ones. low. and maximal sonority on the 8. and seen. In Jakobson's model low vowels are compact. appears show surveyed -the show in 'centrality' is basic the gloss much same way as a with a component Jul. ness. Crothers . jai. no combination of lil. then. specifically. appears to correspond with maxilevel. Associated with greater compactness is "a higher 'phonetic (Jakobson et al 1952: 28). total 23 lana of considers and are guages. is concerned with the typology of vowel systems in lanOf 209 languages. tfiis componentwas glossed as 'sonority'. [a] is not front. these.1). as opposed to diflobated forfuse . and the components of frontrespectively or more of lowness (to and use the articulatory roundness. not count for central vowels such as [a] and [1]. 'centrality'.

i. vowels as points out. {I i al I. where the fourth vowel is central. All four-vowel systems contain /iu a/.8) . e. types system most commonvowel detail the in of investigate representations nature greater we must IaI.3): in the system give [a] as (8. contai ni ng have to be postulated. All have three have vowels. efficiently not pack very A positions". a system central vowel (usually /I/ or /9/). and occupy the same regions of the vowel space"). vowel for the fourth I return below to the consideration of the discussed Crothers. a representation our notational does not embody a claim about the precise articulatory quality of the (1978: 110) do Crothers "four Rather. to The existence of such languages. in-that "the in three the same retype. . the vowels stand same are of lative relationship. or central vowel to move into different (8.8) is four the containing one all maximally simple as such system dependency or of simple combination relations as no components.266. and these fall into two types. dependency /i the system established in §4. vowel.3 and the ea u/. however. {Iall flull is /e/ In the latter given the expected characterisation. where case. (8. Rather. then. or [11. while the foufth vowel (of front kind the /e/-type) be a vowel mid or some of either may In the former case. can be taken as support for the claim that there should be a basic centrality component in 19 1 like Notice that again system.7) {IiII. 22 languages have four-vowel systems. containing preceding gives the following representations: (8.7) would be inapproprihowever. the fourth vowel (whether it is realised phonetically ate. (although /Ju be the phonetic qualias represented might a/ els which ty of the vowel may vary. leaves into this the vowel and room space. only of-these phonemic vowwhich guages. Crothers 1978:109 claims that all 23 systems . and this confirms the phonological appropriateness of the three basic components already established. by First. {Iil) {Iall {lull {1911 jej. or even as [Lul) should have the representation (8.

10) are employed in Ewen (forthcoming b). RP. that are established on the principle is to in the characterise sufficient vowels combination quessimple in a language such as Amharic (Crothers 1978: 142). and /A/ (see §8. a /e/ i: a /0/ o /o/ Up /aq/ a. /a/. /1/. in which the RP short vowel system is given the folin terms of the dependency components under lowing characterisation discussion here: i. /z/. in a phonetic account of RP /r/. However. (lu /o/' all {ja Z' all hl Representations such-as those in (8. apply equally /. /o/.11) in to be relethe are In that representations .. and /A/ in. /a/ itself would be represented as {Ial) alone.10) might be more suitable: the representations than central. might central and round. the representations and and containing flail are adequate to characterise-the phonemic system in this area. a /D/ a. hence is there basic and are requfred no need elements other lei between dependency to specify relations and the other components.z/.. /! /. al} The representwhile these vowels ations in (8.267.9) /I/ {1U. u intended (8.3 below). 91) /o/ {la. and each of the are the only ones in which combinations of centrality (in RP). Similarly. (8. or indeed in phonological representations where the important be to that these considered vowels are centrazised rather point-is in (8. vowels. i /A/ a. being respectively centralised front. centralised low have the representations: '.9) . By and large. the principles which have been established con-basic the three components other containing cerning representations lei. For the to those vowels containing example. tion.

1.14) dependency have the (8. a back unround vowel as being (jail. /i/. simple combination seems sufficilo RP the diphthongs. and see of 191 enormously increases the potential of the model as a system of representation adequate for the expression has been kind detail the than finer necessary at of level phonetic of discussed up to now. U)I1 /W/ u) aIuaI /A/ (1978: Lindau 549). /A/ the forthcoming Ewen of and characterisation as of involving subjunction of lei seemsmore appropriate. {i. central vowels apsimilarities such and as and stir 'cenfor be this that the to these reason any of as can occur pears by Croin four-vowel the outlined tral' representative systems vowel It is clear. representations in might tem . the class of vowels not containing lil or Jul.2 1 noted some arguments showing that back unround vowels are highly complex in phonological tervs. those cases. the unround ul. In interpret phonologically. Thus. in a more abstract representation.13). and proposed that in the set of back unround vowels might best our system of representation be characterised as . It is possible. e.1 More on back unround vowels In §8. has. thers (1978). -i. that a vowel such as [w] bears close acouto it [1] [a]. (in learner English foreign the context the the to of of needs vant b). however. ul.2.12) representations are appropriate: {IN{1. then. to the sysAkha. to and characterised as (8. 'where the phonological analysis demands the back {i. The introduction 8.4. vowels as containing of characterisation .3. and I take up this matter in g8.9).268. ' Dutch for to the vowel system. according which in (8. however. following (8. (For the and characterisation of ng vowels ent. as noted above. /o/. a similar approach g8.

of nature plex of a language.16) flill all {ja . all {lull {lu {ja all ull might have 8. we which on representation straints P . a u a (8. be and non-front or non-round and round.0 (8. (a total the lal of given Jul.15) 1-iu ea0 e a (8.269.(1a 11 for back unround vowels can comNotice that the representations Jul lil jai. conlil. u u all IIuII 1114 i lul {IN{i. in (Lindau 550). small quite remained and have this becomes established).12) and (8.16): the representations (8.14). simultaneously not Representations like (8. then. bring out the highly com(Ii.15). if required in the phonological characterisation the system. u} -'.3 Phonetic representations containing only While the number of possible representations 19.. 1 9.14) a fla {li. and are of course excluded -a vowel canbine with while front. the 1978: Ngwe system with while in (8. -"all flu all '-)I.

17) e. i Thi s al 1ows us. appropriate sections. u X. 0 [il {Jill Eyl {li. u. a. u. IaI. al} . all the primary and secondary cardinal vowels. ] [a] {li: all fli.18): I vowels.270. all [(Bl [(EI fli. do not propose to discuss this matter in any detail. i. Ill fla.17) I.all (Ii. a. vowels of together with some other commonvowels) is given in (8. (8. all [el {lu: a. all Eyl [01 {li. the phonetically of how the notation might be employed to characterise (i. y W. all {1911 {la. u: all {1a.all Eel [F] [e. ull ueI [91 Eel [31 {li. al} Eel flu. ull [11 {1i. 1 much arger as soon as we ntroduce to provide representations which may be phonetically more than those established on phonological grounds in previous as we have already seen with respect to the RP centralised if we wi sh. but an indication (8.

ul. /o/ /u/ floll /4/ .18) are To some extent. As my main concern is with the phonological. [u] {Jul} flupl) al) [V] A] {1--{i. all /e/ flall /a/ {lu. by inspection of the representation In addition. combinations of the vowel components. tified the alone.20) flill /i/ fli-al) /e/ flall /a/ {lu. common..271. However. rather than the of segments. all { 1--{i u): a I fla.3. al) flull. and 3/. al) -[Q] [01 {lu. this brief discussion will have served to indicate how the can be mapped apparently rather abstract phonological representations by language-specific representations rules.1 Some commonvowel systems Crothers (1978: 105) shows that certain vowel systems are very be /ieIau /I to The appear common eau most a/. are based senfations given for each of the basic components. it is in the representations arbitrary. phonetic. representation however. and as such on the definitions The appropriate area of the vowel trapezium can be idenare natural. be divided into could area even smaller sections. might have the rep/Ia u/. of course. realisation onto phonetic 8. ull in (8. the assignment of reprearbitrary. the representations as the vowel area is a continuum. I shall leave this matter here. [o] {lu: al} [e] [a] flall ['D I. each with its vowel by utilising the many other possible own phonetic representation. systems which in the dependencynotation below: resentations flill /i/ fli. {la. all /o/ flull /u/ (8.

29): by dependency a structure such phonology as racterised within . i[l /e/ /e/ {la. /e/ /e/ /Z/ /0/ flall /a/ {lu. simple combination.. (Jill /I/ {Ial) /a/ {lull /u/ dre discusses Crothers Other commonvowel systems which easily dependency system: characterised'within'the (8.26) {Jill /I/ fli. reflected systems kinds the the of reand systems. all all{la.22) {Jill /i/ {Ji./ /o/ There are. unilateral dependency. all /e/ {li. 91) {191) /I/ /a/ {1911 (8.4' Long vowels'and'diphthongs long diphthongs that vowels are best cha1 and In §7. /e/ A/ {jail /a/ fla.27) {Jill /I/ {11. all /C. by the the is expected number of e.28) flill /i/ {Ji. lateral to characterise 8. aJI {Ial) /e/ /a/ {lull /u/ (8.25) ull{lu.272. {lull /u/ {jail /a/ {Jail /V {lull' /u/ {lull /u/ all /o/ all flull /u/ {1911 /o/ flull /u/ {li. ull{lu. (8.1 showed (8. or bilations required.24) (8. Further. 1/0/ {lull /u/ {li. all /o/ {Iall /a/ (8. all /e/ (8. be by the notational characterised system easily cannot which survey for vowel developed here.23) {Jill /a/ {Jill /i/ {lill /i/ flail /a/ {li. then. il) allfla. the relative complexity of the basic in i. ill{la. no commonvowel system types in Crothers' . aJ){Ja.4. components required dependency. ull{lu. way.

29) \ý For long I vowels.4. be /poa/. may <pour> <poor> <pear> RP Dutch /bar/. I want first articulatory to look gesture. the particular structure short vowels. AQý-/<COW> We have already seen (§7. 'diphthongisation'. and vowels been referred to as 'closing' Diphthongs have traditionally or (Catford 1977: 217). /star/. the long SPE acIn vowels and all addition.4. on the grounds that it is appropriate for diphthongs in which the first element is more promdiphthongs. [L91 Catford 1977: 216). and I return below to the way in which such structures are repin the However. resented again at some of the problems raised'by the sPE treatment of the long diphthongs. count. Closing diphthongs are those in which Icentring' is towards the roof of the mouth. as they form a phonological class opposed to (8. that it. long vowels and diph(1976). is appropriate to characterise thongs in the same way. defended in I Further. given a homorganic post- . following Lass they are distinct. I argued in §7. ture. in which the first vowel governs the second. in traditional inent than the second (i. /oy/.29) clearly belong to the categorial gesture. e. such as RP <pier> /pLa/.1) that Chomsky and Halle attempt to feature diphthongs the by long of means and vowels characterise feathe discussed have I of using undesirability such a [tense]. [ael. the movement of the articulators diphthongal diphthongs in those the are movement which centring while is towards the Centre of the vowel area. As we have seen. by of a rule are. /ex/. 'falling' terms. while for diphthongs. as see such is for long in that these ttructure also appropriate vowels.29). the two IVI nodes are identical. 'onion' as or such <hoe> <ei> <ui> /hao/. Closing /pea/. diphthongs /poa/. (8. 'fronting's as and such <sty> <boy> either RP 'egg' 'backing'.273. a such falling form the diphthongs. class a natural with segments Structures such as (8.1. and in diphthongs.

31): in be as utilised. e. Thus. e. that the characterisation Of [A] as a cenglide or vowel does not square with the sPE feature assignment . as we have seen. -low. /cay/ a All of this implies suggests that [y] (i. e. e. [j]) [w]. the more precise representations developed in 18. /u/. tralising Notice. to be based on the phonemic representations of Trager and Smith In fact.[A]. the appropriately represented as of or element Phonetically. thongs is rarely as close as [11 or [u]. phonologically. As we have seen. as Lass argues. can . there also seems to be no good reason for treating the second element as non-vocalic. the second element of closing diph(1951). (spE: 183) that.274. [F1 followed by a "centralizing represent glide" (i. (8. in this framework. a-mid central however. can be given representations in (8-30): as such (8. a characterisation in which the second is diphthong /i/. or if we accept. iu RP'/ai/ RP /w/ Du. [tag] or [tag] and [ ka0"l. vowel). i. Phonetically. Chomsky and Halle claim all closing diphthongs end in an offphonetically. the second element of a diph' thong is always vocalic. Lass shows that the notion that this is phonetically appropriate seems vocalic glide. i.3 /y/. +back]. has the values [-high. and indeed Catford (1977: 216) the second element of the English diphthongs in <tie> and <cow> may be as low as Eel or Eel and [Zl. that the representations within the articulatory gesture of the long vowels and diphthongs can be simple biof the type already established moric sequences of representations Closing diphthongs this section.30) aaiu. as Lass points out. glide. The sPE treatment of centring diphthongs also raises difficultChomsky and Halle (spE: 205) suggest that the sequence [FAI may ies. and. something closer than either [il or [u].

(from (8. i i. (8. is quite These diphthongs show simply 191 as the second (de- (8.275. a a u **'Ný a RP Finally. show two occurrences of the same segmental representation: (8. a a . a u. as expected.31) a.32) i. [ail The interpretation straightforward. a by the dependency system of representlong in the diphthongs characterisation a of. pendent) element: a q I ao of centring diphthongs.34) The flexibility (8.. allows vowels and ation fashion. the bizarre to and excludes somewhat representations natural afforded be found in the sPE treatment. / RP /3: / RP /o. too. -/ u. / u /3: / 9 /o: / u.34) /u-. aU. a a /a: / a u.35) Ewen forthcoming b) give the dependency and diphthongs: full RP long the set of of and vowels representations (8.33) i a RP /i. RP/ea/ RP/oa/ long vowels.

a N N9 systems foal u Place of articulation: feature I shall be concerned in the remainder of this chapter with the in the__. and there still appears to be little general agreement on some crucial issues. In the minimally componential theory of sPE. it will be useful to consider important approaches --the binary and to review in any great detail feature treatments of-place. I do not intend the proposals which have been made for However. In what follows. In the following sections I put forward a set of proposals which will provide at least a basis for a dependency treatment of place' of articulation and associin recent years. ated matters. a ii /ao/ a /ar/ a /oi/ u.276. located in front is region palato-dlveolar that of blade the tongue the "produced of those [+coronall with are sounds and features These two (SPE: 304)..35) /ei/ i. the gesof consonants representation articulatory of problem This is an area which has aroused a great deal of controversy ture. yield its from neutral position" raised among various places of articulation: the following distinctions . as we shall see. a N 8. some aspects of the two most the multivalued. place of articula[anterior] features by binary two and defined is tion principally [+anterior] Ccoronall.5 'N3 /e/ i. sounds are those produced-Nith an obstruction the the of mouth". (8.

body of the tongue consonants are [-ant. (8. i. Secondly. to propose replacing the binary feature system with a multivalued one (cf. 52. a number of phonologists have suggested. have proposed new features to remedy this apparent defect. which are not (spz: 312). to the making of distinctions among sounds which are i. while retaining the binary system (at least in some cases). +cor]. among the dentals and alveolars. I return in §8. that cerpossible classes cannot be adequately captured by the system given above.36) labials Tabiodentals [anterior] [coronall ++ ++ dentals alveolars palatoalveolars palatals velars uvulars pharyngeals from labio-dentals by means of the can be distinguished labials ((+distributed]) feature [distributed] being "produced with that extends for a considerable distance along the dia constriction ([-di'striburection of the air flow". e. tain recurrent to set up hierarchies We can distinguish . and [back].2).8 to the relevance of Labials [distributed] [+ant. such that certain places of articulation can be considered to have a 'stronger' position on the hierarchy than others with respect to their phonologiThirdly. the features also used to distinguish vowels.37) [high] [ low] [back] +++ palatals ++ + velars uvulars pharyngeals kinds of criticism of the sPE system. As is apparent from (8. on the natural recurrence assumption.37) (from SPE:305): (8. and so. as opposed to labio-dentals ted]). as in (8. cal behaviour. be d' istinguished These from all can each other by the -corl.277. uses of the features [high]. there is evidence that has led various phonologists cussion. e. of which three are particularly relevant to the following disFirstly. there have been various suggestions that is is various of strength in this area.36). [low].

this leads Ladefoged to propose a feature [articulatory place]. us look at proposals for a multivalued account of place of articulation.38) (articulatory place] bilabial labio-dental dental alveolar post-alveolar palatal velar uvular pharyngeal glottal No language. as it is particularly relevant to. let I will consider the first two types of criticism. in the remainder of this section First. and involves the nasals (Ladefoged 1971: 40): (8.7) Ladefoged (1971) is non-committal as to whether [articulatory feature be a scalar or as a multias multivalued should viewed place] . systems have been proposed by Ladefoged (1971. and that this system contains three consonants which would be [+ant. makes an opposition amongst more than six types. however.2. according to Ladefoged. +corl in the sPE system . In the immediately following section I return to some detailed discussion of this last area. the proposals I will make below. for a multivalued treatment of place is that "neither the tongue nor the roof of the mouth can be divided into discrete sections" (LadeMultivalued foged 1971: 37). then. The maximal system occurs in Malayalam.1975) Perhaps the most important reason advanced and by Williamson (1977). with ten phonetic categories: (8.278. As we saw in §2.see for further discussion §8.39) Bilabial kAMMI shortage Dental PAnIji pig Alveolar kAnni Virgo Postalveolar kApol link chain in Palatal kApp i boiled rice and Velar kAOQi crushed water (Notice that the post-alveolar consonants are retroflex.

40): It (8. In addition. Anderson 1980). 'unmarked' value of a feature is that which is.279.Williamson offers one argument whose validity . other things being equal. This is achieved by [a] for is in tongue the that the to position some appeal an notion Eel (or Eel)). in which the places of articulation are (1975) however. with "the most neutral position. the feature place as a scalar feature. 2 behind alveolar ridge 1 (hard) palate (palatal) (central) 0 central vowel position (velar) -1 velum (post-velar. 'its most commonvalue in speech" (1977: 859). if a multivalued feature system is used. uvular area uvular) -2 (pharyngeal) back the wall of pharynx -3 (glottal) glottis -4 palato-alveolar) The assignment of V"ilues arises fro"m 'Williamson's belief that "the neutral. as in (8.40) 6 upper lip (bilabial) 5 upper teeth (labiodental) 4 behind upper teeth (dental) (alveolar) 3 alveolar ridge (post-alveolar. This tbeoretical viewpointmeans that she must find a neutral position for [place] somewherenear the centre of the scale. (rather It is than the sps's sense neutral position is to there to evidence any phonological support clear me not whether is not this claim . she notes that rules often "involve adjacent places of articulation". while in a binary approach agreement between each feature denoting place of articulation must be indicated separately (cf. valued independent feature Various phonological arguments in favour of the multivalued interpretation They inof place are offered by Williamson (1977). "only a single variable is required" to express this. 0. appears to of members the places are given percentage values adopt the former possibility to the first on a physical scale defined as "distance from the glottis constriction of the vocal tract" (1975: 208). clude the fact that "nasals are frequently homorganic with following consonants". near the center of the scale". is not relevant to my concern here to pursue these arguments However. Ladefoged an unordered set. we should note that Williamson interprets in any detail.

this is not the Indeed. common than labials such that. in the following Finally section.280. obvious. places between is the there that to the a scalar relation ed support view (particularly kind Proposals this associof places of articulation. ejectives with alveolar indeed. Elabiand [gravity] alityl. adjacent to the cendental. ated with the work of Foley . characterise the cross-classificatory properties of different places. velar ejectives are more of places cannot-. Spanish). tral' value. I want to consider whether there is holding between the various reason to set up a hierarchy of 'strength' be hierarchy Such course. as both Ladefoged and Williamson note. are proposed for the characterisation'of natural recurrent groupings of (not necessarily adjacent) values of the feaI return to the motivations for each of these features ture [place]. The implication of this with respect to a scalarfeature would appear to be that we should expect phonological processes to favour deletion in some way of values and reinforcement towards the extremes of the scale . of expecta of articulation. intermediate between the two. velar). from the glottis". would.see for example 1977: 25ff) assume that basis be the between up on set can articulation of places relations Thus to certain processes. which most commonly weakens or is lost entirely. of the three most common central (labial. tral one. for consonants alveolar/ places of articulation it is the velar one. is used by both Ladefoged and Williamson as evidence for the postulation of a multivalued feature. in itself. such features as [apicalityl. Williamson herself notes an argument against this 'cencase. A multivalued feature in this section. the fact that Greenberg (1970) has observed that neutral of values towards the centre the expression on the occurrence of ejectives of constraints and im-_ in languages of the world "must involve a linear plosives ranking of in accordance with their distance the possible places of articulation because the constriction is closer to the glottis.as far as I know. Thus. Danish. . This argument. for example. the undergo class propensity of each of Foley notes that in various languages (North German. viz: A further reason for regarding the neutral position as on the scale is that.

they must be interpreted (cf.y/Vv b. d. have providing not a phonetic must classes a pho- . it does not vary within any. spirantisation may affect only the velars dentals (a).281. (8. anic dentals strengthen in preference to labials. This he regards as "a manifestation among phonological elements. or all three places (c). g. particular then.42): velars. as in (8. c. the only possible combinations are the following:. g. language".42)). from that in Romancelanguages (given in (8. which we will the relative phonological strength of elements appearing phonetically (1977: dentals. guage. The relation a is Foley cites various pieces of evidence to support this-claim. Foley claims. the the velars and and not the others or only and not labials (b). b P/Vv y. the manifestation of the a relation is different Because in Germ. German) (Danish) (Spanish) Thus. g -)-. on how this spirantisation are restrictions fically. Speci can be manifested. Foley claims. labials" 28). -)(N. d -o-y. but no other com6ination is possible. However. as and (8. there of intervocalic voiced stops can occur. Notice that his "phonetic manifestation principles" allow the a scale in different to be realised differently languages. Thus.41) a. we find (1977: 49) the 'particular "though the phonetic consistent principle': manifestation of phonological elements may vary from language to lanIn Germanic.43) relative phonological strength (Germanic) a Because Foley rejects the notion that natural recurrent in is interested he basis.42) g 1 relative phonological strength a of an abstract relation call a.43) Foley 1977: 50): thus as stronger. giving (8. 8/Vv 6. spirantisation (8.

archical relation amongst different shall not. The most that can be claimed. for belief him these a which renders explanation netic: immune to the kinds of arguments that have been offered against this point of view.Hungarian shows strong velars in intervocalic position. the existence of so many (phonetic. and even within a single lanin different is different but guage . positions (labial. 8.1 -8. linguality. Thus. differences.6 'Gravity. velar). Seeing that I assume that natural recurrent classes do have a phonetic basis. cites various processes in Luganda and other Bantu languages which appear to provide counter-evidence to the claims made by Foley. for example.6. acquisition predict that velars are acquired later than the other two types. too. therefore. that there is no conclusive evidence for a hierand I places of articulation. previous outlined systems respect with .4) show that the 'a relation' languages.3 1 examine some proposals which have been made in the Some to the section. Katamba (1979). Williamson 1977 in the passage cited ority above. and Lass and Anderson 1975: 184.. I believe. Lass and Anderson (1975: 5.6. It has been argued in various places that there is evidence for such positional universal phonetic interpretation. in Foley's terms) counterexamples means that the notion that the places of articulation can be hierarchically ranked on a strength scale must be rejected. in that the evidence as to which is so contradictory. is that for the three major dental/alveolar. who state that "the majopinion seems to be that universally speaking it is velars that Notice also that Jakobson's universals of language are the weakest"). little positions are stronger if given a strength hierarchies. then.282. weak velars and labials in initiallposition. and'apicality In §§8. I assume. *then. attempt to characterise this relation in the dependency representations to be established below. there appears to be some evidence that velars show a greater propensity to weaken than either of the other two (cf.

Anderson. suggests the introduction of "a feature [±labiall. nents of a multivalued feature One of the most important areas in which there have been proposals for the introduction of new features is the characterisation of labials and velars. then. Anderson (1971).8 of secondary a return more consonants".6. however. +lab. the Jakoband those which suggest reincorporating sonian feature (gravel. controlled by the mentalis muscle.283. The segment /p)'I/ in (I Nzema. Ladefoged (1975). and Williamson (1977). while keeping the rest of the framework intact. articulations. remedy proposals the introduction of features to characterise recurrent specifically. involve Others are put forward by the propoof place for much the same reason. which would characterize all primary labial in view of the existence of apicalised labials in the phonological inventory of. Campbell (1974). the rounding type. to investigate these issues in great depth. deficiencies in to the binary system of sPE. i. and then only For detailed discussion of the various in the broadest outline. 8. for example. [labial] and [round] can be defended by the fact that there are two distinct types of labial closure. he argues. raising of the as such of lower lip. We can distinguish two main types of arguments those leading to the proposal for the introduction of an articulatory feature [labial]. [b]. (m]. Reighard (1972). the. -round]. Nzema. controlled by in involved the the type the orbicularis production and oris muscle.1 Gravity to the sources from which the arguments classes not catered for there. [p]. to (±round]. would have the features [+ant. points. in addition. I intend only to look at those arguments which are relevant to the proposals which I shall make for the characterisation of place in dependency phonology. +cor. rather. double detailed discussion in to and 98. the postulation of both ) Articulatorily. Argump-nts for the introduction of [labial] are put forward by S. . (unrounded) labials and e. This does not seem the appropriate place. reader is referred are taken.

as "there is an articulation at the that is of the same magnitude as an articulation the vocal tract". then. and velin languages which have phonologically only labials. and by Williamson (1977). Hyman (1973) records changes in which veland in which front vowels become back ars become labials historically. /w/. g. /v/. that he wishes to be round vowels as formwhich /w/. velarity) is equatable with the labiality does just this. "back rounded labial consonant. features are not before labials and velars. although not making any specific proposals for the introduction of new features. defined As Lass be the as unambiguously class can ars. "the predominance of one side of the significant part of the spectrum over the other" (Jakobson et al 1952: 29). and ing a natural class. The Chomskyand Halle. The arguments for the use of this feature concern primarily the fact that labials and velars form a recurrent class in languages. shows that vowels may becomerounded in the environment of labial consonants. are concerned with providing a means of characterising a natural recurrent class which is not catered for in the SPE system. show predominance of the lower side of the spectrum. e. class: a points out blade the is the fact there that the of of raising no clear not why tongue involved in these sounds should make them a natural class (no- . and that labial consonants may interchange with round vowels or semi-vowels. becomes a vowels should be and their backness and backness of conhe suggests. of this natural class. i. [-coronalJ. although appropriate for the characterisation dentals. Grave sounds. is defined it 'negatively' is (1976: this 206ff). then. Thus. The feature [labial] sonants". Reighard's characterised in such a way that their labiality (i. too.284. arguments are based on the fact able to characterise labial consonants. The other group of proposals in this area concern the reintroduction of the Jakobsonian feature [gravej. they are also classed as [+labtall. 41 having the value [velarl for the multivalued feature of place. for example in processes in Thus. w. As well as the sounds [Op. Campbell. lips elsewhere in All of these proposals. fp. Similar proposals are made by Ladefoged (1975: 262). e. e.

In the alternative multivalued Similar minimally a feature componential systems. not be shown to form a natural class at all. who suggest that certain assimilation processes in Old English and Danish involve gravity.44) +ant -cor [+back] for example arguments are advanced by other writers. I turn to and 'labiality'. Cf] and [xl (cf. Williamson 1977). in a lanfact that this is a natural recurrent class. Ladefoged (1971.1975) also proposes [gravity] to account for the "acoustic (and hence) auditory between corresponding sounds made in the labial and velar similarities regions". that the component Jul proposed above for the characterisation of vowels was also defined as 'gravity'. 285.19)) as being [gravel. as palatals are also [-coronall. of 'gravity' 8. It will be recalled. I will suggest that it is probably place of articulation. The only possible characterisation of the recurrent class is: (8. another set of proposals arising from the existence of recurren t classes undefined by the Chomskyand Halle system.5 tice.2 Linguality Lass (1976: ch. Even worse.7 1 will show how this component can be incorporated into the representations characterising Further. and Strojer (1979). I do not intend to pursue these arguments any further. that all vowels are [-coronall). It in no way explains the too. (1. of gravity. indeed. who characterises the class of consonants triggering OE Breaking (cf. or component. the set of labials and velars canguage which has phonemic palatals. 6) surveys a range of sixteen processes from the history of English-and from Modern English "involving considerable . such as [p] and [k]. and in §8. Davidsen-Nielsen and Orum (1978).6. I take it that there is sufficient evidence of this sort to indicate the need for a feature. not necessary within the dependency system to have separate components In the meantime. however.

It is not proposed as a replacement for týe normal features characterising place of articulation. and possibly high back vowels like [u]. and high vowels (both front and back). but rather as a 'second-order' feature. raising. the diphthongizations insert the approa* [+ling] priate vowels in environments marked the same way. is a recurrent grouping of segments triggering these processes. palatals. and velar recurrence and similarity". . a feature which is never (in. segments are never distinguished natural recurrent classes. i. consonants. but it may be required in the characterisation . and velars are [+lingual] (as are high vowels ). dental. e.. he argues. lexical specifications distinctive in a language). from each other purely by a difference in value for the feature [linof processes in gual]. and [high] compared with velars. high He suggests that there vowel epenthesis. n that they alone might be said to have 'homorganic' consonants" (1976: 193). is a class that cannot be characterised in the sPE system. This. He concludes that the various processes can all wards linguality: be characterised as involving an assimilation to- (or Nonlingual before linguals vowels become lingual fter them). palatal. alveolar. These processes involve fronting. thus. for example. and so on. and. tals. . which he defines as follows (1976: 187): Horizontally speaking. palatures [anterior]. but which is nevertheless 'classificatory' in the sense of defining That is. crucially because dentals (and alveolars) differ in their values for the feaEcoronal]. consisting of high front vowels. Because uvulars are not produced with primary activity of the blade or body of the tongue. are and dentals.286. all predentals and postvelars [-lingual]. [+lingual] sounds are those produced with the blade or body of the tongue as a High vowels are [+lingual] primary active articulator. because they are unique among the vowels "i. We should notice that the feature [lingual] has an unusual status in the model proposed by Lass. they are not [+lingual]. . Lass's solution to the problem of characterising this natural class is the introduction of a feature [lingual]. principally.

Further. short. has been criticised on various grounds. tip of the tongue consonants have the value 0. retroflex [-distributed]. alveoactive articulator lars and velars from labials in Lumasaaba. that this feature can also be used to distinguish alveolar fricafrom interdental tives.3 Apicality is used to make As noted above. is controverted by the Malayalam data in in*which the dental.39). g. that no language makes an to laminal and apical articulations. which just a particular those segments marked as [+lingual] change. and retroflex nasals are all [apicalityl. too. notably between. fricatives. the sPE feature [distributed] in the dental and alveolar region. e. +corl) region. [s] [+distributed]. which are [-distributed]. e. g. [+ant. [lingual] (as a primary feature. Retroflex characterised as the are consonants value sounds the value [retroflex] of the [place] feature.6. 8. Thus (sPE: certain distinctions (involving 312) laminals are [+distributed] that exa constriction tends for a considerable distance along the direction of the air flow) Similarly. (8. Ladefoged notes that the claim which Chomskyand Halle make with respect i.287. for example. and blade of the tongue having 1. dental/al-veolar in between the two articulations apical opposition (i. e. rather ihan as a has also been proposed by Brown (1972) in her in a language trigger The feature second-order feature) description sounds are those in which "the of Lumasaaba. alveolar. e. as opposed to apicals. that it obscures the fact that the distinction [s] and [01 is primarily the place of articulati6n. [01 [ -distributed]. Williamson (1977) proposes an extension of the [apicality] feaThis feature Thus. (1971) feature to leads Ladefoged This a propose apical. [+lingual] distinguishes This feature is the tongue". where the constriction stributed]. ted]. are sounds while non-retroflex sounds are [+distribu-[ý] [-dican be opposed to retroflex is relatively Notice. (f] [+distributed] .

. . ture. I wish to incorporate some of these suggestions into the dependency representations for place of articulation which I shall offer in the following section. dentals/alveolars. retroflex the same way as laminal and'apical sounds may have the same passive articulator apical itself). and velars. [gravel. ces of articulation.7 'The*dependehcy'representation'of'place Let us see. that the difference between laminal contrastive in and sounds appears never to be phonologically Brown (19721. Finally. how these various facts about natural recurrent classes and their characterisation can be incorporated into a system of representation using dependency components. then. but in the active articulator. rn §8. (8. ng within a binary feature system.288. used in the characteribe defined in the same way as the Jakobback could of vowels. sation Jul. the i. however. as in (8. 8. but as will be seen below. representation assume reasonable . It thus seems labials in the that to of and velars. I consider first the representation of what might be termed the three basic plalabials. (notice. sonian the predominance of the lower part of the spectrum. the greater the feature more predominant e.45) such that retroflex sounds are involved. I have considered these matters only very briefly. worki.45): (laminal) (aptcal) (retroflex) 1 blade of tongue as articulator 0 tip of tongue as articulator -1 underside of tongue as articulator - The argument against characterising retroflex consonants as one [place] feature is that retroflex the the of values of sounds differ (which is often the same as for nonnot in the passive articulator in post-alveolar sounds).1 1 noted that the component Jul. also uses a feature [apicall-(E+apicall sounds being those in which "the active articulator is the point or blade of the tongue") to distinguish the same class as sPE [+coronal].

46). then.. for velars in (8. class hard.46) flull labials . All [IVI}). I suggest. that of labial consonants. adequate are ised as containing Jul alone. to give the following characterisations for the three main places of articulation: (8.5. positional other a more complex representation that is to there velars suggest in appears §8. characterisation. labials than 'the more and complex more are phonologically A further complex representations reflect this. Jul. Jul the component appears. displaying Segments this Brown's Lass's to and comparable blade the then.46)'. (w]. component do I However. Velars. is have that this velars characterisation of advantage As than the classes. both form to be with class a natural recurrent shown and as such. that as the gravity component alone labiality have is to labials. (1111 dentals/ alveolars (11. an active as of or interpret this component as some sort of 'second-order' or 'cover' Rather. however. in the these representations three of articulation are places labials Thus. Notice. evidence what noted dentals. in their are produced with representations. for its are character-. ull velars system in which the only oppositions among (8. appropriately .289. thus enabling their status as a natural discussed by Reigthe together be class to with characterised. in the categorial gesture differing only in its specification Jul in _" the then. can labials and dentals. vs. while dentals/alveolars contain only In a phonological component. segments. this component has the same status as feature. gesture. contain both components. contain (IV 0. these CJj V. body the tongue not articulator. too. there a separate no need characterises the linguality component. and round vowels ([w] will prein the have the articulatory gesture as same representation sumably [u]. articulatory from labials by the I suggest that velars are distinguished ill'. linguality in their representation of a component of presence [lingual].

For high'vowIll it does likely that though. in therefore. thus allowing the characterisation of the linguality assimilation processes discussed above. with a secondary palatal articulation. segments. as olars are not a true positional class. alveolars I consider these sounds.46) is also simply characterised. {11. respectivelyg lil and Jul. ull. Lass (1976: 188-189) claims that palato-alveother. represent Languages do not appear to make oppositions the active articulator. it will be a 'second-order' comrepresentations. between laminal. For the moment. apical. -their name suggests. Ill in their ponent.111 palatals Notice that none of the representations so far developed need show dependency relations between the components. is not true of the distinction do above. However. ill and {11. foged (1971: 40) notes that there is probably no reason to distinguish these consonants phonologically from palatals . ponent. -the Rather. I postpone the question of whether III is also of high vowels.290. e. and retroflex different but different rather uses of positional classes.all languages which in use both these places having stops in one position and affricates Similarly. Consider ftrst Ladeof all the so-called positional class of post-alveolars. i. this . region. various kinds of opposition can be made within this area. A system containing phonemic palatals in addition to the posiPalatals show tional types in (8. as is suggested by required in the characterisation it may well be that these vowels redunqantly show Lass for [lingual]. rather. if it is required. e. I turn now to the dental/alveolar As we have seen. strictly.47) (11. palatals and velars can show simple combinations of Ill with. will be a primary comnot seem els. even phonetically. they are palatalised alveolars. rather. a representation of the same type as that for velars: (8. the following section. again as noted not which. i. along with other double and secondary articulations..

whereas they had a negative value for Williamson's [apicality] I believe that (8. of a component of ARjUjjtX will be similar to that of Williamson's multiwhose characterisation That is to say. Ladefoged (1971: 39) laminal dentialveolar apical alveolar lamina] alveolar tor farms apical retroflex Temne 6u gang eda she laid cu louse %p% 10 eda c he throws Ewe I propose the introduction ItI.48). three possible configuvalued feature [apicality]. alRather. found.49) more successfully shows the relation feature. for the apicals the tip is more important and the blade less important.50): .291. then. only the tip ulator and underblade can make actual contact with the passive articbecause of the nature of the configuration of the tongue. as the data in (8.49): (8. and hence governs. For the laminals. gives the following data: (8. the two-way oppositions can be represented as (8. only two-way oppositions are though all occur phonetically.48) indicates. of the tip of the tongue in the segment-types in (8.49) (11 tl) apicals ti) It retroflexes (sub-faminals) laminals be noted that retroflexes show Itl in governing position. no language makes a three-way phonological opposition amongst these segTent-types. and for retroflexes. In all of the cases in (8. It will However. rations can be represented.48) apical dental jor descend Isoko 6t 0tp thus. amongst more than two of these classes. as in (8.48) to the role of the blade of the tongue. the blade is more 'important' than the tip.

However. This component might also be used to characterise the difference between various other segments which are distinguished by means of the in the sPE model. apical [e] might be feature [distributed] (retroflex) [ý] distinguished. Itl never occurs alone. but only in combination with another component. as in the case of the characterisation of vowels above. (8. thus the same phonetic type (apiwhich in different lanrepresentations cal dentals) may have different guages. will be treated as an alveolar with secondary palatalisation). Further.50) 1 Temne Isoko Ewe lamina] lamina] lamina] alveolars dentialveolars dentialveolars apical apical apical dentals alveolars retroflexes In a language making an opposition between an apical dental and (phonological) have the the representation apical would a retroflex. Notice that the relative complexity of systems involving phonological oppositions in this area is reflected both by the need to introduce the component Itl in phonological representations. Thus. although we have seen that the component Itl can distinguish laminals from apicals. and in the introduction of dependency relations between components. while the retroflex would show the reverse relationship. this is not between the ideal opposition the characterising of way necessarily (1971: 39) Ladefoged languages. or between apical alveolars and apical dentals. by the relative prominence of Itl (while palato-alveolar as noted above. it is the function of a particular segment-type in the phonological system determines its representation. from laminal Esj and from'sub-laminal [f]. As in dentals notes: all alveolars and None of the languages that an apical between contrast I have heard myself uses a and a lamina] articulation . t1j. and alveolars from dentals in those languages laminal laminal between do and alveolars not make an opposition which dentals.292. Thus.

and it is also opposition between retroflexes sound needed at the phonetic level to specify whether a particular e. . 'the Ewe language' polished' M J. however. dentals then. always occurs in combination. it is necessary for the characterisation of the required. there are languages in which apical contrast with apical alveolars. J. and non-retroflexes. passive articulator. by means of a component concerned with the directly. i.is realised as laminal or apical.52) (Jul) labials will be represented as: flu. to characterise the alveolar/dental seems preferable. It distinction is not does not mean. distinction This rather than with the active articulator. The the apical-laminal-Aistinctions' same place. In languages such as English.293. because of the presence of Idl. at . e. g. that the laminal/apical Clearly. represented as. 'he was cold' 'he is evil' ka Wo 'he 'mushroom' 41ý 'he bought' efib 'he split off' This opposition (8. Idl. never alone. phonologically. simply as intensifiers of the could be said to function in differences the place of articulation. like ltl.. which shows an opposition fricatives (Ladefoged 1971: 38): labio-dental in. efa evio P between bilabial and two. as we have seen. This component will be required in any case to distinguish labials from labio-dentals. English /d/ . in most languages. but phonologically phonetically for example. The appropriate way of representing I the opposition directly is by means of a component of dentality. Ewe. dl) labio-dentals A language employing this opposition is shown to have a more complex system than one which does not. let us say. Idl will be required only in the phobilabial both stops and rules. Idl. small Further. netic realisation labio-dental fricatives will be characterised simply as {lull. Again.

al opposition follows: be both /s/ as characterised might vs.54): is in has bilabials. then. phonetically. dil dentals {1111 alveolars Again. and retroflexes. 111. but it seems likely that.53) {11. is the dental fricatives class a shown'by more complex as of plexity for /s/. required. be independent.dental laminality articulation. (apical) which alveolar cf. The component Idl. ther to characterise a particular opposition by means of Idl or by interpretation of the data means of Itl depends on the phonologist's in the language-in question. t1j. (8. In the Malayalam data in (8. there which cases of are use -However. vs.39). relative system-complexity is characterised by the need comwhile the relative to have Idl in phonological representations. according to alveolars. both are required. for /e/ than representation What we have here. Jul. Ladefoged.54) u I. (8. d. both therefore and which must are phonetically which The decision on whecharacterised in our system of representation. Temne is and vs. English /e/ /I/ Thus. {11. and velars. all of which are apical. As far as the characterisation of place of articulation is con- . by and large. {J1. d jil. and apicality alveolar articulation vs. can also be used to make the distinction between dentals and alveolars in languages where this phonologic/t/. The high degree of complexity of the system. we find dentals. which also (8. as well as and where both Itl will also be present in the represent(Notice that. then. by the the direct representation of the dental/alveolar-distinction Idl in is more appropriate. have the /n/.294. shown palatals. is a case of two parameters . (apical) characterisation which will ation of ) has tJI. InI. Itl Idl and are required.

55) (11. characterisation (S. such as [ool. remaining difficulties concern the Chomsky and Halle. +1ow. [o. This point is taken up by Lass and Anderson (1975: 18). [-high. uvulars have the pharyngeal s as [ -high. this feature assignment has been is concerned with the configuthe front-back distinction ration of the upper surface of the tongue. on the grounds that: criticised. pharyngeal wall. and this can have nothing to do with pharyngealization. produced with retraction of the root of the tongue. -as in (8. as same For pharyngeals. behaving a plus-value set of segments . as the Chomsky and that the distinction Halle features would suggest. especially. produced without use of the tongue. Thus. lowness both the 'linguality' the component. They claim spect to the distinction is not of degree of lowness. all uvulars However. caused by the tongueThey note further that associated with pharyngeals. root retraction the vowels cognate to uvulars are not mid vowels. and pharyngeals the same 'body of the tongue' feature-values cerned. which involves an approximation of the rear orroot of the tongue to the (Sommerstein 1977: 102). +back]. j as of uvulars and pharyngeals. but low back vowels. jai. A similar analysis is offered by Catford (1977: 160-163). who distinguishes dorso-uvulars (produced with the surface of the tongue) from two types of pharyngeals. 37).295.PE features. as would be expected from the s. and In other words. we might argue that uvulars should be characterised as III. but of backness. and containing component. faucal. in characterise uvulars as saw we -low. +back as [ol.55): (8. perhaps the most important ]. with rebetween uvulars and pharyngeals. This leads them to characterise uvulars as [+low]. and linguo-. it will be recalled that uvulars are excluded from the [lingual] Lass's for feature.

and low. Although some phonologists have interpreted pharyn1978: 210.56) (11. i. "pharyngeal sounds are not grave". which with (cf. It is not. appear these not segments.. Ladefoged (1971: 102) states that. linguality the do trigger assimilation process. information which might lead to a more definite claim than the one made here. [i)]. however. suggest would. for the reprehow these various possibilities 111. given Catford's account of these sounds. Ladefoged (1971: 80) suggests that [h] (a and [a] share the feature pharyngeal. can may well but it is not clear whether Jul will required (at least phonetically). even though the tongue is involved in them. geals who consider Danish [u]. be evaluated e. that Davidsen-Nielsen and Orum character] as-pharyngeal. all uvulars As far as the representation of pharyngeals is concerned. notice. in that such a representation degree high for of sonorancy associated a example. A second problem which arises is that uvulars should lul have therefore to the be be to grave. jai. which of sentation of uvulars should Jul their representations should contain. e. it seems that pharyngeals must be characterised more directly .. clear that this is the case. at least as far as uvulars are concerned. However. are not made with primary activity of either the blade or body" (1976: 188). that any case not used. be the Rather. ise Co. and considered apparently component in their It representation. too.296. that uvulars should be represented as: (8. As far as lal is concerned. This uncertainty arises less is from fact information on the status of the that there partly these segments with respect to their behaviour in natural recurrent is not clear processes. and [al to be grave and pharyngeal). and they not cause because %vulars and pharyngeals. to does case. also be needed. Orum for Davidsen-Nielsen as and grave example. however. (see. voiceless pharyngeal fricative) back. Ill lal in is be It be. i. u. jai (with or without Jul) is not in itself sufficient for the characterisation of pharyngeals.

that is. of pharyngeals at different characterisation Clearly. segments occurring (8. the case-of dentality above). then. Williamson (1977) and Lindau (1978) have a feature [expanded]. occur morpheme of must a of each within which members differ in These the two same sets of set).57): the possible representation (u). I return in §8. mechanism is also used in a rather different that of vowel harmony in a number of languages. Thus. giving (8. I suggest. we need a component whose presThisAs defines a proposal which can articulation. A similar of pharyngealisa- area.58) i e0C3 in-the Akyem dialect Set 2 of Akan: Set 1 aA . (and tonque consequent pharyngeal narroot retracted in (8. the lexical level. which tongue (Lindau et al 1971).8 to the characterisation tion as a secondary articulation. the' (i.57) {lr. whose phonetic correlate is the size of the pharynx. in which the vowels of the language divide into two sets. {JrJI alone will be sufficient to distinguish pharyngeals at. further cesses. be found in various distinctive The relevant phonetic property appears to be width of the pharby the the is in turn of root of retraction controlled ynx. Lindau (1978: 550) languages Niger-Congo Nilo-Saharan that show such sysand many notes tems. harmonise e. a pharyngeal ence feature treatments. other members only with the "size of the pharynx".297. as controlled by variations in the posi(8. all pharyngeals evidence is required to determine the appropriate levels in the phonology.58) shows the tions of the root of the tongue and the larynx. but it may well be that lal (and perhaps Jul) may function as 'second-order' components in particular phonological proAgain. that pharyngeals are characterised by Irl a component rowing).

59) are in that what is involved is an equipollent relationship appropriate. Ladefoged (1975: 266) has [wi del (i.298. Lindau et al 1971) -a proposal which dates back to Stewart (1967: 196ff). This. however. Ladefoged (1971: 75) has [tension] to which the root of the tongue is pulled forward so that the tongue is bunched up lengthways"). Halle and Stevens (1969) have simply the feature [advanced tongue root] (cf. however. between the two sets. there seems to be no reason to postulate that The complexity of one is phonologically more complex than the other. explains why the component is defined as involving retraction. the same mechanism is involved in these vowel harmony Lindau notes that the contrast is processes as in pharyngealisation. and assimilation of non-advanced tongue root vowels to . Notice.59) rr advanced tongue root non-advanced tongue root Clearly. the opposition between pharyngeal and non-pharyngeal Thus. Various features the difference have [covered] have been proposed for the characterisation of between the two sets. In dependency site directions terms. I suggest that the dependency representations in (8. is shown by the presence of Irl in phonological Contrast this with the treatment of pharyngeal conrepresentations. of the tongue root. e. rather than advancement. On grounds of frequency of occurrence. Chomsky and Halle (spE: 314-315) [+covered] having sounds a narrower and tqnsed phar- ("the degree ynx and raised larynx. the difference between the two sets participating in vowel harmony processes can be characterised as: (8. then. I believe. African in West languages by the tongue root deviating in oppomade from the zero value for the feature. that Stewart (1967: 193-194. sonants above. width of the pharynx). consonants are taken to be marked by the presence of the Irl component. pharyngeal consonants is. then. e. size of the pharynx).202) claims that there is also a markedness relation holding between the two sets of vowels in the Akan vowel harmony system. while we have already seen that Lindau (1978) has [expanded] (i. phonologically privative. such systems.

There seems. however. Lindau (1978: 551) notes: does not. we can distinguish (or double) 'secondary 'co-ordinate and articulation'. the than articulation primary e. (i. phonetic as in (8. articulation 188). to double the consider questions of and secondary remains. double (Catfdrd 1977: In the case of articulation. that in the case of vowel harmony between have two apparently equivalent sets an opposition systems we (both containing a set of vowels).60): a scalar relationship. by advancing the root of the tongue beyond a 'normal' position for the vowel.. while in the case of pharyngeal have between an opposition we a very restricted consonants. SeCOndAry'ahd. articulation' "the two articulations 'secondary' and mary' of lower strictural are of the same stricture-type". he cl-aimsýthat the non-advanced tongue root set should be treated as unmarked. and of nasality and laterality.60) {IX r1l Z"' IX +--)rIr 'neutral' "X -41 retracted advanced I have made a number of proposals which allow for the expression large range of. though. while in 'prithe secondary articulation is co-articulation. by the raising and interpretation This strongly suggests an equipollent of the oppostion between the two sets. possibilities with respect to place of articulaa of It itill tion and the recurrent'classes operating within this area.299.. articulations. double'atticulations two types of coPhonetically. to be the advanced tongue root no reason for assuming that. notice. 8. series displays a property that the non-advanced tongue root series Thus. (8. The Set I vowels /i eu o/ are produced with a relatively large pharynx. possibilities display However that may be. it has a rank . and by lowering the The relatively larynx. small pharynx of the Set 2 vowels A co o/ is produced by retracting the root of the tongue larynx.8. advanced tongue root vowels. the various. at least. too. phonetically. set of segments and all other consonants in the language in which they occur.

For Jakobson et al. as shown in (8.62): least (8. as in (8. palatalisation. -cor]) . secas can summarised articulations fall Thus under the various acoustic features. occur with not and pharyngealisation it that that primary and secondary articulashow consonants. more open of secondary articulations. velarisation. tion.61) Labialization Palatalization Velarization Pharyngealization Added lip-rounding Raising Raising Retracting of of the front or protrusion of the tongue the tongue of the tongue Swbwtw bj si LU bw S sD bDtD tj Ui t the back of of the root approaches to the representation of such secondary be follows. degree of stricture)..61): four types of secondary artic- (8. the count (i. and pharyngealisation involving for at the assignment of a '+'-value as characterised are ture flat [low]. [-ant.62) fact that velarisation.62) anterior coronal high I ow back ++++ ++++ ++ palatals palatalised dentals +++ +++ velars velarised dentals pharyngeals pharyngealIsed dentals Chomsky'and Halle (spE: 307) claim as advantages for their ac(8. shows why palatalisation. articulations ondary by the fealabialisation and pharyngealisation are both characterised The various both involve downward as plain. a shift of a set of forvs. or [back]) to a one of the tongue-body features ([high]. (i. 31). tongue-body do e. is consonant e. I consider first the representation Ladefoged (1971: 62) distinguishes ulations. do "These two processes not occur within one language" (1952: mants. and are thus to be treated as manifestations of-the same opposiIn sPE.300. one which and/or non-tongue-body The tongue-body features for a secondary articulation are the same as those for the corresponding primary articulation. [+ant] [+corl).

(1977: 857-858) has a rather different solution to of such segments. (where stricture] [-3 I [-1 I I [1 plýsce place velar.63) articulatory backness height place 0 velar front high (1w) alveolar back high 10 z alveolar back low Notice that Ladefoged wants to allow for Ckj] (secondary palatalisation of a tongue-body consonant). exclusive. and pharplace palatal. in features. yngeal) .301. and e. which represents the "palatalLabialisation is i ation of a velar consonant before a front vowel".63) 80): to give place]. its phonologicbe dubious. Whatever. and procannot articulations Williamson for be the two they that releassigned values should successive poses (stricture] [place]. wi th the val ues [ bi I abi al +grave. these consocharacteristics. as well as [articulatory to have added vowel-like [backness] [height] for have and values nants (1971: (8. and that the secondary articulations is treated as the addition of Notice further that labialisation [+round] to the primary articulation. She notes that the problem of the representation "the two in the production of consonants with secondary articulation. tures. described be as exactly simultaneous".the phonetic merits of such a proposal.64) stricture place Cbwl 2/0 6/6 bj I 2/0 6/1 I bLU 2/0 6/-l Eel 2/0 6/-3 [0 [6 is [2 approximant. tinguished from [b] only in the value for [round]. There to seems no particular seems appropriateness al . (8. +round 1. is di s. have the sametongue-body feations at the sameplace of articulation are mutually. handled by the addition of the [+round] feature-value to the [place]" f eature. (8. and stricture] place] stop. thus [ bw1. Ladefoged (1971) considers tions consonants with secondary articulaThus. bilabial.64): i. as vant (8.

palatalisation. however. to that claim. indeed it would have-unfortunate repercussions for the notion that the order of segmentswithin the syllable can be predicted according to a hierarchy of sonority or reiative consonants with secondary articulation prominence .65) fix " ]. are in As such. uII fix -" ril . I below Williamson's that shall show articulation. I suggest that consonants showing secobvious rather least are. velarisation. secondary articulations can be given a interpretation*.syllable-final In hierarchy in this this addition. and pharyngealisation might be represented as (8. would violate (8. articulation at phonologically. then.302.65): ulation (8. articulation. palatalised consonants velarised consonants pharyngealised consonants fact will (8. {11palato-alveolars in however. ill 4. lil involving be the can articulation palatalisasecondary that only Ill in be this cannot which velarisation.66) I argued above (following Lass 1976). they alveolars with secondary palatalisation.66): have the representation Palato-alveolars. contrast It . between the two types of articulation (double be by can only represented means which are formally Secondary) and rather unsatisfactory. talisation. in (8. the repproposal. suppreswith tion. they do not show which is the primary and which the Finally. similar rather is'primary. the distinction In the dependency model. one which no sequencing strategy. here is involved to phonologically a stop what'is suggest-that reason followed by an approximant.4. {lxI. ondary single segments.64) in fail to show that either phase of the consonant resentations i. secondary involves a of double articulations proposal for the characterisation but in is involved. secondary palareasonable seems ill be in dependent the can suppressed phonologically. e. in the place of the secondary articwhich the components characterising the place of the primary are subioined to those characterising Thus.

as (8. sounds such and notice in various <kp> labials velarisation or as velars extreme with as either characterised (8. Other less commonsecondary articulations isation and uvularisation can be characterised the appropriate representations of subjunction articulation.ull rounded 16bials in which we see that the representation for the rounded labials inin the two of component. degree of gravity as comparedwith their unrounded counterparts. namely of secondary the two articulations are simultaneous.69): in as with extreme rounding.67) (IX ull labialised consonants As noted above. the sounds represented as (or.68) [Jul I labials flu -'ý. and function as a single segment. be Apparently. nant into Williamson's the runs as same which problems a position gients. by to that of the primary phonologically Chomskyand Halle (spE: 311) consider the problem of labio-yelars i.303. interpretation the fact that it that obscures articulations. has proved problemThe characterisation of double articulations binary feature Jakobson theories. e. have be to that languages. it does not seem necessary to introduce a disJul. to of proponents et al atical (1952: 22-23) consider double stops to be "but special forms of consotwo. then they treated to segas are clusters". same occurrences an asymmetrical revolves Thus these segments are characterised as involving an extra lation. . such as labio-dentalin the same manner. the labiality to addition tinct componentof between rounded and unrounded labials will most appropridistinction (8. more correctly. in If this is so.68): be as represented ately (8. Jul denote labialidependent the in that also may of presence sed. (8-67): in sation. labial-velars).

He conthat labial-velars for labials in tendency the behave to as cludes in is due*to as velars and others physical phonetic environments some different from the In the two nature of constrictions. as part of an attack on the emphasis put in considerations an approach like Anderso n's. Anderson (1976b) . phonological mechanism seems'appropriate so directly be double specified. and specify able in have.69) +ant -cor +back _+high_ velarised labials -ant -cor +back +high _+roundj rounded velars In other words. for feature the e. Ladefoged in has Williamson. of a double articulation the articulations as primary. not nological.12). arising causes level be that be it the to at observed phonetic we need can addition. but he also cites evidence from variprincipally are in is processes which. articulations can framework whereby is apparent in the multivalued framework of This interpretation (2. however. who argues that phonetically identical labial-velars may be interpreted as labials (with superimposed veldrisation) or as velars (with superimposed labialisation) according to The considerations. arguments which he adduces phonological purely distributional.69) in depends between the two the possibilities on phochoice and is defended This viewpoint extensphonetic evidence. forces the treatment of one of ial). in a particular case. as saw we Ladefoged and [place]. cites on structuralist ' some phonological evidence which shows that the treatment of either the labial or velar slot as primary cannot be maintained.304. the to it some. (8. labial-velar-[w] phonological ous languages [g] by (and in hence must be treated as a velsome replaced languages in labial by other a and obstruent (and hence is a labar). ively by S. for example. Ohala (1979). this abandons while and velarl . (1971). [labiali. even though there may not be any phonological evidence to support this. degrees the two that to of stricture are equivalent. (8. This interpretation. in the minimally binary framework double articulations are characterised in the sameway as secondary articulations. simply two additional values (1975) Ladefoged [labial-alveolar].

tions. by is their specificacategorial shared represented rank strictural specifications tion. together with the fact that their articulatory dependency. ul: jul Icl CP double articulations lll: Icl pq lulcan be simply characterised: ll. double articulations are interpreted having the two the the in of notion articulations same which way. systems propose compoin As nearly all other . introduces Williamson. I of representation.305. and are labialhowever. w. i. ul: lul' IV 0.70): in as (8. cl [41 is Notice that Williamson's in a very traditional Thus.v. [Op. which are secondary sp ecifications and (as [place] differ far is concerned) in the presonly as successive. ence to see this as anything other than a notational diacritic. in which the two specifications . Given the existence of the relation of mutual dependency. [+labial]. 11.70) stricture place CP 2 (-1/6) for double articularepresentations for [place] are simultaneous. feature introduction the Thus. for feature the two having simultaneous specifications velars (8. the notion of also [place]. for double brackets the the It around values of articulation. the because of of position. degree the of same show 8.9 Laterals and nasals The treatment of laterals and nasals is quite straightforward. together fact that the nodes showing mutually dependency need not be sewith quentially distinct. in the for two articulations. q] have. difficult The greater variety of structural properties available within dependency theory means that these problems can be simply overcome. fip. [labial]. the value [velarl for the [place] feature.

xl) lateral alveolars {11.72) {1111 non-lateral alveolar liquids {11.73) the lowered Thus the velum. is lowered. -V nl' '** c li.4. gorial InI.such share certain characteristics However.3. by virtue of their spect form properties. to thus the air velum allowing escape containing The various liquids. as forming a natural class with nasalised conso4 (segments have different vowels nasal cateand which may quite nants by is determined their the recurrence presence specifications). and as. following representations in the articulatory gesture: (8. will 'have the through the nasal cavity. JXJ. nil nasal alveolars Laterals. there distinct two are phonetic parameters involved. addition of It will from other liquids by the be noted that there are now two means of characterising --')' by the the CII in {IV presence of uniquely representation nisals the categorial gesture.nj lv. c VI As noted in §7. natural consonants. and in those InI. InI. In laterality and of nasality sounds containing of nents the component 1XI the sides of the tongue are lowered. the spreading' processes various acterising NOW] /VbV/ /VbdV/ and In Apinay6. Clearly. then. the nasality componentmust be used in chardiscussed 'nasal there. a natural class with the other sonorant conacoustic in the representasonants. are distinguished IXI. sary. nlIVI 11. and by the presence of Inj in the articulatory It be double is necesmay asked such a why characterisation gesture. component shows a of for various nasal(ised) segments: representations to be characterised (8. processes such as -)[VmdV] can be characterised simply as the spreading of the nasality . e.73) -lii. determine the behaviour of nasal consonants with rewhich parameters ' Nasal to recurrence. for example.306. nasal consonants also have tions of the categorial gesture. by (8. i. then.

C u.77) {Ial) /q/ Finally. n C. (8.V u V.76) are rep- (8.74). of Chinantec. is a single consonant. notice that {Ia ' ni) AV I have treated ' {In all /a/ the nasality component as In this respect. froth' degrees of nasalisation we see that two different The vowels in (8.76) ha is at least other composimple combicite the case in which the following 'so. n C. such' M. L (1971: Ladefoged Both 35) and Catford (1977: 139) nation. while if it is a cluster. element only will (8. oppo- . however.76) would have the articulatory in opposition. '(he) minimal set is found: spreads open' hR 'foam. I gesture. Notice that is shown below there is evidence to suggest that there Inj in language dependency which shows one relations with (as (8. being a component of the articulatory follow Catford's phonetic treatment of the nasal area as one of the tract.307. it will 'split' the first (8. (cluster). the the consequent charactervocal with of areas three major sub-component in Catisation of nasal sounds within the locational (1971).77): in resentations In (8.75): in as component. C u. nasality if it to give take the (8. treats the nasal/oral Ladefoged ford's model.V I (in which the appropriate articulatory representation the corresponding categorial representation). n n V.75) \ý "".73)) in it occurs only in usually although nents. from to the a vowel contiguous consonant component to become prenasalised. (8.74) vv (8.

of the dependency model have enabled us to show of phonological systems in the expected way. number of components and/ complex more holding between dependency the components. Finally. to be unfounded". we have largely avoided the weakness in the to be able to multivalued system. InI be There does the fourth component.308. fourth the Phomajor component oro-nasal process. recur a such which has to be postulated the characteristics relative in addition to the feature [place]. whereby in apparent jorder involving just different those classes places of artfculation specify [gravity] in feature do as phonological processes. "makes claims about the natural classes which are in description phonological which seem . as'Ladefoged (1971: 102) points out. On the other hand. s of or relation. we avoided the problems posed proposed by the sPE binary of place. of only gesture. and multivalued. of which have been sions in That this is. *. in and which are not met by the various verý chapter resentation both binary feature theory. . would creation of a similar nologically. . 8.. which. simplicity. the interpretation complexity is the the the greater system. I believe that-the various suggestions meet the requirements put on a model of phonological repsuccessfully 1.10' Place of tome conclusions The proposals which have been made in the last few sections are than those tentative nature concerning the characmore somewhat of a terisation of vowels. the than retain cateother. However. a sition involve the treatment then. which will a within to be to choose orfe solution crucial any phonological reason seem not Catford's I for then. have area. necessary inherent in the binary system simply because of the are which Glaims 'natural' large number of putatively classes which can be defined by the model. rather gorisation.

which such as the glottis. what is in hierarchies be kind the 556. e.3 to could established of which crucial lack of voicing between binary is the 6. is characterised by the representations of the categorial gesture.1). As we have seen.4 and opposition voicing and reprei. the degree of glottal stricture and the presence or absence of vocal cord vibration . gestures which I established in that (1971) I Specifically. (Catford 16).. sented independent parameter of glottal stricjoined JVJ. e. to Ladefoged's that attempted show chapter. between the presence and absence of vocal cord vibration. e. "activities . 1977: is the cords" vocal phonologically relements of vant to more than one of the. The physically in the degree cords. by the for (at'least absence of a presence subobstruents) vs.I Chapter 9 The Initiatory Gesture In §5. [glottal feature be of stricture] can given a more natural scalar if the two difinterpretation with respect to phonological phenomena ferent phonetic parameters inv6lved . the vocal whether viopening of of e. while the degree of glottal stricture proper is interdifferent being to initiatory the relevant a as gesture preted gesture.2 1 outlined somearguments which appeared to show that interpreted been has as a single phonetic componentOf phonation.are that the such presence or absence of vocal cord vibration separated. ture for be those to relevant only appears bration or not phonologically than two have more states of amongst opposition an languages which distinguishes (see beIndonesian §9. The arguments in favour of this approach are given support by the phenomena surveyed in chapters 6 and 7. . i. as in chapter 6. what described chiefly in terms of postures and movei.i.

I discussed briefly . 'lax' voice. the phonological representations will not require the presence of the componentof glottal opening.2. For languages in which no more than a simple binary opposition is made in this area. briefly in §7.can be reflected in the model being developed here by the introduction of an extra comdiscussed one of specifically glottal opening. Wewill see that i-t is the nature of the interaction between glottal opening and the representations of the categorial gesture established in chapter 6 which makes it appropriate to claim that the componentof glottal opening belongs to a separate gesture. in requiring an (at least) in their phonological representations. component extra Languages using only a pulmonic egressive airstream mechanism.1. in and voicelessness requiring only the representations of the voicing (and gesture of course the articulatory representations of categorial chapter 8) to characterise their phonological systems. Further ponent interpretation for this will be found in the behaviour of lansupport guages which utilise more than just a pulmonic egressive airstream mechanismalone.1975: 121-124) uses to establish the need for this feature.4. a scalar of consimeans phonation der here in greater detail the kind of data which Ladefoged (1971: 7-19. rather than being a third distinct comIVI ICI) (besides and within the categorial gesture. and which are thereby more complex. I will languages like are making only a binary opposition between claim. and their relative simplicity is thus reflected in an obvious manner. and are thus shown to be more complex. Languages having oppositions between airstream mechanismsrequire the introduction of extra componentsreflectIng this.involving a three-way.5.1' Glottal stricture in §5. I suggest that the greater phonological complexity of such systems .1973. tween voicelessness.310. 9.2 Ladefoged's characterisation of [glottal feature I by stricture]. and 'tense' voice. and whose phonological systems are correspondingly less complex. rather than a simple binary opposition . which was ponent. and whose nature is further explored in 99.

languages with a three-way distinction are given in (9. Examples of . degrees different the of glottal stricture) e. Ladefoged shows that no language makes contrasts Most involving more than three states of the glottis phonologically.3) and (9. noThis value is tice that value [spread].1) 9 8 7 6.3) Gujarati voiceless [ P:)r I /por/ (Ladefoged 1971: 13) voiced [baý] /bar/ murmured [bar] /bar/ 0' . However.4.2) 1 Z 3 4 5 6 7 8 (9.1) spread voiceless murmur slack vo i ce stiff creaky closed and (9.2) incorporates an extra the same claims. glottal position. Ladefoged (1973) gives the feature [glottal stricture] with rather different values.2): (9. 5 4 3 2 1 voiceless breathy voiced murmur lax voice voice tense voice creaky voice creak glottal stop (9. however. Ladefoged notes that. phonetically. Notice that sounds" voiceless which speech.4): (9. languages have only two-way oppositions in this area. for I in to account voiceless order aspirated sounds.311.1) represents a continuum "extending from the most closed to the most open position observed in a stop. (1971: is in that 18).2) make essentially (9. occur in glottis of languages: (9. as in (9. although there is such a wide range of possible phonation types available. perhaps as many as 9 states (i. return posited to a diiscussion of these sounds in §9.

facts easier to explain. Eglottal /2 1 0/.4) margi voiceless /tata/ (Ladefoged 1968:65.5). then. by (1952). is contrary to the or phonetically. that murmured or breathy sounds are 'between' voiced and voiceless sounds. phonetically rewritten are which The feature. and son et al . For the languages in (9. makes a number of linguistic It shows. -this kind states are rank ordered. stricture].1971: 15) voiced /babal/ laryngealized (creaky voice) /babal/ while (9.31 in Margi. example. and may therefore be grouped with either. for example. Halle and perhaps most sPE. glottal Tagalog Such data leads Ladefoged to propose the'scalar feature [glottal and he claims:. three the cldssificatory values matrix. in has. the feature. not binary.3) -(9. either phonologically features by to binary Jakobphonation used characterise phonological importantly. (9. stricture] [9 7 51 for as. and [9 6 41 in Indonesian.5) 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 voiceless breathy voice murmur lax voice voice tense voice creaky voice creak stop Gujarati t Gujarati (all languages) t Kumam Indonesian Tagalog Indonesian t Kumam Hausa + Hausa 1. phonologically. in Gujarati. [9 5. then. glottal (1971: 19). There is a great deal of explanatory power in the concept stricture of a feature of glottal on which some of the A feature of.5) (Ladefoged languages: in various up I 1971: 17) illustrates how the continuum is split (9.312.

-sl ack may of sti 1. -spread voiceless are [-constr. As was noted with respect. of and of preaspiration phonation-type by using four binary features. [+stiff not. repsounds voiced kinds languages.sounds cannot be simultaneously [+spread glottis] and [+conThus. +slack v. breathy [+constr. -spread 1. obvious. meter . and to voiced v. c. The interpretation v. which are claimed to be but for to also for varionly account not glottal stricture. as Ladefoged (1973: 82) points out. c. 1. as in the case of the sPE features [high] stricted is [low]. gi. is expressing two ternin terms four binary features.. to Thrdinsson's analysis Halle in Icelandic. . . v.. sounds of the glottal voiceles . c. J. sounds [+stiff 1. glottis]. creaky voiced sounds are parameter opening E 1. [-stiff [-stiff ]. fact doing.6): . while the sameholds on the glottal opening parav. C ff be ' the of vocal cords sounds ness +sti ffv. in of stops certain various of resentation however. Some feature [+spread the of assignments are shown gl. '. c. adequate ous tonal phenomena. gl. sounds voiced gl gl and gl -constr. plosives these from aspirated in order to be able to distinguish plosives ]. The four features used correspond to only two phonetic paradegree the degree the the cords. +slack c.it corresponds [voice] 1.. are that 'ordinary' The vocal cord stiffness parameter essentially which in (9. v. and glottis]. cords]. . respect-to phonation-type. c. c. it clear that in each case a scalar variable is being and What Halle and Stevens are in forced into a binary feature analysis. v. [+spread (1973: 80) Ladefoged's to according gl.. Notice.. I shall here be conin features the these in with which operate with way particular cerned Stevens (1971). ]. [+slack feature being the SPE c.and for voice onset time. but v. Stevens offer'an analysit-. -slack in features the the because of way which are defined. of vocal and of stiffness of meters: [stiff The features [slack are vocal cords]. of oppositions ary characterises between voiceless the difference and voiced sounds . vocal glottal [constricted [spread On the parameter glottis].s is Thus. c. opening. 1.313. c. or v.

c -stiff -slack V.. as we both parameters. gl. v. on each successive that I such a for the rank-orderpropose one. e specifications [b] are suspect: that the only reason for assigning the feait seems . gl. C. murmured/breathy voiýced plosive voiced plosive aspirated plosive voiceless plosive voiceless plosive voiceless ejective voiced implosive glottal ic ingressive voiceless fortis plosive laryngealised/ creaky voiced plosive However. [-slack [+constricted glottis] tures and vocal cords] to [b] is the procrustean one that this particular featureis otherwise unused: there is no empirical combination for thinking that [b] necessarily has either justification [b]. pond for voiced plosive [b] and voiced implosive the featur. g]. lenis V. that developed being parathe system with ant parallel are characterised opening and glottal vibration cord vocal of meters Eglottal Ladefoged's have seen. voiced are cords -stiff] vocal tion. g -spr. C. feature subsumes stricture] i. with the result that certain feature assignments do not appear to corres(1977: 108). Catford that for to phonetic shows reality. C. gl . I. c. example. that voiced and voiceless observe might we while opening characterisation. in addicreaky sounds". as both Ladefoged and Catford point out. v. while.6) +spr. -constr. Halle and ý items force from tendency to all a Stevens' system suffers procrustean into the nine categories which are available within the system. feature they have very different plosives are given in Ladefoged's scalar importStevens Halle the one show and Nevertheless. In [+slack. that Notice again is (or the the point glottis more open continuum. -constr. -spr. c. +stiff -slack V. gl . is for feature Ladefoged's rank-ordered. the same glottal values. e. than less slack vocal cords or a more constricted glottis that the to Ladefoged (1973: 82) "it seems most unlikely Similarly.314. proposals in the here. by distinct features. -stiff +slack v. (9. previous than closed) . +constr.

for which in turn 101 is more prominent than for /b/. ing can be naturally component within reflected by the introduction gesture. indeed. Similarly. with what does 101 show de101 cannot enter into the same kind of relations pendency relations? IVI as the componentsof the categorial gesture. gesture within sibly. segment to the Halle and Stevens features (spread glottis] and [constricted [glottal Ladefoged's to than inasmuch as it charstri: cture]. g.5. the component 101 occurs. while ICI enter into relations with each other. glottis] ing. in the component corresponds more closely question. the difference. /b/ in Hausa) involves 101 is for /p/ only a single component in the initiatory gesture more prominent than for /b/.315. each with while will relations some pendency kind of dependencystructure within the categorial gesture. which was mentioned in §7.4. /p/ vs. as in (9-7): (9. If. -init cat init cat . also relations will (9. there will be some degree of glottal openthe degree of glottal by the opening is reflected in the for the the representation of prominence component relative 101 Thus. we clearly need to establish what is meant by 'relative prominence of 101' . /b/ vs.8): between hold in the two as gestures. between and three poonation-types (e. be there other. and leaves the state of the the initiatory However.5). in the phonological representation as of a segment resented (in those languages which make a three-way opposition in this area).8)* in. and which is repof glottal 101. and pos(see initiatory dependency the §9.7) 0 0 Ibl I propose that such segments are appropriately represented if initiatory into to dethe and categorial gestures enter consider we Thus.in other words.it cat. opening. acterises onig degree of glottal vocal cords out of account. of a dependency the component specifically o enin . Specifically. (9.

tions: for the segments in (9. which correlates with the empirical maximum number of oppositions found in lanThe then. rather than /0 1 . allows a-formal maximumof three possibilities. within the notation which he empToYs. said there appears to be no reason. inrepreto do this (9. as in (9. V I 0 breathy voice murmur/ lax voice stops lax voice voice voi ce voice creaky voice tense voice creak creaky voice . reflect representattons.9) 0 II c0 /p/ C.10): Kumam Indonesian Hausa Margi Gujarati oiceless c C.. values /0 1 2/.316. have the same phonological representations.9) For /p/. V! O C. with the smallest degree of glottal opening. V: O C. may nation-types deed. while Ladefoged's scalar feature of [glottal stricture] cannot be. and for /b/. for allowing only the three. 101 (as the represent ation of the initiatory ' ICI the (the repcomponent and of glottal opening) governs gesture resentation of the categorial gesture).10) 0 in different systems. which. involves the following representa- (9. guages. the same phonetic types may have different phonological sentations (9.7). 101 is dependent.. for /b/. integer. this empirical maximum. nl. the representations of the categorial and initiatory gestures are mutually dependent. V b/ /b/ with the greatest degree of glottal opening of the three segments in (9.9). where n could be any positive Notice that (as in Ladefoged's system) different phonetic phoand.

I Lass full following does there. for Tagal_.1.5) would be: (9. [? ] differed The treatment if that facts should. gesture any representation that between the two types of segthere is a phonetic similarity different. be able to we These suggest . resentation. i. I discussed the view that [? ] is frequently of the neua realisation of a contrast amongst the voiceless stops. necessary. even a phonological system e. the terms Catford's In voiceless phase. in the complete absence of e. supraglottal for the in the glottal articulatory stop.11) 0 I C voiceless stop C-. that absent. e. function the the phonation-type. of a within particular ployed shows language.1 phoneýic realisation stops of that phonation-type. than rather of a showing the system particular phonological particular 9.10) brings. have an articulatory the may stop glottal stops and Further.317. would correlate with lack of glottal opening . vowel from voiceless stops only in the absence of any information locational i. out the fact that the phonological notation em. both is the the the Although of glottis quite state ment. to argued vowels. that it tralisation to voiceless stops as the reduced bears the same sort'of relationship (1976). then. og in (9. closure function. in the Absence three-way area under opposition of a with 101. blocking have the the the effect of voiceless stop and stops glottal during the thus of silence a causing period completely. may pendent). discussion.i. Glottal in relation to the representations fourth is There a possibility . deis mutually governing.8) (in in besides initithose the initiýtory the which gesture of dependent. a rep101 lacking be for that The system a glottal would stop. airstream both (1977: 104). e. or unilaterally gesture atory it be in i. V-O C voiced stop glottal stop In 95.1 of the glottal stop raises some problems. (9. (9.

the two types of segment occur at opposite although gesture.12). 9. voiceless is representing it appropriate. Some languages have phonological In the representations of the categorial gesture established in for the'representation 6. the stop as a natural class. vocal and opening gesture.12) ma 'healthy' 'order' p na' pa Ia ja 'pain' 'nostril' 'moon' 'beautiful' 05 na 'fish' Irent'. showing the fact that sonorants are 'naturally' they reflected voiced. may which naturally obstruents. gl6ttal and stops characterise is here. allows incorporates the notion of and cord vibration. involving that to as such a assume system it seems reasonable between sonorants. alone seemed appropriate orants. IVI in governing position.2 Voiceless sonorants oppositions between corresponding pairs of voiced and voiceless sonorants .both consonants and vowinvolving in Burmese. and voiceless voiced oppositions I this complexity. in turn. ICI have of-the categorial alone as the representation these segments Thus. only notation and. developed this in the easily achieved. as opposed in that If this is the case . be to voiced or voiceless.318.then (9. that . less nasals and laterals are given by Ladefoged (1971: 11): (9. Examples of minimal pairs voiced and voiceels. suggest relative reflect shouldq notation introin to sonorants. be feature Ladefoged's cannot and as such readily scalar ends of voiceless developed here forming the system a class natural as characterised between distinguishes in it that just this glottal possibility. voiceless voiced and oppositions phonological involving than a system only complex be more as characterised should Our phonological between obstruents. the sonrepresentations which were sonorants. of voiceless made allowance was no chapter for developed Indeed.that sonorants are naturally voiced .

the in g. 101 dependency the duce the componentof glottal opening. claim of glottal small a relatively with occur which characterises that voiceless sonorants retain a sub-structure by fact defended. voiceless of gesture the categorial stops less segments -a true. 101 in that is show a segments with governing apparent this condition is inSuch a glottal configuration opening. for voiceless sonorants. 0 V voiceless voweIs V. phonation-type as one of these types. the complexity of categorial of gesture. %. component For such segments. that the be such segments retain can sonorants voiced traces parts. state of affairs appear which Thus. the categorial gesture (containing the usual be dependent in for'the will sonorant question) on the representation 101): (containing initiatory gesture (9.13) will show a structure in which 101 is dependent on the reprein the this way. gesture nent This holds condition only if all languages with a threevoiceless. (9. of the formant patterns associated with their voiced counter- .C voiceless I iquids voiceless nasals In such a system. to in fact. with compatible degree The opening. sentations between involving an opposition voiced and voiceless a system is represented. vocal'cord course.V. successfully rants sono- We are now in a position to formulate a condition on any segment 101 in governing position. the'specification for for glottal opening (101) overrides the inherent specification IVI (governing in the alone).319. categorial gesture vocal cord vibration in Segments with governing 101. voiceopposition way be does. then. the voiced counterparts of the segments in (9. in have.13) 0 0 1 V. universally in The lack vibration naturalness of any case. large degree of glottal the which can only presence of vocal cord vibration. viz: a segment with 101 (as a compowith initiatory is the the gesture) of governing categorial. but without a voicing specification (e.10)).

Although only a three-way conrepresentations is required to characterise different phonation-types phonologiThe constraints there are many more phonetic possibilities. this the to I to constraint at phonetic claim. I have indicated how a component of glottal for the phonological oppositions holding amongst account can opening However. being than 101 the relations phonetic at and it is the two between holding as a whole.14) (9. I I suggest that this can be achieved by relaxing the constraints IVI.14) [-voice] +son voiceless sonorants [+voice] +son voiced sonorants I son i -vo ce ] [+-son voice] voiced obstruents voiceless obstruents (9. representations allow only three possibilities.320. where it is not possible (except by using ad hoc accretions such the relative complexity as the markedness theory of sPE) to reflect (9. the conditions established there different phonation-types. This treatment the relative ment-type.15): in as shown and systems. of such (9. 101 involving appear not to be applicable to phoon representations netic trast in this area. to gestures approconfined drop level. to account for the phonetic possi- cally. ICI. . then.3 Phonetic representations involving 101 In the preceding.151 [12 glottal stricture sonorant voiceless sonorants 1 glottal stricture] I sonorant voiced sonorants I [02 glottal stricture sonorant I [01 glottal stricture sonorant voiced obstruents voiceless obstruents 9. hold between that dependency kind can relations of on the dependency Rather level. tem. priate. allows us to show systems employing this segof the initiatory with a feature sys- complexity of phonological by the need to introduce representations Compare this characterisation. on the phonological and so we must extend our notation bilities. in their gesture of voiceless sonorants.

16): in in indicated the manner with each other.321. C liquids' V C V O C: V 0 0 nasals 1 u 1- 'l c %. C: u V 0 IJ C D] V C 0 0 V V. fricatives 0 C [z] C c v c 0 V Cd] Es] c 1 1 1 0 c 1 stops V: u 0 Pl (tI . 0 vowels -V V V. En1 En] En] Egl v. v vc 1 V: 0 vc 1 0 0 1 C V: c V. c 1. dependency into individual to the components enter relations allow (9.16) glottal stop creaky voice V voice V V: 0 0 murmur V 0 If voiceless. (9.

IV[ IV[. as segmentphonetic rather of certain realisations i. phones of other Exactly the same comment applies to the system in (9. as terise some commonphonation-types which occur more frequently than processes. processes environments. But. . fricatives. Finally. a segment which voiced an underlying of realisation surface Ilenis' Cor. in Chomsky but phonetic is voiceless. between the various possible degrees of glotetc.16). all--nasals. for example.322. I suggest that in phonetic representations is arbitrary. in is. in (9. as Ladefoged points out in relation to_his system: The particular numbers (and names) used for the different degrees of glottal stricture are the product of an arbitrary assignment within the theory of general phonetics. Ladefoged 1975:258). all creaky voiced segments show 101 in dependent (vowels. terms. example. any selecti. types participating phonemic types occurring allophoniof particular realisations have in for I in mind. As the degree of the glottis states of glottal opening is phonetically a.3. notice that the assignment of the representations to the particular phonetic segment-types is to some extent arbitrary. as -a such as obstruent.16) are internally The representations in consistent. and terms. IVI -*-JCJ. that. in in traditional e.. whatever we find the sub-structure ample. on of points Further. ) the relationship the position of 101 in tal opening remains the same. 18).16) what appear to be the most important (cf. representations the the state of glottis. In addition. the phonological languages can generate phones which rules for individual can be compared not only with each other but also with (1971: languages. In feature SPE-type an Halle terminology. by to the a structure allow expresvowels are represented -* sion of the full range of phonatory possibilities. But once this assignment has been made. phonological oppositions. continuum. I have selected in (9. which distinctive 'lax'). 9.. certain cally English in devoicing the final process which gives.1 Devoiced obstruents to the system outlined above allows us to characThe extension . holding between the the tree never disturbs the dependency relations the For for exof categorial gesture. Within each class major of segments position.

[+tense] voice votceless obstruents [-tense] voice devoiced obstruents system.18) have opposite values for Thus.17) +voice )[-tense] voiced obstruents or. -tense] -slack]). as (9. then (9. the in of If the only difference repreýentation using [z] and the devoiced fricative between. Devoiced obstruents. [-voice. governing with segments devoiced stops would have the representation in (9.18): f-slacfkj stif in the Halle and Stevens notational [+slackf] stif ý-slackf] stif (9. no cord vocal vibration. types of obstruents would. presu.16). in accordance-with *Idegree of glottal opening and with the constraint by which the greater 101 have Similarly. the voiced fricative is the degree of glottal opening. mably. although obstruents underlyingly [voice] and [tense] (or for [stiff] and [slack]). might have the feature-values ([-stiff. C devoiced fricatives in which 10 is promoted to governing position. the three different be represented as (9. can be given a natural characterisation type (9.20): .323.17): (9. phonology.19) 9 V. say. a segment such as the final one in English <keys> [ki: jl'.19) seems appropriate as the phonetic representation for'[j]: (9.

324. (9. that they (9. shows ' indeed.20) show representations in are and Rather. cords are the of whispered In production .21): is by more adequately captured affairs of (9. in inappropriate.2 Whispered segments "vocal the segments.19) and (9. laryngoscopic studies show that these devoiced stops display "consiIf this is so. vocal phonetic state which (9.19) and (9. the obstruents no vocal cord vibration. the repin fact show a whisper-like be given support by the characterisation (9. in which 101 is relatively for the voiced but still more prominent than in the representations (9. if devoiced do And.20) 9 C v devoiced stops (9. the segments whispered of 9. 101. C: O C: O devoiced fricatives devoiced stops less prominent than in (9.16). either alone or mutually dependent wi th other components.21) V. interpretation Such in that an we extend requires obstruents 101 show constraint whereby segments with governing the phonological (with in that a phonetic so representations no vocal cord vibrati'on.20) bring out the 'intermediate' status of the devoiced obstruents with respect to the normal voiced and voiceless (1977: 112) that However. the the cords are maximally open. Catford notes glottographic and obstruents.21) in will resentations in following the section. (9. configuration of the vocal cords.3.19) derable whisper-like narrowing of the glottis". a segment with governing far greater range of dependency relations).20).

325. (Ladefoged whispered sounds" The treatment . Whishave the representations assigned to the (and also. or narrowed except between the arytenoids" 1977: 96-97). lenis obstruents will pered devoiced obstruents in the previous section.23) gives the phonetic representations similarly. For this phonation-type. to charac'terise it in phonetic representations. is Whisper in vibration. "leaves no way of accounting for of glottal 1971: 19). the vocal cords in a whisper-like the configuration. rather than governing alone. (Ladefoged 1971: 8. following representations seem suitable: (9. for example. but it is clearly desirable to be able*. those in (9. of course. together in the previous section that stops may be realised phonetically with For obstruents.21 thing for these segments is characterised.22) V. not generally used systematically are not in linguistic communication. Catford the vocal cords cf. because of the narrowing of the glottis. '-21). whereas (except the the of vocal cords vibration when glotonly with sociated tis is maximally open or closed). (9. The lack of vocal cord vibration by the fact that in (9. for whispered sonorants: (9. aspered segments. e. C: O whispered fricattves C: O whispered stops differ from those for voiceless obstruents The representations in that 101 is mutually dependent with the governing element. i. as 101 is not unilaterally dependent on anyby the absence of dependent IVI). we saw.23) V: O III V: O cc whispered vowels whispered liquids whispered nasals V: O opening and vocal cord vibration as independent parameters allows us to offer a characterisation of whis[glottal Ladefoged's feature stricture].

25): It (9. 101 be than to the absent. a moderately in 11.25).4.24) I Labial /plait/ 'washer' 'leg' 'arm' 11 /pal/ /phal/ III which differ from each other in degree of Dental Alal/ /tal/ /thal/ Velar 'daughter' 'moon' 'mistake' /klali/ /kali/ /khal/ Ivillai. Kim that three observes opening. hence aspiration. and Catford directly (1977) that degree of aspiration correlates with degree of (1970: has Korean 108) Thus. a narrow glottis and a wide open to be noted . (9. in the relative from each other only prominence of as in (9.25) C 11 0c /P /p/ /ph/ C: O 0 101 degree becomes the of glottal as prominent more in which increases.326. of and opening.5. for example. by means of a "cineradiographic film of theýlaryngeal degree the that of glottal opening correlates area" with the degree The film shows: of aspiration. rather expect . Kim (1970). 'stack' 'knife' n' I is "unaspirated" the series.4 . these stops differ 101.Aspiration of the represpntation now to a further consideration ' As in dependency it in has 57. seems. series. that in the dependency model.24): in as aspiration. series we would It might be objected that in the "unaspirated" dependent as in (9. 9. open glottis in Ill. between relation the time of the in 1. feature glottis -The striking is that there seems to be a direct corthe degree of the glottal opening at release and the degree of aspiration. series II the "slightly series where III the "heavily aspirated" series. Pdtursson (1976). then. (9. and series aspirated" Kim shows.. noted phonology. glottal I return types of voiceless stops. aspiration of been argued by.

25) might be to the representations that aspirated stops are treated as units. However. "is between the release of the oral closure and the onset of voicing.. rather than [aspiration]. the phoof oral closure. as Kim notes. being determined bY degree of glottal as e. in (9.5 appears to support this analysis. whose definition of of the rather feature [aspiration] refers to "time of onset of voicing with respect (Indeed. Ladefoged 1973: 78 calls to release of the articulation". be of regarded as a more fundamental symptom what may a only teristic of these sounds. it seems inadvisable that of glottal the notion of aspiration within collapse (1973: 77). rather than as a sequence However. that this feature [voice onset]. albeit less than for series II and III. those in which the the the the time of articof release at starts voicing in 50 have those and of a value percent. the auditory correlate of aspiration. followed by a period of aspiration.1). A second objection in §7. Ternes (1973: 21-22) stops argues that the aspirated stops should be treated as single phonemes. such a representation would characterise a glottal stop (cf. too. On phonemic grounds. ) Notice. it has been argued in cases that aspirated stops should be unit phonemes. which shows oppositions between based on aspiration rather than voicing. there is some glottal opening. stricture.1. Ladefoged's feature may have the values [aspirated]. percent . for example. §9. Notice that these-arguments tend to support this treatment of (i. for the 'unaspirated' series.4. will Sounds that are voiced throughout the articulation be said to have a value of 0 percent. Ladefoged claims that: sounds can be since what are commonly called aspirated degrees different two of glottal with stricture made (voiceless to try to and murmur).327. on grounds of "phonetic realisation" and "pattern congruity" with reinitial the to operation of consonant mutation. ulation will later be 100 will considerably the starts voicing which (1975: 261). Aspirated. namely. the state of the glottis" 1977: 114). e. spect. In the dialect charac(Catford various Applecross of Scots Gaelic. and [voiced]: Eunaspirated]. cited evidence netic i. the voicing-lag Further. opening) aspiration Ladefoged (1975: that than 258).

hL. but in the meantime let us consider the choice between (3).27) should be noted that the representations Phonetically. A voiceless in this view. the postaspirated voiceless ever become the preaspiand voiceless. /nh. it L/Lh. /n. given the monophonemic view.26) (1) biphonemic (2) biphonemic (3) monophonemic (4) monophonemic (where /L/ An.27) 00 11 V. I-. part of The so-called voiceless n-. the representations-will be: less. g/ Ih. ý n. voiced.nh However. rh/ I. between what one might call voiceless sonorants (voiceless throughout) (which during may show voicelessness only sonorants a aspirated and Indeed Ternes their notes: production). as in (9. Lh. and suggests that there are four possibldinterpretations. the "phonemic interpretation of the voiceless/aspirated sonorants". the issue is simply irrelevant within the dependency system. start voiced varieties (1973: become 70).sounds are hardly in throughout. is there distinction phonetic. rh/ lateral). not a are phonological. /nh.g/rh I/lh' 90p in (9. Whatever the arguments which Ternes ad"aspiration" I return duces for choosing between the two (in fact his choice is (4)). (9. hr/ nh. is a phonemi-cally velarised below to the biphonemic/monophonemic question. and (4). start voiceless and rated varieties . is phonologically identical to an 'aspirated' sonorant. 101 for interpretation the of as aspiration support and as voicelessness in the case of the 'voiceless sonorants' can be found He is concerned (1973: 72ff) with in Ternes' account of Scots Gaelic. the discussion in §7. and the fact that it is voiceThus. Lh.4 of various phenomena). in which is distinctive.. ý. genera-1. Notice first of all that he devotes a great deal of discussion to Further be interpreted biphonemically these should or monophonemically whether Ccf. in which "voicelessness" is the phonemically distincti-ve feature.26): (9. sonorant. on either interpretation. and r. hl.328.

5. However. 101 is that the this governing notion prosodic.110) +unaspirated stop sonorant voiced -(7.4. as in (9. I return below to a possible characterisation (Post-)aspiration. or voiceless stop +sonorant.113)).28) Eh' I suggested that aspiration might be interpreted as a prosody whose domain is a consonant cluster forming a syllabic onset or coda.329. tion' for In discussing Icelandic notably clusters of sonorant +voiceless stop.i. or real-isation surface 1 associand is asso- of consonant clusters. dialects there to in which the are no according is either voiceless sonorant+ aspirated stop. dialect. Such an approach gains support from the fact that preaspiration and postaspiration are'mutually has only a single 'specificaexclusive . can be interpreted as a comas in (9. while preaspiration.4. (7. as we have seen.28): (9. e. As we saw in §7. clusters aspirated stop in of (underly.5. aspiration.25). or as voiced sonorant +(voiceless) aspirated stop. as arin that the 101 component is sequentially disgued in §7. a specification'which may be realised only in one 'place' in the string of segments forming a cluster. tions Evidence for behaviour the prosodic status 101 of can*be drawn from the should be prohibited. a consonant (cluster) preaspiration. (cf.5 do not'in themselves appear to rerepresentations flect the prosodic status of governing 101 in such structures there be to no reason why structures with two governing 101 specificaseems I want to show now that there are various is prosodic. the offered in '§7. with ated . and I shall other phenomenawhich suggest that aspiration formal a more representation offer of the notion of a prosody whose domain is the syllabic onset or coda.4. However. ing) voiced sonorant and (underlying) Icelandic are realised either as voiceless sonorant +(voiceless) unaspirated stop. of this. differs tinct from the ICI component. ponent of the stop itself.

always begin with the glottis clusters. initial [p. kl plus [I..330. 'The ssible pem. discussed glottis the sort [s]. the voicing position is the less time the the as release same of closure or more at completed . Similar (1970: 114) by Kim and by Catare advanced explanations [sCI in is the fact that clusters of unaspirated stop ford for the is for As the the in wide open §7. cluster. alternatively. whole with The fact ally degree of glottal distinct that is.29) ICI the cluster. clusters.4. the 101 is realised phonetically not as aspiration on the stop. a state of affairs which might be represented as: (9. although sequentito specify the appropriate I suggest. for following fully the cords vocal vowel vibrating and is always roughly the same. is initial tw. the non-occurring clu sters of governing occurrence single a show I either zero or two occurrences. ICI remains dependent on 101. r. The time-lag between this wide open state of the glottis. two then. but as devoicing of the sonorant.. cause However. glottal stop. because the stop is followed by a sonorant consonant. sufficient it be interpreted as a otherwise would opening. the change from the open position to. approximately the same quantity of air is always driven through the in English any voiceless syllable onset. ciated IVI. t. glottis Thus the specification stop as having governing 101 of the initial (because English initial voiceless stops are aspirated) means that the whole consonant cluster is specified as having governing 101 (be10] one governing only specification per cluster is allowed). kj1 in that the term and so on". second 0 fact be that: to the this that attributed can and claims Similarly. or voiceless conso'nantwidely open. Catford initial voiceless consonants. wl or [j] involves a fully or partially voiceless [pl. (1977: 116) notes that "in English.6. i.

30) 0 V: C I 's c ý are universal. e. for the stop. universally with each consonant cluster only a 101 it is clear that such a constraint specification. or whatever. i. At least for these 101 I is a prosody. as postaspiration on a stop. whose domain is that then. displays in the the cluster governing as in (9. only one 101. e. which. rather than in that they specify in what way the representati ons.30) do not. the (cf.30): segments of (9. which I shall attempt to illustrate. from . are derived from a sequence of two voiceless aspirated stops. underlying 'preaspirated displays Icelandic Thrlinsson that stops' which called followed by However. he of aspiration a stop. the representations in to the prosodic nature of 101. it However. any way reflect me.331. in Icelandic. features and as chapter geal Halle Stevens in he the the system [h] and which uses.3) cases of preaspiration suggests [ht] is by that derived a sequence such as a rule" -specifically. in some cases. governing devoicing as of a sonorant. abstract more below. claim would phenomena. same are and firstly . governing single is apparent in the range of data surveyed above. then. (or. Thus [felht] underlying /tt/. Rather. have a rather surface phonetic). i. will which differ from be the It segments surface will rephonetic. component realised. to the case of preaspiration in be it the an us with example provide can argued. representations logical representations The phonoat least than the I suggest. 'fat' derived is from /feitt/. Again.29) and (9. in (9. phonological ' 101 is i. whether or not we can associate. seems these representations may be appropriate as phonetic. a as period analyses I return in Icelandic "all (1978: that §§2. as preaspiration. different character. <feitt> As Thrlinsson characterises [h] as being unspecified for supralarynlaryngeal features for stops 3). Whether or not such constraints the consonant cluster. hence the stop is unaspirated. e.

I suggest.31) Y O. does the phonological representation differ? It the rhynes of syllables such as the (9.33).31): like in that a of segments show sequence above would seems clear that. however.C in the lexicon. e. the prosodic nature of 101 be reflected by a representation such as (9. of such that the first the two jCjs show an internal dependency relation.32): such as structure (9. (9. but the resulting structure In (9.33) V at least for in having two governing Rather. on syllabic the syllable. a vowel followed by two aspirated stops. e. If the syllabification i.33): Icelandic. deletion the features involves of supralaryngeal merely such a rule of the first of the two stops. in the to apply expected way.32) C which. 101 specifications. can appropriately (9. dependent In the is turn. (i.332.CO. We have already established that the surface representation of 101 rht] followed dependent by dependency in consists phonology of L JCJ. governor. How. then. the syllable ICI governs the second. as a prosody whose domain is the complete coda JVJ. is ill-formed 101. we would get a rules were (9. .

will 101. Thus to the is. then. coda) 'domain of a prosody' is brought out in the representation. rule preaspiration However. like and is represented in structures this is the case phonological- Notice that this and [sC] clusters in.333. giving (9.36) 11C c/vI. (9. how 101 is realised phonetically. In the case of Icelandic. second ICI-to be directly dependent on 101.34). The derivation of stop +sonorant While this commeune'unitd segmentale". pvsp VCc The lexical representations of such sequencess however. the notion a subioined prosody as whole.34) approach appears to resolve the difficulties (1972b: 106) Pdtursson notes with respect to Liberman's (1971) which de viz.36) [sp]: [pil for initial we and and representations (9. there is no need to assume that ly. in the surface phonetic will proceed similarly. that 'Ila prdaspiration prosodic analysis of preaspiration. for exEnglish Thus. would be disallowed as a-surit is not possible to determine from (9. is the thus allowing operates.34): like (9.35) find (9. ample. (9. 101.33) (9. a structure the. the comdomain is forming its subjoined to the prosodic elestructure plete ment. is aspiration as not a relevant phonological paranot contain . the ICI first deleted.35) 0 (9.33) face phonetic structure. llislandais moderne apparalt is phonetically appropriate.

43): sentation (9. English. (9.110) -(7. C (9.36) (9. to involving data in (7.41) is domain (9.113). give whole and whose v -0 V.40) V: C At a level intermediate between the phonological and surface 101 initial be to the assigned cluster. C V: C (9. V.39) zv z c V. V. can reprewe propose an a sonorant ( 9. and give Similarly.40) (9. must as a prosody phonetic. V.42): to the cluster. C Lexical entries.37) C V.38) (9. V (9.39) then. V. C . in meter (9.42) 0 v Language-specific c phonetic 101 to the appropriate the (9.43) K in the Icelandic V.334. intermediate by folowed a stop. will V: C contain simply: cvI by the syllabifica- which will tion rules: become respectively and (9.35) above. then assign realisation rules-will segment (the governor in both cases).

descripis that they complicated a entail biphonemic solution either biphonemic the clusters sometimes tion of the allophones of such 1941 (i. e. the [sC] clusters luntie''(past) 'move' (past ) part. to give stop.45) sgr Esau. sound". 101 is dialect-specithe In this case. either it is assigned to the sonorant. A "dental spirant" followed by a stop shows the samebehaviour as the sonorants considered above: (9.44) ma8kur 'worm' Ema0kyr] Ema6khyrl ' *[maekhyt. to give [1p].26)).46) leysti hreyft gleypti rakt that stop-in Icelandic stop (cf.llow.335. iý Exactly the same kind of phenomena can be seen in two other Ice- landic processes cited by ThrAinsson (1978: 40-41). g. as Thrlinsson'shows lyingly aspirated tive +deaspirated in (9. then. as a voiced starts which sound . which are consequently deaspirated: (9. -rl sgrt further [santl any sequence of fricative +underis realised as a voiceless fricaconsidered above). seems to support the 101 in that the su ch cases component of governing point of view be dotreated should as a element whose prosodic opening glottal is a complete consonant cluster. tion in those retaining voicing of the spirant. "single is An/ e. 'moist' (neuter) The range of data surveyed above.46): (9.-I *[ma8kyr] devoicing. too. /r/ is devoiced before /pt k/. main I return now to the problem of the biphonemic or monophonemic (see Gaelic Scots "voiceless the of sonorants" interpretation of One of the disadvantages which Ternes notes in relation to (9. as a realised as a cluster becomes sometimes and voiceless). '[ýeiftl Eklelftl] [raxt] Iswa. (pwt) Peistj]. or to the [1ph]. phonetic assigrunent of fic. dialects deaspirain the deaspiration showing and no with In all dialects.

stressed pause" h is vowel alically. as in (9. The second is a case discussed by Ternes (1973: 80-89).. The first of vowels in Welsh. the voiceless/aspirated this problem disappears. If we adopt the prosodic interpretation of 101 outlined above. in viewed as a structure or e.47): the position of the realisa- (9. sequence in which aspiration precedes the sonorant.48): in either of . {IV phonetically. Ternes argues. segment single tion of 101 may vary. lip its tongue position of and own. and sometimes as one in which aspiration follows the sonorant. Finally in this I suggest. heard: It has no but it is hardly ever strong and distinct. /. C nhl that the question as to which of the four phobe should adopted with respect to these forms does solutions nemic in framework. Tongue and specific the positions lips simply maintain assumed for the predevoiced kind of of that prolongation a ceding vowel.336.47) 000 V.1E C . Thus. this there is only one posarise phonologically. already mentioned in 0-4-5. the case of "final h" in the Applecross dialect. in this case. /hn/. case of preaspiration *' IVI involving 101 I IVI 101 as characterised a structure < which #. /nh/. section I want to consider two cases where 101 is the is the only element in the syllable onset or coda. sonorant 101 is domain is. not sibilitY. the a prosody whose governing which -1' C11. C Ehnl [n . Phonologically. n/. then. such sequences may be transcribed the ways in (9. Under certain circumstances "some kind of hII is heard postvoc"short For before after example. /nV) is (i. vowel. V.

its articulatory ulatory gesture properties are determined by those of the element on which it is dependent. -i. in the the and velaric many speech glottalic of production (Abercrombie 1967: 28-33. e.48) [prih] [m5h] [fi3h] [prill [M201 [f iz)9] lboileq. Catford 1967: 63ff.49) V "\ In (9. element the 101 'segment' has the samearticulation as the vowel in such it is. as the characteristic is the therefore its governor.49). Although in many languages this is of course the case (at least. the pulmonic. (9. systhere are two other airstream mechanisms used in the languages.the use of different airstream priate in In I have the tacitly speech production. tematically). thevowel. aspreceding mechanisms sumed that all sounds are produced on one airstream -.49) (as in the representation for preaspirated vowels in Welsh) 101 is dependent on JVJ.337. for Thus. The fact that of syllable.49) aspirated seems an appropriate representation vowels' in dependency phonology: for these 'post- (9. because JVJ. Notice that there is no specification in the articas such 101. Ladefoged 1971: 23-31). appropriately reflected by representations cases (9.5 Airstream mechanisms I turn now to another aspect whose characterisation seem approinitiatory the to gesture . 9. The following table is taken from Ladefoged (1971: 23): . seemsto me. ! good' 'this' -cooked' (9.

egressive a pulmonic there i.51) uistic the mechanisms actually occurring in systematic lingitalicised.338. egressive.51) location compressive lungs larynx mouth pulmonic glottalic velaric pressure pressure pressure direction rarefactive pulmonic glottalic velaric suction suction suction In (9. also (Catford 1977: 76.51) (from Catford) shows the possibithe "initiatory activity". which organs carry out (9. a with produced are sounds involved is mechanism airstream. According to Catford. terms. or e. lities: (9. or pressure suction is and secondly. firstly. however. implosives. e. (9. Two parameters can be distinguished: whether the airis ingressive i. in Catford's mechanism stream involved (1977: 64). these in the production of He interpretation these-sounds. different of shows rather a offers in is that involved is is what quasi-egressive. only the airflow that . i. the whether location of the initiation of the sound. used. suction and velaric linguistically are not ingressive Notice that Ladefoged points out that glottalic 6vement downward the of vibrating glottis. pulmonic are communication pressure. although anthropophonically possible.50) Airstream Pulmonic -The principal Direction Egressive airstream Brief mechanisms description Type of stop Plosive Symbols ptk Lung air pushed out under the control of the muscles respiratory Pharynx air compressed by the upward movement of the closed glottis Glottalic Egressive Ejective P1 t' k' Glottalic Velaric Ingressive Ingressive Downward movement of the Implosive glottis vibrating by Click Mouth air rarefied the backward and downward movement of the tongue b Cr g. e.

larbetween the the in the closed e. although 101 is defined as characterising glottal opening. different airstream mechanisms. cord vibration vocal no with sounds However. most Munda languages have a-"'full Ladefoged (1971: 25) also points [i. the downwardmovementof the glottis over a static air column . component sary. within offered function is the to use of sole whose characterise component a vide this airstream mechanism 9. 1y.) ingressive out that glottalic implosives i. egressive airstream mechanpressure sounds.2 Glottalic airstream mechanisms As shown in (9. the Therepresence of phonologically. I will include these sounds in an attempt to offer a in what follows. language. and.the thus the the column generating and air of glottis movement relative 'voice' . implosive] unvoiced stops in final position". the glottalic airstream mechanismmay be is it is If the ingressive. a closed with e. raised the whole and [i. involve involving an open glottis. model. and are ism are known as ejectives. pharynx and mouth of the air (Ladefoged be to tends raised" stricture] the articulatory ynx and 1971:25). any sound a pulmonic must be can mechanism characterised phonetical. or egressive "so that the is larynx pressure and constricted. to the not prove pronecessary. closed. glottis egressive. are glottis set of four Greenberg (1970: 126). in Amharic: following contrasts the 25) offers .51). its be taken to also may characterise a pulmonic egressive airpresence TheIact is that the mechanism.5. or glottalic Ladefoged (1971: recorded. e. in but to found according are rare. Sounds produced on a glottalic. fore. and so. if necesairstream by the 101. a sound involving a pulmonic airstream mechanism Thus. of characterisation injective 9. are ejectives some although usually stops. pulmonic airstream mechanism stream least the interpretation the complex accords well with phonologically does it here.5.339.1 Pulmonic airstream mecahnisms By definition.

'grace' sagg(i 'to worry' zagga 'to ingressive airAs noted above. kirr 'warm' 'thread' dil garr mad3 'victory' 'innocent' 'grinding close' stone' 'one who comes' matf 'when' Slaggo. (1971: 30). implosive" an ejective and it Notice that Chomsky and Halle tures tion]) to characterise and [ejection] this ([glottal an (spE: 322-324) use two binary fea[implosion] (or [glottal mechanism: sucpressure]).54) At the systematic phonetic some characterisation [-n [0* glottalicl glottalic] level.52) t'll k1ir matf. such as the following: ejectives plosives implosives [+n glottalic] indicate "the degree force the of would value of with which n where the glottalic airstream mechanism Was used". sounds produced on a glottalic of the vocal stream usually (but not always) involve some vibration larynx is the Whether tightly or not closed. which uses "the differ fact that implosives and ejectives in terms of the single paralaryngeal movement toward the lungs" (1971: meter of rate of vertical 30).340. offer (9.53)bani 'curse' banu 'forest' panu 'leaf' benenu phaýu *1* Isn ake hood' lamentation' Ladefoged sets up a feature [glottalicness]. which also has a series found Sindhi is stops of voiced stops. 'quarrel' 'stay away' t1l.. and brea. Ejectives are [-implo- . the pressure between it and the articulatory stricture. (9. voiceless aspirated and unaspirated stops. it is lowered. cords. and occur allophones'which fact be that the formalises a cannot sound simultaneously also . be A Only stops can series of voiced implosive released. his system would presumably. He claims as as advantfact it describe "weakly implosive feature that the this can age of languages in in many certain environments. The contrasts involving the labial set are: thy voiced stops.. closure is and causing air to enter the mouth when the articulatory implosive. (9. thus reducing (Ladefoged 1971: in 26).

will show dependency relations with the categorial 101 in in the dependency as same manner other gesture words. the three possibilities: (9. e. ingressive will characterise a glottalic ordinary pulmonic sounds.55) does not.341. in which the initiatory gesture is dependent on the categorial.55) does not show mutual dependency beThis. [+implosion.I anisms should be characterised by a component in the initiatory gesIGI. formally the possible combination of -ejection]. represent an intermediate. +ejection] is excluded by the definition of the features.8) pulmonic lack the component IGI. initiatory gesture.55) differs from the somewhat similar (showing the possible relations between the categoria 'I 101. I claim. by LadI suggest. will.55c) if we view the only parameter in question as being the relaas in (9. i. cat Init glottalfcIngressive be noted that (9. cat C.8). is due to the tween the two gestures. both of which involve movement of the glottal closure . fact -a . dependeny in that the propose model glottalic airstream mech. as a component of the ture IGI -a component of glottalicness. initiatory the and gesture containing gesture rather than JGJ) in that the middle term in (9. [+implosion.55) *a. Amplosives +ejection]. containing IGI. in which the initiatory gesture. (9. a representation in which the reverse holds.56): tive height of-the glottis.55a) interpret to as and possible (9.55) represents b.downward for [implosion] and upward for [ejection]. of course. relaA representation tions will hold between the two gestures. as in (9. init It-I a glottalic egressive It will display (9.55b) intermediate between (9. represente'd as [0 glottalic] sound. governs the r-ategorial gesture will characterise a glottalic egressive sound. in fact. by the middle that the pulmonic airstream mechanism characterised term in (9. It is. Again. and other sounds sion'. point beingressive. [-implosion. -ejection]. tween glottalic egressive and glottalic (9. efoged.

Ladefotal stops). together /b/ opposition an a IbI with pulvsý g. (9. the treatment of IGI as having two phonetic correlates allows us to acfor certain naturally count implosives (see below). involving no glottalic IGI. show govglottalic (glottalic ingressives initiation lowering plus erning IGI.57) c I turn now to various sounds involving vocal cord vibration. glottalic egressives. (9. a which system between /b/. ingressive a glottalic and airmechanism airstream egressive monic Ibl. I think. dependent (or the and show pulmonic egressives glottis) glotof initiation. whose will show Thus. (hypothetical) illustration. on which the various points (9. in the 'normal' 'position are fits: segments with the glottis initiation.. lack IGI (cf. Al has /b/. Applying this allophonic realisations of plosives and system to various sounds produced with a closed mechanitm.56) IGI. vs. together the but of glottalic with presence rather alone. firstly. less complex than those with glottalic secondly.57): have display in lacking the we therefore (9. of relative (9. be dethen then.342. relative prominence will tion.pulmonic ingressive (or glottal stop) would suggest a continuum. glottalic [0 Such has. glottis. 101. stream 60 .glottalic egressive . and i.56) glottis glottis glottis raised . initiation involving plus raising of the glottis. e. in the the be of component manner characterised could IGI should not be taken as characterising the position of the glottis initiation.8).. that of a corresponding each such mechanism. those not employing a pulmonic airstream e. a of purposes Consider in is three-way there in opposition phonation-type. two beneglottalic]) a characterisation' ged's . However. Only initiaheight the sounds glottal'ic with glottis. termined by the height of the glottis. for the first.glottalic in normal position lowered .

for 101. i. IbI /b/ C. e.59) C. as the segments do not show however. . Such a system would in this voiced resent vs.V 0 /b/ C. as the maximum number of opposiis three. V I. In (9. implosive. (9. show IGI as well The series of voiced implosives will. contain plosives no and there are no voiced glottalic as ordinary (Catford 101 1977: 77-78).59): in as sives.58) C. I What to am proposing. tions in phonation-type for the pulmonic egressive The representations sounds. but would not be expected to occur. vs.58). the only of segments involved. IbI IbI Ibl. sible Similarly.V: O 0V C. respect with ture remain constant 101 in that the relationship the it is is absence of that only then. glottalic lack IGI. V: O. (9. in is If IGI the crucial. rep- the theoretically maximal number of oppositions area. .59). 'G 0G I V the relationships between 101 and the categorial ges(9.GC. only one kind of glottalic the implosive for the and so presence i.343. of which one must be voiceless.1. there is no need IGI is sufficient to characterise this. /b/ /b/ These representations initiation. characterisation 101 both IGI contain which and are the voiced implosives segments IGI. that of voiced e. established in §9.59). would be: (9.1 that these segments it is the nature of the propose as initiatory the gesture itself components within which determines the the Specifically. Thus the and segments presence of pressure IGI in simple combination is sufficient to characterise voiced implo(9. as gesture categorial between and airstream mechanismis pos101 is present.

different implosives degrees with of glottal voiced stricture.60) Sindhi C.V: O 0G /kl/ mechanisms: (Ladefoged 1971: 26) C. . . to propose a dependencyrelation between IGI and 101 in (9.61) Hausa C. .V: O 00 c /p/ C.63) Cc v: O.V Gcc Al Phonological IbI /p/ /Pl/ C.V GII IN (9.ýv /b/ like these can be related to phorepresentations in a way similar to that discussed for segments representations netic 101 For segments involving 101 IGI IVI and ICI involving . We see also that the phonologically more complex series of-voiced imhave a more-complex representation than the series of pulplosives monic stops.59) . I offer here what seem to be appropriate representations for some typical phonological systems involving the use of both glottalic and pulmonic airstream (9.there is no opposition to be madewith any other combination of IGI and 101. .ie. various the following seem appropriate phonetic representations: (9. G G (CrI [cf] [CrI .344.62) Uduk (Ladefoged 1971: 27) C.V: O /b/ (Ladefoged 1968: 64) 0G II cc k/ (9.

of which phenomena noted stops.345. Consider developed being the phonetic representations model for the pulmonic voiced stop and the voiced implosive: is because the difference between implosives allows us to represent in an obvious way various I discuss two of these below: firstly.64) [t] (9. because the simple implosive. and. for reasons that will ) below. rather again see one of The advantages which Ladefoged claims are also apparent in the 76). -" IGI. both by Ladefoged. sed phonetic sible allophonic One-of the advantages that Ladefoged claims for his scalar feais that "it provides a nice way of describing weakly ture [glottalic] implosive allophones which occur in many languages in certain environThe-occurrence (1971: 30)..63) phonetic in that it retainý [tll the advantages discussed above with respect to 101 involving in the initiatory only representations gesture. processes. important the posrealisation of voiced plosives as weakly implosivefree the variation of voiced implosives and laryngealisecondly. Ladefoged of such allophones. for glottalic sounds involving no vocal cord to their phonological representations: The representations be similar will vibration (9. become apparent . ments" is and plosives claims. (9.65) we find 101 44).: voiced plosives (Notice that V: V: k-t voiced implosives in (9. is both to a voiced as sufficient characterise presence of in the previous noted section. here. in which 101 and IGI are in simple combination.65) CC 0 . (1971: 1977: kind (but Catford 17) than degree.

66) seems an appropriate characterisation of such segment-types: 0 u. not may He notes the need for a feature characterising airstream glottalic it in that interact features the a such way can with which mechanisms the state of the glottis. and from that for implosives in the relative prominence IGI (hence the mutual dependency relation in (9. (9. differ (9. and should able . thus reflectof ing the 'weak' uses of-the glottalic-airstream mechanism. ..and there may or mode of vibration be lowering a of the larynx. from voiced stops in having glottalic but cusses differ from 'normal' voiced implosives in that the implosion is weak. as ency model.66) differs from the representation for voiced plosives in having IGI.346.62)).66) (9. glottalic e. laryngealized and what we are here calling in which there is always a particular consonants . we in This be this illustrated chapter. of the vocal cords .. .. Ladefoged (1968: 16) following: the notes Laryngealized voicing often occurs during a voiced imWe can separate out two kinds of glottalplosive. weakly implosive allophones of voiced plosives which Ladefoged disinitiation. G (9. in is the to have any case essential proper characterisation seen.67) represents . ized consonants: what we are here calling voiced imploin which there is always a downward movement sives . In terms of the dependIGI 101 be interact to then... they airstream not employ mechanism.which. With respect to the second of the phenomena.. .. can the surveyed phenomena of are concerned with with respect to the particular the two types: problem discussed by Ladefoged. from voiced implosives only in lacking Voiced plosives differ IGI do The the i.and there may or may not be laryngealof the glottis ized voicing.

less prominent than in the representation If. and (9.69) V: G 0 (as in (9.69): (9.67).70). for voiced implosives.67) Cc i: V: 0 GI 0 laryngealised plosives voicedimplosives If we consider (9.347. we see that (9.68) first laryngealised representation: Plosives with some implosion.69) are each shown to be intermediate between the two representations in (9. - . we display the four segment-types as (9. (9. s in which. Similarand ly.66)) 101 is i.68). voiced implosives with laryngealised voicing are shown as (9. now. lack the consequent of prominence of the IGI component.68) q V O: G with a weak use of the glottalic airstream mechanism. because the degree of glottal opening reduced. seems an appropriate (9.

348. (Ladefoged 1971: 28). The airstream airstream oppositions (9.40 Oqa 'gather unripe corn' voiceless unaspirated click :za qa 'climb' murmured nasal click 0. (9.0. in series of dental voiced click F-4 g. Oqapia 'a ct quickly' - 0- .4 a a 'dance at wedding' clicks in Zulu: voiced nasal click rj.71) mechanism can be used simultaneously with a pulmonic (1971: Ladefoged 30) offers the following and mechanism.5. the back of the tongue maintaining When a more forward part contact with the soft palate. its use in the formation of sounds other than stops. by downward the and backward movement of the rarefied body of the tongue.3 Velaric airstream mechanisms In the use of the velaric airstream mechanism: a body of air is enclosed by raising the back of the tongue to make contact with the soft palate. of the closure known is produced.70) V C I f I 0C pulmonic: laryngealised plosives 0: 13 laryngealised stops with some implosion C I V: O: G voiced implosives VIG I0 laryngealised implosives 9. air rushes into the mouth. This mechaas a click sound a and and there are no reports of nism is always ingressive. and either (more lips the or closing commonly) forming a closure on the teeth or alveolar ridge with the tip (or blade) The air in this chamber is and sides of the tongue. is released.

the use the of prominence 'weak'. and lowering of the velum. there is vocal cord vibration. simultaneously anism Clearly. than those which do not. In the dependency model. simultaneously with the velar closure.72) C. both of which cooccur with the velaric airstream mechanism. Thus. as no oppositions are made between different degrees logical is of this mechanism. V for the segment-types V. Ladefoged is no distinction kinds at the phonetic level (1971: 31) notes that there are different "powerful" in Ngumi languages. and absent otherpresent will which involving Sounds a velaric airstream mechanism are shown to be wise. For /g-4/. this state of affairs JKJ label I by a component which shall simply captured -a component is if be the mechanism employed.72) complex more phonologically as suitable (9. This difference can be captured by the IKI component. a's there is no dependency relation be this in can phonologically which relevant. in Yoruba and Idoma. of a level. C in (9. no between 101 and IKI is posited. K representations C. in 'strong'.71): V. I propose (9. the representation of the velaric airthe Although phonologically there at phonetic-level. all mech- the velaric airstream mechanism by means Ladefoged characterises [velaric This is feature binary at the phonofeature suction]. way need be said about. and with "a wide range of weak uses" Little languages. sounds involving a velaric and a pulmonic airstream have closure at the velum. K g-: z (necessary) glottal in which. for /ýq/.349. mechanism stream to be made amongst degrees of click. is Zulu it is The while the mechanism click of difference might be characterised as: in West African . C: O. there is breathy voice. K O. for those sounds involving opening.

(cf. which occurs in Yoruba. for is made in Late in this area.4 <kp> sounds Ladefoged (1968) discusses a number of different sounds correform in the to orthographic a number of West African <kp> sponding languages. in Late (1968: 9). other airstream for a voiceless resentation in initiatory the resentation utilise The second type. These sounds differ in a number of ways concerned with Ladefoged distinguishes three types. for example. and mechanisms. the air flows in both direc- simultaneously . while reducing is high. then..350. gesture only articulatory any. because the pressure of the pulmonic egressive closure velar representing the 'weak' use 101 IKI both in above. (8. the mentioned require and mechanism click of (9. for examPle. Idoma. type.74): in as their representations. involves two airstream ingressive the After velaric and the pulmonic egressive. involving only imposed on a pulmonic airstream". in front the behind the the of pressure velar closure. Such sounds.. then. as no opposition between /Op/ and. a pulmonic airstream mechanism in a language which does not appear to The first mechanism (1968: 52). the mouth. airstream.73) C V: O: K Yoruba [6'bl C: K O U: Zulu [641 9. (9. the vibrating with the retraction in.74) C: O. would have the repplosive in the-categorial gesture: no repgesture is required. K The third that. and con"simply the simultaneous articulation of of k and p .71)). The difference in Late /p/ would be captured in the representations of the example. the back of the tongue is retracted. supersists Such a sound. (9. airstream type occurs. mechanism thus the double closure is made.5. differs from type two in of the tongue. tions into Whýn the closure is released.

101. and IGI are where. might chapter) rather like the normal form of the systematic phonetic representations in an phonology.75) C. the production as is (9. However. 9. if they are taken to more perhaps are be fully non-redundant phonological representations of the languages in question.75) (and other representations in this be taken as very broad phonetic specifications.76) -(9-79) 1 offer some constraints between the categorial and initiatory universally (9. I am not concerned here with such redundancies. %0' 1 :){%V1 presupposes a pulmonic airstream mechanism glottal {O.75) fully than specified necessary. implosive.6 1 note are which be may universally true of phonological syswhich some'redundancies tems. again. K no dependency relations between JKJ. internal to phonological systems. Rather.76) {G **--+' 91 z* {C 91 airstream (a sound involving a glottalic mechanism must be a stop) 77) (voicing (9. Thus. Gl opening) (all (9.351. 01 {C -*-VI v {V (clicks'produced with a simultaneous pulmonic egressive airstream involve or stop a a nasal) pulmonic voiced either mechanism . G. although in §9..74) and (9.74) and (9.78) {.V: O. required. (9.6 In (9. I It should be noted that the representations in (9. of a voiced glottis in the production of these three mechanisms airstream are employed all highly have Such the representation: complex sounds might sounds. Some generaliSations holding'between'the'gestures which appear to hold gestures. p-v-type .79) voiced implosives are stops) ýK. in lowered.

also segments distinctive feature a approach to these phenomena. contexts trigger the operation of one of the three mutasegment.Chapter 10 The Phonological Representation of the Welsh Mutations The first large scale process which I shall examine in some demutation in Modern Welsh. particular Jackson (19. and (1955: 130-133) on (literary) In such mutation systems.that of consider Awbery (1973). the soft mutation and spirant form (<ei>). see. Scots Jackson (1973: 69ff) on Manx.but rather to indicate in what dependency phonology can characterise the relations between the ways in the various mutation processes. For expossessive adjective <fy> the masculine and feminine in muta- while which are identical person singular possessive adjectives. the in person singular ample. triggers third the nasal mutation process. however. and the "radical" mutated segment. Similar Hamp such as of also systems As Griffen in Celtic languages. systems 6 Dochartaigh (ms: a) on Irish. which gical This interpretation will largely be based on the analysis proposed by Griffen (1975. who gives a generative account of the mutation system in Welsh. and in tail is the phenomenon of initial in terms of the phonolothis chapter I shall offer an interpretation developed has been framework in the preceding chapters. it is not my intention to offer here a full account of the various phenomena. the for Ternes other occur example. grammatical a word-initial tion processes affecting the to is appropriate give altered segment first Welsh. that is.1976). Smith (1972: 14) on Cornish. (1975: 1) points out.67: 308ff) on Breton. "the mutation systems of the Celtic languages function in much the same way as the inflectional languages Latin" (see 1951). I shall. with respect to both syntax and phonology. Gaelic. trigger respectively .

relationship rules and radicals mutation (10.353. processes operate: soft mutation ' ei ben 'his head' ei dad nasal mutation fy Men 'my head' fy nhad spirant mutation ei ei phen 'her head' thad pen 'head' tad 'father'.1). from Bowen and Rhys Jones (1960: 166). taken processes. which show the way in which the tion various mutation radical This is illustrated in the forms in (10. ceffyl 'horse' basged 'basket' desg 'desk' gardd 'garden' mam 'mother' Ilong 'ship 'his father' 'my father' fy ngheffyl 'my horse' fy masged 'my basket' fy nesg Imy desk' fy ngardd 'my garden' . radical of one none realised The between the the apply. 'her father' ei cheffy] 'her horse' ei geffyl'his horse' ei ei fasged 'his basket' ddesg 'his desk' no change ei ardd 'his garden' ei ei fam 'his mother' long 'his ship' no change no change rhosyn 'rose' ei rosyn rose' _'his is The then. if the the segment. .2) radical /p/ <P> <t> /t/ <c> / k/ <b> /b/ sof t mutation <b> <d> <g> <f> /b/ /d/ /g/ /V/ nasal mutation <mh> /Th/ <nh> /ph/ <ngh> /r)h/ 0 /m/ <M> VT/) (/p/) (/o/) 0 spi rant mutation <ph> /f/ <th> /0/ <ch> /x/ /d/ <d> <g> /g/ <m> /m/ /I/ <11> /p/ <rh> <dd> /a/ (deletes) <f> <1> /V/ /I/ <n> /n/ <ng> /0/ <r> In .2) (adapted from Griffen segments-is presented mutated as various 1975:4): (10.

which Griffen notes are apparent in Awbery's Awbery uses a fairly traditional treatment. (10. He notes that under certain grammatical conditions. of vertical IgI in /Y/). It is difficult to feature +voc.354. and treats the radicals as underlying forms (systematic phonemes). within the feature system which Awbery usest also adequate 141 /r/. the segments. to the However. and so forms with orthographic <rh> do not participate in the in Nantgarw. in Nantgarw. assignment have the Rule j 10. Various differences can be found in dialectal forms.3) is. Similarly.ItI [+cons.3).cf. nasal mutamutation processes ti on of /p t k/ gi ves the sameas nasal mutation of /b d g/. set of sPE-type features. any of the segments in the radical column will undergo soft mutation -a "single process" . i.2) are those found in standard Welsh. as phonological The difficulties (10.3) (10. /y/ (where the use /g/. into the converted are appropriate mutated forms by phonological which She the characterises soft mutation processes as involving two rules. voiced nary The problem with which Griffen is concerned is how to characterise the relationships between the radicals and the various mutated forms. 1 1975. /I/.4) [-voice] [-contl [+voice] / -)[+contl -). follows: rules. feature framework is inHowever. a change moment Griffen return -l(10. These then..to give the segment in the soft mutation column. changes to characteri se -* . /d/. covers changes -)j Id I. Notice that the forms given in (10. e. -cont). an account in terms of a distinctive for the characterisation of this process in any unitary adequate fashion. Igl'-+ Ibl'.4) /v/19 /6/. Thus in the Nantgarw (Glamorgan) dialect (Thomas1961) there is no /t/. . for instead /men/ of example nasals. [-cont] +voice-nas --Iiq IpI It 19 IkI the /b/9 as expected. and rule denotes form the brackets underlying or radical . ordi /Ten/.

liquids In the that are other words.355. IgI (10. jgj gave /y/ as the soft mutation. by Zwicky (1974). herself Awbery justified: be decision that this thatnotes can see is the only evidence this "the possibility generalisation of making [-cont]".. with /y/ later being historically. C. CfhhXVYjjY CmnNIRfSf A. Scots Gaelic the in the of section stop syssecond radicals It be based the is of seen that aspiration.4) to It will be seen that the application of radical level.. the discussion in chapter 8. available at present being is is feature used as nothing more potentially phonetic which a than a diacritic marker to ensure that the necessary forms undergo the rule.1)) unaspirated series a voiceless and of (10.5) stem initial resulting stem initial resulting CV. (corresponding in first to the the radicals series section aspirated (corresponding to the (10. Such a process to be taken the support notion that velars are inherently might weaker than labials and dentals. zero (10. rather in Irish: (10. Dochartaigh Welsh. this that two other cases and unacceptable I-* -)later deleted is by A be a rule". C2 ptkbdgmLNRsf iý yywInrh fhx .6) as the Ilenition paradigm' (ms: a) offers (10. deleting. is in fact the /y/. than as /y/. thus giving the asymmetry in the modern system. It is into notice that soft mutation in Scots Gaelic presents the teresting following pattern (from Ternes 1973: 69): (10. 0 -ý-I be carried out parallel Idl [jbj /v/.5) hh ph th ih kh ptfAk find a voiceless we =palatalisation). nnIr In the first row of J. /8/1. similar strategy proposed segment Notice that both Awbery and Griffen point out that.6) C. lost. cf.1)). will opposition on tem 'expected' the the velar stop yields unaspirated of the soft mutation 6 in Similarly. at surface segment not realised while gives to the Awbery suggests that "the change.

_+g j Yet another rule. Awbery exceptional nature claims soft mutation. 0 directly. specified as reflected this must change of i. realisation) rule will readily be seen that the unitary nature of soft mutation is not captured by Awbery's treatment.8) a. [+cns] D VOC I +vcd I +Iat l +trl +cnt (It will be seen that Griffen characterises Igil -. -* in be an additional rule. Igi [ +obs ] +vcd +bck I +cns] -Voc [ +cnt ] -nas d . soft mutation "involves voicing in some cases. a 'specifying' for the nasality the value change It will (or phonetic feature. IpI Itl I kj in with desonorization in yet others" with sonorization /b/ -ý/d/ /g/ [ vcd +asp ývýd -asp ]/ [-+ obs -cnt ] E+obs] E+cntl +vc d] bck C. e. continuance and denasalization another. too. deletion in another. . it appears. (10. as in (.: to place of articulation".356. one change remains to be characterised in Awbery's treatment of Iml "that the /v/.8): (10.7) [-contl [+contl -* / -+voice+nas -comp rave .10. notice that Griffen (1975: 9-12). continuance in others. and voicing and vocalization (1976: 14). presents a set of rules in which. /V/ +vcd +ant -cor e.

10) -1 0 d4 94 0 b d 9 + +1 bh dh gh +2 bhh dhh dhh 0 bn dn gn +1 bhn dhn ghn Using this system. (in This is difanalysis carried out soft mutation). is there Thus. ra- the set of rules in (10. what he views as a prosody superimposed upon the obstruction. In (n). discussed in broad outline in 93. ) Griffen (1975: 7) notes that hence the need for five rules.10): in representation (10. the of a gradual opposition on of which ganised Thus.the hierarchical model of phonology.4 above.357. a nasality prosody prosody the Welsh_consonant sub-system. Griffen is able to offer a unitary account . 141 being as and and ther than Awbery's three. 1ý1 [+cont]. followed by voiced stops (9). segment"..9) 123423 vbpfm dt0n 9kx 0 (10. within a particular ferent phonological framework . with voiceless fricatives having the strongest degree of the (hh). addition. It will be recalled that Griffen characterises the consonant sub-system of Welsh as being orbasis 'aspiration'.9) fails to This this unity within process". inj(10.9) is given the hierarchical (10. capture in terms of each rule in the soft mutais manifested 'phonetic unity' "a segment which is more lenis than the tion process creating . and voiceless stops the prosody (h). underlying the "degree of phonetic Griffen offers an alternative analysis of Welsh mutation. have-the weakest degree-of called voiced fricatives are traditionally (q).

11) represents ments: (10. -).11) a.358. whose characteristics established on independent grounds. In that I am not concerned here with the exact nature of the between underlying and surface forms. d voiceless voiced Iml 141 to consider the soft mutation process in terms of of the categorial the relationships gesture developed in chapter 6. I shall accept the basis of Griffen's In what follows.i. from 0 to -1 in a weakening of one degree of the aspiration the-case of voiced stops becoming voiced fricatives. e. a proposes which charmunication) -+ -1-. by simply change should represented whether of Igi as phonologically exceptional. aspiration. V V. b.V. or whether the rule should marking intermediate /y/. C. V V.11b) is not adequate to account for the IgI V -)change. analysis . V V. (personal deleted. or from +1 to 0 in the case of voiceless stops becoming voiced stops. C C. an yielding stage regularly. Specifically. C -). this i. V. of soft feature accounts consimore adequate than either of the distinctive dered above. C) stop -* voiced fricative /v/ -* /1/ V.. which is subseapply 6 by Awbery. V V. V. -bacterises in dependencyterms as: dell . C Notice that (10. I shall attempt to show that a more involves. that the 'phonetic unity' associated with soft mutation However. C -*. C. C. C. between the various sets of seg- stop -* voiced stop' I". Dochartaigh argued as comquently Igi derivation /Y/ /R/ he Y. I ignore the problem relation be directly. e. his treatment of the process is in this respect and mutation. have been I want first the representations (10. C. C. of the phenomenon can be given within the natural interpretation framework of dependency phonology. soft mutation is interpreted aý involving prosody.

to i. not show processes than the shows ICI in governing position) be*/m/ Iml. process. or. /r/. the aspirate mutation). Welsh 1975: in Modern /v/11 too. historically.11) is it that only partially clear represents this. (10. (Notice that in many dialects. (Griffen 2). from as calls mutation spirant guish soft mutation Iti IpI Iki /f/. the characterisation of lenition 6). chapter rather. is Iml at we see that Irish given as involves the /m/ change of a segment with oral closure of the mutation (a fricative). that [%].6) lenition in the Dochartaigh's in of presentation above. specifications. i. the.11) is that it fails to distin(or. that in some dialects of Breton [61 appears as the mutated form of Although soft mutation appears to be phonologically a unitary (10. friction into nasal(ised) oral one with (a nasal stop) is less IVI-like (in that it developed into a liquid A more serious objection to (10.359. addition deletion by and (d) all involve the segment becoming more IVI-like. nasal 6 (10. (b). Awbery it. fricative. e. Dochartaigh for this As notes support ulatory gesture. realised voiced as a was tween vowels. in'the case of (d). the of change e. in these cases. Observe. . (c) in does this. .12) Earticl c vv 9y6 [articl => V. soft tion in the categorial be the characterised may as changing of the radical segment mutation into a more IVI-like segment (cf.. (a). a segment which has the same representagesture as /I/. by subsequent of /r/ has of a ICI componen't. least Thus. ) Thus. C > =:: y to the voiced fricatives as in which /6/ shows the same relationship representa/h/ to the voiceless ones. that occurred notice radical bilabial in it Old Welsh 151. by Awbery is as: characterised 1x1. /v/ However. "when Brythonic However. tion as voiced 6 derivation. which . C q V. it has the same categorial lacks in but the articfricative. IVI a component.

(10. of a the.1 of the larynx before consonant release. values categories -1. there are three phonologically .13) [-contl [+contl -* -vo. role we seen. Griffen's With respect to soft mutation. of aspiration forced out-of the cavity" created by the width of the orifice of the Griffen 1975: 284) correlates with larynx. relevant dependency in be the These reinterpreted categories can 0. Grifof fen's aspiration prosody correlates articulatorily with the width of In chapter 9. and the resulting pressure 101. This component can plausibly be used aspiration prosody in Welsh. degree (i. (10. the process appears to involve the addition be distinguish IVI is to it to That able necessary component. Thus. the orifice involving that degree (or various phenomena of glottal opening argued best bythe dependency are characterised component of glotstricture) tal opening. segments prosody 101mutually dependent the the representation of catehave with gree degree the the strongest of prosody with segments and gorial gesture.4. account. (h) (i.360. Recall. of-. and cf. in this interpretation. (10. two processes is apparent from the fact that they show a (partly) both input: the stops can undergo of voiceless processes. the treatment of the of prominence the relative to characterise in. SdotsTernesl. ce] liq Spirant mutation may be characterised I in the dependency model as: (10. too. degree the the follows: of aspiration with weakest segments as system basic 101 dedependent the in have with position. §9.10): in the and e. represented as 101. These problems may be overcome by appealing to Griffen's notion in As have the of aspiration soft mutation. phenomena -tbe-. too. the amount of "breath. aspiration Gaelic consonant system as involving an opposition of aspiration. have governing .. and +1). . e. set shared in different (but predictable) grammatical environments.14) voiceless stop -* voiceless fricative C -* V: C In this case.15): in 101 in as position.

of governing mutually prominence of gree becomes dependent). C voi'c6d.C.V 0 m /V/ V. V. b. C 0 Soft mutation can be characterised as the reduction in the de101 (i. an not to the */m/ corresponds nevertheless general rule >/ý/->/W) quence 101-ness in the involves reduction of a segment. dependent together unilaterally with mutually and IVI in Notice the the that the increase of component. e. C: O V.15) allows a more as (10. V: O .16) a. 'nSsals V.V 0 V. prominence an is deviant in Iml /v/. it that does as above. V 104C V.V: O v. C. C: O 0 voiceless 0 nasals C U. that soft mutation . becomes dependent. change -+ IVI-ness (because historical in the increase of involve se-'.361. C. noted which.16): 0 -). voiced stop voiced fricative C. voiceless of the'segment-types of soft mutation.V. +1 voiced stops C. 'The presentation interpretation natural (10. V. V: O -1 ý0 voiced fricatives V. C.C:O -). stop -* voiced stop in (10. C: O voiceless 0 I- stops liquids V. C. C.

types of the categorial Spirant mutation. "the nature of in that opposition gradual means reality a phonological as aspiration . in the is representations of apparent and the also straint . 101 This the by the an congoverning of presence overridden (10. optionality) rence is also apparent in repIn chapter 9. soft mutation of Iml is synchronically dictable.15). To this extent. is Rather. of a 101 involved. Griffen (1975: 182) notes that pre- "the gradual opposition' of phonologically can alway predict the phonetic occurpertinent apiration . Those phonological representations with containing resentations 101 in unilaterally voiceless. in IVI unlike soft mutation.362. the phonetic the component the prominence of difference in degree of aspiration between voiceless stops and voice(whereby the fricatives have greater glottal opening less fricatives than the stops ) does not appear to be phonologically relevant-in . voice cannot predict aspiration". as we have seen. while within with specification ever dependent position are al101 in mutually dependent or unilaterally the that the representation of categorial provided gesvoiced.s but (or of voice. such as nasals. gesture. then.1 argued that such a constraint 101. ways specification ture specifies a voiced segment. whatgoverning position are invariably the those the categorial gesture. governing of segments JVJ. priately The scalar represented nature of the aspiration in a system in which its prosody is more approis always representation with the segmentclaim (1975: 182) that which perhaps holds uni- kinds in of relationship various occurs and present. of reflected more appropriately 'zero-degree' 'minus-dehoc in the than notions of and ad phonology labelling himself "as Griffen admits are used a mnemonic greel which I suggest that Griffen's device". Thus. also involves the addition However. no reduction component. the 'inherent' IVI is the involving as voiced. is the opposition is ever present-in various degrees of realization" dependency in the notational sYstem. as an independent generalisation versally. is brought from formally in aspiration out of voice predictability the system.

the Griffen calls aspirate mutation. while both voiceless stops and voiceless addition of a 101. no change in the prominence of the 101 component is in. Spirant Thus.17) voiceless stop -). segment[ing] out the voicelessness . (Griffen and occurs only with certain possessive forms.ogical (10. v6lved in spirant mutation. with .20) [+voice] -* [-voice] / [-_cons] later "a specifying rule .. Griffen distinctive triggers the aspirate muta'! the aspirate mutation characterises feature framework as (10. Awbery's rule devoicing: process involves phonol. As noted in §7. vow1975: 16). el" (10-18): in as (10. can be characterised as involving the IVI component.. in that both show a relatively fricatives large show governing degree of glottal opening.5. and which Awbery treats as which (which the of spirant mutation she labels as aspirate mutaa sub-part This... mutation is realised as "preaspiration of an initial tion).19) However.voiceless fricative C V: C Welsh.4.363. as in (10. and it is therefore distinguished from soft mutation. there is a fourth mutation process in Welsh. .19): [--hvoigch] cns F+VOC I L-cns J for this process within the (10.17): (10.18) ei eglwys' ei heglwys [I [i eglols] hegfols-I 'his 'her church' church' feminine the possessive adjective where tion process. mutation. then.

preaspiration. the semi-vowels /w/ and /J/) and the labial nasal are "glides" affected (10. and w. to that as an h segment". 101 by itself onset.118). fri: Fynes-Clinton (1913: xviii). (1976). in which the phonetic realisation of an 101 prosody whose domain is the cluster can vary between. This approach is not dissimilar discussed in chapter 7. (clust4r) in is the onset. although the transcription that the semi-vowels are preaspirated (like the vowels in standard Welsh).21) in which 101 is dependent on JVJ. but rather-lists is form the to It j voiceless of seems w approw". he does-not include these sounds in his set of Ispirants'. the appropriate dependency representation.22) appears to imply However.364. however. liquids. are semi-vowels Notice. J. with respect to 101 and-consonant clusters. cative bilabial voiceless from whom the examples in (10.22) in the Bangor dialect: ei ei ei Wiaith (h)wats mab hi [I [I [I hJaI61 hwa6l mha P11 4) 'her 'her 'her language' watch' son' in (10. forms the syllabic In other words. and devoicing. tion in the case of aspirate mutation is (7. e. as there is 101 [h]. this is contradicted by Griffen's statement (1975: 185) that fricative voiceless "/hj/ a and /hw/ represents a palatal represents (rounded)".. is the voiceless soundthem with h. that whether we interpret these segments as . characterise as segments voiceless priate. postaspiraHowever. for example.22) are taken. realised as no consonant between aspiration The relationship and voicing is also apparent in a variant of the aspirate mutation. (aspirated) these to then. corresponding . repeated here: feature (10. as the governor of the syllable. in which words beginning with (i. uses the symbols q and However. Lass 1 further Following that assume prevocalic semi-vowels.

nasal mutation appears to involve 101-ness. those in (10. they will have or as being simply voiceless.24) [-nas] [+nas] -* [--cIiq Ont] fewer problems. jkj Like spirant mutation. /o/. Ipl. C: o V.V. C: O 0 V. Idl.25): in in change as no with crease in 1 (10. V. e. The nasal mutation process offers acterises the process simply as: (10.365. C determine whether the governing 101 is realised simultaneously with the representation of the catego(to it (to devoicing). Ibl.voiced nasal C. V. Phonetic realisation rules will nasals'. of gesture a component in the articulatory whose articulatory . IgI /n/. (10. or preceding give preaspiragive rial gesture to the exact status of the 'voiceless I return directly tion). it will be recalled that in §8. IVI-ness. labial both the the semi-vowels and of nýsal inmutation aspirate 101-ness in the increase of the representation: volves showing preaspiration the same phonological (10. voiceless nasal V. i.25) voiceless stop -* voiceless nasal an in- 0 v ow voiced stop -).23). C: O However. V: O -I. C voiced nasal -).23) voiced semi-vowel -* voiceless semi-vowel V. The representations.9 1 argued that nasals from distinguishable by the further other segment-types presence are InI. and jtj. Awbery char- Thus.

This suggests that Awbery's Enh] is a more appropriate form than [g]. Up I have to in now. might correlate ing from the nasal mutation process will contain Inj in the articulatory gesture (together with the representations of the articulatory different places of articulation): gesture characterising (10. however. as involving both an increase in IVI-ness.27): it .. appropriate to consider the so-called 'voiceless detail. C: O. an while Awsegment (ilmh.n SC voiced stop -ý. and the addition of the Inj component. have again we a situwhich segment discussed in 9. essentially phonologically approach that [n]. transcriptions. it as apparent series. the to be perceived as such. chapter seems phonologicalation 101 from the application the ly. nh followed suggest bery's transcriptions a nasal oh/) voiced . of and should be characterised e4uivalent' as a single [-voice]. although Awbery has a rule which simply specifies by /h/. form. V: O -).V. Indeed. resulting governing of nasal mutation .voiced nasal C.26) voiceless stop -* voiceless nasal 0 O. nasal mutation of this e. but argues the tion of nasal mutation of notes that determining the occurrence of there are perceptual constraints Itl for i. It is. n from the other mutaThus. 'lowering be Thus the the segments resultof velum'. mentally Itl is phonetically Enh]. dependency is In terms. It like those that. by '[h]').366. followed a of aspiration period e. iss [nh] is that is the correct. be that these segments consist of a voiceless nasal claimed also can (i. the result of nasal mutation of a voiceless stop as [-voice]. shows experivoicelessness least in Awbery. more rather assumed that these nasals' segments are simply the voiceless counterparts of the normal voiced from is Griffen's However. she "must undergo a specifying rule which segments out the (1973) feature Scully h as an segment". nasal mutation can be distinguished tions. lisaspeech at of surface rea. as in (10. voiceless has a prosodic status. the the that.

as in (10. The 'specifying rules' will determine that.28) oz V.27) ýs ozz----ý. consisting of a single as where segment. then. phonetically. discussed chapter phenomena parallel to the aspiration . (10.367. 101 is sequentially distinct. C nha v The situation. nh ad 101 domain its has the syllable onset.28): (10. is exactly in 9.

'and*distinCtive'feature*intorpretations Following Cohen (1958). Ewen based largely is that here of on treatment 11.Chapter 11 The Phonology of the Diminutive in Dutch The second large scale phonological process which I wish to in have I the is to referred at various points one which consider diminutive behaviour in Modern the the of suffix chapters preceding has been extensively discussed in the litera Dutch. by These H& (henceforth and van Kooij rules are and distinctive feature framework.1 The data. ture: general for discussion of phonological aspects. K). [tja1q these choice amongst are which . most the can of suffix of [pial. on aspects of its behavNetherlands. The [etjal. This phenomenon (1959). Haverkamp-Lubbersand Kooij (1971). Gussenhoven (1978). den Berg the dialects van in iour within non-standard (1975) on the dialect of Utrecht. for example. Cohen (1958). In this chapter I want to discuss in somedetail a treatment of framework has been dethe phonological which within these phenomena involve This detailed 4 in will a rather consichapters -9. of surface phonological have the important various realisations. veloped deration of various aspects of the rules proposed by Haverkamp-ýLubbers Zonneveld. H&K set up /tja/ as the underlying However. Hoppenbrouwers(1978) on that of (ms) (1979) Gurp Ewen Gurp van and and on that Westerhoven. and van of Breda. van Haeringen (1958). Ekjal. and van Zonneveld (1978). [Jal. Moulton (1962). The binary in a standard couched (1978). for Shetter discussion. and see. diminutive form the the form suffix. and.

tion those words which end in a My argument will concern principally it be look liquid. 'game' 'present' .369. to. that these rules. maandje jak. meeuwtje konvoot. any explana-. and obstruents. fail to explain although observationally between certain environments in which the same forms the relationship fail to the and. is [tie].. mandje maand. (whether it is a diphthong. is in chosen a particular suffix environment. phonological shall attempt to show counting adequate. the form of the suffix 'onion' . mdeuw. e. suffix of -further. formulation in the 1 the underlying of notion ) below. the form of the mand. cadeautje (1971: 14)). for reasons which I will discuss below.2): DIM Cxv [-son E+cor I [-contl (Notice that van Zonneveld does not work with the generative hence (11. konvooitje' Iseajull' 'convoy' Van Zonneveld characterises this process as (11. or schwa). the form of the if the last segment is /w/ or /j/ In addition.. but first to useful will at words ending a or nasal If the last segment of a word is a vowel in vowels. particular a of why in the distincI will suggest. this to return If suffix (11. phonologically motivated. tive feature framework. form.2). b. offer are selected. cadeau.. . diminutive (i. in H& K's terms. general. a long vowel. and seems realisations the rules which H&K and van Zonneveld set up are concerned with acI for these regularities. in be. jakje foutje fout. is due to deficiencies This failure. ui.3) the last is lial: segment of a word is an obstruent. a glide is also [tJal: a. uitie' partijtje partij. 'basket' 'month' 'Jacket' 'mistake' .

370. instead of deleting A/ to give [jal. 1971:10-11. Cohen by and Gussenhoven treated as such there seems to be an increasing following this /y/ '. weg. that I turn now to the consideration of words ending in a nasal or (1. slightly more complex than the data in (11. rib. 'strange Ei-. Notice. too. however. in as person'. in addition to the above. vlaggetje> 'flag'. <gekkie> realised quently 'clog' <klompie> . after of words number --cf. especially pattern. If the last segment is /s/ or /t/. <vlag. presented e. ' (Noti-ce. (name) blaar veer koor deur lbi isterl 'feather' 'choir' 'door' <-tje> . poppetje ribbetje weggetje ruggetje IdolP 'rib' 'way' 'back' These forms appear to be phonologically exceptional. Van Zonneveld'formulates DIM X (C) the rule c [-son] for obstruents as: The situation in relation to the obstruents is. as <jakkie>. g.. van Zonneveld 1978:282). some words ending in a short vowel followed by /p/. gel 'pod' 'arrow' low]. For convenience liquid. [atial: pop. I give the relevant data below. and are (1971: (1958: 44). H&K 10).16) in data i. then palatalisation of this segment occurs (e. rug. be (H to to this &K there several seem relevant area of which rule. In addition. that [jel is fre1. however. ) (1978: 211).3) suggests. insert schwa to give IbI or /y/. <gans> This is clearly a low-level phonological 'goose' -* <gansje> /yanfa/). I consider first the monosyllabic forms: sjaal dee I kool ' peul pijl uil Paul <-tje> scarf part I Icabba. the above.

o> <e married noble (Notice . <bonnetje>. (c) a set of diphthongs (tweeklanken -H&K 1971: 2) (au)>. lady'. eu. Istuff. as in <pje>.Z.371. e. ongedekte (Cohen). (Moulton).7) bal be] to] spil spul. <duimpie>. o>. . (e) a set of 'fore most respects (6).7). 1pivot. g. <boompie>. (el) ui ou <ij .like (b) (<serre> 'conservatory' 'un<freule> . uu. 1. (b) a set of vowels variously long to referred as (Cohen (H K). oo. u. free (Moulton 1962: 302) <aa. Haeringen 1958: 159) gedekte al et <a. & tense gespannen et: a. 'window' 'leather' 'tree' 'rhyme' 'thumb' maan teen toon steun lijn tuin clown <-tje> kar ster tor 'cart' 'star' 'beetle' 'moons 'toe' 'tone' 'support' 'line' 'garden' 'clown' <-etje> pan pen bon spin bun <-etje> 'pan' 'pen' 'ticket' 'spider' 'basket' gang kreng gong ring <-etje> 'corridor' $bitch' 'gong' 'ring' that in the written forms of the first four columns in '(11. <-etje> kam stem bom klim gum <-etje> 'comb' 'voice' 'bomb' 'climb' 'rubber' 'ball' 'bell' Itop. (d) schwa. ie. raam zeem boom rijm duim <-pje> (11. ee. <rose> 'pink')-. The Modern Dutch vowel system (see Moulton 1962: 295-295) consists of: (a) a set of vowels variously referred to as short (Moultort 1962: 294). which appear to behave In . ign' vowels. etc. eu. van Zonneveld 1978: 284). the final consonant is doubled. [je] be forms In the can with replaced by [I: ]. e. lax (H &K 1971: 4). ongespannen (Cohen (van 1971: 12). <balletje>. ) etc. oe>.

9) I queen I . a 4. account of a phonological and phonetic corrent ) below. 8): I as give which a [+stres son tense +conS] S] tj -- for is required Notice that the [-+stress] specification final the labic stress on. of brouwers historical form /ka/ the form from the underlying which the takes as standard Dutch [tjej to [tie] responding insert [a] rule and which still H&K in many dialects). contexts derives.6) and (11. a vowel.7). or and <etje>. underlying . (but below). spoken in Westerhoven. is form /tje/). for reasons that will become appafull For the later. classes the vowel is short (Cohen 1958: 42-43. from that do not contain the be and above seen will forms with the vowels <ie.. a in the appropriate (1f.372.7) we see that monosyllables containing a liquid by diminutive take followed or a a single nasal surface vowel liquid is by in the if the preceded one of vowels or nasal <tje>.6) (11.3 see relates of -(e). boerinnetje koninginnetje 'diagram' 'wagon 'column' 'farmer'swi-fel to cater (11. (c) long but diphthong i. becomes [pjal after the bilabial nasal (assuming the existence of an [pja] On this /tje/ then. wagýnnetje kAm. if (b) e. (It From (11. assumption. H&K Notice that after the long vowels and diphthongs. occurs as the form corwrite a rule which will to give the forms in (11. syllable: with words polysyl. /tja/ 1971: 5-6). konignin.7). Moulton 1962: 306-307. kAmmetje boerin. which is not relevant to the discusassimilation I be Rather. while Hoppendialect his discussion the in 1978. oe>. diagrAm. here concerned with shall see sion [tjal [etjal. uu. diagrAmmetje wagýn. (11. (a) §11. Cohen 1958 and Gussenhoven 1978. low-level process. between for the and choice motivation H&K the /tja/ for diminutive form the an underlying suffix assume (as do. for example.

short vowel +sonorant consonant +sonorant orin if to the forms in (11. of of epentheSis (see above). sequences such a class.6) The 'natural form (11. a situation characterised veld as: DIM CjXvc [-son I C+cor I [-tense] [+son] [-contl However.373. it is not necessary for them to mention this par-. van Zonnelowed by a nasal or a liquid. the lax immediately precede nasal or the vowel. 'salmon' 'worm' turn' helm. wormpje urn. if nasal. such a unique underlying depend diminutive the suffix would the of on the surselection theory face form be of the noun in question. the fact that they do not need to characterise (11.8) consonant. it is possible to envisage a theory in which there is'no for diminutive Rather. a word ends in a vowel. in the examples which we have looked at so far. and rules might (informally) like: something rant consonant.11). a of setting up long vowel +sonorant forms from this form.. H off with an start underlying schwa. /tje/ ýules in the their and possibility of rule tj cular set of'forms is excluded by the fact that applying final liquid. their model involves the dard generative phonology.that of stantheoretical In particular. and short vowel +sonorant consonant + forming to the class a natural opposed as sequence consonant sonorant from the consonant arises certain aspects +sonorant of vowel short of framework within which they are operating . must the sequences However. in epenthesised no as zaimpje worm. form in the suffix. urntje ialm.11) class'. armpje tarn. for diminutive form the distinct underlying suffix.11) . So. in lack the assumption showing recurrence natural on &K form As. [a] is selvowel fol- containing a short ected after a primary stressed syllable by. derivation all surface underlying the of and However. or in a long vowel +sonoa. a liquid appears between the short vowel and a [a] (H &K 1971: is 10): (11. helmpje arm. tarntje 'helmet' 'arm' 'rip' A problem arises with respect to the characterisation of (11. as a and (Anderson 1980).

4). sonant /tja/ form the underlying the of assumption rule makes ] unnecessary. een niet de Deze konsonant). should be taken as the underlying form concern "unmotivated forces the fact this that the use of assimiprincipally form. lates preceding Secondly. acor Wt] t acor] + Ja DIM (stop is the progressive Firstly. is van regressive usually milation . (11. comes-something else Van Zonneveld notes: opperviakteEr is voor verkleinwoordvorming een speciale die ervoor zorgt dat -je altijd wordt voorafgegaan regel.2).12) the sequences such t applied as mus. (11. Ishall *[raamt. Dus: dit wordt dat Diminutief wordt . something be[Diminutive Context. 28) 1974: that Schultink (following rules such as he claims to derive for example. ] In such and such an environment. <raampje> (1978: 206) Gussenhoven gives which [paii. deed any other form. [tjel. as such is ill-rTormed in Dutch. van in a short vowel +sonorant consonant it is [atjal. Indeed. /tja/ basisvorm overbodig. [For diminutive formation there is a special surface rule by is true that a conalways preceded ensures -je which (an This consonant). non-sonorant a obstruent.. the in to correct at surface arrive order lation rules" (11... do (cf. e.. regel maakt aanname van sonorante (1978: 287). assimiassimilation process Eijkman (1937)./ . and are to be read as: / Kontekst.12). daar en daar. is that optional usually an process. /raam+tja/ from and [raampjal <palinkje> okJa] from /paIzn+tja1_ are totally ad hoc. Zonneveld in Dutch. i. or inVan Zonneveld's arguments against assuming that /tja/. (11. to according to while. (= door een echte medeklinker een obstruent. while rules assimilation argues be to /raam+tja/. diminutive is if form the the then a word ends of consonant. jel show sequence phonetic .374. assinasal). Thus. becomes . etc. Zonneveld suggests that this is the appropriate form of the rules The rules which he proposes.10)). not have underlying forms. (11. for two reasons: NASAL ASSIMILATION [$ant [+nas .. then.

i. in such a theory . not brackets from (11. Whatever the solution to this problem.'within be desirable be fact to in able to specify the sequences endwould 'it Ang in a sonorant which take [tja] as a natural class. it that schwa appears an epenthetic the case least. assumption (Anderson 1980: 166) js desirable. words as other leven>. and I shall assume that. such as <bezem. two On between the this e. It seems met. words such same interpretation.13) a. [Oren].13a) two is to the subparts to and common fails show what Thus. -tense] in Notice the use of the brace notation (or 'curly brackets') It has been shown that there is no evidence suggesting that of a natural class the use of these brackets in the characterisation deficiency in than the a other system of phonoanything r-epresents (Anderson 1977: 75). v +tense] [v +son +cons] +son +cons "- C' [-tVensel [+sons] +con 'b. sonorants. Thus. nounced (phonetic) follow the then. kind of approach can be given a natural interpretation dependency phonology. (11'. in that such a formulation logical representation (11. etc. this problem does not arise. and may becomebisyllabic by a (late) optional [a]-epenthesis rule. pattern in bisyllabic ending a sonorant. to try to eliminate these He notes (1978: For van Zonneveld.13b). then. However. argued can labic. below that this Within fications the feature system which H&K use.13). I shall show below that in that I shall it is not crucial to a dependency interpretation. 11) in the in the that of words a schwa is pro295) pronunciation [areml. forms these that be at are monosylphonologically. the componentiality (11. it should be noted that it is not invariably in these words. etc. long [tjel forms taking a vowel that with monosyllabic and claim .375. the following speci- be required: would (11.

ng teerling paling koning <-kje> Iformati.14). then. 1962: can at approach. <kje>): deksel kachel appel dubbel handel <-tje> boezem Jochem bezem bodem willem <-pje> 'bosom' (name) 'broom' 'bottom' (name) 'lid' 'stove' 'apple' 'double' 'handle' trbktor koffer beker loper venster <-tje> oven tentamen eten wagen ]even <-tje> tractor' 'suitcase' 'beaker' 'key' 'window' 'oven' 'test' 'food. until exaaccount must wait we adequate a showing [pjal mined the dependency representations of these forms. However. we show that Moulton (11. of structure as opposed and [+son] ] [+con +sons vs. e. bisyllabic taking words structure with common a share is in [kjal. a contrast of has proposed between difference these two in the categories formulated SPE.376. (11.13a) two involved segments.11). in distinction the the light after considering on throw more followdiminutives the stressed vowels after non-primary behaviour of find following forms We liquid.7): forms in the the to (11. also. [tja]. At tcwards this can only go some we way point.13a) and (11. have fully this.13b) three. monosyllabic. Returning to the difference between (11. and contains number of segments (11. (see VV V for Dutch. versus single vowels. represented least Adopting this 297). the take which by <tje> or a nasal ed (<pje>. 'car' 'life' meal' vorming helli. also apparent structure and and interpreted (11-11). as we saw in chapter 7. (11.6) in in involved the two is sequences the same number of segments (11. Lass (1976: ch. 1) lax between tense instead that and vowels.11) in forms the the the as analysis of validity of and assuming difference in the two to the that a show appear see we monosyllables. they in or are not as whether class of words however.13b). as vs. [+son V +cons] I return below to a solution of this problem which appears to (11. on' 'slope' 'die' 'eel' 'king' . as is long traditional vowels one of geminate between and short i. the this that [pjal.

and the following ý1 which take <etje>: 'walk' 'exercise' 'meeting' 'memory' 'development' pupi I twin' 'mercenary' verzameling beginneling zendeling stedeling vluchteling 'collection' Inovicel 'missionary' 'town-dweller' 'refugee' (11.15).15) between and their final rule is meant to and ference for all cases of schwa-insertion: account [ v ] tns +str [ I v ] +s tr ] v +tns Cl I +son ] +cons Cl [+ ] +son VOC + con S i [-tns] v J +son ] +cons tj +str .15) that.6). those which take /Tja/: DIM Cxvc [-son] [acorl [$distribl [+tense] [a] [+son] [acorl [Odistrib] again the need to use curly brackets.377. as in (11. for these cover-symbols Van Zonneveld offers the following rule to account for the forms in (11.6). <pje>. <Tje> as rule milation forms. the choice of ýtje>.ng It will 'odious fellow' Icoloured person' be seen from (11.16). e. together with those in (11. ) (Notice H&K devote somespace to discussing the reasons for the dif(11. i. it is not immedilong Dutch together the of vowels why with schwa should obvious ately fom a natural class opposed to all other short vowels. wandeling oefening vergadering herinnering ontwikkeling I eer I ing twee Ii ng huu rl 1ng naar I ing kleurl I.16) a. Gussenhoven's nasal assiI /Tjo/ From on will use and now above). (11. or <kje> in these cases depends on the place of articuiation of the preceding nasal or liquid (cf.

18)] C(11.16a) (<wandand the third for forms in (11.<wandeling>. accounts for the forms in (11. ling> for example. also be specified as [-tns].20) [-strl [+str] -> 13 / [+sVtr] Cl '9 Cl remains <zend- (<wandeling> -.19) to apply corH&K need a rule which will place stress on the final sylrectly. beer>. possible (11. H&K offer (11. <drieling> 'triplet'. It seems quite reasonable to assume that the last syllable of -ýwandeling> has more stress than the second .16). the second for forms in (11..16b) (<Ieerlingetje>). whirch-is. (Notice that where [+strl can be [1'stress]. not at all clear. because of the use it makes niet" (11.19) . lable of the relevant words in (11. Whether this syllable should be treated as having specifically tertiary stress is. various other forms like <tweepredicted by the rule. ) For rule (11. Moreover.378. to exclude <maan.. while <zending> 'dispatch' ing>).18) scarcely seems to reflect a natural proof curly brackets. inadequate in at cess in any sense.19) as a least As H&K Recognising the inadequacy of (11. the vowel should. line themselves point out.18) Similarly.9) koninginnetje>). however. too. it is observationally H&K (1971: 8) have to treat the form <teerling>.18) is not a beautiful rule]. etc.this corresponds with the intuitions of native speakers.18). one respect.20): (11.. [3 stress]. which take <etje>).7) and (11. presumably. as rule (11. for most would otherwise assign it the suffix <etje>. aI I+st Vrl Dson +cons] tj - [2 stress]. "een mooie regel is [(11. speakers the diminutive of <tweeling> is <tweelingetie>. which has the diminutive <teerlinkje>. elingetje>). The first rule which does this is (11. not (Notice. . alternative: W. as irregular. The first (<kammetje. which take <Tie>.

To account for forms characterised by the second line of this disjunction.18). ogical and that reawhat the data on insufficient are doing 'phonologise' This. is the case . of rule).11.22) stelling wandeling afdeling verzameling paling ontwikkeling teerling handeling 'proposition' 'walk' 'department' 'collection' 'eel' 'development' 'die' 'transaction' .1 have been unable like <vorming> and <hellingý. the correct (with +con S] outputs the exception apparently will of forms there undoubtedly yield like <teerlinkje> status are still is exceptional However. does not mean that we have to mark the differbehaviour lexical in two in the for the of'the classes entries ence the individual words.that there is in fact no psychologically real distinction . Consider the various items ending in <linp: (11.20). whose by the change in the not affected The implication some problems.16b).379. etc.21) as its environment: (11. in words like <huurling> (. and <tweelingetje>.3.19).then all that these 'stress-assignment' rules are doing is plaforms diacritic the to them on appropriate make meet the SD for cing-a (11.21) [+str] v [+con +son +tns H& K's rule S] +son voc . phonol. This rule will presumably have (11.15) no genuine and (11. huurling>. I suggest distinguishing is that there classes trying to is in fact (11. then. H&K note that [3 must place stress] on the final syllabl. to give <Ieerling. removes the. (11. need for the specification of the top line of the first disjunction of (11. If this speakers for this point of view. e of'the-wards-'in some rule 1313 (11. the them diminutive provide appropriate which will with rule to find support from native suffix.16b). son for H&K grounds. however.21) is clearly that the second syllable is the than in words stressed second syllable more and_<kleurling> As noted in §7.

LING All take the form the containing words <etje> of <teerlink>)*.22) All into divided two be and categories can <ling> the words in (11. we can have a phonological rule making reference to a morphological category -. <Ieerling> has a different latter I the than and so adopt solution. Irrespective haps the better. in view of the existence of forms such as <groenling> The words in lgreenfinchl. (11. <stelling>. Given this diminutive suffix. elen -. ((11. wandeling>). there are two possible ways of deriving the appropriate suffix. stress-pattern that the form of the diminutive after the morpheme LING is morpholoI can find deals Notice that this the solution with apparent gically irregularity of <tweeling>. en eenl geen grondwoord omdat leerl . is assigned tertiary stress We can either claim that the LING'suffix that is. which has the diminutive <groenlingetje>. determined. ýoint-6ut f-rom-----K "as H. <stellen N stelling>. a verb <wandgenerally (<palinp. Zonneveld. I have is about already noted that a morphological this no evidence that. & which. derived'histbrically-. they are derived (e. from +ING g. is. Interestingly.23) tweeling zendeling leerling beginneling huurling lieveling drieling verschoppeling 'twin' 'missionary' 1pupil.23)). Rather. eenling moeten wel rechtvaardigen: ling-vormen zijn. M). whatever their phonological structure. (11. or we can have a morphological rule which simply diminutive LING is form is.ng in of their phonological structure. pretations van Zonneveld offers a virtually claiming (1978: 286): identical inter- laat zich echter De isolering van de ling-afleidingen woorden als leerling. 'novice' 'mercenary' 'darling' 'triplet' 'outcast' words endi. which will take the diminutive <tweelingetje> by regular morphological rule. or are monomorphemic (1971. is features to according van or member semantic latter definition is Gussenhoven. or <teerling>. however.23) contain the morphemic suffix LING. for example. fact. The to peraccording of a group'.380.22). do not contain this morpheme. the that the that after of <etje> states fact Dutch. among whose [+human]. (11.

381. we can distinguish phonologically One way of making this distinction between these two would be to adopt oven eten <-tje> vorming teerling <-kje> handel ing oefening . emat monomorf ('mem[The solution here seems to be that the morpheme ling irrespecttve ber of a-group') takes [a] of what it. <-tje> (11. gemeen dat het aanduidingen voor. because leerl and eenl cannot be radicals. [The isolation is.24) DIM rule for the LING forms is: [I i.22).25) deksel appel. (11.26) wandeling ontwikkeling traktor beker <-tje> boezem bezem <-pje> verzameling ýerinnering <-etJe> Clearly. however. categories. Semantisch hebben ling-woorden kunnen zijn. is comboth contain this bined with.i. the this case with not necessarily persons. ] is ing-words. Van Zonneveld's (11. in to that first the The corresponds while memset <etje>. in (11. Tweeling and leerling mor'tolerance' is of course speel +ing and teezpheme: speling ] is ling monomorphemic. This class can Let us return to the class of items in (11. e. and th ose which take (11. eenling as must be lingsuch words Semforms. is uiteraard is dit morfeem: en teerling speel +ing speling is ch.ng c+ [-son][+corl C-cont while Gussenhoven (1978: 210) notes: ('lid dat het morfeem ling lijkt hier te zijn De oplossing [a] krijgt onafhankelijk van waarmee een van een groep') bevatten belde het gekombineerd Tweeling en leerling wordt. wat niet het geval hoeft te zijn bij ing-woorden. be subdivided into those words which take <Tje>.25) and (11. they all have a schwa precedi ng the final syl.15). have in ling-words common that they refer to antically. justifiabje: of ling-suffixes 'individual' leerling. personen zijn. by the bers of the second set all contain the structure illustrated SD of (11.20) .26): The two classes are illustrated lable.

in I have the have found. who. all solutions which regular to get any native speaker reaction though. lies on making a direct comparison between the stress of sXllables in lexical items in isolation. no so (1971: 8). and A similar solution is offered by Gussenhoven (1978). rather relative.26) the final syllable immediately follows a less is stressed than the final syllable. will schwa that words like their on stress have different Whichever of these solutions we adopt. say. 'pippin'. longer '<pippeling> is an exception. items.3.26).and However. follows the primary stressed syllable. because this rethat of (11. which. as noted in §7.25) is unstressed ([-stress]). insertion take place. in other words. suggests that some sort of 'rhythmic prinhas 'sonority' final If involved.25) syllable. than therefore an absolute property. and <stelling> lexical items in isolation. is a combinatorial.<teerlinkje> . is 'rhythmically stronger'. has diminutive H&K is irthe to <pippelinkje>. is something that appears different for native speakers. or. <vorming> in (11. and I suggest that it is better to be difficult for phonological rules to make reference to comparative degrees of lexicalitem. ) . and which syllable which immediately. The degrees in comparison of of stress of and <oefening> <leerling> final syllables.25) comparison (11. We have alitself is there that no support among native speakers for the view seen ready degrees of and exactly the same applies to a final between the syllables of. according (I discussed. In addition.382. H& K's idea that the final syllable of (11. stress. the is than syllable greater ciple' then the penultimate. it is better to consider that different in (11. have than to to judgrather a single within make stress in different lexical to the of syllables stress relative as ments In other words. notice that <teerling> is automatically assigned the correct'diminutive . that it is very difficult this it be to to to the speakers seems word virtually unknown all at I have consulted. ngetje>. the final while syllable immediately follows the primary stressed in (11. then. following van den Berg (1975).26) has [3 stress] and However. speakers who have heard the word tend to produce the expected diminutive <pippeli.

It seems likely that for somespeakers there can be confusion between the two factors. [-son] [+back] [-contl (11.383.again conflict between the two factors involved.27) and (11.25). the morphological categorisation of <tweeling>. on the other. the regular explicable sumably phonological rule which characterises the forms in (11.a/ -acc] CO <a>b<r1. Jq then b . by between. and <tweeling> would be a very likely candidate for this confusion. ulated(11. rath& than the expected <tweelingetje>. ferently form.29) DIM aCja/Xa [-son] [+corl [-contl the following rules for the forms in (+) [ing] Condition: Cl X does not end in schwa. is rather dif- f+sons] +con +t If a. a conflict on the one hand.28) DIM Cja/XC.30) V -).18) (11. Rules (11.19) [-tVns] Istr [v istrl Cl can now be rewritten as: ac1 I-tvs I n [ +son I +cons tj Zonneveld provides van while (11. hand immediately the there the preceding while on other vowel (11. It is interesting to note that a few speakers have the form This is pre<tweelinkje>.26): (11. because there are few words with the LING suffix which have a LING. tion . + [ing] Gussenhoven's rule for schwa insertion. 'V+lax > a however. a speakers quence <V incorrect because of an morphological categorisapresumably etje>.25) in belonging to-the class which contain the sewords many are few have Similarly. and.25) and (11.. the form <teerling+ling>.

klinker stammen de laatste de niet geaccentueerd zijn. in is the n. en als penult mag [a] [i] dan de hebben. notes existence of of non-syllabic syllable mate insertion in the the forms of material angle require which a set of brackets in (11. r. is lax. heeft moet penult syllabe [In other words. beoordelinkje beoordeling.while (11.31). q] vowel r. do they fulfil . however. n. the penult must contain Gussenhoveninterprets [a] as neither lax nor tense. Gussenhoven's rule is formulated so that the crucial factor determining schwa insertion is the lack of stress on the penultiHe the also words. final if then the contains syllable and stressed.30). e.31). A question which arises. 1 and case 2a) <wandeling> Case 1) covers <kar> and <balkon> 'balcony'. That is. and preceding nant be than the one syllable cannot penult of more stem a [i]. ontzenuwinkje ontzenuwing. wordt ingevoegd als de stamf inale consonant [I. but unlike <wandeling>. terrariumpje terrarium. ] [a]. Gussenhoven in In the that than cases claims <etje>. . those in (11. interpretation forms in the of what seems-a more natural All of the rules (11. rather strong. [a] is inserted if the stem-final conso[I. 'criterion' 'terrarium' 'Judgement' 'enervation' These words have primary stress on the antepenultimate syllable. hence dimto take be to and an strong.384. unlike the last syllable the last syllable is. <beoordeling>.31): kriteriumpje kriterium. (11. not rhythmically The conditions which he formulates for the final in <wandeling>. m. i. excludes. r)j is en de voorafgaande bij meer dan een-lettergrepige 'lax'. is whether they between degree the membersof each of the of any similarity reflect two classes which behave in different ways in relation to diminutive the componentiality assumption? formation. have a diminutive in <Tje>. [a] de Met andere woorden. m. like <wandeling>.30) more or less achieve observational adequacy. Thus.27) -(11. rhythmically <etje> syllable 1) it has primary stress or 2) the anteinutive are the following: final [1] the has a) contains and syllable stress primary and penult the penult [a] or b) the final syllable does not contain [i] or [a]. I below for to 2b) return example.

ra"i various rules which of other in other aspects of the notation: ther is due to "a deficiency specifically. the structure of syllables and Someof these problems can be overcome by interpreting the data in terms of the dependencymodel. Consider first monosyllables ending equences characterised in (11.27) or (11.! in H& K's model. the I suggest that they do not. clusters" its failure (Anderson to characterises 1977: 67-68). [+cons] +son (maan) (urn) (dekse I. not any particular suggest curly of (or indeed of any defect in the formulation of (11.i.2 A dependency interpretation It is difficult class.27) and (11.33) vzva c Va Vb I c maan .27). to see how either Notice yet again that (11.32): (11.31) represents both the use classes require a natural is due this I that to brackets.32) [+str] v +tns v +str] [v +str] [+cons] +son [-tVns] j. the s.385. For example. is by forms take the SD of (11. e.13) in a liquid or a nasal . (11. while shown which <etje> of class those that take <Tje> can be characterised as (11. woni ng) Cl- 11.31) discussed been have but the above).14): and (11.

are mono(11.36): in find the shown sub-structure syllabic). cvc I c There is a very obvious way of characterising (11.36) vN C -" IV IVI IVI (11.34) (assuming for the moment. curly contain not (11.35).14) by (11.13) and (11. (11. a structure which -* do We the this bracknot require structure. however. behaves in some sense in the sameway as the sequence vowel +sonorant follows from the +sonorant consonant naturally representaconsonant tions for.34) Va urn /IV a man b V. we (11.34) as a natural class distinct from (11.that forms such as <urn>. e. maan. In (11.386. =CI. i.35).33) and (11. Wecan replace (11. use of.36) by the to in class represented natural establish order ets fact the that the sequence vowel +vowel +sonorant consonant rather. the categorial gesture set up in chapter 6. does in 4.37): (11. urn man .37) V v v VS.33) and (11.

e. in this s xxv vi c V.38) -(11. those with simple labelled nodes.40). Can we establish the same pattern for polysyllabic words? Conof all those forms which do not take an epenthetic [a]. in which . Thus the representations allow us to show the difference way.387.i. sider first before /Tje/ .39) v avd scheiding c Vb ss YC C (11. those represented by the bottom line of (11. C chapter I employ representations of the type i.40) va deksel b S/ S/ Notice that in (11.ng established for the categorial gesture between the two classes in an obvious vb sv c (11.32): (11. e.38) va a woni.

are claim <urn. IVI IV I diminutive the the contain suffix as structure <Tje> IV =CI. etc.43) represent polysyllabic words which take <etje>: (11. involved is facilitated by the use of such structures sequences rent (but the than more complex essentially notationally equivalent) rather dependency of syllabics relative tical placement of such labelled trees generally used in the preceding chapters.40). Notice. too.42) and (11.42) V v wandeling d -. In all the cases in (11. howand or another liquid in take ending a a nasal or words which all polysyTlabic ever.388. Zonneveld's that arm>. with the possibility (either further IV a of bI IVa IVbI* I IVaD between intervening Crucially. of course.38) -(11. we find the structure IVI lVc2(y)' CI. al IVdI IV This structure. is exactly the same as that for the monosyllabic forms which take <Tje>. 7 b S ssvc sc .. This is merely a notational be it will seen that the expression of the natural recurconvenience. is characterised by the relative vernodes. we van cept again have the same structure: Va urn svb *1ý1 v Ic c (11. that if we acbisyllabic.

Notice that if this node precedes {IV all' takes in which <Tje>: as <bedoeling>. of polysyllabic of those that do not Both appear to contain the structure: v (V c c and (11. which additional'{IVI) al both dependent The this ) IlVbll.389. (11.45) v va vb ssv c bedoeling however.44) Va vb between the representations <etje> and the representations clear. I {lVdIll is deand' e. IVI-node appears to ensure the word is not affected. '*ýIýv a -i oef en ng.43) Va. (lVal and of on presence pendent ihat the word in question takes <etje>. vb vd ýý 7\ sv c c The difference taking structures is not immediately (11.42) dr c . in (11.43) there intervenes an Obl)l between'{IV i. (11. Crucially.

390. there intervenes a vowel with lower stress than the final vowel (i.42) and (11. With revowel primary stressed vowel. discussion of the status as being short of such vowels.47) examples: 'story' 11 herhaling ontsteking <-Tje> repetition' linfectionl 1 verhaal 1 retour 'return' <-Tje> . then. simply: (11. the following (11. If is there and vowel preceding on no another is the the relevant one. e.45). ) is The it.43). (No1Vb1 as 1% 1 both precedes it and is directly . then. a vowel final dependent dimis the the then the on vowel). ) IlVall below for further see - The constraint which appears to be operating. the In that the of preceding see view we rules.42) and (11.43). in (11.37b). and so the diminutive I have assumed throughout that anything which precedes the priis irrelevant dimito the the application syllable of stressed . between the primary stressed vowel and the final vowel. nutive is the a vowel preceding primary stressed syllable exactly of status This is evident in the same as that of 1Vd1 in (11. to and selection proceeds from spect dependent on it. selection of which is made on the basis of the structure beginning with diminutive selection depends the final vowel. but is not directly dependtice that in (11. diminutive (11. which relevant to the selection of the structure on ent diminutive in (11. 1Vd1 precedes 1Vb1 . such (11. Rather more generally. is this: if.46) is exactly the sameas that for <man> suffix is the regular <etje> form.42) then.mary discussion. I treat (For simplicity. last beginning the the with vowel in the item which has structure on inutive suffix directly dependent it.46) The structure in (11.43) is.

flection of the fact that IVbI is more prominent than IVCI. woý. In this case. i. it is not clear that this is the case. in words such as <beoorsyllable deling>. that the presence of a nonis the regular suffix. speakers tend to think that th e penultimate is more stressed than the final syllable. thus giving: native (11. things are not so Speakers either state that the last two syllables straightforward. c Vd For cases such as <criterium>.391. .48) /1/ is ambisyllabic. <i> represents a semi-vowel. e> I. wagon boerin <-etj. =Cj structure is apparent. here is the relative if the prominence of the last two syllables. are equally stressed. criteriumpje> cited by GusWhat is crucial senhoven do not have to be treated as exceptional. then such words must syllable. indeed. the structure would be: <criterium> is trisyllabic.carl 'farmer's b. ds may be a rereduced vowel in the penultimate syllable of such. and hence <Tje> I presume. or that the. e.48) v V//v ev a syllable final governs the penultimate beoordeling b v ss sc "' IVI IVI -"IV in which the 4. it seems that forms such as <bebeoordelinkje> and <criterium. however. be marked as exceptional with respect to diminutive formation. However. while in forms like <wandeling> we do not find7t post-stress ambisyllabicity for /I/. eginneling wife' verzameling <-etje> 'novice' 'collection' Within the dependency model. Notice too that in (11. oordeling.

for many speakers. the diminutive <kauwgompje> (cf.49) is as a semi-vowel). (11. while regular structure for <etje> selection. wgom gom vb "ý\v s/ SZ/ Ic c The reason for the difference is clear. va cri ter i um representation. further is the following.392. diminutive is again regular. In (11. the compound <kauwgom> 'chewing gum' has. van Zonneveld 1978: 284).50) in (11. takes the as expect. an appropriate investigation however. selection of these forms is required.49) va d Vb vv IIc scc (where prevocalic [j] is interpreted If (11.51) we find the <gom> occurs . The structures involved are: A final Xva b c va vd kau. The word example of some interest diminutive 'gum'. we would <gommetje>. <gom> However.

which characterises all sequences ending in a sonorant consonant which take <Tje>: (11. for example. and of the categorial of representations use of the notions of stress and syllabicity within the characterisation dependency. c while <etje>.27).53) (11. retje> 'longhorn beetle' and <bisdom. . that some compounds do not tion for <Tje> selection. Notice that.53). larger in which we find the regular configurastructure of-a as part Notice. (11.393. Gussenhoven. is replaced by (11. replaces which also contains a disjunction: V V (vj. we have made the both the of gesture.'oe5 problem An interesting set of words in Dutch can take either <Tje> or for (11.containing a three-part disjunction feature framework.52). c at this generalisation. example.3 i e-g' 'uu. bisdommetje> Idiocesdo. at a much more natural and simple specification involved than was possible in a distinctive the classes natural of (11. <etje>.32) . cites <boktor. boktorshow this behaviour. however. in arriving 11.52) VN We have arrived M. framework. all such sequences which take which characterises (11.54): in those as.

<tientje>'ten (1962: 'molecule'). guilder note'. oe>. 'belt. it by is and van given it is that only these three vowels which show this anomalous clear Moulton (1962: 308-310) suggests a possible phonemic solubehaviour. eu are phonemical ly long. Nevertheless. o are structhe short correlates of ee. Moulton. these vowels. ) In H& K's terms (1971: 9). Bloemetjes> and <de <de of etje> difficult however. tion to this problem.7). a. We can display Moulton's system as (11. in that they behave distributionally in the main like long vowels. uu. The second "novel aspect" of this analysis is that "i. these vow("noch lang. do not share in this opposition. ) As van Haeringen (1958: 163) and Moulton (1962: 306-307) observe. (<pseudoniem.they simply.an analysis turally resemblance to that proposed for the Middle which bears a striking English vowel system by Anderson and Jones (1977: 154).394. oo. these alternative forms occur only in words with the vowels <ie. (These (11. Heeroma 1959. ) just in the In omitted vowels which were and were derived from long vowels Modern Dutch. but are phonetically short in all (For /r/. historically (Moulton 1962: 310). but the vowels ie. eu. o. <Bloem> from this of view native speakers . Moulton 307) claims that molekuultje> because "the patterning as checked vowels is clearly on the increase". oo" (1962: 310) . oe are phonemical ly neither short nor long . It is. He suggests that these are the only vowels in in a phonemic long-short opposition: Dutch which do not participate The vowels i.55) (taking long vowels to be geminates): (Note that different . u. However. pseudoniemnew Priemetjes> (children 'pseudonym'. aa. uu. and the vowels ee. Haeringen.54) or wieletje wiel. have in these vowels only riem<Tie> containing 'ten' '. this is not relevant to the discussion here. Most words short nor noch neither are els diminutives (<riem. take formations not always <Tie> <etje>. <tien> pje> .they appear to confirmation ous in accepting as 'correct' have difficulty many of the forms in <etje> Heeroma. u are phonemical ly short. '. before discussion except of these vowels. to obtain unambiguand <Priem>)). bloempje ar bloemetje 'wheel' 'flower' meanings may be associated with the different forms. see van contexts Haeringen 1958.6) (11. long kort"). <molekuul. e. are anomalous. wieltje bloem. (11. :)..

VS. so that both forms can be generated. vs. however. and regular words containing <wieltje> <bloempje> If. the diminutives would be <bloemetje. forms for the e. PIAI. It is not raises certain difficulties. . /ee/ [ e. forms like <bloem> and <wiel> would be assigned the diminutives be converted i. wieletje>. vowels). u /U (U) <oe> ] 0. however. /00/EÖ. uu. 1) o: <eu> 1 <O> <o> [ a] /a/ [a. before /r/. within a framework which recognises the existence hoc solution. oe> would <ie. /10)/ <ie> /e/ vs.the regular forms for words containing short vowels. (where the phonemic transcriptions are taken from Moulton 1962. the long vowels underlying <ie. One possibility would be to diminutive both before to the apply rule and after the shortenallow This is clearly an ad ing rule. <6> <e> [01/0/ <U> -] EUI/[U-.395. <I> [el/e/ ee ]) (/ee/[e-.55) are the foreign vowels of class e. resentation. By a phonological rule. ] <eu> /0/ vs. the problem must be dealt with in some way. I /aa/ vs. <O> <00> Ucam/ ECE. at this. <a> <aa> ý /ei/ <ij/ei> Eel I 1 **] /cey/ E cp-u <Ui> /zu/ [zu] <ou/au> . H& these segments as being unspecified for the K (1971: 13) characterise long vowels from feature [tense] (the feature which distinguishes This. then long vowels. bracketed vowels in (11. A everywhere except short vowels will is in framework the a ordering of this rule arises such which problem form determining diminutive the the the to of rule respect sufwith If the diminutive rule applies before the shortening rule. /oo/ E 0. in a phonology which recognised a lexical1evel of rep-ý be long the presumably vowels uu. but. I /Y(Y)/ <UU> ]/[U-. ) However. etc. DI [o 1/0/ vs-UOO/ [. short into . of underlying forms. oe> level. and The the phonetic transcriptions adapted from Cohen et al 1961: xiv. then fix. the rules are in the reverse order.

u. If they do not have sbch a rule. This would be a clear violation that [0] cannot funcof the principle feature phonology (Stantion as a third value in a binary distinctive These arguments. a . ming (11. analysis s phonemic of of representation assupossible has the that oe> not yet operated: uu.396. using can representations vowels of status (11. shortening of <ie. U I.56) a. u: a i. tend to lend diminutive that the to the of view point should not necessupport from derived be a single underlying form. then. an interpretation of the anomalous be high the the offered. in that segments with the value [0 tense] would optionally undergo the [a]-epenthesis rule. they face the same problem of the ments marked as [0 tense]. Within the dependency model. <ee> a i. vowels into [-tense] then [0 tense] is functioning as a third value. clear whether they envisage a rule to. of ley 1967: 410.1 a (<O>) u: u: a <oo> up u. is a the established chapter gesture articulatory of Moulton'. a i.56) in 8. u <ou> u: a \U <au> (<eu>)I. the above and van as argued stem. assign a value (+ or -) to segIf so. a '('ka>) i :a i: a <aa> a a <ei> i: a <ij> i <ui> i. u: a u: a <eu> i. U i. <ie> i <uU> I. Brown 1970: 14). a <oe> u u . u. ordering of the diminutive rule and a rule changing [+tense] relative in these items. but that selection sarily instead be sensitive only to the surface shape the should suffix of by Zonneveld. Dutch.

short If we examine the forms that can take <Tje> and <etje>. of the three high vowels. or and ulli plain why <etje>. Thus. we see that theseýare the only short vowels (after the operation of the lal i. <ie> <i> <e> i i. a <oe> <u> <o> u u. {jilj.. {li. a u: a <a> a If we adopt the view that diminutive selection is sensitive to the surface form of the stem. ulj. basic the e. as argued by van Zonneveld. '{ji. <i> i. stronger vowels. Further. a strength hierarchy for the basic increasi. can either <Tje>.. is direction towards the the arrow ng of wherein in is in Strength this case manifested mainly strength. b. a i :a <UU> <U> i. diphthongization. we must extake {lull just {Jill. a <o> u: a <a> (/a/ will After <e> i: a a be characterised as 191). a <u> i. u i u...397.. Anderson and Jones establish (1977: 123ff): elements vocalic (11.. A possible explanation for the status of these vowels with re- . to or mutation effect ability long vowels are inherently than they claim. and'{Iull are the strongest of the short vowels... element contain not shortening rule) which-do they all contain either or both of the two strongest elements (lil and Jul). the short vowel sys- shortening tem becomes:. u.58) au. a <o> u.

53). respect with diminutive language. boertje> 'farmer').52) (11. of buurtje> Ineighbourl. in the a need we rule which processes is sensitive to the strength of the upper vowel in (11. in terms of strength. they can take <Tje> because. they are more like the long vowels than any of the other short vowels. <ie. they can take <etje> because they are phonetically short. However. (<bier.53) that causes the epenthesis of schwa? Anderson and Jones (1977: ch. <buur. interpretation behaviour The this the these of advantage of of forms is that it does away. what is it about (11. ý On the one hand. surface 'shapes' (in terms of dependencystructures) which are in someway 'preferred' at a particular stage of a . spect to diminutive assignment is the following. <boer. e. uu.i. diminutives biertje> 'beer'. Rather.. on the other hand. diminutive in to the and only not phonetically relation provowels cess. and may therefore pattern with the short vowels. only <Tie> and permit For these forms. Notice finally that before /r/. e.398. difference? be Just That there this should why and is. in fact. 6) discuss the notion of 'canonical configurations' . be idiosyncratic to an apparently only relevant would which rule a for the marking of this subset as being irregular or of vowels. long for diminutive form containing vowels words ular Canohical'configurati6ns ih DUtch I have shown that the difference between words with <Tje> diminutives and words with diminutives in <etje> can be naturally captured by the difference between the dependency structures in (11. subset diminutive but to the to various other only not rule. And.53). the and so the rules will assign the regvowel remains course. why they are like long vowels distributionally. with the need for a possible double application of the rule for diminutive selection in a phonology which recognised the existence of an underlying form for the diminutive suffix. oe> are always phonetically long. this may explain (synchronically) why they show this dichotomy in general but like short i.. long.

59) (11. we find: (11. now al al The epenthesis of [a].60) a. governing on However. As we have seen. v s Vb I c ma nn e c is a structure in which we find an epenthetic IVCI which IVIs IV has dependent on two is dependent on IV . As a result. words which <etje>. we now-at equivalent involved.399. which shows the four different structures (11. The notion of canonical configurations can be applied to the behaviour of the diminutive in Dutch. which is look If the take to configurations which <Tje>.59) (in which the Ctje] itself is excluded): v a. those forms IVIs have in dependent two take a all structure are which <Tie> which IVI In take the the of structure. creates a configuration it. the effect of epenthesising this condition is not fulfilled. V +C (= (cf. then. In particular. also Lass and Anderson 1975:270). V +C +V as manifestations of and such a configuration sonorant).60). [a] is to create a structure like (11. maan(tje) vvc v urn (tie) vcc vb I 1ý1\ v I to cv I c . they are concerned to show the possible equivalence of sequences such as V +V +C. language (see also Jones 1977)..

corporate tice that van Zonneveld. too. uitje zee. 1VbI and lVal _" 1Vc1 (where lVa I and 1Vb1 JVal in which may * uration _" Notice. IVIs in is two the canonical configuration one which are dependent on IVI. helling(kje) v vc d. a schwa is the governing and if this configuration is that-the Without configuration created. just (11. [katJol is rhythmically equivalent to [7CTja]. it is impossible to inkind into this Noof on phonological representations.60) be in those by to sense equivalent are some which shown Anderson and Jones and Lass and Anderson were. also concerned with. Another class of words selects <tje> . In (11. We can say that for the addition of <Tje> as the diminutive suffix.those ending in a vowel: ui'.400. is not met. zeetie The structures 'onion' 'sea' involved are: . the introduction that determines the choice of the diminutive suffix. noti. presumably. observes that in the explanation of insertion. of the notion of canonical configuration lends support to the claim that it is thý surface shape of the stem Thus. so canonical epenthesised the kind of dependency structures used here. too.60). that the kind of sequences which are be identical). then. mann(e) vc v (tje) Va Va zv s bvv xv b I c Ic cc we see that all of the structures contain a config4. appeal has been made to "rhythmic factors".

These speakers.60). The normal form of the comparative adjectives as <der> such ffor]). ICI dependent Anderson and Jones to the subioined contain a (1977: 157) show that the 'Vowel Strengthening Schema' in English has (11. they two e. Many dictionaries give the comparative suffix of all ([der]).52) Further support for the validity of the claim that (11. then. for these speakers. IVI. (11. in This in to the strength structures seems quite valent in that with respect to single segments.62) Va ui (11.401. only contain not rather from (11. Rather. we can argue that in (11. IVI.52).64) involve the structure: IVis.60) týe extra IVI is required (11. less IC1. is epenthesised following a short stressed vowel.53). ficiently to 'make up' for the presence of IC1. correspondingly. have the following forms: .64) like like its as as structures strcutures well scope as In other words. the more IVI-like tional point of view. the configuration IVI-like. the more promireasonable. no Ed] of all adjectives ending in /r/.63) va v zee vb s/a These configurations (11. in that they do not However. i. in Dutch is forms these and show an epenthetic so <er> suffix However.60) repkind in Dutch be found in canonical configuration can of some resents the behaviour of comparatives of adjectives ending in /r/ (but not in /i/ or a nasal).64) appears to be equi(11.62) and is already sufwhere the ICI is absent. (11. they also differ three. I have found that this is not true [d]. the structure in (11. the the the then and. while in (11. than that in (11. Similarly. prominent nent from a configurathe segment becomes. for many speakers.63).

C vowel vowel r a .67) 'nicer' 'more sure' 'braver' of these forms is given -(11. resentations the epenthetic in (11.68) Va Yb V. for for the present. [d] is not given in the repand (11.66) duurder zeerder teerder lekkerder zekerder dapperder (11.69) Va Va vc\s Yb V.66) the'forms (11.68) The structure where. c vowe r (11. (11.65) starrer schorrer bizarrer 'stiffer' 'hoarserl #more bizarre' 'dearer' I sorer I 'more tender' (11.67): in (11.402.70).

70).. (11.403. (11.60c)).. in (11. (cf.67): ates Va v a v vb c V vowel vowel .69) by virtue of the stressed vowel being long. we see the sequence V +V +C +V .. the. and in (11. dependent the presumably. the vowel of the comeffect of adding ever. final the the e..70) by virtue (11. . canonical configuration established for the diminutives.66) forms in for the following the structure and (11.68).... (11.69) and (11..in (11. [d]-epenthesis dependent in the terms of of number creuration (11. IVIs. . vb --v d s vzz Ic VIC vowel In (11.60d)) corresponds to However.70) Va. IVI in is to three create a situation which nodes parative suffix) lVal is This.. an overloaded on configare . vowel ra the sequence V +C +V (cf.60a) bisyllabic Howit is fact that the and of JVJ (i..

the then. ation. as well as throwing light on other aspects Dutch.ng in ] irregular. diminutives. een of nasaal op een [The insertion of schwa before /tje/ in words endl.404. find in the canonical the again we preceding sequence and. C c / v V vowel vowel r three IVIs dependent on IV the in which. although there are still all ICI is break the to intervening the up offending structure of effect IVI-ness ICI.72) Va v ýý\ sb vcds I "ý\ V. (11. liquid is a nasal or a (Haverkamp-Lubbers and Kooij 1971: 5) . icular. for the established configuration The adoption of a phonological model which expresses structural to has the in this show us regularities enabled way and relationships diminutive in behind the the suffix of words ending choice motivations in a sonorant consonant. In Modern have the part of system we phonological of ' be in below true K's H& that only a model which can assertion shown fails to take an adequate view of phonological structure: bij woorden die uitgaan De invoeging van schwa voor Aja/ liquida is niet regelmatig. of the whole configurthe addition of reduces ICI.

from Papers the Society Chicago Linguistic EWPL .E-dinburgh Working Papers in Linguistics Language Foundations FL of Historica Linguistica Folia FLH Linguistics American Journal International IJAL of JAOS JASA JIPA JL JPh Lg LI SAL SL YPL Society Oriental American Journal the of Society America Acoustical Journal the of of Phonetic Association Journal the-international of Linguistics Journal of Phonetics Journal of Language Inquiry Linguistic in African Studies Linguistics Linguistica Studia in Linguistics Papers York - .If References Abbreviations: ARIPUC.Annual Report of the Institute Copenhagen CLS of Phonetics. University of Annual Regional fleeting.

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