Structural impediments to managerial mobility in industrialised nations

Lisiunia A. Romanienko

Introduction
Occupational location by gender has been a somewhat problematic phenomenon in class analysis, particularly when exploring the structural elements that impede women's participation in labor opportunities available in industrialized nations. Examining female mobility patterns has been even more complex, based on the diverse structural, economic, social, and cultural influences that impact feminine class location. The women's family of origin and location of their spouses (Adkins, 1996), the devaluing of female labor (Saint-Paul, 1996), discontinuity of participation based on reproduction (Mattilda-Sirpa et al., 1997), racial discrimination (Sokoloff, 1992), political instability (Tilly and Tilly, 1998), the lack of formal authority (Pfeffer, 1977), the need for disproportionate levels of training, limited employment opportunities (Roos, 1985), insufficient remuneration (Cockburn, 1991), weak labor union ties, and insubordinate locations within industrial sectors (Hakim, 1996) are serious concerns for feminist analysis of class and labor relations. Despite these and other structural and occupational impediments too numerous to elaborate upon here, many theorists have provided compelling frameworks by which to approach, or neglect, the complex relationship between women and work. Trotsky, one of the earliest advocates for women's rights in all social spheres, was an outspoken defender of women workers and their crucial role in occupational struggles and related class conflict. Marxist frameworks, on the other hand, have been fraught with primacy issues, usually relegating gender analysis to a subordinate dimension through cursory footnotes in otherwise well-developed sections of domination and exploitation of the male proletariat by the male petit and haute bourgeoisie. Even in historic examinations of industrial transformations, gender compositional features in occupation and class analyses are egregiously omitted, despite periodic bursts of female participation during
An earlier version of this article was presented at the 1999 Southern Sociological Society in Nashville, Tennessee. The author would like to thank Peter Blau, Joachim Singelmann, Joan Manley, Troy Blanchard, and others in attendance for their insight. Any error or omission is however, the exclusive responsibility of the author.

The author Lisiunia A. Romanienko is an Instructor at Louisiana State University, Louisiana, USA. Keywords Gender, Occupations, Barriers, Job mobility, Management, National cultures Abstract The relationship between gender and managerial mobility is explored by examining distinct structural elements unique to industrialized nations that have been overlooked in prior occupational opportunity research. Using country specific files of the database, ``Comparative project on class structure and class consciousness'' the analysis provides a multicultural comparison of female managerial attainment in the UK, Sweden, and the USA. By examining managerial attainment by gender, the findings suggest that the combined associational effects of gender and labor force participation patterns by nation better assess the severity of occupational barriers to managerial mobility experienced by women, than when examining gender participation patterns alone. The data indicate that barriers for female occupational mobility are not merely limited to decision making at the interpersonal level, but provide empirical evidence to suggest that impediments are more institutionally ingrained and culturally distinct than previously imagined. Electronic access The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at http://www.emerald-library.com

Women in Management Review Volume 15 . Number 8 . 2000 . pp. 415±428 # MCB University Press . ISSN 0964-9425

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labor shortages and (more consistently in late capitalism) steady increases in female participation in subordinated secondary labor markets. Life trajectory analyses similarly omit women in social mobility studies, while Goldthorpe (1980), arguably the most vocal opponent of female analysis in class stratification, stubbornly adheres to his repudiation of gender exploration, presumably out of statistical lethargy. Could there be justification to continue to overlook gender in analyzing class structures in modern societies? In light of the failure of structural class analysis to incorporate women in research pertaining to occupations and mobility, it may be useful to determine the extent to which women actually participate in the industrialised labor force. To determine if women have significant representation in occupations and to indicate their importance in class analysis, three industrialised nations were examined to identify the compositional features of labor force participation by gender. To represent relatively broad cultural, political, and economic social structures, one Scandinavian nation, one European nation (the UK), and the USA were chosen to see if female labor force participation warrants further scrutiny. Data regarding national economic development, population composition by gender, and women's labor market participation is presented in Table I. Clearly there is enough female representation in the labor force of these nations to provide empirical justification to support expanded study of women and their unique compositional features in the labor force. Of particular interest is the effect that gender has upon class membership and occupational strata. To that end, social scientists have already begun to contribute to this important body of literature. One of the earliest theoreticians on gender and class was Engels (1968, first published in 1884) in his

treatment of social relations in occupational and domestic spheres. As a student of Marx, Engels recognized the effect of social stratification upon power relations within the home. He argued that the ownership of property led to status enhancement within family relations, which in turn enabled the accumulation of power and the influence of domination to penetrate the character of domestic relationships. Just as hegemony existed in the workplace among those who had access to the means of production, so too did the hegemony influence the household. He did not, however, suggest that more scrutiny be placed upon women's participation in the labor force, which was negligible at the time of his writing; but his emphasis upon domestic and social power relations, which have largely remained unchanged today, despite tremendous industrial transformations, challenge us to expand this level of inquiry.

Critique of existing literature
Unfortunately, many feminist critiques of labor have still been limited to the home. While arguments against compulsive domesticity are necessary for appropriate socialization of our youth, and though egalitarian relations within the domestic realm regarding household division of labor remain important to mainstream heterosexual feminists, these issues should increasingly be relegated to private audiences. The discourse of public domain should instead, as argued most vehemently by marginalized women of color, transcend these inconsequential issues and finally give serious academic scrutiny to gender and class. Pursuit of a feminist class analysis which continues to be limited to issues surrounding unpaid domestic labor within monogamous heterosexual

Table I Measures of female labor force participation by industrialized nation Gross domestic product (per capita) UK Sweden USA 21,410 25,580 29,240 Female population 30,075,651 4,506,545 139,329,299 Female labor force 12,041,600 1,901,000 60,771,000 Total labor force 26,947,400 3,979,000 131,464,000 Female labor force (%) 44.69 47.78 46.23

Note: All figures are for the period 1998 Source: World Bank (2000); Central Intelligence Agency (1998); International Labour Organization (1998)

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relationships will have little impact upon contemporary occupational opportunity structures, or speak to the true impediments facing women in the labor force today. Feminists have made little progress in the decades since Friedan's groundbreaking work on women's labor, and should now turn the agenda toward more pressing macrosocioeconomic problems including the lack of feminine economic progress made during periods of economic expansion, prosperity, and industrialization: the unequal distribution of occupational resources, the devaluation of women's skills, reduced status and wages associated with ``feminine'' employment, the maintenance of closed systems of occupational opportunity as barriers to entry within many industrial sectors, and the effective closure of managerial opportunities at middle and upper levels for the few women already admitted in various occupations. Female influence upon household relations due to occupational status, domestic division of labor, power relations within the family, and other insignificant domestic minutiae have been incorporated in Wright's recent work on class analysis (1997). Although many feminists are delighted that such generous space has been devoted to the issue of gender in class analysis, much of his treatment follows in the footsteps of prior feminist frameworks, exhaustively focusing upon the construction of family-related variables regarding egalitarian perceptions of gender relations, as measured in domestic division of labor. Fortunately, Wright managed to extend his gender analysis into more advanced structural matters. To demystify the contemporary industrial and cultural processes in operation that prevent optimal female labor force participation, feminist occupational analysis should similarly focus on structural impediments unique to industrialized nations that present gendered occupational barriers to managerial attainment.

Approach and expected findings
What then, is the influence of gender in determining women's participation in the labor force ? In the spirit of the challenge I have set forth, I will begin to explore the occupational processes in operation in distinct industrialised nations. In this paper, I

intend to provide a synopsis of the current status of women in the labor force through a multicultural comparison, provide a description of the unique features of occupational opportunity structures in the UK, Sweden, and the USA; and finally, extrapolate the implications for public policy. To that end, the current analysis will examine by gender managerial attainment data extracted from the database, Comparative Project On Class Structure and Class Consciousness. Using country-specific files, we approach the gender-work relationship by examining impediments that prevent hierarchical managerial mobility by gender. Although women compose anywhere from 44 per cent to 48 per cent of these nations' workforces (World Bank, 2000), further investigation is expected to show that women still do not constitute a representative proportion of middle or upper level managerial positions within any industrial sector. This finding, if supported in this analysis, will provide compelling evidence to influence policies which effectively identify and remove sources of structural impediments preventing class mobility among women at all occupational levels and in all industrialised cultures. The analysis will also examine the validity of global structural stereotypes, one of which would suggest that Scandinavian nations, which are presumably the most egalitarian in political and social ideologies, exhibit the fewest impediments for female occupational mobility. Conversely, the UK, with its class structure grounded by historically rigid, feudal class relations (Goldthorpe, 1980), coupled with processes of historical uprootedness during industrial transformation (Leggett, 1968), is likely to exhibit an occupational structure with the highest impediments to female mobility. Finally, the USA, which, in class analysis literature, is ranked as having occupational opportunity structures that are relatively hospitable to the presence of women (attributed to the existence of an organized women's political collective (Wright, 1997, p. 358)), is expected to demonstrate minimal impediments to female mobility. Furthermore, a finding that there are indeed differences in impediments by nations would result in a formal hypothesis where the interaction between gender and managerial attainment should prove to be cultural

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distinct, and where the association between the effects of gender and nation of origin should together prove to be more powerful in explaining the gender disparity in managerial attainment than if examining gender alone. Such a finding would provide preliminary evidence to suggest that discriminatory barriers to female managerial mobility in industrialised nations are a distinct and pervasive structural feature that fluctuates by and is permeated within, culture.

Limitations of the data
To determine if these expectations are correct, data gathered as part of the Comparative Project on Class was examined by gender and managerial attainment. One limitation of the database in this particular analytic application is that it is unable to provide data that reflect actual promotional activity (longitudinally measured upward occupational status). Although longitudinal mobility is not a suitable variable for large, cross-cultural, international database; the magnitude of impediments preventing female managerial attainment that the data capture is highly enlightening, nevertheless. Prior attempts to prove discriminatory hiring practices against women using this database have been futile. One weakness lies in the strategy of using macro sociological data to try to demystify micro managerial phenomena. For example, Wright (1997) elaborately details the explicit authority dimensions of relationships across formal hierarchies using autonomy, sanctioning, authority, and decision-making indices constructed by each nation. The interaction of gender and authority that he analyzed, while statistically significant, did not adequately capture the complexities of workplace relations. Instead, the analysis inadvertently elaborated upon the effect that the size of an organisation has on fundamental authority measures that the individual is experiencing in the workplace, not gender distinctions in equitable delegation of responsibility as he proposed. The size of an organisation has more impact upon the likelihood of an individual to have what he calls ``sanctioning authority'', as well as decision-making capabilities. The larger the firm, the larger the supervisor-employee ratio. The larger the supervisor-employee

ratio, the more likely it will be for individuals to be delegated or exert sanctioning authority. Similarly, where decision-making capabilities are concerned, those in authority positions in smaller firms will have greater decisionmaking capabilities, and with broader dimensions, based on reduced bureaucratic complexity and reduced fragmentation. Furthermore, his measures do not adequately control for the individual's tendency to seek or avoid power, responsibility, accountability, and decision making, where variability by gender has been sufficiently documented in a variety of settings (Larson and Wislon, 1998; Johnson and DaVanzo, 1998). The elaboration of placement and activities (managerial responsibilities and levels of authority exercised) in different occupations has largely failed to produce any particularly striking effects using the subcategories of authority dimensions offered in the database. Given the limitation posed by operationalization of the data, and in light of the complex nature of authority relations which is not fully captured in the database; the focus upon individualistic, particularistic data that the Comparative Project provides does not serve the current intended exploration of managerial mobility by gender. The limitation does, however, justify the less propinquitous approach proposed where authority is examined, not in light of distinguished types exercised in the workplace, but by contrasting those who do not possess it. A final theoretical caveat needs elaboration. The labor categories inherent in Wright's (1985, p. 48) unrevised class framework[1] was indicative of features required for the current analysis, including reduced complexities, parsimonious treatment of class categories, and expediency of managerial attainment. It also allowed for swift elimination of those who are self-employed ± who are not capable of providing data regarding dimensions of managerial mobility by gender. With these limitation in mind, we proceed with the analysis to determine the composition of women across occupational and national boundaries, to ascertain where women are most concentrated (managerial or nonmanagerial occupational levels) and to identify which cultures (specific nations) are more likely to facilitate optimal occupational opportunities for women. Before examining the data, it is necessary to justify the

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paradigmatic class framework used to associate the effects of gender, culture, and managerial attainment extracted from the Comparative Project database.

Theoretical framework
Use of the analytic class framework espoused by Poulantzas (1978), while elegantly simple and straightforward, was considered but ultimately rejected on the basis of the need to decompose occupations into broad categories based on relations to the means of production. The author did not believe that these categories would adequately capture the intermediary class positions or intrasectoral complexities necessary to make conclusions regarding female managerial mobility within industries. Also, as eloquently described in the analytic framework comparisons by Blom and Kivinen (1992, p. 350), the use of Wright's categorisation scheme actually allows for more fortuitous examination when investigating those occupying lower and middle-class positions.
The main differences between the class theories of Poulantzas and Wright can be summarized in three points: Wright's working class is twice as large as Poulantzas'; Poulantzas' bourgeoisie is considerably larger than Wright's; and Poulantzas' new petty bourgeoisie includes part of Wright's working class.

In direct opposition to Goldthorpe's contention to evaluate female positions based on the status of the spouse, and in light of the more realistic portrayal of the global phenomenon of female poverty; recall that women remain overwhelmingly subordinate in their economic position in all nations and are therefore underrepresented among the bourgeoisie, are more likely to be members of the working class, and are presumably less likely to occupy the position that Poulantzas refers to as the ``new petty bourgeoisie''. These conceptualisations provide justification for use of Wright's unrevised model for the analysis which, based on his categorizations, will elicit a more accurate portrayal of the contemporary feminine face of poverty, as well as women's relatively innocuous impact upon global labor force participation patterns. Because women are expected to occupy lower, middle, and working classes; and due to Wright's ability to measure hierarchical authority dimensions within industries, the

Wright model is that which most closely represents the depth of occupational analysis necessary to explicate the relationship between gender and class. As such, and in light of the limitations already established, the Wright class model remains the preferred typology within which to approach the gender-occupation-nation interaction. To begin, it may be useful to examine class categories by nation presented in Table II. Without exemplifying distinct patterns, and relatively consistently observed in all three industrialised nations, it is obvious that the majority of managerial and supervisory positions are occupied by men. To examine these findings in greater detail, let us focus upon managerial and supervisory levels of employment specifically to determine which country has the most hospitable environment for women at the highest levels of hierarchical mobility. By examining Table II, we see that the UK has the most egalitarian ratio of females to males in managerial positions across industries. Then, the USA follows closely behind. The nation found to have a high gender gap was Sweden, where less than 13 per cent of the entire female labor force reflects managerial attainment. This low managerial ranking by gender was supported by other measures calculated by the Scandinavian government (Nordic Council and the Nordic Statistical Secretariat, 1984, p. 215), who determined that Sweden was actually high on impediments to female labor force participation when compared to other Scandinavian nations. This conclusion was based on social factors that are not captured in the current analysis (i.e. educational access, openness of occupational opportunity structures, wages, and other industrial indicators). Does this lower than anticipated ranking of women in managerial positions in Sweden provide evidence that the Scandinavian nations are not as hospitable to women as we would expect? By the admission of their own authorities, the answer is affirmative. Just as the UK and the USA have considerable restrictions for women in managerial positions, Sweden does not necessarily provide fewer structural impediments than other industrialised nations, and certainly not at the highest managerial levels. This finding provides evidence to show that occupational mobility among women is restricted in all relatively hospitable

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Table II Gender labor force characteristics by occupational categories in three industrialized nations All managers (including advisormanagers, supervisors) Male Female UK Sweden USA 31 28 36 20 13 25 All those self-employeda (including petty bourgeoisie, small employers, bourgeoisie) Male Female 17 15 17
a

Semi-autonomous employees Male Female 9 14 8 15 20 9

Working class Male Female 43 43 39 58 62 55

7 5 13

Notes: All figures presented are comparisons using within group row percentages; the current analysis Source: Comparative Project on Class Structure and Class Consciousness

These cases were removed for

industrialised nations to some degree. It would be problematic to suggest that crosscultural gender differences are exclusively attributable to inhospitable occupational conditions, or that structural impediments are the only causal factor for the discrepancies; however, there is a significant relationship between mobility, placement, and structural impediments, especially when controlling for measures of differential expertise (i.e. technical/vocational skills, credentials, formal training, etc.) Wright (1997, p. 352), for example, differentiates for level of expertise and finds substantial evidence that gender discrimination cannot be ruled out in determining occupational placement. Nondiscriminatory influences such as professional aspiration, personal attributes, and authority-related variables were isolated, but could not account for the full variance in gender placement exemplified in all nations. Other studies have also attempted to determine the impact of discriminatory hiring and promotional policies, and have provided compelling evidence that gender discrimination substantially influences occupational placement. If discrimination were not in operation, women could reasonably expect to occupy higher levels of authority in virtually every industry, and in greater numbers. The current analysis is expected to provide further evidence that structural impediments to female managerial mobility are in effect in industrialised nations to some degree.

Methodology
Overall, 4,674 interviews were conducted in the UK (n = 1,770), Sweden (n = 1,145), and

the USA (n = 1,759) as part of the Comparative Project on Class and Class Consciousness. Questionnaires were designed to determine managerial attainment, occupational stratification, and a variety of other class-related measures. After removal of self-employed cases that convolute the analysis, 3,967 relevant cases remained (Britain (n = 1,168), Sweden (n = 1,074), and the USA (n = 1,725)). To determine the impact of deleterious structural restrictions experienced by women in the workforce, the interaction effects of gender (predictor variable), and managerial attainment (categorical dependent variable) within occupations by countries were examined. Due to the nonrankable, categorical nature of the variables involved in operationalising gender differences in intraoccupational mobility, loglinear analysis was used. To discover the relationships apparent and possible effects to be expected, contigency tables were constructed. To determine what effect gender has on the likelihood of being a manager in these different nations in further detail, an unsaturated model was performed, which examined all possible associations, including the main effect of gender and all combinations of interactional effects of managerial attainment and national labor force participation, to exhibit how variances are partitioned. Because the attainment of managerial rank intraoccupationally was being tested as the dependent categorical variable, loglinear analysis could determine how the main effect of gender persisted across national lines, as well as managerial attainment likelihood in each nation. The interaction of gender with nation of origin was of interest, in the hope that this particular association could distinguish any significant

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gendered cultural occupational mobility patterns.

Results
The Comparative Project country-specific database files yielded some compelling evidence regarding hypothesised egalitarian features of occupational opportunity structures among the nations examined. The results were able to fully dispute Scandinavian superiority in egalitarian labor force opportunities, while providing support for reduced (fewer or less restrictive) impediments expressed through diminished gender disparities in advanced industrial societies. Contingency tables providing this evidence are presented in Table III. The most optimistic situation appears in the USA. US data show a much more egalitarian opportunity structure than the other two nations, based on women's high compositional data. Over 25 per cent of the female workforce has been able to transcend structural impediments to intraoccupational mobility, and obtain positions of managerial status. Perhaps due in part to rigid historical class lines, less than 20 per cent of the UK female labor force was able to attain managerial positions in all occupations. Sweden ranks last, having a mere 12 per cent of the female workforce represented among managers. This may indicate an increased likelihood of structural impediments to female labor force participation in Scandinavian nations, in contrast to their social and economic political orientations. A more advantageous occupational opportunity structure was found in the USA, where the

highest proportion of female labor was represented among managerial attainers. Due perhaps to the size and strength of the labor market, women have been able to make some progress in hierarchical structures across all occupational sectors. This figure includes all supervisory and managerial levels, in all occupations, and in all industries; which may indicate significantly fewer structural impediments to female labor force participation. As expected, there were no dramatically egalitarian features in any nation's labor force, nor were there excessively prohibitive impediments to prevent female labor force participation in any of these industrialised nations. These findings show, nonetheless, that gender and managerial attainment in all nations are associated in some way to some degree. A cursory examination indicates that there seems to be different magnitudes of association between gender and managerial attainment by nation. To determine with greater specificity how these variables are associated when compared with other nations, loglinear analysis was performed. We expected that the degree of association between gender and managerial attainment differed significantly by nation. The magnitude of the association between gender and managerial attainment in the UK would not be expected to be the same as the magnitude of the association exhibited in Sweden or the USA. This finding, if supported, would suggest that gender and managerial attainment interact by varying magnitudes among the nations examined, thus proving some gender impact in promotional processes cross-culturally. It is the difference, therefore, in the variations of

Table III Frequency and percentage cross tabulations of likelihood of managerial attainment by gender and country among the employed Managerial attainment Males 216 482 698 30.95 69.05 100.00 UK Females 90 380 470 19.15 80.85 100.00 Sweden Males Females 162 460 622 26.04 73.96 100.00 54 398 452 11.95 88.05 100.00 Males 328 544 872 37.61 62.39 100.00 USA Females 214 639 853 25.09 74.91 100.00 Total 1,064 2,903 3,967 26.86 73.14 100.00

Frequencies Managers Nonmanagers Total Percentages Managers Nonmanagers Total

Note: Missing data: 707 cases of self-employed individuals Source: Comparative Project on Class Structure and Class Consciousness

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interaction between gender and managerial attainment that will be explored by the models presented. To determine what particular interactional effects are in operation, the categorical variables were initially analysed using loglinear analysis then Logit precedures were performed because one dichotomous dependent variable could be isolated (managerial attainment or not). To recapitulate the formal hypotheses: H1: the degree of association between the effects of gender and managerial attainment differs by nation H2: the association between the effects of gender and nation of origin together is more powerful in explaining the gender disparity in managerial attainment than if examining gender alone The model being tested, therefore, is the interaction effects of gender and likelihood of managerial attainment in nations examined, and to that end, the differences in magnitude of association that are evident in different nations will be explored. This test is a preferred alternative to attempting to prove or compare levels of discrimination in nations using the data available, due to limitations already discussed in this paper. For purposes of the current analysis, determining that there is an association between gender and managerial attainment to differing degrees will be an important foundation for future analysis to determine what cultural features and possible occupational factors may be responsible for creating more favorable professional climates for women in industrialised nations, thereby facilitating female intraoccupational moblity. To examine this interaction, the magnitude of Observed Frequencies already presented in Table III are compared to Expected Frequencies of Model 1. These Expected Frequencies are calculated by comparing the relationships among the variables without expressing a particular association among gender and managerial attainment. Expected Frequencies of Model 2 are the no association model, constructed using expected frequencies if there was no gender or national influence in effect when determining managerial attainment, based exclusively on female labor force composition data presented in Table I, and by estimating representative proportions of females expected in managerial and nonmanagerial

positions in that nation. The comparisons of the three models are presented in Table IV. As expected, women in the UK and Sweden reflected lower observed frequencies among managerial attainers than would be expected when comparing both Models 1 and 2. This suggests that there is a strong association between gender and nationality, which together substantially accounts for much of the observed gender deficiencies in managerial attainment across all employment categories in both nations. The USA, on the other hand, shows more optimistic data. When examining the managerial attainment patterns exhibited in the USA, there are actually higher observed frequencies of managerial attaining females then expected in Models 1 or 2. This finding suggests that there is actually a higher expected ratio of managerial attaining females in the USA than can be reasonably expected in Model 2 based solely on gender composition of the labor force, or Model 1 where gender effects are partitioned separately (see Table IV). When measuring the interactional effects of gender and nationality to determine managerial attainment tested in Model 1, there seems to be some itinerative effect. This
Table IV Observed and expected frequencies of managerial attainment by gender in the UK, Sweden and the USA Observed (%) Expected (Model 1) (%) Expected (Model 2) (%)

UK Managers Males Females Nonmanagers Males Females Sweden Managers Males Females Nonmanagers Males Females USA Managers Males Females Nonmanagers Males Females

216 90 482 380

(30.95) (19.15) (69.05) (80.85)

224.81 94.79 473.19 375.21

(32.21) (20.17) (67.79) (79.83

341 216 404 256

(61.20) (38.80) (61.20) (38.80)

162 54 460 398

(26.05) (11.95) (73.95) (88.05)

200.33 91.16 421.67 360.84

(32.21) (20.17) (67.79) (79.83)

137 122 434 386

(52.90) (47.10) (52.90) (47.10)

328 214 544 639

(37.61) (25.09) (62.39) (74.91)

280.85 172.04 591.15 680.96

(32.21) (20.17) (67.79) (79.83)

144 104 824 599

(57.90) (42.10) (57.90) (42.10)

Source: Comparative Project on Class Structure and Class Consciousness

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means that the combination or interaction effect of gender with nationality did a somewhat better job in explicating the gender difference among managerial attainers then if the variables were not combined. There were, however, some other unexpected results. The Residual column shows the differences between the expected and observed values. The sign indicated the direction of the change, and shows a negative direction of female occupation Residuals among managers in the UK and Sweden, but not in the USA. This suggests that when examining female managerial attainment alone, the no association model did not fit the data precisely in the UK and Sweden, and so the model being tested which measures the interactional effects between gender and nation presented in observed frequencies, is increasing the goodness of fit in only these nations. The US data are more problematic. Logit procedures predict the log odds (ratio of two expected frequencies) of the dependent variable. The model is similar to linear regression, in that the expected value of a continuous dependent variable is a linear function of one or more independent variables. In the current treatment, the effect of managerial attainment is measured to be a linear function of the combination of gender and nation of origin. The figures presented provide the predicted log-odds of managerial potential of women who are British, or Swedish, or from the USA. Since the gender and managerial attainment effects are examined, logits are defined in terms of conditional probabilities (Table V). The unusually large residuals in Sweden and the USA shows that the combination of gender and nation of origin do not adequately account for gender disparity in managerial attainment. In loglinear analysis, the measure of the strength of the association of gender and nation occurs by comparing it to the fit of the model excluding it (Model 1), the difference in fit being due to the consequences of that relationship. Therefore, we must conclude that as applied to Sweden and the USA and at all managerial attainment levels, the model exhibiting associated effects is not as good a fit to explain managerial attainment gender deficiencies, as when the effects are measured alone. The probability of managerial attainment by nation depends, therefore, not to the effect of the two variables in combination, but

Table V Predicted log odds of managerial attainment by gender in the UK, Sweden and the USA Residual Adj. residual Dev. residual

UK Managers Males Females Nonmanagers Males Females Sweden Managers Males Females Nonmanagers Males Females USA Managers Males Females Nonmanagers Males Females

±8.81 ±4.79 8.81 4.79

±0.86 ±0.64 0.86 ±0.64

±0.59 ±0.50 ±0.40 ±0.25

±38.33 ±37.16 38.33 37.16

±3.89 ±5.05 3.89 5.05

±2.80 ±4.22 1.84 1.92

47.15 41.96 ±47.15 ±41.96

4.40 4.97 ±4.40 ±4.97

2.74 3.08 ±1.97 ±1.62

Source: Comparative Project on Class Structure and Class Consciousness

rather to other effects not measured in the model. Hence, nationality and gender influence the likelihood of women achieving intraoccupational mobility to some degree, but do not necessarily explain much of the gender gap in managerial attainment cross-culturally when combined.

Discussion
As a preliminary examination, loglinear models were examined to determine interactional effects that are exhibited among the variables. Gender and nationality do effect the likelihood for women to achieve intraoccupational mobility, and the extent to which this association occurs varies by country. But the model combining gender and nation of origin does not predict expected frequencies well. Instead, there must be some intervening industrial or occupational feature that interacts with gender that can better demystify the occupational management barrier (``glass ceiling'') phenomenon. The data comparing differences in magnitude of the associations does, however, provide evidence to suggest that there are

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unique elements in each nation's occupational opportunity structure that determine the extent to which women will be free to ascend to management positions. As such and in light of the data presented, the nation with the fewest impediments for women to exhibit mobility through occupational opportunity structure is the USA. Here, women compose over 46 per cent of the labor force, and more than 25 per cent of the managerial positions in that nation. The loglinear interaction among variables also yielded somewhat favorable results in the USA when comparing expected frequencies to those observed. In the UK, women make up a smaller proportion of the workforce (44.7 per cent), and a smaller proportion (less than 20 per cent) of the managerial positions in the UK[2]. Since the residuals were smallest when examining UK data, this may indicate that the effects of the combination of gender and nation of origin are strongly associated with gender disparities in managerial attainment in this nation. On the other hand, the nation with the most structural obstacles to intraoccupational mobility is Sweden, which, despite having the highest proportion of female workers in the labor force (nearly 48 per cent), ranks highest as having the most impediments to female managerial attainment, as measured in the proportion of women allowed to ascend to managerial positions (12 per cent). There was also an unusually high discrepancy in residuals calculated in the female managerial category for this nation, where female ratios were the lowest of all female labor force data examined. This peculiar finding warrants a much broader examination of the gender mobility impediments in Sweden's occupational opportunity structure, perhaps found among occupational or industrial factors, which could account for the low predicted odds of the association measured in the analysis. The data showed some cultural bias against men as well, thereby giving even more support to the associational effects of occupational structural factors by nation. Men in managerial positions in Sweden were expected to have much higher occupancy rates among managers, suggesting that the Scandinavian labor market may, overall, have a higher supervisor to worker ratio than other industrialized nations. This may indicate that there are structural mobility features that

impact men and women more equally than expected, and that all workers experience severe restrictions against intraoccupational mobility, regardless of gender. This indicates the need for identification of other cultural features distinguishing the Swedish occupational opportunity structures from other industrialized nations, or use of an alternative indicator for status within the Swedish labor force. Similarly, the relatively egalitarian features exhibited in the USA may actually indicate some possibility for ``diluted'' prestige associated with ``manager'' status, rather than capture any substantial female intraoccupational ascendancy patterns, as originally intended.

Conclusion
Despite the differences in impediments across cultures, there is overwhelming evidence of restrictive structures in the industrialized nations examined to some degree. There is obviously much more research needed to distinguish what factors may be in operation to determine female occupational placement. The analysis attempted to move gender explorations beyond the scope of discriminatory hiring practices at the individual decision-making level, and provide evidence of distinct, ingrained, institutionalized, cultural barriers unique to particular industrialised nations. There are significant ramifications of this finding toward international policies designed to enhance the likelihood for greater equality in the workplace. Whether the focus should be to increase the proportion of women in the labor force across managerial and occupational cleavages, or instead, to facilitate the intraoccupational movement of women already occupying positions within occupations, is yet to be determined. Comparative data using cross-cultural research can be particularly fortuitous in highlighting the distinct social, political, and industrial features that may illuminate the types of deleterious or beneficial influences that can restrict or enhance women's occupational mobility within unique cultural occupational environments. Once these labor force characteristics have been identified, substantial effort can be made to continue and expand innovative governmental, organisational and industrial solutions to

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Structural impediments to managerial mobility in industrialised nations

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Women in Management Review Volume 15 . Number 8 . 2000 . 415±428

create equitable employment environments for women around the world. It is only through full resolution to responsive national affirmative action policies at the legislative level, employer incentive programs within industries, mentoring programs within occupations, equitable promotional policies within managerial ranks, and the ubiquitous commitment to the destruction of informal institutional pathways that reproduce the gender, racial, and ethnic features of existing occupational hierarchical systemic hegemony, that we will be able to remove international restrictions for female managerial mobility within industrialised nations for the future.

Notes
1 Wright (1985, p. 48) Unrevised categories are managers (including advisor-managers and supervisors), self-employed (including petty bourgeoisie, small employers, and the bourgeoisie), semi-autonomous employees, and the working class. For the present analysis, the managers have remained unchanged, and semi-autonomous employees and the working class have been collapsed and defined as ``nonmanagers''. The remaining class category in Wright's unrevised typology, self-employed, have been filtered due to Wright's criteria (1985) regarding the supervision of others. They have no direct supervisory responsibilities, and would therefore have no impact upon the analysis. 2 Due to discrepancies in the availability of data regarding England and the UK, the geographic unit of analysis has fluctuated somewhat between the UK and Britain.

References
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Structural impediments to managerial mobility in industrialised nations

Lisiunia A. Romanienko

Women in Management Review Volume 15 . Number 8 . 2000 . 415±428

Abstracts from the wider literature
``Structural impediments to managerial mobility in industrialised nations''
The following abstracts from the wider literature have been selected for their special relevance to the preceding article. The abstracts extend the themes and discussions of the main article and act as a guide to further reading. Each abstract is awarded 0-3 stars for each of four features: (1) Depth of research (2) Value in practice (3) Originality of thinking (4) Readability for non-specialists. The full text of any article may be ordered from the Anbar Library. Contact Debbie Brannan, Anbar Library, 60/62 Toller Lane, Bradford, UK BD8 9BY. Telephone: (44) 1274 785227; Fax: (44) 1274 785204; E-mail: dbrannan@mcb.co.uk quoting the reference number shown at the end of the abstract.

from occupational attainment, and that the urban labour market should be opened out. Style: Theoretical with application in practice Research implications:*** Practice implications:* Originality:*** Readability:** Total number:********* Reference: 27AP942 Cost: £30 (plus VAT)

Overt employment discrimination by multinational firms: cultural and economic influences in a developing country
Lawler, J.J. and Bae, J. in Industrial Relations (USA), Apr 98 (37/2): p. 126 (27 pages) Examines the employment practices of multinational companies operating in Thailand, a rapidly developing country, to discover if they engage in overt gender discrimination in their recruitment advertising. Investigates two factors which might be expected to influence whether or not firms engage in discriminatory recruitment practices ± the national culture of the firm's home country and the economic growth of the host country. Using Hofstede's analysis of national culture, asks if gender discrimination is affected by the level of individualism/ collectivism and masculinity/femininity in the parent company's home country culture. Also asks if overt discrimination will decrease as the rate of real growth in the host country's economy increases. Analyses job adverts for white-collar and professional employees in the main Thai newspaper, looking at the advertising firm's country of origin. Finds that home country culture does seem to influence discriminatory behaviour. In relation to the impact of economic growth, discovers that growth seems to be associated with an increased likelihood that adverts will refer to equal opportunities. Style: Theoretical with application in practice/Survey Research implications:*** Practice implications:** Originality:** Readability:** Total number:********* Reference: 27AM927 Cost: £24 (plus VAT)

Gender occupational segregation and its impact on the gender wage differential among rural-urban migrants: a Chinese case study
Meng, X. in Applied Economics (UK), Jun 1998 Vol. 30 No. 6: p. 741 (12 pages) Considers gender inequality in the context of rural-urban migration in developing countries, a little-researched topic. Uses Brown's two-stage procedure to show how segregation of occupations by gender affects wage differentials, given that individual occupational attainment is an endogenous variable. Surveys 1,504 adults in Jinan City, Shandong province, China, in 1995, discovering income, family status, training and experience. Reveals that male earnings before and after migration are 130 per cent of female, men are older and married, and men work in construction while women work in service industries. Argues that discrimination causes the disparity, with a small contribution

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Structural impediments to managerial mobility in industrialised nations

Lisiunia A. Romanienko

Women in Management Review Volume 15 . Number 8 . 2000 . 415±428

Industrialization, female labour force participation, and the modern division of labour by sex
Rau, W. and Wazienski, R. in Industrial Relations (USA), Oct 1999 Vol. 38 No. 4: p. 504 (18 pages) Examines the effect of industrialization on the gendered division of labour, focusing on the evidence that female labour force participation decreases in the early phases of industrialization and increases as countries become fully industrialized (the U-hypothesis). Reviews the literature on this, comparing it with the case made for the 'emancipation hypothesis', which argues that there is a direct relationship between industrialization and the increasing employment of women. Uses the International Labour Office Yearbook of Statistics from the 1960s and 1970s to test the validity of the two theories. Concludes that the U-hypothesis is upheld and points out that this gives some explanation of the gender segregation within modern industry ± women mainly entering the workforce after the institution building stage of modern societies, thereby losing advantage in the labour market to men. Style: Theoretical with application in practice/Survey Research implications:** Practice implications:** Originality:** Readability:** Total number:********* Reference: 29AA345 Cost: £24 (plus VAT)

quota system for recruitment. Reports a survey of women working in the Civil Service, which asked about their pre-entry educational status; the barriers encountered before entering the Civil Service and subsequently in their careers with the Service; their commitment to their jobs and careers; and their perceptions of unequal treatment. Identifies the attitudinal barriers among the women themselves, as well as among their male managers and colleagues, that hold back women's career development. Also identifies the social and organizational barriers. Style: Theoretical with application in practice Research implications:** Practice implications:** Originality:** Readability:** Total number:******** Reference: 29AT214 Cost: £24 (plus VAT)

The changing status of women in India: impact of urbanization and development
Ghosh, R.N. and Roy, K.C. in International Journal of Social Economics (UK), Vol. 24 No. 7/8/9 97: p. 902 (16 pages) Examines the effect which urbanization and development has had on the role of women in India in terms of a number of demographic and socio-economic indicators (such as sex ratios), literacy rates, age at marriage and percentage of women in the total labour force. Takes into consideration the added dimension of religious and cultural demands, pressures and constraints on the role of women, before concluding that development and urbanization has led to uneven results for different categories of women: middle-class educated women were able to improve in economic and social status, whereas the poorer women in rural India were left behind; and Christian and Hindu women were able to progress socially to a much greater degree than Muslim women. Style: Case study Research implications:** Practice implications:*** Originality:** Readability:*** Total number:********** Reference: 26AZ879 Cost: £30 (plus VAT)

Through the brick wall, and the glass ceiling: women in the civil service in Bangladesh
Zafarullah, H. in Gender, Work and Organization (UK), Jul 2000 Vol. 7 No. 3: p. 197 (13 pages) Examines the constraints that women in face in entering and making a career in the Bangladeshi Civil Service. Reviews the cultural attitudes to women in Bangladesh and other developing countries, also reviewing the international and other pressures being placed on governmental organizations to adopt equal opportunities policies for women. Sets out the status of women in Bangladesh and describes the equal opportunities initiatives set up by the Bangladeshi Civil Service, particularly the

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Structural impediments to managerial mobility in industrialised nations

Lisiunia A. Romanienko

Women in Management Review Volume 15 . Number 8 . 2000 . 415±428

The employment of women managers and professionals in an emerging economy: gender inequality as an organizational practice
Appold, S.J., Siengthai, S. and Kasarda, J.D. in Administrative Science Quarterly (USA), Sep 1998 Vol. 43 No. 3: p. 538 (28 pages) Compares the employment of women in Thailand with the situation in Japan and the USA to assess the importance of women in management positions in rapidly developing countries. Investigates organizational factors affecting the employment of high-skill women by private firms, testing key aspects of three organizational theories about the employment of high-skill women: market incentives, cultural values and social homophily. Develops hypotheses reflecting the relationship between these theories and the employment of women, testing them against

the practices of randomly selected firms from Thailand, Japan and the USA. Suggests, from the findings, that the representation of women among managers and professionals may be a product of a mutually constraining relationship between market incentives and the social homophily preferences of male employees. Finds no support for the belief that the employment of women in managerial positions hinders organizational performance. Concludes that a greater representation of women at the top in Thai firms implies that gender is only one of a number of distinctions contributing to social distance in organizations. Style: Survey Research implications:** Practice implications:** Originality:** Readability:** Total number:******** Reference: 28AD165 Cost: £18 (plus VAT)

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