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Bede, Cassiodorus, and the Codex Amiatinus Author(s): Paul Meyvaert Source: Speculum, Vol. 71, No. 4 (Oct., 1996), pp. 827-883 Published by: Medieval Academy of America Stable URL: . Accessed: 17/07/2013 17:54
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Bede, Cassiodorus, and the Codex Amiatinus
By Paul Meyvaert
For Julian Brown, in memoriam One of the natural shortcomings to which historians are prone is a failure to give ignorance its due, and to acknowledge the force of the haphazard in human affairs. We know that Bede was eager for knowledge and industrious in acquiring it. With respect to Cassiodorus, however, he labored under difficulties we have been slow to perceive. Before his eyes in his monastery at Jarrow lay an imposing volume that had taken shape under Cassiodorus's direction at Vivarium in southern Italy, but neither he nor his brethren, including their abbot Ceolfrith, who had bought the book in Rome, knew what it was that they possessed. For years they saw it only as a splendid old volume where all the books of the Bible had been assembled together between two covers, in a text they recognized as predating Jerome's Vulgate. Bede had been a young boy when he accompanied Ceolfrith to Jarrow from Wearmouth; he grew to maturity in the presence of this volume, Cassiodorus's Codex Grandior,and his increasing acquaintance with it is reflected in his writings. Eventually its connection with Cassiodorus was recognized, although imperfectly. Over the years Bede's respect for Cassiodorus grew and deepened, but his knowledge remained limited to the end. The extent of that limitation and the understanding achieved despite it are examined in the following pages.1

A passage in Bede's commentary on Ezra and Nehemiah expresses his great respect for Cassiodorus. To understand this, we must remember that Bede never claimed to be an original writer, especially in matters relating to Christian teaching. Numerous passages, strewn throughout his works, show that he considered his task to be one of transmitting to his own generation the accumulated learning found in the writings of the church fathers.2 They were the authorities to whom he appealed, the men of true wisdom whose teaching he sought to convey to
1 In the notes that follow, CCSL = Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina (Turnhout, 1953-); CLCLT = Cetedoc Library of Christian Latin Texts on CD-ROM (Turnhout, 1991); PL = J.-P. Migne, ed., Patrologiae cursus completus: Series Latina (Paris, 1844-55); and SC = Sources chretiennes (Paris, 1941-). 2 See especially Bede's prefaces to his commentaries on Genesis (CCSL 118A), the Canticle of Canticles (CCSL 119B), the Gospels of Luke and Mark (CCSL 120), the Acts of the Apostles (CCSL 121); also the prefaces to his De Templo (CCSL 119A) and the Thirty Questions on Kings (CCSL 119). He rejoices in viewing himself as patrum uestigia sequens. In Homeliae Evangelii 2.11 (CCSL 122, p. 258, 11.191-92) he says, "Sed quia donante domino lectionem sancti euangelii patrum uestigia sequentes exponendo transcurrimus."

71 (1996) Speculum


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Bede, Cassiodorus, and the Codex Amiatinus

others. Cassiodorus shared a similar outlook; recognizing this, Bede rejoiced, and his veneration for the Roman senator grew. His allegorical interpretation of Ezra 6.8, which describes the taking of tribute from the king's chest for the building of the Temple, equates the Temple with the Church, Ecclesia, and interprets the verse as pertaining to those who build-that is, who educate and unite the church's members-by drawing on treasures found in the king's chest, namely, the works of great church fathers who lived in former times: in sumptusoperistemplidumhis Sed danturpresbiteris, hoc est senioribus Iudaeorum, magistriserudiendiatque ecclesiaemembris qui in Christiconfessionepraecesserunt adunandi committuntur. senatorrepente ecclesiae docQualisfuit Cassiodorus quondam tor qui dum in expositionepsalmorum fecit intuitus est quamegregiam diligenter quid Ambrosius quidHilariusquidAugustinus quidCyrillus quidIohannesquidceterifratres id est confitentium et laudandixerintedoctumse proculdubio a senioribus Iudaeorum, tium Deum, probauit.3 Although Cassiodorus often appeals to one or another church father, there is a particular passage in the conclusion to his comments on Psalm 2 that Bede seems to have in mind here, although he is probably recalling the passage from memory: Hoc paterAthanasius hoc HilariusPictauiensis, Mediolahoc Ambrosius Alexandrinus, et Hieronymus, hoc Cyrillus,hoc alii multipatresad tollendam nensis,hoc Augustinus Hoc papaLeo cum sanctasynodo quoquefunditusoccasioneminanissimae quaestionis.
Chalcedonensi decreuit atque constituit....4

The attractive portrait of Cassiodorus drawn by Bede lacks, however, one important component. Can we conceive that Bede would have praised the Roman senator for following the teaching of the Fathers, without ever mentioning his efforts to foster the monastic ideal at Vivarium, had he been aware of that aspect of Cassiodorus's career? If Bede is totally silent about Cassiodorus's contribution to monasticism, it would seem that he cannot have been familiar with Cassiodorus's Institutiones. A few scholars have held that Bede did know the Institutiones, but those who have studied him most closely deny this claim. Pierre Courcelle believed he could detect parallels between Cassiodorus's comments on Genesis in the Institutiones and Bede's preface to his own commentary on Genesis, but a close comparison of these texts fails to reveal any verbal dependency-we are dealing with a simple case of overlap: Cassiodorus lists the patristic works on Genesis at his disposal, and Bede does the same.s Bede's commentary on Genesis, moreover, shows that he knew and used the works he lists in his preface, so there is no need to assume that Cassiodorus's list, rather than the works themselves, served as Bede's source. Paul Lehmann, who explored Bede's works while preparing his Cassiodorstudien, concluded that his knowledge of Cassiodorus derived


Bede, In Ezram et Neemiam 2 (CCSL 119A, p. 295, 11.280-89). Cassiodorus, Expositio Psalmorum 2 (CCSL 97, p. 50, 11.396-401). 5 Pierre Courcelle, Les lettres grecques en occident de Macrobe a Cassiodore (Paris, 1948), pp. 375-


76 andp. 375, n. 1.

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Bede, Cassiodorus, and the Codex Amiatinus


entirely from the commentary on the Psalms.6 M. L. W. Laistner did not include the Institutiones in his list of the books in Bede's library because he could find no evidence that Bede knew it.7 Carlotta Dionisotti hunted for evidence while preparing her study "On Bede, Grammar, and Greek" and ended by lamenting, "it was a mean trick of fate to deprive Bede of Cassiodorus's Institutes, in which he would have found so many of his interests warmly and sympathetically treated."8 Not a shred of evidence indicates that Bede ever encountered the Institutiones, and a number of circumstances demonstrate that he did not. We can begin with Bede's failure to mention Cassiodorus in the long chronicle that forms chapter 66 of his De temporum ratione; he knew the name but had no way of knowing when Cassiodorus had lived and therefore could not place him in the chronicle.9 He may have wondered about the Pater apostolicus being addressed in the preface to the Psalm commentary, but there was nothing there to tell him that this was Pope Vigilius (537-55), whom Cassiodorus had known in Constantinople.10 In the preface to his Institutiones Cassiodorus mentions his very close connection to one of Vigilius's predecessors, Pope Agapetus (535-36). Once in possession of this name, Bede would had had no problem situating Cassiodorus in his proper time since he possessed a copy of the Liber pontificalis and was also familiar with the Dialogues of Gregory the Great, where Agapetus is mentioned in connection with the emperor Justinian.1lWe can conclude that Bede did not know the Institutiones. Further evidence emerges from his scriptural commentaries, where Bede likes to note which patristic works he knew and used. Although Cassiodorus indicates in his Institutiones that Ambrose of Milan-one of Bede's favorite authors-gave an allegorical exposition of parts of the Canticle of Canticles in book 2 of his Patriarcharum,12Bede fails to mention or use this work of Ambrose in his own allegorical commentary on the Canticle.13In the prologue to his commentary on Ezra Bede is silent about the homilies on Ezra by Origen, which Cassiodorus's friend Bellator had translated into Latin.14Again, Cassiodorus states that he had caused fifty-five homilies on the Acts of the Apostles by John of Constantinople

6 Paul Lehmann, Cassiodorstudien, in Erforschung des Mittelalters, 2 (Stuttgart, 1959), p. 85: "Beda ist der erste, der Cassiodor namhaft macht und ihn als Kirchenlehrerpreist. Jedoch scheint sich seine Kenntnis auf das Erklarungswerk der Psalmem zu beschranken." 7 M. L. W. Laistner, "The Library of the Venerable Bede," in Bede, His Life, Times and Writings, ed. A. Hamilton Thompson (Oxford, 1935), p. 264, includes only the commentary on the Psalms and the Historia tripartita under Cassiodorus. 8 Carlotta Dionisotti,"On Bede, Grammar, and Greek," Revue benedictine 92 (1982), 129. 9 The opening words of the Psalm commentary must have led Bede to associate Cassiodorus with Ravenna: "Repulsis aliquando in Rauennati urbe sollicitudinibus dignitatum et curis saecularibus noxio sapore conditis, cum psalterii caelestis animarum mella gustassem . ." (CCSL 97, p. 3, 11.1-

10 See Andre van de Vyver, "Cassiodore et son ceuvre," Speculum 6 (1931), 244-92, at p. 254. 1See Dialogues 3.3 (SC 260, p. 268): "Post non multum uero temporis, exigente causa Gothorum,

uir quoque beatissimus Agapitus, huius sanctae Romanae ecclesiae pontifex, cui Deo dispensante deseruio, ad Iustinianum principem accessit." 12 Institutiones 1.6.4 (ed. R. A. B. Mynors [Oxford, 1937], p. 24). Nor does Bede refer to the other works on the Canticle listed in this section. 13 Bede, In Cantica Canticorum (CCSL 119B, pp. 167-375). 14 Institutiones 1.6.6 (ed. Mynors, p. 27).

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Bede, Cassiodorus, and the Codex Amiatinus

(Chrysostom) to be translated into Latin,15but the only work on Acts to which Bede can refer in his preface to his commentary on Acts is the long poem by Arator.16 Similarly,in the preface to his commentary on the Catholic Epistles, Bede is silent about the works on these Epistles by Clement of Alexandria, Didymus the Blind, and Augustine (on the letter of James), which Cassiodorus lists in his Institutiones.17 More striking still is Bede's failure to mention Augustine's De diuersis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum in his preface and commentary on 1 Samuel, since Cassiodorus had singled out the particular verses of 1 Samuel for which this work of Augustine was helpful.18The same can be said about other pointers that Cassiodorus provides regarding Latin patristic works, for example, on Proverbs and Tobit: Bede fails to follow these indications in his own commentaries on these books of Scripture.19 Browsing through Bede and recalling Cassiodorus, one encounters one topic after another on which Cassiodorus gives information that Bede would surely have repeated in one form or another had he known the Institutiones. One such topic of particular interest to Bede was that of the mendosus codex: when is it legitimate to correct a scriptural manuscript suspected of containing faulty readings?20 Cassiodorus has a very long chapter on this very topic, entitled "Sub qua cautela relegi debeat caelestis auctoritas," where he discusses the many aspects of the question. There is not a hint that Bede had ever seen this chapter,which would have provided the guidance he longed for.21In all these cases (and this applies especially to one instance to be treated later),22Bede's failure to use the Institutiones becomes strong positive proof that he had never encountered this work. The Institutiones of Cassiodorus was not present in the monastic libraries of Monkwearmouth or Jarrow.23 We will need to keep this fact constantly in mind as we proceed; it will force us to examine certain questions with renewed caution. Any study that makes the Institutiones the basis of its arguments in dealing with Bede or the products of his scriptorium, like the Codex Amiatinus, is basically flawed if it cannot at the same
Institutiones 1.9.1 (ed. Mynors, p. 33). See Bede, Expositio Actuum Apostolorum, "Praefatio" (CCSL 121, p. 3). 17 Institutiones 1.8.4-6 (ed. Mynors, pp. 29-30). For Bede's prologue to the Catholic Epistles see CCSL 121, pp. 181-82. 18 Institutiones 1.2.2 (ed. Mynors, p. 16). For Bede's commentary on 1 Samuel see CCSL 119. 19For Proverbs see Institutiones 1.5.1-2, and for Tobit Institutiones 1.6.4. For Bede'scommentaries on these books of Scripture see CCSL 119B. 20 On this topic see P. Meyvaert, "Bede the Scholar,"in Famulus Christi: Essays in Commemoration of the Thirteenth Centenary of the Birth of the Venerable Bede, ed. Gerald Bonner (London, 1976), pp. 47-51. 21 Institutiones 1.15 (ed. Mynors, pp. 41-51).
16 22 23 15

See below at n. 44.

Bonifatius Fischer, "Codex Amiatinus und Cassiodor," in Lateinische Bibelhandschriften im friihen Mittelalter (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1985), p. 22, n. 3, points to a verbal similarity between the anonymous Life of Ceolfrith ("ex Hebreo et Greco fonte transfusus") and Institutiones 1.12.2 ("de Hebreo fonte transfuderet"). This, however, is insufficient evidence to prove a direct connection. According to the CLCLT,Bede three times uses similar expressions ("ex Hebreo fonte transfusi," "ex Hebraeo fonte transfusa," "de Hebraeo fonte transfusis") in parallel with Isidore's Etymologies ("ex Hebraeo in Latinum eloquium easdem Scripturas conuertit, eloquenterque transfudit") and Gregory the Great's Moralia ("ex Hebraeo ... eloquio cuncta uerius transfudisse perhibetur,""in Latina lingua transfusum"). Use of transfundere to indicate a translation would naturally suggest source (fons).

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Jahrhunderts und monastische Spiritualitit (Berlin. 28 Bede. and constantly. Bede's many references to the Historia ecclesiastica. since he made extensive use of the Antiquities and held the Jewish historian in high esteem: "reuoluamus scripta Iosephi quo doctior de talibus post diuina eloquia nemo facile repperitur. pp. I much regret to find myself in basic disagreement with the article by Karen Corsano. 29 See "The Library of the Venerable Bede. 27 Cassiodorus." Journal of Theological Studies. 25 See Richard N.190 on Wed. 11. 55).29 his actual source for this story is now known to have been the Historia ecclesiastica of Eusebius in the version of Rufinus.17. where all the manuscripts are listed and analyzed. where the correct reference to Rufinus is given on p. commissioned by Cassiodorus. for me the Codex Grandior. Mynors. magno labore in libris viginti duobus converti fecimus in Latinum" (ed. forcing me to examine an "accepted" position more critically. which is built on the premise that the Codex Grandior never reached Northumbria and that everything is to be explained on the basis of the Institutiones. 34 (1983).1: "hunc tamen ab amicis nostris." p. 189-93. I have found this to be a most stimulating article. The Latin Josephus (Copenhagen. Cassiodorus.811-25. n. "Bede's Text of Cassiodorus's Commentary on the Psalms. since despite my disagreement with many of its conclusions. Wilhelm Levison 24 Otto-Karl Werckmeister made much use of the Institutiones in his Irisch-northumbrische Buchmalerei des 8. thought by Laistner to be the source of a tradition Bede records about John the Baptist's burial and later exhumation.45-47). 1. relying entirely on Courcelle's study cited above (see n. 1958). I use the word "regret" designedly here. 509. 25-94. that this abbreviated version slightly postdates Bede. 1967). This corresponds to CCSL 120. This content downloaded from 129. Bailey.25An abbreviated version of this commentary circulated in Northumbria close to Bede's time. 26 This was the conclusion Richard N."28 As regards Cassiodorus's Tripartite History. 245 and n. in fact. 1978). One must remain continuously alert concerning possible alterations made at Wearmouth-Jarrow to the model being followed. and the Codex Amiatinus 831 time provide indubitable proof that this work was circulating in Northumbria in Bede's day. "The First Quire of the Codex Amiatinus and the Institutiones of Cassiodorus.. Eng.Bede. giving a reference to Bede'scommentary on Mark (PL 92:190D). Where I do fully agree with Corsano is in her statement that the Codex Amiatinus cannot be accepted a priori as a faithful replica of the Cassiodoran model on which it relied.24 2. In 1 Samuelem 2 (CCSL 119. 1972). 408-11. 3-34. Bailey reached in his Jarrow Lecture of 1978: see The Durham Cassiodorus (Jarrow. See the introduction of Franz Blatt to his critical edition. WORKS OF CASSIODORUSKNOWN TO BEDE Which works of Cassiodorus did Bede know? He certainly knew the commentary on the Psalms (Expositio Psalmorum).27It would certainly have interested him. in its longer version. and that the full version of the Psalm commentary was the only one he knew or used. p.215. quoniam est subtilis nimis et multiplex. See my review of this work in Speculum 46 (1971). p.17. 69. however. often helping me to open up some new avenue of enquiry." Scriptorium 41 (1987). all turn out to be references to Rufinus'swork. through its challenging statements. 11. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . but since the senator's name was lacking in the title of the work (and since he lacked the Institutiones) he cannot have been aware of the connection. pp. Die Flavius-JosephusTradition in Antike und Mittelalter (Leiden. As regards Bede's use of the Antiquities see Heinz Schreckenberg.s. None carries the name of Cassiodorus in its title. 5) as proof that Bede had known this work. 107-9. Institutiones 1. for her the Institutiones.26Bede did have a copy of the Latin version of the Antiquities of Josephus. There is reason to think.

In the one instance where Cassiodorus figures alone among the sources he is obviously not the source Bede was using (CCSL 123A.832 Bede. N. 13: Bede has "Baluae.17. 1960). this work has received little attention and has never been fully studied." 35 On this see below at n.Y." Cassiodorus has "Baluae id est ianuae"). 373-74. For the Lateran as a possible source from which this Bible came see Courcelle. Levison. and we know that Benedict Biscop was wealthy. Thompson. 133. 168: "We do not know when the travellers set out. 289-322. pp. Jones's editions of Bede's didactic works in CCSL (123A123C). 1943). For further criticism of Jones's CCSL editions see the article of C. Cassiodorus. v) the date of 725 given by M. but they concern not written works but images (picturae). Lehmann has shown that the Cassiodoran elements in Bede's didactic works all derive from the senator's commentary on the Psalms. who repeats (p. p. Les lettres grecques en occident.33 Through Bede we know that Ceolfrith-at the time still prior of the Wearmouth community-accompanied Benedict Biscop. 31 30 This content downloaded from 129. 725-26). 36 In Regum Librum XXX quaestiones was edited by David Hurst in CCSL 119. 32 Caution is needed when using C." in Bede. the founder of Wearmouth.32 Bede makes two other explicit references to Cassiodorus. W. It is essential to approach these references within a chronological framework. The editor was prone to giving an overabundance of references. id est thyrae. which on closer scrutiny often fail to show real dependence. It probably dates from c. 34 Concerning the date of this journey see Peter Hunter Blair. on the latter's fifth journey to Rome in 679-80. 33 See below at n. W. There were probably many sources in Rome from which manuscripts could be obtained for a good price. written for his friend the London priest Nothelm. 86-88.215. per 'b' incipiant. Lehmann. a decade earlier than the date assigned to it by Laistner.190 on Wed. pp. I discuss the question of the date in "The Date of Bede's Thirty Questions on Kings to Nothelm" (to appear in 1997). The Thirty Questions dates from around 714-15 and belongs to the period when Bede was composing books 1 through 3 of his commentary on 1 Samuel. p. pp.36 We know that Bede had completed three of the four books of his commenW. 41. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 715.3s It would seem that there was a considerable lapse of time before the Wearmouth community came to realize that this manuscript had formerly belonged to Cassiodorus. Cassiodorstudien. p. "Bede as Historian. and the Codex Amiatinus therefore rightly concluded that Cassiodorus's Historia tripartita remained unknown to Bede. There is unquestionably an overlap among many of the grammatical works: the problem then becomes one of discerning which source was really being used.34 While in Rome Ceolfrith acquired a Latin pandect containing the uetus translatio of the Bible. but we do know that when they reached Rome the papacy was occupied by Agatho who was elected only in the summer of 678. If the Lateran was the main source for all the books acquired in Rome and brought back to Northumbria. ed. Laistner in A Hand-List of Bede Manuscripts (Ithaca. Dionisotti cited above in n. 62. Evidence for this can be found in Bede's Thirty Questions on the Books of Kings. which he brought back with him to Northumbria. pp. p. Laistner's conclusion was not based on a thorough study of the work. Of the twentyfive references Jones gives to Cassiodorus's De orthographia in his index (CCSL 123C. 111-12.30The same must be said about Cassiodorus's De orthographia. it is surprising that Bede does not tell us this. L. 48. We know from Cassiodorus's Institutiones and his commentary on the Psalms that he had caused images of the Tabernacle and Temple to be painted and inserted at the beginning of his Codex Grandior. 134). since he likes to underline benefactions that derived from the papacy.. The World of Bede (London. pp. 8 (esp. and we know also that they were back in England by 679 or early in 680.31This was unquestionably the work of Cassiodorus with which Bede was most familiar. another work of which Bede would have made abundant use had he known it. not a single one demonstrates that Bede was using this work rather than one of the other parallel treatises.

pp. 28-30. Here and throughout this article I have italicized key phrases in quoted matter. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . in his treatise on the Temple of Solomonfind an important change.39 Bede is therefore appealing here both to the writings of Josephus and to a pictura ab antiquis formata as his main sources for information on this matter. and his abbot's sudden departure for Rome in 716 deeply upset him. not to an anonymous pictura ab antiquis formata. It can be shown that the Thirty Questions on Kings was composed after Bede had finished book 1 but before he had completed book 3 of the commentary. 312.38 Whenever he touches on matters concerning the Temple. "DeditautemDauid Quorumomniumin libro paralipomenon et caenaculiet cubiSalomonifilio suo descriptionem porticuset templiet cellariorum atriorum nec non et omniumquaecogitauerat culorumin aditiset domuspropitiationis sed et exedrarumper circuitumin thesaurosdomus domini in thesaurissanctorum.37This would suggest that the commentary was begun about 714. This content downloaded from 129. p. It took him a while to recover and resume work on book 4 of the commentary.Bede. Bede had been linked to Ceolfrith since his boyhood days. 39 Ibid. In the eighteenth reply he deals with some verses of chapter 11 of 4 Kings having to do with events that occurred in Solomon's Temple.. when Ceolfrith suddenly announced that he was leaving Northumbria to end his days in Rome. 311-13. pp. between the Thirty Questions on Kings and the treatise De Templo? In his continuing exploration of Cassiodorus's commentary on the Psalms. Bede must have come upon a brief remark on Psalm 86: 37 See Bede's opening comments in book 4 of his commentary: CCSL 119.190 on Wed. Cassiodorus. Nor does he tell us where this pictura was to be found. but now it is linked. 38 CCSL 119. When he next returned to this topic. without making it completely clear which elements of the description he owed to Josephus and which to the pictura ab antiquis formata.215. 212.11. Here he proceeds to give Nothelm a detailed description of the Temple layout. but realizing that he cannot point to a particular text of Scripture that might provide this detailed knowledge he makes the following comment: ita generalisfit mentio. seems likely for the replies to Nothelm.52-59. and the Codex Amiatinus 833 tary on 1 Samuel by early June of 716. The same informadating from around 729-31-we tion about the Temple layout is given. Haec ut in picexpositionecommemorat ipse in psalmorum rati eum ab antiquis breuiteradnotarecurauimus tura Cassiodoridistinctarepperimus haec Iudaeisdidicissenequeuirumtam eruditumuoluissein exemplumlegendiproponere quae non ipse priusueraesse cognouisset.40 What had happened in the interval. but directly to Cassiodorus: Has uero porticusCassiodorus Senatorin picturatempliquamin pandecteposuit ut tripliciordinedistinxit. 11. close to fifteen years. A date of 715. 40 De Templo 2 (CCSL 119A... 48-52). 192-93. p.17. therefore.. we become aware that Bede seems to have an extraordinarily lucid picture in his mind of the whole topography of the Temple complex." Iosephi scripturauel pictura ab antiquisformata plenius quo sint haec ordine facta distinguit.

but ease of travel would have been somewhat dependent on the season. in search of similar information. we know from Cassiodorus himself that the Codex Grandior was the one that contained the uetus translatio.14.both of whichwereexaminedand described by Bede. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ." pp. propriisin pandecteLatinocorporisgrandioris quae depictasubtiliterlineamentis been interpreted to petenteraptaui"(ed. quod eius imago primitusfuit. at pp. Psalmcommentary show that two stagesin Bede'suse of Cassiodorus's This content downloaded from 129. oculis redditum clariuspanderetur.. The distance between them is six or seven miles as the crow flies. and the books Bede wanted to consult may not always have been immediately at hand. quatenusquod scripturaediuinaede ipsis textus eloquitur. siodoreet sa fondationa Vivarium. 11. One can also suspect that if the reference to Psalm 14 was the first to be encountered.and the Cassiodorian on the Psalms.11. pp.43It is important to note that Bede mentions only Cassiodorus's commentary on the Psalms as the source of his information. et templumipsumfecimus pingi et in pandectenostrocorporegrandiore elegimusconlocare. p. 133.834 Bede.5. where Cassiodorus again speaks of inserting 41 Cassiodorus. diligentinarrationedisseruit.. 789-90. it would have provided a spur to further exploration of this work of Cassiodorus. there were special difficulties.215. 97. corrections Pandecta.p.41 The lapse of time is not to be wondered at.p. in the pandect with the uetus translatio that Ceolfrith had brought back from Rome. 36. see also.. 290-300. ExpositioPsalmorum to the text proposedby JamesH. Which of us knows the full contents of all the books on our study shelves? Our acquaintance with these volumes is usually a gradual process.17. Cassiodorus. his statement that his image was inserted at the beginning of the pandect ("quod nos fecimus pingi et in Pandectis maioris capite collocari") would have been sufficient to alert Bede or one of his brethren to this indication of the former ownership of their pandect. For Bede. each with its own library." 43Institutiones1.43-45: "Dequo [Tabernaculo] titulo septimo. moreover."[Eusebius] templumque comformatum. herethe 86 (CCSL 40-44).The Psalmcommentary of beingsucha lateraddition: andthe makingof thepandects." datesfrombeforethe foundation of Vivarium to workspreviously composed. above)will needto be distinguished.44 Had he known the Institutiones.. combinedwith the Temple) indicateonly one singleimage(of the Tabernacle that therecan be no doubtwhatever Takenin conjunction with the passagein the Psalmcommentary is referring Cassiodorus to two distinctimages."Pandectes.190 on Wed. conscripto. The wordingof this passagehas sometimes in the CodexGrandior. Cassiodorus had likewise inserted an allusion to the image of the Tabernacle he had Although at this juncture he does not specifically placed in the Codex Grandior." 44The articleon the date of Bede'sThirtyQuestionson Kingsto Nothelm (see n.quod nos fecimuspingi et in Pandectismaioriscapite comments VandeVyver hasshownthatCassiodorus's methodoftenledhimto addmarginal collocari. 59-88. Bede's eventual identification of the pictura ab antiquis formata with the image Cassiodorus placed in his pandect tells us where this image was located. where the word tabernaculum occurs. 23). He belonged to a community of twin monasteries. and the Codex Amiatinus Nos enim et tabernaculum. In his Institutiones (1. Mynors. andthisnotationgiveseveryappearance de Cassee "Cassiodore et son ceuvre. In his commentary on Psalm 14. Halporn. Mynors. 42 CCSL in libroAntiquitatum etiamet Iosephus tertio."LesInstitutiones Revuebenedictine 53 (1941). 272-80.2) CasCommentary Dominiad instarcaelifuisse commonuit etiamtabernaculum siodoruswrote. by the same author. 59-76.. I incorporate 98. 40): "Tertia vero divisio [secundum LXX] est interalias in codicegrandiore .2 (ed." Revuebenedictine 90 (1980). namely.42 mention the image of the Temple.

.whose central thesis concerned the Old Testament Tabernacle viewed as a model of the universe (z6ino zov instar caeli! The drawings of the Tabernacle found in Cosmas's work will be referred oipavov)-ad to below. Mynors..2 (ed.5. had no reason to hold the Roman senator responsible for other images or diagrams found in the Codex Grandior. 197). His theological speculations are connected with Mar Aba and the school of Nisibis.. and continuing puzzlement. Without the Institutiones at their disposal Bede and his community could not have known that Cassiodorus himself had been responsible for producing the Codex Grandior. whose visit to Vivarium and eloquent discourse had caused the senator to have the two images prepared. 41. care. in particular. Bede. The danger for the modern historian.Indeed Bede must have concluded. aware of all the sources and here." The dates for Eusebius's visit must fall between the foundation of Vivarium (c. 1962) and. see the two articles by Andre van de Vyver cited above. whose knowledge of Cassiodorus seems to have been completely confined to what he could draw from the Psalm commentary.215. that the senator had simply inserted these images into a large Bible already in his possession. NEW PANDECTS 3. 22-23). interest. It is tempting to link the theories of the blind Eusebius (de partibus Asiae) with this same school. of the information given in the Institutiones. . nn. ad nos.MODEL FOR CEOLFRITH'S Were the anonymous Life of Ceolfrith our only source. And he would undoubtedly also have mentioned the role played by the blind Eusebius. will be to draw more from the evidence than it warrants. It is around this very same period (c. he would certainly have mentioned this source.46the fact that he mentions the insertion of only two images would have reinforced this impression. especially since Cassiodorus opens his introduction to the Institutiones with a word of praise for the flourishing school of Nisibis." The very sparse details relating to his discourse on the Tabernacle and Temple must be noted: "commonuit etiam tabernaculum templumque Domini ad instar caeli fuisse formatum. 159. predating Jerome.. 540) and the completion of the Institutiones (post-551). and the Codex Amiatinus 835 images both of the Tabernacle and the Temple into his Codex Grandior. On Cosmas Indicopleustes and his background see Wanda Wolska. her threevolume edition (with a long introduction) of the Topographie chretienne (SC 141. La "Topographie chretienne" de Cosmas Indicopleustes (Paris.17. 547) that the Alexandrian merchant Cosmas Indicopleustes was composing his Christian Topography. as Wanda Wolska-Conus.190 on Wed. 10 and 42. pp.Bede. According to Cassiodorus this blind Eusebius came "de partibus Asiae . This content downloaded from 129. It is from this perspective that we must imagine Bede and his brethren examining the contents of their ancient pandect-with great reverence. from the manner in which Cassiodorus phrased his two statements in the Psalm commentary. THE CODEX GRANDIOR. For dates concerning Cassiodorus. we must be careful not to read too much into this finding. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . we would never have known that it was he who acquired the pandect in Rome. 46See the text quoted above at n. but only that he had caused three new pandects to be made: 45 Institutiones 1.He and his community knew from a simple comparison of the text with the manuscripts of Jerome's Vulgate that its text was that of the uetus translatio. and this naturally led them to view their manuscript as one of great antiquity (ab antiquis formata). Cassiodorus.45 While the images of the Tabernacle and Temple helped to identify the former owner of Wearmouth-Jarrow's ancient pandect.

chancelarchof St.ut cunctisqui aliquodcapitulum tertiumautemRomamprolegereuoluissent. I recognizea certainweaknessin this suggestion. Forcommunity "Continebat seniorum use of a Bibleplacedfor thatpurposein the church.1982). J. (Oxford. When he accompanied Biscop in 679-80. Bede. quamde Romauel ipse [Ceolfridus]. 175-83. on the southern bank of the river Tyne. Plummer.. who acquired the pandect with the uetus translatio in Rome and brought it back to Northumbria. we can therefore imagine Ceolfrith's pandect finding a place of honor in the new building. Ceolfrith was prior of Wearmouth.quamBenedictus utriusque ita ut tres pandectesnouae translanon minori geminauitindustria. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . It was no doubt this new double responsibility that led Ceolfrith to conceive the plan of endowing each of his monastic churches with a new pandect containing the preferred text for the Bible."S When the new church of Jarrow was consecrated on 23 April 685. 50See n. namely. p. Jerome's Vulgate. not Benedict Biscop. 49 On the foundation of Jarrowsee HunterBlair."as it does in Bede's text quoted positus erat Codex ipse in ecclesia.. fecturusdonumbeato Petroapostolorum principiofferredecreuit.pp.Jarrow:see The Anglo-Saxons. 51We know the date from the dedicationstone that still survives.ut qui vellet de [codex]vetus et novumTestamentum fratribus (PL73:969C). Plummer [Oxford. In 689. is our only source for confirming that it was Ceolfrith.seethe Verba (on Gelasios): totum. Biscop appointed him abbot over the small group. including the young Bede. Not long after returning home. therefore.49Bede's narrative implies a certain possessiveness on Ceolfrith's part toward his pandects.17. namely. pp. Biscop appointed Ceolfrith to be abbot of both promtuesset inuenirequod cuperent. Wearmouth and Jarrow. Jerome's noua trans- 47Historiaabbatum auctoreanonymo20 (ed. interalia pro muneresumpsit. Campbell.48 Bede. 75.s1 Bede lived in immediate proximity to this manuscript.ipse superadiungeret. ad unumuetustaetranslationis quemde Roma adtulerat. was intent in his Historia abbatum on linking all four pandects with the name of his abbot: abbasmagnacaepitinstantia..Historiaabbatum15 (ed.pointedout by one of the earlyreadersof the article:it is morelikelythat the decisionto follow the exampleof abba Gelasiosand place a Biblein firsttwo pandects.. ipse [Ceolfridus] tionis.836 and the Codex Amiatinus set in the wall above the et al. ampliauit.. Cassiodorus. Paul's.quorumduo per totidemsua de utrolibet Testamento monasteria posuitin aecclesiis.. bibliothecam. .1896].duos utrique Romam rediens secum unum senex quorum monasterio reliquit..The Worldof Bede. adtulerat. it does not have the special connotation of "Bible" acquired in some regions.190 on Wed. nobiliter uel Benedictus . a year before his death. p. sincethey of Ceolfrith's followedthe production eachof the two monasticchurches containedthe text of the Biblethat enjoyedthe greatestapproval. sent north from Wearmouth to establish their new monastic foundation at Jarrow. and we must assume that on moving to Jarrow Ceolfrith took his Roman pandect with him. This content downloaded from 129. and this no doubt explains his great familiarity with its images of the Tabernacle and Temple.ita ut inter alia tres Pandectesfaceretdescribi. 395). The Wearmouth-Jarrow communities were familiar with the story of abba Gelasios placing a complete Bible in the church "so that any of the brethren who wished to read it could do so. 379-80). bibliothecam monasterii.215. ed.47 Bibliotheca here simply means "library. on the other hand. 47 above. C. legeret" 48 Bede.

Apart from these differences.and the Codex Amiatinus 837 latio..In his introduction to EnglishUncial(Oxford. 55I acceptvan de Vyver's conclusionsconcerning Cassiodorus's attitudetowardthe use of cola et commatafor presenting a text. the Codex Grandior was almost certainly not written per cola et commata. pp. 766. Cassiodorus tells us only that it was "littera clarioreconscripto"(Institutiones 1. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . pandectin Rome. Any calculation of writingduringthe cold involvingtime shouldtake into accountthe difficulty wintermonths. Whitelock(London. the project (even if begun soon after his appointment) must have taken many years to complete.54It was also decided to depart from the model in another respect. the Codex Grandior undoubtedly loomed large as a prototype for the new pandects.17.The Text of the Old being closest to the main scriptof Amiatinus: useddifferent formsof scriptfor titles. abbot of Wearmouth. ed. and this may haveplayeda role in helpingto shapethe hierarchy Amiatinus. etc. Mynors.53Among the changes projected was that of replacing the uetus translatio with Jerome's noua translatio or Vulgate text. Eng. 1: C. It is possiblethatthe CodexGrandior of scriptsfoundin summaries. Cassiodorus grudgingly. Boniface in 764: "theconditionsof the pastwinteroppressed the islandof our raceveryhorribly with cold and ice and long and widespread stormsof wind and rain. 53 That the Codex Amiatinus is the work of Englishscribesis no longer in doubt. He writes." was ready.500-1042. Cassiodorus.the Codex Grandior shouldbe kept in mind.SinceCeolfrith had acquired the manuscripts viewedas a Romanmanuscript. 54 In comparingthe two passagescited above at nn.Bede. Since they viewed it as a manuscript of great antiquity (ab antiquis formata).Otherswithout specifically as alludingto Vivarium-have sincepointedto some south-Italian manuscripts see the discussionin Marsden. pp. First. 111-13. "il est hors de doute que le codex grandiorde Vivarium pr6sentant l'antiqua translatio n'6tait pas dispose per cola et commata" ("Cassiodore et son ceuvre.p.If they did not. p. andtherefore.We know this fromthe lettersent by Cuthbert.butperhaps in thosecaseswhereJerome to followJerome p. they must have held it in great reverence.1960). Given the amount of material and labor involved. Lowe failedto mentionthe possibleinfluenceof the Codex Grandior on the Wearmouth uncial. worthy of being imitated. 269). had used cola et commatain his translation of certainbooks of the Bible. to St. The plan must have come to maturity while Ceolfrith watched the writing skills of his two monastic scriptoria develop and blossom.190 on Wed. 47 and 48 we can note that Bedeis the only one to informus explicitlythat Ceolfrith's pandectshad the noua was probably considered a modelto be imitated. The idea of putting all the books of the Bible between two covers was not entirely new. so that the hand of the scribewas hindered from producing a great number of books": cited from English Historical Documents. E.215. ed. Givenwhat we know of sixth-century it seemsmorethanlikelythat its mainscriptwas uncial.1968). in his Institutiones. 40).. and this disposition of the text must have appealed to an Anglo-Saxon community for which Latin was not the mother tongue. The Text of the Old Testament in Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge. In seekingto determine whichmodelsmayhavehelpedthe Wearmouth-Jarrow to developits own type scriptorium of uncial. This content downloaded from 129.52 Bede's account suggests that the Codex Grandior served Ceolfrith as the model for the new pandects he produced.14. but for this Northumbrian community the Codex Grandior was probably the first physical example they had seen. A. as regards size: Cassiodorus. tells us that his codex 52 On the problemof datingAmiatinusand its sisterpandectssee now the commentsof Richard Marsden. D. likeall thingsRoman.Whether all the part-Bibles of the noua translatio usedat Wearmouth-Jarrow to construct the new pandectshad cola et commata we do not know. 98- 106. Testament. Ceolfrith musthave decidedfor reasonsof consistency(aswell as to facilitatethe readingof the text) to applythe systemto the whole Bible.55but Jerome was known to favor this presentation at least for some of the biblical books. 1995).

Cynefrith. From the anonymous Life of Ceolfrith we know that his brother. or 8 leaves. pp. since more space would be needed for the same amount of text. 59 See. perhaps when he originally conceived the plan-a plan not divulged to his community until it was put into execution-of ending his days in Rome.17. AD 600-900 (London. 114 and 131. the Codex Amiatinus presents us only with an image of the Tabernacle and diagrammatic presentations of the three divisions of Scripture. we could expect the new pandects to be somewhat longer. 56 This content downloaded from 129. we come closer to the number of gatherings (95) of Cassiodorus's great pandect. 58 The account Bede gives of Ceolfrith's departure for Rome in the opening paragraph to book 4 of his commentary on 1 Samuel shows that the abbot's decision to leave took not only Bede but his whole community by surprise: see CCSL 119.14. 1: C.2 (ed. the pull was toward Rome rather than Ireland. Whitelock. whereas Amiatinus presently has 131 quires. Of these. gives 380 folios. but Richard Marsden has recently shown that firm conclusions in this matter are not easy to reach. 57 find Marsden's analysis of the uniqueness and importance of the Codex Amiatinus fully persuasive: see especially The Text of the Old Testament. Amiatinus. In the absence of the Codex Grandior itself. pp. 697-98. that Amiatinus was the last pandect to be made. p. It uses fewer abbreviations than its sister pandects. presents an enormous contrast with its prototype. namely. 123-29. What other features did the new pandects borrow from their model? From the Institutiones we know that in addition to the images of the Tabernacle and Temple the Codex Grandior contained illustrations of three divisions of Scripture.029 leaves in Amiatinus would correspond to about 940 in the earlier pandect. It has other elements. 212.and the Codex Amiatinus consisted of 95 quaterniones (760 folios). our task now becomes one of determining whether the material found in the opening pages of Amiatinus is of Cassiodoran origin. with its 1. The Text of the Old Testament. We need to remember. in fact. The fact that some leaves survive from one of the earlier pandects would seem to provide grounds for a comparison. needs to be considered somewhat apart. p. pp. and whether those pages present a faithful or modified version of what was bor- Institutiones 1. This would result in 117 gatherings of 8 leaves. It seems legitimate to conclude that the Codex Grandior and the first two Northumbrian pandects probably resembled each other fairly closely as regards size. pp. had acted in a somewhat similar fashion. but this must be a slip since each quaternion had 4 bifolia. again. the excellent discussion in Marsden. Allowing for the fact that a text written per cola et commata (Amiatinus) would need considerably more space than one not so arranged (Codex Grandior). 1. see also Janet Backhouse's account in The Making of England: Anglo-Saxon Art and Culture.030 folios in 131 gatherings. pp. 1991). and that it was bulkier than its two earlier sister volumes. abbot of Gilling.500-1042.59In his estimate. ed.190 on Wed. Cassiodorus. relinquishing his abbacy to end his days in Ireland. On the other hand.s8 This helps to explain some of its features.s6 Since the Codex Grandior's text was not written per cola et commata. in the study of the Scriptures: see English Historical Documents. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . a general preface and an image of Ezra. For a brief history of the twelve leaves presently in the British Library.838 Bede. its script is more stately and less cramped. The Text of the Old Testament. 12223. 103 and 105. Mynors. 40). not alluded to in the Institutiones.215. In Ceolfrith's case. however. Marsden.57Ceolfrith had probably commissioned it from the first with the intention of making it a gift volume. the size of the Codex Amiatinus.outlined by Cassiodorus in chapters 12-14 of his work. however.

"illus. 8) "Septuaginta. especially of the Bamberg manuscript. Mynors.190 on Wed. In the transcriptions that follow. "The Art of the Codex Amiatinus. 63 For the manner in which the divisions are shown in the Bamberg codex of the Institutiones see plates 2-4 of Corsano. 1978). Augustine)." For reasons that will soon become obvious I adhere throughout to this last term of Cassiodorus. and we can assume that he would have adopted a similar presentation for the Codex Grandior. THETRIPLE DIVISION Let us turn first to the three divisions of Scripture. (13) "Divisio Scripturae divinae secundum sanctum Augustinum". 27) shows "Augustine. 13.64These statements need to be compared with the Institutiones.215.17.63The Amiatinus divisions therefore reflect what was in the Codex Grandior. OF SCRIPTURE 4." 61 Institutiones 1. Bruce-Mitford'sJarrow Lecture of 1967. No reason exists for refusing to consider the Codex Grandior as the vehicle that transmitted the three divisions of Scripture to Northumbria-particularly given the absence of the Institutiones there. 3rd ser. 62 This fact is acknowledged by Corsano. The same three illustrations are also found in R. as well as in the Codex Grandior. Jerome). J."61Cassiodorus indicates that he also placed these divisions in his Codex Grandior. Insular Manuscripts. concerning the divisions linked to Jerome and Augustine." Journal of the Archaeological Association. "Scriptura divina" (c. 64 See the illustrations listed above in n. "Scriptura sancta" (c.12-14 (ed. the Codex Grandior.." plates IX and X "Jerome"and "Augustine. 25 "the Septuaginta. Septuaginta). or the text of the Codex Grandior may have been modified in Northumbria when copied into Amiatinus. having just discussed three ways of dividing Scripture. Sixth to the Ninth Century (London. (14) "Divisio Scripturae divinae secundum LXX. 14.60These are dealt with in chapters 12 to 14 of book 1 of the Institutiones and are listed as follows in the chapter headings. "The First Quire. 32 (1969). or tituli (to use Cassiodorus's own terminology). that he liked to present divisions of this kind in a schematic form. Cassiodorus. pp." These divisions in the Codex Grandior then fade from sight for the rest of her article. Alexander. 24 "Jerome. 12. rather than to the "Hilary division" now prevalent in the literature. and the Codex Amiatinus 839 rowed from Ceolfrith's ancient pandect. Cassiodorus. The Codex Grandior was being carefully copied here. the text of the Institutiones is given first: 60 All three divisions are reproduced in J. "The First Quire.Bede. The naming of the books of Scripture in each division is less important here than the short statements contained in rectangles placed at the bottom of each page of Amiatinus. Fig. L." p. One should note how the opening words of each division in Amiatinus correspond exactly to what we find in the Institutiones: "Auctoritas divina" (c. Divergences between the text of Amiatinus and the Institutiones need to be treated cautiously: Cassiodorus may have modified some of the wording of the Institutiones when preparing his diagrams for the pandect.62 We know from the evidence. 7: "In the Institutiones. Each feature will deserve separate consideration. that precede the work: (12) "Divisio Scripturaedivinae secundum sanctum Hieronymum". C (opposite p. 27 (opposite p. S. though we have no way of knowing whether or not an attempt was made to improve the layout of the design on the page. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . This content downloaded from 129. mentions that he had all three types of divisions attached to his larger pandect." illus. G. illus." The Bamberg codex of the Institutiones is not the neatest of manuscripts. and one may suspect that the diagrams were more tastefully produced in Cassiodorus's own copy. 60. 36-41).

. 2 (Oxford. andIts Birthplace. Quentin. of this folio see n. p."Here tag lineis not foundin Cassiodorus in reference and while appropriate as a commenton the DivineUnityis a non-sequitur [Institutiones] in the Codex Grandior) to the number72. ed. 37). CCSL 98. secundo libro de Doctrina Christiana Scripturas divinas LXXI librorum calculo comprehendit. quibus cum sanctae Trinitatis addideris unitatem. Cassiodorus. Mynors de Augustinosaepissime. White. 22-30. Mynors. Divisio Scripturae divinae secundum sanctum Hieronymum . As regards the Institutiones Cassiodorus's (not availablein the CLCLT). de Hieronymo notes (p. xxiii (hereand below abof this folio.l:xxiv. J.. 25-27.17. 71 68 BibliaSacra. 26. pp.13.See n.70 Having stated that the Trinity was perfection (gloriosa perfectio). he reinforced this with a reflection similar to one he made in his commentary on Psalm 138: "Nam cum ad illum peruentum fuerit. quia ad instar iobelei anni magna pietate beneficii debita relaxat et pure paenitentium peccata dissolvit."71 To achieve the desired numbers (fifty in the case of Jerome and seventy-two in 65 Institutiones of manuscripts 1.8-11." p. H. per quam haec facta et propter quam ista praedicta sunt. 66 Quotedfrom BibliaSacra.ed.65 [Amiatinus] Sic fiunt ueteris nouique testamenti secundum hieronymum libri quadraginta nouem quibus adde dominum christum de quo et per quem ista conscripta sunt fit quinquagenarius numerus qui ad instar iobelei anni debita remittit et paenitentium peccata dissoluit."TheCodexAmiatinus in Studiabiblicaet ecclesiastica. writes. H. sincethis coincideswith the text of Amiatinus.2 (ed."pp. I adopt the reading"iobelei" B. in H. paterAugustinus Psalmcommentary.840 and the Codex Amiatinus Bede.215.1. Quire. her discussion 67 Institutiones timesin twenty-three only twice." quater.1926). Quentin(Vatican City. He was very fond of calling Augustine pater Augustinus. cui numero adde omnipotentem et indivisibilem Trinitatem.190 on Wed. G. Mynors.68 In Amiatinus the little summary that follows the list of scriptural books begins each time (this also holds for the third division) with the phrase Sic fiunt ueteris nouique testamenti. 1241. fit totius librae competens et gloriosa perfectio. non est ultra quod quaerere debeamus: quoniam ipse ad omnia sufficit. Fit totius librae competens et gloriosa perfectio ipsa est enim rerum conditrix et uitalis omnium plenitudo uirtutum. 60 above. et quinquagenarius numerus indubitanter efficitur. 60 above for photographic reproductions full text of the Institutiones placedside by side.69 Likewise the sentence that completes the Augustine synopsis is unquestionably his. This content downloaded from 129.67 [Amiatinus] Sic fiunt ueteris noui que testamenti sicut pater augustinus in libris de doctrina christiana complexus est simul libri numero septuaginta uno quibus adde unitatem diuinam per quam ista completa sunt. p. in quo est maiestatis cuncta perfectio et omnium plenitudo uirtutum. of the threediagrams fillspp." SeealsoCorsano. 11. to which nothing therefore can be added. 296-97 (Augustine)." But the ipsa est can only referto unitasdiuina(Trinitas and so must be Cassiodorus's commenton the divineperfectio.p."usurpatur It is suchpatterns of usagethathelpto throwlighton problems of authorship. quos sancta meditatur Ecclesia. will be found chaptersand of the CodexAmiatinus. "TheFirst 293-95 (Septuaginta). p. 70 Corsano. de Basiliosemel.2 (ed. 39). and we can assume that this was Cassiodorus's doing. qui colliguntur simul quadraginta novem. theAmiatinus "TheFirstQuire. 178) in the index rerumunderpater.66 Divisio Scripturae divinae secundum sanctum Augustinum Beatus igitur Augustinus secundum praefatos novem codices.12. 292-93 (Jerome). 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . The breviations have been expanded). Forthe illustrations 69 Bedeuses shows it occurs while the CLCLT 1. 1890).

pp. for considering that the text of the Codex Grandior was modified here. . with what Bede has to say about Ezra. moreover.p. IVr] . 452. Quentin. who caused the books of the Old and New Testament to be written (Christus .17.. therefore. ..David Wright.73 [Amiatinus. 74 [Amiatinus.1-3 (ed. cui subiuncti sunt novi Testamenti libri viginti sex. alsoquoted alsowrotethe "Jerome" summary summary quotedabove. sicut in prologo Psalterii positum est. patris Hieronymi diligenti cura emendatus compositusque relictus est."Traditio17 (1961). in quo septuaginta interpretum translatio veteris Testamenti in libris quadraginta quattuor continetur.. VIIr] Sic fiunt ueteris noui que testamenti sicut diuidit sanctus hilar[i]us romanae urbis antistes et epiphanius cyprius quem latino fecimus sermone transferri libri. LXX. quas in mansione Helim invenit populus Hebreorum. pp.215. and divina unitas replaces the explicit mention of the Trinity in the Augustine summary. This is also the case with respect to the division according to the Septuaginta (LXX): LXX divinaesecundum Divisio Scripturae in Testamenta duo ita dividitur. in illo palmarum numero fortasse praesagati.. In Amiatinus Christ is substituted for the Trinity in the Jerome "SomeNotes on EnglishUncial.. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . ubi nos omnia tria genera divisionum iudicavimus affigenda. It is difficult to see what reasons Cassiodorus himself could have had for introducing these alterations into the summaries of his Codex Grandior. Pictaviensis urbis antistes. The same scribewho wrote this shortsummary. Institutiones 1. 39-40). and the Codex Amiatinus 841 the case of Augustine). butnot the "Augustine" His slightly thereor any of the othertexts foundin the threediagrams givingthe divisionsof Scripture.72 We have some ground. fol. xxiv. placedat the bottomof the page. Cassiodorus. as we shall see... Cassiodorus proposes adding the Trinity. ut inspecta diligenter atque tractata non impugnare sed invicem se potius exponere videantur. fecit describi) through the inspiration of the Holy Spirit bestowed upon the writers of these books. representing Christ. 881-82. 840. quas in mansione helim inuenit populus hebraeorum.75 72 See 73 below. in hoc autem corpore utrumque testamentum septuagenario numero probatur impletum. 75 Ibid.. id est sanctus Hilarius.p.. et Rufinus presbyter Aquileiensis et Epiphanius episcopus Cypri et synodus Nicaena et Calchedonensis non contraria dixerint sed diversa. remarked This content downloaded from 129. In illo palmarum numero fortasse praesagati quas in mansione helim inuenit populus hebreorum. coincides. omnes tamen per divisiones suas libros divinos sacramentis competentibus aptaverunt. unde licet multi Patres. to forty-nine and seventy-one. l:xxi-xxii. viewed as unity. fiuntque simul libri septuaginta. sanctasecundumantiquamtranslationem Scriptura id est: . Tertia vero divisio est inter alias in codice grandiore littera clariore conscripto. . in illa palmarum quantitate forsitan praesagatus.14. Hic textus multorum translatione variatus.Bede. It seems more likely that someone at Wearmouth-Jarrowbecame a little uneasy about the explicit mention of the Trinity-even though the triune God was considered one-when only a single digit was needed to complete the arithmetical computation! The statement in the Jerome synopsis that the whole of Scripture was not only about Christ but had been brought into being by him.190 on Wed. slantedductusand mannerof formingd singlehim out for attentionand suggestthat he wroterather that rapidly. Cassiodorus's prologue. Mynors. ed.. 74 Biblia Sacra. fol. qui habet quaterniones nonaginta quinque. per quem ista conscripta sunt.

15. seems to have been uppermost in his mind. and the WearmouthJarrow community (again without benefit of the Institutiones) must have wondered about the identity of the author making this personal statement: "quem That Hilary of Poitiers's name should appear Latino fecimus sermone transferri. and the Codex Amiatinus The previous divisions presented no problem since they were explicitly linked to the names of Jerome and Augustine. Epiphanius antistes Cyprius totum librum [Canticle of Canticles] Graeco sermone uno volumine sub brevitate complexus est. p. We saw above that in the list of the Institutiones the Councils of Nicaea and Chalcedon were included. If we assume that the names of these same councils were present in the summary of the Codex Grandior. Cassiodorus."It is not clear whether the alios refers to other works of Bishop Epiphanius.76 himself was mainly intent on a game of combining numbers. Bede was quite familiar with the "one hand active in the diagrams appears to have made a number of corrections throughout the Codex. It must have begun.842 Bede.77 he again paraded this fact in his summary. 24): ". we may have the key to the puzzle. rather than the translators. in addition to the names of Hilary of Poitiers and Epiphanius of Cyprus. with the words "Sic fiunt ueteris nouique testamenti secundum Septuaginta.4 (ed.. One can also conjecture. taken together.27 and the seventy palm trees at Elim. It is unfortunate that we no longer have the original text of the Codex Grandior for the Septuaginta division since I strongly suspect that it was longer than the one we now read in Amiatinus and that it followed some of the wording of the Institutiones more closely. 76 Note that Cassiodorus's text cited above combines the seventy translators of the Old Testament with another use of seventy to indicate the total for the Old and New Testament books. and they did some sleuthing to rectify it. or to other Greek works also translated by Cassiodorus's friend.17. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . whom elsewhere he calls Epiphanius scholasticus. Mynors. such an introductory phrase was bound to cause puzzlement at Wearmouth-Jarrow. showing that Cassiodorus was making double use of the number seventy."78 connected with a division headed secundum Septuaginta convinced them that a mistake had been made. Since Cassiodorus had caused works of Epiphanius to be translated into Latin. to see if the evidence suggests it could be Bede's. where "Septuaginta" would be naturally associated with those who translated the Old Testament Hebrew Scriptures into Greek." If the hand he had in mind was this distinctive hand just alluded to. those of Rufinus and of the Councils of Nicaea and Chalcedon were also included. This content downloaded from 129. hunc nos ut alios in Latinam linguam per amicum nostrum virum disertissimum Epiphanium fecimus Domino iuvante tranferri. 77 Institutiones 1. which he associated with Exod. a full study of all his interventions in the manuscript would be worth undertaking. since Bede may well have had a hand in the "correction" that was introduced. 78 It seems doubtful that the Codex Grandior summary also included the name of Epiphanius scholasticus..5. This is the most interesting element of the Amiatinus summary." echoing the title Cassiodorus had given this chapter in his Institutiones. However.215.190 on Wed. without the benefit of the Institutiones. allowing him to reach the mystical number seventy. that in the Codex Grandior summary. In the title he gave to this chapter the number game. and not with a division of Scripturethat Cassiodorus totalled seventy books and included both Old and New Testaments. forty-four books for the Old Testament added to twenty-six for the New Testament. on the basis of the Institutiones. like the other two.

] papam post tot Nicaeni Concilii tempora nouum cyclum petere et Victorium paschalem nouum condere persuasit" (CCSL 123B. Plummer. Duchesne's omission of the text in square brackets spawned the theory that Pope Hilarus (46168) had presented a Bible (or a Bible in two parts) to the monastery of S. De temporum ratione 43: "Haec et Hilarum [Hilarium ed. 262. 107.82 79 Bede. Epheseni et Calcidonense uel tomum sancti episcopiLeoniset damnavitEutychemet Nestoriumvel omnes sequaceseorumet vel dominationem et principatum sanctaesedis catholicaeet omnes hereses. p. Bede uses pandectes. This content downloaded from 129. while Hilarius Pictaviensis urbis antistes of the Institutiones was a slip made either by Cassiodorus or some later scribe. 242. commet la bevue d'attribuer cette list. 82 This was the theory Samuel Berger proposed in "La Bible du Pape Hilarus.79 We know also that Wearmouth-Jarrow possessed a copy of the Liber pontificalis.. Chapman." Revue benedictine 99 (1979). Hic fecit monasterioad sanctumLaurentium in baptisterio Fecitautemoratorium sanctiStephani aereet pretorium [sanctoStephano. ibid. Lorenzo fuori le mura. The excellent quality of Bede's text for the Ecclesiastical History shows that he accepted the form Hilarus rather than Hilarius: see Historia ecclesiastica 2. Cassiodorus. for not accepting these words as part of the authentic text. by Anscari Mundo. mais a Hilarius Pictauiensis urbis antistes". librorum repositio. One should note that the presence of sanctus before the name in the Amiatinus summary guarantees that Hilary of Poitiers was the original name in the Codex Grandior. we are dealing here with what was almost certainly originally an omission (in A1) through word skip (Fecit autem . [ubi] recondantur libri). Bede's use of bibliotheca. that Hilarus Romanae urbis antistes of the Codex Amiatinus was Cassiodorus's correct text." Revue benedictine 38 (1926). confirmans et balneumet alium sub apostolicae. This eliminates the basis for the legend of Pope Hilarus's gift of a Bible (in two volumes) to San Lorenzo. p. On Alcuin in this connection see P. 1886). corresponding to c. non plus a Hilarus Romanae urbis antistes. p. Les lettres grecques en occident. 14 of the Institutiones (sanctus Hilarius). 1 (Paris.Bede. by Dom De Bruyne. that Cassiodorus had then consulted this Bible and taken its division of the books of Scripture as the basis for the Septuaginta division of his Institutiones.. There are no serious grounds." Bulletin critique 13 (1892).215. 2: "Cassiodore . What the text tells us is that Hilarus constructed two libraries at the Lateran. Gesta pontificum Romanorum 1.. in turn. Fecit autem). Lateranense]. 81 The use of bibliotheca specifically to designate the Bible was rare and localized.81L. as Mommsen recognized. Duchesne. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ... who as deacon to Pope Leo had requested Victor of Aquitaine to look into the matter of the Easter table. "The Codex Amiatinus and Cassiodorus. 42-43. 123). "The Authorship of the 'Libri Carolini': Observations Prompted by a Recent Book. Fecit autem et bibliothecas II in eodem loco. Alcuin's invective against those-he probably had the Spanish Theodulf of Orleans in mind-who used bibliotheca (instead of pandectes) for a Bible demonstrates that the English usage of pandectes rather than bibliotheca was well established during the early Middle Ages. It was accepted by Dom J. Here in the biography for Pope Hilarus we read: [Hilarus] confirmans III synodos Niceni.19 (ed.. Duchesne omitted the portion of the text in square brackets because it was missing in A1 (Lucca 490) and A2 (a manuscript full of omissions). always reflects Isidore's definition (locus ubi reponuntur libri. It is recognized that Mommsen's edition is often to be preferred to Duchesne's-a fact admitted by Duchesne himself in his review of Mommsen (Melanges d'archeologie et d'histoire 18 [1898]. As my friend Michael McCormick pointed out to me. by Courcelle. To designate a complete Bible. 357. Meyvaert. nowhere does Bede refer to Pope Hilarus as sanctus in his later writings. This corresponds to L. 143-44. and the Codex Amiatinus 843 figure of Pope Hilarus (461-68). 245. especially in the early Middle Ages..190 on Wed.. 382-83). Le Liber pontificalis. pp. all this implying. n.80 Reading the last sentences Bede would have concluded no more than that Pope Hilarus had caused two libraries to be built at the Lateran. MGH. 147-52. throughout his works. 39 (1927).17. 801 quote from Theodor Mommsen's edition of the Liber pontificalis. pp. esp. pp. 417).

however. p. "The Art of the Codex Amiatinus. bishop of Poitiers. 23 (wrongly entitled "Tabernacle in the Temple"). Garrucci's artist left out the names that surround the court and the Tabernacle (of the Tribes and Levites). and the Codex Amiatinus The section of Hilarus's biography that probably most impressed Bede and his brethren was his ratification and confirmation (confirmans) of the Councils of Nicaea and Chalcedon. p. 1. as we shall presently see. see n. 126. the Wearmouth-Jarrow community needed always to come to terms with the Codex Grandior viewed in isolation." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 16 (1953). that the substitution of Romanae urbis antistes for Pictaviensis urbis antistes was not a slip of the pen but a deliberate attempt made in Northumbria to clarify what was considered a puzzle in part of Cassiodorus's lost summary." Journal of Jewish Art 9 (1982). and they have not been added to Fig. on its own. tav. 85 The image occupies the present fols. must therefore have seemed a more appropriate person than Hilary. p. 84 See the discussion of the "Ezra" image below.190 on Wed. Wilpert. 2. Memoire sur I'etablissement du texte de la Vulgate (Rome. The greatest puzzle they encountered. This content downloaded from 129. 1). 79 above. pp.83This proves once again the difficulty experienced there in understanding some elements of the Codex Grandior without the benefit of the Institutiones. probably to eliminate further confusion. 1922). while Bede's Historia ecclesiastica (2. 1. at Wearmouth-Jarrow. "Du Codex Amiatinus et ses rapports avec les plans du tabernacle dans l'art juif et dans l'art byzantin. Cecil Roth. also using Duchesne's text of the Liber pontificalis.215. 3. THE TABERNACLE Cassiodorus placed an image of the Tabernacle in his Codex Grandior. on the mixing of arabic and roman numerals in the present foliation see below. illus. fig. 9091." Revue benedictine 60 (1950). Insular Manuscripts.84 IMAGEIN THE CODEX AMIATINUS 5. took the passage to mean that Hilarus had built two libraries at San Lorenzo: see Miscellanea agostiniana. and the Codex Amiatinus likewise contains such an image (Fig. therefore. Bianca Kiihnel.Hilarius Pictauiensis of the Codex Grandior (and of the Institutiones) was changed to Hilarus Romanae urbis antistes in the Codex Amiatinus. fig.844 Bede. The point that really requires explaining is why. bishop of Rome. 2 (Rome. to approve any divisions of Scripture sanctioned by these councils. 447.85 Can we take it for granted that the Northumbrians faithfully copied the late-antique model from Vivarium? Several considerations indicate that they did."Jewish Art 12-13 (1986-87). The manuscript tradition of Bede's De temporum ratione shows confusion between Hilarus/Hilarius. p. 11. 870-82. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .19) firmly maintains the form Hilarus." color plate D (wrongly entitled "Templeof Solomon at Jerusalem"). 1) is based on the drawing made for Raffaele Garrucci's Storia della arte cristiana nei primi otto secoli della chiesa (Prato. I remain convinced. Elisabeth Revel-Neher. 1931). 1872-81). First. 7. See n. 83 It is interesting that in Amiatinus the second i of Hilarius was deliberately erased. 166. as regards the po- "'Bibliotheca': Bible et lecture du Careme d'apres Saint Benoit. plate 10a (entitled "The Sanctuary"). "Jewish Antecedents of Christian Art. was that of interpreting the image they found standing at the opening of their ancient pandect. Cassiodorus. G. IIv-IIIr (or 2v-IIIr. The illustration given here (Fig.Alexander.17. 860). Hilarus. For reproductions of this image see Henri Quentin. 104 below. the two councils Cassiodorus explicitly mentions in connection with his Septuaginta division of the Bible. A comparison of this drawing with the best photographic reproductions shows that the artist had made a careful and accurate copy. "Jewish Symbolism of the Temple and the Tabernacle and Christian Symbolism of the Holy Sepulchre and the Heavenly Tabernacle. for the probable source from which Cassiodorus borrowed these names.Bruce-Mitford.

no doubt accustomed to seeingand of altars as rather solid and massive was therefore structures. 86 This content downloaded from 129. 31 c.two-handled vase with a broadbase. 90On the Ezra image see below. 89 See Giselda Valenti Zucchini and Mileda Bucci. and providing me with numerous references to similar vase designs. 11 d. b. may have possessedseveral such labra. 1968). I sarcofagi a figure e a carattere simbolico. 25 c.90 This must representa style of vase currentin Italy in Cassiodorus's Vivarium time. 34." 87 I am very grateful to my friend Dr. 27) specified that the altarof holocaustswas to be made of acaciawood and was to be portable. of holocaustsin the court and of incensewithin the Tabernacle. 449. and the Codex Amiatinus 845 sition of the vase in the court. apartfrom its position in the court. 870-82. regret longer being able to see the originalversionof the Codex Grandior. Corpus della scultura paleocristiana bizantina ed altomedioevale di Ravenna 2 (Rome. 17 a. Cecile Evers. p.28) "labrum quoquestatuit intertabernaculum testimoniiet altare. any image designedor remodeledat WearmouthJarrowwould certainlyhave placed the altar of holocaustsmuch more toward the east within the court. so that the labrumcould be situatedbetweenit and the entrance to the Tabernacle. a classical scholar (presently Attachee aux Musees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoire at Brussels).In the Amiatinusimage the labrumtakes pride of place in the court. 11. 28 b. almostdwarfingthe ratherminusculealtarof holocausts.Bede. 137. 302."Bedeseveraltimescommentsspecifically on the allegorical meaningof this placementof the labrumbetweenthe two altars.215.and its decoration.Bede.(40.86 We can be sure that a designoriginating in his monastery would have adheredmorecloselyto the text of Scripture.andthe handlesshown in the imageindicatethat we aredealingwith a metalratherthana ceramicvase. 1993). De Tabernaculo 3 (CCSL 119A. in accordance with the texts of Exodus:(40. 38.The best drawingto consult is the one preparedwell over a centuryago for RaffaeleGarrucci's Storiadella arte cristiana.17.7) "labrum interaltareet tabernaculum quod implebisaqua". 374. 12 c.Cassiodorus's artistobtook in this and one must no viously pleasure presenting object.89 examples both in the Byzantineart of the period88 This featuredeservesnotice since the closest parallelto the armariumwith the books of the Biblein the Ezraimage of Amiatinusis the one with Gospel books in the mausoleumof Galla Placidiaat Ravenna.. The Mosaics of Jordan (Amman. The Amiatinusimage depictsthis labrum-the laver for ceremonialwashingthat stood in the courtof the Tabernacle-as a large.8 refersto a bronzelaver(labrum aeneum). 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .showing some elementsof decorationon the vase still discernible at the time but now difficultto make out in more recentphotographic reproductions. Jordan.Exodus(c. What is strikingabout this can be seen from and in the art of Ravenna. 98.87 This is a vase that comes out of the world of Cassiodorus. the elegantshape of its handles. eds. 29 b. Cassiodorus.1729-36): "Post altare uero holocausti labrum erat positum in quo lauarentur qui ad altare incensi intrabant quia nemo repente fit summus sed proficientibus meritis quisque primo bella debet uitiorum deuincere deinde a conditore suo cum compunctione lacrimarum supplex impetrare ut pro ingressu regni dulces fundere fletus possit qui pro timore poenarum pridem fundebat amaros. tav. thinking surprised For example. pp. Exod.190 on Wed. A furtherpoint that underlinesthe accuracyof the Amiatinuscopy concerns the two altars. illus. It was she who drew my attention to the prevalence of such designs at Ravenna. 88 See in particular the vases depicted in Byzantine mosaics in Jordan: Michele Piccirillo. is its size. for pointing this out to me.

zv. .. Ii !NWI I 0. 1..11. ¢-. that the two altars in Cassiodorus's image should be represented as pieces of furniture..17.190 on Wed. 1567-70): ".~ LAer. De Tabernaculo 2 (CCSL 119A. in qua etiam [pictura] utrique altari et holocausti uidelicet et incensi pedes quattuor fecit quod utrumque eum sicut et tabernaculi et templi positionem a doctoribus Iudaeorum didicisse putamus. : .846 and the Codex Amiatinus Bede. pp." Bede was obviously unaware of Byzan- This content downloaded from 129. each standing on four legs-a detail for which he could find no support in Scripture or in the writings of Josephus. r ENOS ES AE w I.B ^ .I . 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Cassiodorus. 85)... ANT t Fig. He concluded that Cassiodorus had received information about this detail from some learned Jews.-. Codex Amiatinus: The court with Tabernacle (see n. 81-82.91Since both altars 91Bede...215. _ .

190 on Wed. rr~~~~~~~~~~~s . 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . "Uncovered" Tabernacle (see n. This content downloaded from 129. Fig. C A 0 1.N'" AR KTOC A *II1.215. 110).17. Cr. ~~eE I I if I.if I Y ly A N A 1 T H i. 3. "Covered and anchored" Tabernacle in the court (see n. 2. 101). II II H lj i M*CH M bPIA Fig.

848 Bede. Weitzmann. 199)." pp. (2) the altar on fol. 45)." Cahiers archeologiques 15 [1965]. 92 Bede. St. Cassiodorus. (3) an altar of incense having feet. and Florence. For the illustrations of Vat. gr. has argued strongly that many of the biblical This content downloaded from 129. Bede remarks that this last altar had an opening in the front." pp. 95 Revel-Neher. gr.1563-67): "Erat enim contra arulam ostium in pariete altaris orientali unde uel ligna ad alendum ignem inmitti uel carbones et cineres possent egeri quo modo in pictura Cassiodori Senatoris . 746 and 747 cited by Revel-Neher. 12-13.. pp. these illustrations merely provide hints about the many artistic models available to Cassiodorus's artist." 93 On a point like this it becomes interesting to speculate what notion of perspective drawing Bede could have had. as shown in the manuscripts of Cosmas and the Greek Octateuchs. one can add those of the (twelfthcentury) Greek Octateuch of Smyrna published by Hesseling (Miniatures de l'Octateuque). N. it does not necessarily follow that Bede would have reached our conclusions. p. Laurenziana. placed within the Tabernacle.28) the references here will be to Wolska-Conus's study and edition (above. De Tabernaculo 2 (CCSL 119A.. Bede therefore becomes a witness to the fact that certain elements in the Tabernacle image of Amiatinus were borrowed directly from the image of the Codex Grandior.93 One can well imagine a Jarrow artist. Pantocrator 61. fig. plate xxxix. 1908). and the Codex Amiatinus in the Amiatinus painting are shown with four pedes. although it is only the perspective from which the altar was drawn that caused the opening on the eastern side to appear to be the largest. to be a more likely source of inspiration for Cassiodorus's illustration. Miniatures de l'Octateuque grec de Smyrne [Leiden. gr.17. 1). like illustrated Octateuchs and the manuscripts of Cosmas Indicopleustes. n.. du Psautier du Mont-Athos.. 81. Illustrations in Roll and Codex (see esp.215. questions Roth's theory of a continuous Jewish iconographic tradition (see previous note) and considers the Byzantine tradition.Vat. on the eastern side. A fuller analysis of the Tabernacle image takes us into a cultural world with which Cassiodorus was more familiar than were the monks of Jarrow. 1186. 128). some of whose Exodus illustrations seem linked to the Octateuch tradition. "Du Codex Amiatinus.190 on Wed. illus. Le miniature della Topografia cristiana di Cosma Indicopleuste: Codice Vaticano greco 699 (Milan. has a more solid look than the altar of holocausts. to allow wood to be added and coals to be removed from the fire pan. IX. expressum uidimus. For some examples: (1) the altar of holocausts on fol.J. "Jewish Antecedents. Although it has sometimes been suggested that the image of Amiatinus is related to Jewish iconographic traditions. 1970]. Catherine's Monastery. despite its feet. in a Byzantine illustration first published by Suzy Dufrenne ("Une illustration 'historique' inconnue. with our modern-day understanding of perspective. Looking at the Amiatinus altar we would tend to conclude that it could have been serviced equally efficiently from any one of its four sides. 699. As regards the manuscripts of Cosmas (Vat.94the direct link is with illustrations in Greek manuscripts. 104v of the [now lost] Smyrna Octateuch (Derk Christiaan Hesseling. If something is obvious to us. Plut. either in the back or on the side? The description he gives of the frontal opening corresponds to what we see in the Amiatinus image. see Cosimo Stornajolo.95There are tine images that showed altars with pedes. presenting very different designs for these altars.. 1909]. 88r of the Seraglio Octateuch (KurtWeitzmann. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . considered the Amiatinus image proof of the existence of a contemporary Jewish iconographic tradition depicting the Tabernacle with its court. 699 alone. 141 and 198-99). an opinion about which Revel-Neher has serious doubts (see next note). 94 Roth. One can observe that the altar of incense. Illustrations in Roll and Codex [Princeton.. The pre-iconoclastic Byzantine tradition must have been a rich one. illus. working under Bede's supervision. gr. To the illustrations of Vatican Library. 37-38.92Did he expect an opening for such a purpose to be placed less conspicuously. 11. 83. The present analysis aims to explore her suggestion more fully. Mount Sinai. they must have been copied faithfully from the Codex Grandior.

W. 1981).96We know. 1994). pp.14.. bears ample witness to the fact that he had accumulated a substantial library of Greek texts. namely. Jones. Unfortunately this chapterwas misintepreted into this by C. 97 Institutiones 1. arguingthat the Cosmasillustrations of the Tabernacle "TheTabernacle Minare the sourceof the GreekOctateuch images." (AthByzantines the preciseoriginalsource. "mostnoble"codex. O'Donnell. the De temporum ratione. This content downloaded from 129. some of which he caused to be translated into Latin. 78. Bedeneverknewthe calendar Bede.It was this traditionon which Cassiodorus most probablydrew. 1980). Whatever its exact length."This articlewill. text.99 Two particular illustrations from the Greek tradition. and transformed in the process.For a contraryview.containing theworksof thecosmographers. ideoquevobis et Graecum pandectem reliquicomin librisseptuaginta prehensum quinque. p. see "Les Institutiones de Cassiodore. 100-102. Mynors.17. and the Codex Amiatinus 849 at least two Greek manuscripts for whose presence at Jarrow Bede provides evidence. of Theodoreand Hadrian. Van de Vyver's more meticulous analysis of the data places this stay from at least 549 to 553. 1979). 99On the Latin translations Cassiodorus commissioned see Walter Berschin. 96 Carmela Franklinis undertaking a full study of Bede'sknowledgeof Greekthat will help to determinewhat Greekmanuscripts It is recognizedthat Bede were presentat Wearmouth-Jarrow. pp. Cassiodorus. alas. Griechisch-lateinisches Mittelalter (Bern. workedwith a Greekmanuscript of Acts while composinghis commentary: see M.97 This implies that he had other Greek biblical manuscripts at his disposal.. 50-56). was a Latinmanuscript of some of whose entriesBedecopiedinto his own calendar amongother items.. As regards of Bedehimselfin chapter14 of his De temporum ratione(CCSL123B. 132.. 41): ". Laistner's introduction to BedaeVenerabilis et Retractatio Mass.pp. since we know that he spent many years at Constantinople. (Cambridge.Bede. Van de Vyver also conjectures that it was during his stay in the imperial city that Cassiodorus came to know about the school of Nisibis mentioned at the beginning of his Institutiones (on this see also n. as recentlysuggestedin BiblicalCommentaries School from the Canterbury Bischoffand MichaelLapidge(Cambridge."Speculum Calendar andthe Originsof Valentine's article. also dispelthe theorythat the Cosmographiorum of Bedein his Historiaabbatum) could have been a Greekmanuscript of the Christian Topography CosmasIndicopleustes.see LeslieBrubaker.. gives 540 to 545 as the dates of Cassiodorus's stay in Constantinople. Bernhard in chapter35 of the De temporum 209-10. Cassiodorus had plenty of time to familiarize himself with and collect Greek biblical and other manuscripts.. W.. then at the very outset of his investigation Silvius("Polemius to the reception atJarrowof the Latincalendar of Polemius Silvius. the other the Tabernacle itself (Figs.190 on Wed. moreover. to be prepared for his community.therecan be no doubtthat Cassiodorus ens.98The Institutiones. a copy of the Acts of the Apostles and a Greek calendar. pp. 2/1:73-92. Eng.4 (ed.ed. 327-28). a Romancalendar. ExpositioActuumApostolorum the Greekcalendar sentto JarrowfromRome. from which to prepare the pandect. were apparently fused together by Cassiodorus's I hope to show in a forthcoming codex (referred to by Day.p. iaturesof the Byzantine d'Etudes Actesdu XVe Congres International Octateuchs. His familiarity with and possession of Greek manuscripts should cause no surprise. L.we havethe testimony 1939). on the other hand.215. Calif. Cassiodorus (Berkeley. xxxix-xl. Bede'sstatement rationeallows us to concludethat this thatincluded. to produce the image of the Codex Grandior whose reflection we find in the Codex Amia- in Cosmasderivefromthe Byzantine illustrations Octateuch tradition. containing the whole of Scripture in seventy-five books." p. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . that Cassiodorus caused a Greek pandect.. as referring of 9 [1934].and the Names of the Months. 45 above). 2 and 3)." 98 James J."Bede's Polemius. Whatever had at his disposalByzantine whose imagesenablinghim to constructthe image of the Tabernacle reflection we perceivein the CodexAmiatinus. one showing the court of the Tabernacle.

The distinguishing feature of these Byzantine illustrations is the presence of corner columns placed at a different angle to the rest. The NIV Interlinear Hebrew-English Old Testament. "covered. fig. 82v (SC 159. designed to fill two pages.102The function of these pillars or shafts was to support the hangings that stretched around the whole perimeter of the courtyard.100 We need first to examine the layout of the Tabernacle court. 26. thus facing the entrance to the courtyard.' mais en faisant un quart de tour a la double page: I'entree du parvis. Elisabeth Revel-Neher writes. above. They can be described as lying flat on the ground and seen from above. fol. because we find the same arrangement in the Octateuchs and in the manuscripts of Cosmas. ce sont les mursdu parvisqui etaientainsifixeset non ceux du Tabernacle. and the courtyard(Exod." p. 1186. depending on which end of the column one considers to be its base. we artist."I agree with this observation. was meant to be seen as a single unit. Thismust haveled the Byzantine artistto represent this feature. 242v (Revel-Neher. on its own." rayonnante" This content downloaded from 129. 1991]. together with their labels. and looking all the way up that courtyard to the entrance of the Tabernacle itself.RevelFindingthe appropriate terminology uses both "perspective and "perspective Neher ("DuCodexAmiatinus") aerienne. Althoughthe Septuagint variantsfor Exod. plate 15). The image can be read either way. 1 [Grand Rapids.associatesanchorpegs with both the Tabernacle and those for the courtyard areto be of bronze" tent pegs for it [theTabernacle] (seeJohnR. Cassiodorus." imagesof the basedon the imagesof Cosmasin Vat. 746.The Tabernacle anchorpegswerenot borrowed an integralpart of his drawing. della Topografia." p. 101 Leminiature Fig. and Mount Sinaigr. 71) and in the Octateuch in Vat. 27. "Du Codex Amiatinus. Normally the reader placed in front of a book has the bottom margins of both pages before him. From this position all the objects shown within the courtyard and the Tabernacle. which will turn out to be crucial for understanding the drawing.17.850 Bede. Kohlenberger III. 310).which stretchfromthe cornersof the roof to anchorpegsin the ground.215..9-19. The entranceto the a different courtis suggested eitherthrougha changein the background coloror by introducing design. fol. 12.699. "Nous dechiffrons la miniature. A first point to determine about the Amiatinus image is the angle from which the bifolium should be viewed. it is not immediately obvious whether the hangings were meant to be seen as "outside" or "inside"the pillars by someone standing within the court. as in the Mount Sinaimanuscript (copiedhere). 1979]." erreur. Mich.101The outline of the court consists of a series of pillars (columnae)-the number shown is usually less than the twenty (long side) and ten (narrow side) specified in Exod.19 (see JohnWilliam of the Tabernacle here and there amongthe manuscript Wevers's editionof Exodusin the GottingenSeptuaginta series[Gottingen. 49r (Stornajolo. with no observable distinction made between base and capital.19): "allthe however. choredby two ropes. p. 100 is also shown. 8). 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . There seems to have been a conventional manner of representing this court in the Byzantine tradition. p. situee sur la partie droite en devient ainsi le cote inferieur. 222).but he made those for the courtyard by Cassiodorus's shallpresently see. 102 for describing the layout of the pillarsis not easy. To see it properly the viewer must glance at it from the outer margin of the recto sheet. But the Amiatinus image.190 on Wed. 13) believed TheHebrewtext. non 'livre ouvert. we also findmention text refersonly to anchorpegs for the courtyard.2.Revelthe Tabernacle was "une thatthis featureof anchoring Neher ("DuCodexAmiatinus. and the Codex Amiatinus tinus. anIn these Byzantine the Tabernacle itself. Since the pillars have a uniform cylindrical appearance. gr. appear in a frontal perspective to the viewer.27.

Cassiodorus. Le miniature della Topografia. In this reconstruction (see esp. 1989). pp. 10-11) had conjectured that a fondness in the Insular tradition for these names-because together their first letters spell the name of Adam-had led to their inclusion in the image of Amiatinus. Le miniature della Topografia. 1186. From this angle eye we perceive in sequence the north and west "outside" view and the east and south "inside" view of the courtyard. 71. 1). p. APKTOS.106 When the image is seen from this angle. surmounting each capital. 6-7). maintaining the corner pillars at the same angle. as well as of those Levites who had charge of the Tabernacle within the court itself. He likewise carefully oriented the pillars on the north (arctos) and west (dysis) sides in the same direction as those on the east (anatol) and south (mesembria) sides. in accordance with Casappear siodorus's Latin rendering of Josephus: "cortina . The Tabernacle: Its Structure and Utensils." with the hangings stretched "outside" them-although there is nothing in the text of Exodus that compels this arrangement rather than its reverse. twenty for the long and ten for the narrow side-numbers that include the corner pillar placed at the end of each line.215.. 86v. 52r. This content downloaded from 129. had a spike at its summit. and she then tried to read the Amiatinus image in the same manner-that is. shaped like a rectangle. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . that of Vat. the base is rounded and the capital. and Stornajolo. as regards this last folio see also Stornajolo.103 a clear distinction between the base of the column and its capital. surely indicate the tops of the pillars and not the parts placed on the ground. and in SC 159. the ultimate source. 31 and plate 15). 4th ed. and he created the illusion of an "outside" and "inside" view of the court by placing the hangings behind the pillars on the north and west sides and in front of them on the east and south sides." pp. Corsano ("The First Quire.17. (Tel Aviv. but he introduced a number He made of changes aimed at presenting a more realistic image of the courtyard.104 To someone standing in the court the hangings would therefore a kind as of continuous wall all the way around."105 To get a proper sense of this the around 180 one needs to turn perspective image degrees and see it as a bird'sview taken the from upper right-hand (dysis/arctos) corner. But this is the opposite of what we actually see in the Amiatinus painting. presumably to hold rings from which the hangings were suspended. 195. p. 105This is the end of the text quoted below in n. and the Codex Amiatinus 851 For the outline of his courtyard Cassiodorus's artist adopted the basic Byzantine plan. 108. The Cosmas manuscripts have an illustration showing the position of all the Hebrew tribes around the Tabernacle court. Revel-Neher reproduced a plate from Levine's publication. The little spikes. in addition to Moses and Aaron shown standing in front of the Tabernacle. plate 17. 699. In Cassiodorus's image these names were placed within the court so as to leave room on the outside for the names of the twelve Hebrew tribes (not reproduced in Fig. Here also one can suspect that the immediate model for Cassiodorus was a Byzantine image rather than the text of Exodus-which remains. based entirely on the text of Exodus. 104 The names of the four cardinal points were taken over from the Byzantine model being used. 89. there is no need to postulate any other source than the image of the Codex Grandior for what we find in Amiatinus.Bede. p. considering the pillars to be on the inside-thus stating that the north and west sides represented an "inside" view and the south and east sides the "exterior" of the courtyard ("Du Codex Amiatinus. MECHMBPRIA) were written along the outside border of the court (see SC 159. of course. ut nihil a pariete differre uideretur. with its court..190 on Wed. for the image from Mount Sinai gr. gr. we also perceive how another element 103 Because he was using a double folio he had room to insert the correct number of pillars. But given the dependence of Cassiodorus's artist on his Byzantine models. DYCIC. fol. attempted a careful reconstruction of the Tabernacle. see SC 141. fol. concludens omnem per circuitum locum." pp. In her fig. p. 2. In the Cosmas illustration these names (ANATOLH. 106 Moshe Levine. 73 and 81) he placed the pillar shafts on the "inside.

above). drawings. 3).852 Bede. Blatt.AndreGrabar regards 1 (1945). presumably at their summit. 196). plate 13).we can see two different perspectives shown within it. In this image (Fig. Antiquities3.the tablesof the law. 3). A folio is missingat this pointfromVat. fol. presenting interesting and two fromthe "outside.ut nihila parietedifferre 109 In the Byzantine the outermost imagesthe line of arcsis meantto represent hangingthatcovers itself.28. p. Cassiodorus.28. Lookingat the total imageof the Taberat work. 8 in the articleby BiancaKiihnel(n. anuliautemtabulissingulisinerantet capitataet caelatae et in terraconfixaepertingebantque bularum basesautemdeauratae percircuitum argentea. sincethey provideevidence datedby Wolska-Conus of Byzantine originalsdatingfromthe time of Cassiodorus. Closeagreements betweenCosmas-whose Christian fol. IX. 81r. showingthe "uncovered" in the other. tabernaculum cortina tabulasin terramvalidepositi. This content downloaded from 129. that of showing the Tabernacle without its roof or coverings.Wolska-Conus does not believethese additionalobjectswere part of the original furtherlinksbetweenCosmasand the OctaCosmasimagery(see SC 159. The image Josephus gives is that of columns fitted with rings. Plut. and in the SmyrnaOctateuch.fol. showingfour Tabernacle is illus. their function being to stabilize the hangings against the blowing winds. fol.110In the Byzantine illustration (Fig. probablyderivesfrom a modelof the late-antique artistwas no doubtfamiliar with suchillustrations. Fig.107Exod. fol.this illustration.19 connected anchor pegs with the hangings that surrounded the courtyard. we can drawnafterthe images and the tablefor the show-bread with the candlestick partment Le miniature della Topografia.109 The same Greek model provided Cassiodorus's artist with another idea. and Laurenziana Plut. a row of linked arcs that always meet at the midpoint between the "lance" shafts. of Cosmasin Vat. from a manuscript of Prudentius's Psychomachia. pp. above. 1186..109-10 (ed." fromthe "inside" two walls of a rectangular structure exampleof perspective. and in the Miniatures de l'Octateuque. 192-93). 60-61).108Cassiodorus's artist did not follow the verbal description of Josephus but instead borrowed an element from another Byzantine image of the Tabernacle to illustrate this anchoring of the hangings to the ground.. pp. Similarly coveringsin Cosmas(SC 141. 232): "tabulasque aereasquinquecubitorum habentesaltitudinem.17. a little above ground level. we see a division between the 107 when reconstructing CassioWe shall have good reasonto returnto this particular perspective dorus'slost imageof the Templefromthe Codex Grandior. p. 1186. 27.Cassiodorus's 108 ad instarcolumnarum statuit Josephus. For an art: "Plotinet les originesde l'esthetique Cahiersarcheologiques medievale. illus. 107r. This confusionof perspectives is no doubt due to the varietyof visualsourcesconas a phenomenon of late-antique suchmixingof perspectives sultedby the artist. 99v (Hesseling. and cords stretching from these rings down to the heads of anchor pegs driven into the ground between the shafts. of 85. gr. teuch:the table and candlestick. 21. 100v (Hesseling. the otherfor the objects nacle.IX. omnemper circuitum videretur. ut ex violentiaventorum a capitetabularum ad basemusque ex byssoperomnesundique descendens veromollissima pendebat. To underline seem identicalin Mount Sinaigr. 194) agreeswith the SmyrnaOctateuch. namely. 126v (SC 159. the goldenvase. to suggest that the bottom edge of the hangings was anchored to the ground at regular intervals between the columns. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . and the Codex Amiatinus of the Amiatinus design is to be understood.699.215. andFlorence. Topography to 546-49-and the Octateuchs are important. one for the courtyard. 3. 194). the Tabernacle 110 with the Ark of the Covenantin one comTabernacle. 82v. Smyrna In Mount Sinaigr." diffusaet concludens locum. period. shown separately. whichhaveidentical Octateuch. 699. 44-45). cubitiet persingulas aeneorum funesab anulisductaeusquead capitaclavorum qui erantmagnitudine immobilecustodirent. which shows the "uncovered" Tabernacle (to which I will return momentarily).. which is extremely schematic." see fig.therod Laurenziana.190 on Wed. the layout 98r-v (Hesseling. fol. fol.fol. and the brazenserpenthave beenaddedto the table and candlestick. 49r (Stornajolo. The Vivarium artist transferred this line of linked arcs to the ground level in his image of the courtyard. illus.

1-37 and Exod.8-38. He was also familiar with all the passages of Scripture that referred to the Temple. THE IMAGE OF THE TEMPLE IN THE CODEX GRANDIOR The Codex Amiatinus has no image of the Temple equivalent to the one Cassiodorus placed in his Codex Grandior.Bede. An examination of the modern attempt by Moshe Levine to reconstruct the Tabernacle will provide a better understanding of what the sixth-century artist was aiming to suggest. As already noted. but one should be aware that it follows immediately on the following quotation from Josephus's Antiquities that mentions porticus in the plural: 11 See the description in Exod. but his attempt to show all the different layers that went into the structure of the Tabernacle-using the same "inside" and "outside" perspective he had used to depict the court-can hardly be considered a success. 45 above. we need to have some idea of what the Temple image in the Codex Grandior looked like. Taken together they allow us to form a fairly complete picture of the most prominent features of the Temple image in the Codex Grandior.17. first wooden boards and then the multiple layers of curtains and skins that covered the Tabernacle. This content downloaded from 129. and the Codex Amiatinus 853 Holy of Holies and the other part of the Tabernacle with the table for the breads and the candelabrum (seemingly lying flat on the ground). Thus the wooden boards appear as the outermost layer on the east and south sides but seem to hold an inner position in the Tabernacle structure on the west and north sides. where they figure more prominently. We need here to differentiate the data borrowed from the image from information based on other sources. Should we conclude that originally Ceolfrith ordered such an image for his new pandects but that the one from Amiatinus-the only pandect to survive complete-has been lost? Or could there have been a decision not to include the Temple image in the new Bibles? Before we tackle this question. Cassiodorus himself is not very helpful. 106 above. 36. 112 113 See n. his blind visitor from Asia (de partibus Asiae). It was in fact an impossible task to suggest all at once. The Vivarium artist followed the idea of omitting the roof of the Tabernacle so that its contents could be seen. 26.1" The attempt to differentiate the thickness of the lines in the west and north sides from those of the east and south. in order to achieve an "outside" and an "inside" view. and declares that as a consequence of this he caused images of both the Tabernacle and the Temple to be painted and placed in his Codex Grandior. and with the descriptions to be found in book 8 of the Antiquities of Josephus.215. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . he tells us only that Eusebius. Bede's most important passage is in the De Templo. Cassiodorus. There are several passages in Bede that rely directly on the image and here and there add some small detail about it. explained how both the Tabernacle and the Temple were constructed on the likeness of the heavens (ad instar caeli).1l2 6.1l3Bede is much more informative and had obviously made a careful study of the two images in this codex.190 on Wed. through the simple use of a few parallel lines (even with different colors and textures). adds considerably to the confusion. See n.

Quampropterinfinitam in edificabatur effecit. p.connected of Josephus.5:622.shows that he also thoughtof porticusas a coveredwalk. pp. or "chapel" opt for words like "porch" ignatedareawithin a church. Eng.3.17. Circumdederunt erant camere hancaulamduplicibus. Loebseries.9 [96]. when writingof a burialtakingplace in porticu.In his Ecclesiastical Historyand Lives of the Abbots. 28-40): "Cassiodorus Bede. Quarum porticibus de cedriset laquearibus (My sincerethanksto expressis. p. proptercontemplationis in et erigensfabricas celsitudinem non poterataliquissineterrore conspicere.ed. and the Codex Amiatinus Extrinsecus autem huius templi aliam aedificauit aulam quadranguli scemate factam erigens maximas porticus atque latas et portas excelsas et amplas per quatuor mundi partes in eo constituens quarum singulae ad unumquemque uentum quattuor angulis attendebant ubi aureas ianuas collocauit. with an arcadeor colonnade. 72v-73r: "Siquidem aulaqueforiseratmagnaseffundens sessionisipsiusexcedebat profunditates. coveredwalks in Rome could underliethis architectural on the Wearmouth Cassiodorus's planning. thus showing that he was interpreting the word to mean a colonnade or arcade that formed part of a long quadrangularshaped building.basedon his perusalof Cassiodorus's image. p. Kenneth the term "covered way"). Jarrow with similar Lecture.which would shieldthose placednearby. secundum eodem modo extra intimas porticus undique uersum in gyro.854 Bede.Translators with ButBede'suse of the termin De Templo.or passingthroughit. he is thinkingof a particular porticusanctiPetriin monasterio in such a context. ConsueloDutschkefor providingme with a transcript The this "aula. Antiquities 8. from inclement andJarrowin TheirContinental see Rosemary sucha porticus: Context.for example. erat equaliscum templo."Monkwearmouth Painter(London. 61 and 62. et paulo post: In hoc sacrarium omnes populi quibus purgatio et obseruatio legitimorum inerat introibant. on the the Templewhich he placedin his pandect(an imageto which he refersin his commentary This content downloaded from 129. extremum similiter ex omni latere priorum porticuum in circuitu.that of Heribald"in dessuo" (Historiaecclesiastica 5. hoc est eis qui ad templum respiciebant factis in columnis exterioribus uero solidis. 11.Blatt's1958 criticaleditionof Cassiodorus's it is this since almostcertainly did not extend beyondbook 5. Latintranslation with Codex Grandior sectionof Josephusthat inspiredCassiodorus's imageof the Templeprecincts. The City of Rome and the World of Bede.1994)..1994 [Jarrow.215. revealed the existenceof It is interesting that the excavationsat Wearmouth weather. mate). sicque fiebat ut omnis structura templi pro graduum esset uarietate rationabiliter distincta. 13 and nn." We find from the Plimptonmanuscript. uertici montis eas cubitis earum altitudinem. citing Josephus.I quotethe sectionsimmediately followingthe passagein BedefromColumbia mirabiliset omnis sermoneprecipuafuit haec sessio quia Plimpton43. primum uidelicet ordinem ponens extra atrium sacerdotum ex omni parte per quadrum.) Dr. templum quo equales quadringentis autem Et proptereaaula que erat exteriussub diuo facta. Eamonn O Carragain. 284 (whereshe also uses in Churches Builtin AncientTimes. scethe courtof the priestson all four sides (quadranguli its threeconcentricbuildingssurrounding MS University. 192-93.190 on Wed.[95]. 115Bede'suse of porticusin this context deserves attention.Basesautemin his omnibusfecit argenteas.6)." Cramp. suggeststhat familiarity It is possiblethat featureat Wearmouth. Bede's"paulopost"is puzzlingsince nothingis omittedeitherin the Greekor Latinversions.116 Bede.115 So after quoting Josephus he continues: Has uero porticus Cassiodorus Senator in pictura templi quam in pandecte posuit ut ipse in psalmorum expositione commemorat triplici ordine distinxit. imagemay also have had some influence 116 in the imageof Senator. columnaseas ex lapidenaturali portantibus. Cassiodorus. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . For 114 the Greektext see JewishAntiquities 8. open on one the terminology side. 11. 192.De Templo2 (CCSL119A.21-27). De Templo 2 (CCSL 119A. 1994]. sicque templum triformi aedificiorum praesidio ab omni erat parte munitum facto pauimento sub diuo inter aedificia singula de marmore et parietibus domorum in interioribus.114 Bede connected this reference to porticus (in the plural) with what he saw in Cassiodorus's image of the Temple." and then of "porticibus mentionhere of an "aulaexterius" surrounding duplicibus" allusionto "camere" also suggested upperchambers. fols. This is unfortunate.

of which we spoke earlier (2 Paral. id est qui templum a quattuor mundi partibus respiciebat.extendingbeyondthe Templemuchmoretowardthe eastthan toward the other sides.." 117 Bede. and surrounding it again on all sides. et rursus extra hanc aedem in gyro altera simili scemate facta.215. p. He placed the first outside the court of the priests surrounding this court on all four sides. si quando propter pluuias opus esset. 4.9]. pp. building. 11. Around this rectangle were arranged three long buildings. four-sided.. stare poterat et nihilominus ea quae in templi ianuis gerebantur uel circa templum uidere. In Regum Librum XXX quaestiones 18 (CCSL 119. while the outer walls were solid. namely. distinguished three such porticoes. while the outer walls of the building formed a solid structure. maximis et oportunis etiam communita texit aere" Paral. 311-12. porro ad ortum solis unde et introitum per gradus habebat in magnam se prolixitatem a templo protendebat.117 In the image beforehim Bedethereforesaw a complex pattern. since these formed part of the city walls. was another similar one. It was equipped with large porches and portioned into large and useful upper chambers. In Regum Librum XXX quaestiones 18 (CCSL 119.l8 The centralpart of the imagewas thereforea rectangle rather than a square. and the Codex Amiatinus Bedehad givento Nothelmin his earlier This coincideswith the description work. also formed in the shape of rectangles. The outermost portico surrounded the other two. those facing the Temple.with the Temple and the court of the priestssituatedat its center. In this manner the whole layout of the Temple was rationally ordered to accommodate the variety of its occupants.33-45): "This court of the priests was surrounded on all sides by an extremely long. those facing the Temple. It had large bronze gates. The lower part of the inner walls of this building. Bede likewise used the word aedes ("dwelling") to describe these three long quadrangular buildings in a passage from book 2 of his commentary on Ezra: "Sedit autem populus in platea domus Dei. surrounding it also completely.17.He explainsthat the courtof the priestswas oblong. 11.9.855 Bede. namely. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the image with Cassiodorusand thought of it only as a picturaab antiquisformata: Circumdabatur autem hoc atrium [sacerdotum] undique uersum a longe aede permaxima in quadrum cuius interior paries. 118 Bede. was made up completely of arches. quae [2 porticibus quae erat discreta caenaculis. inferius erat per totum in arcubus constructus ulterior uero firma soliditate "etostiain basilica fundatuset ianuashabensaereasut supradictumcommemorauimus. p. sed et tertia nihilo minus circa illam eodem ordine facta per gyrum interiora omnia longe latequecircuibatin hoc tantuma prioribusdistansaedibusquod orientaliset septemtrionaliseius pariesostia minimehabebateo quod uterqueeorumad murospertineret ciuitatis. In this way the Temple was protected on all sides by a threefold array of buildings.. 854. did not yet know about the connectionof on when he ThirtyQuestions Kings. The lower parts of the inner walls of these buildings.190 on Wed. 4. p. those directly facing the Temple from the four cardinal points. with sufficient space between them to allow this space to be termed a court (atrium). habebant namque interiores parietes iuxta terram in columnis factos exteriores solidos" (CCSL 119A. and again outside this one stood a third similarly constructed. The inner walls of the buildings. The second stood outside the innermost one. Outside of this building. one outside the other. namely. hoc est circa atrium sacerdotum quo ipsa domus Dei undique uersum erat circumdata ut supra docuimus habens circa se ex omni parte per quadrum aedes atriorum amplissimas in quibus etiam populus." This content downloaded from 129. again in a similar fashion. 333." Note how Bede's "simili scemate facta" echoes the phrase of Cassiodorus ("quadranguliscemate factam") quoted above. Cassiodorus. with a marble pavement filling the open space between these buildings. 311.25-28): "Erat autem hoc idem atrium ab australi occidentali et septemtrionali parte uicinius muro templi. 11. were formed of columns.1804-11). 'And the doors of the basilica he covered with bronze'). This last differed from the other two only by the fact that the eastern and northern sides lacked gates. were shown Psalms).

would have used the same size sheet as for the Tabernacle drawing and would also have used the same angle of perspective for the three long buildings surrounding the central court of the priests as for the perimeter (columns with hangings) of the Tabernacle court discussed above. See above. like that of the Tabernacle court.In Ezramet Neemiam2 (CCSL119A. inferius. andwent to the chamber(cubile)of Johananthe son of Eliasib. innerwalls near the groundconsistedof columns"("interiores parietesiuxta terram in columnisfactos").. from the (arctos-dysis) northwest angle." This content downloaded from 129. makes most sense when perceived. or sitting in these.1759-63). In Cassiodorus's image Bede could see that the east and north walls of the outermost building lacked gates. what he had in mindwhen explainingEzra10. 851.121 to allow those in the outermost courts. iuxta terram)would have sufficedto suggestto him a differentpurposefor the upper This is obviously parts of these buildings. with the arches forming a continuous colonnade. 74-76: "Itauero ostia in aedibuscontrainuicemposita erantut hi CCSL119. to see the Temple itself when they were open. but I remain persuaded that Bede would recognize the present drawing. indicatingthe chambersof an upperstory. pp. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .. and the Codex Amiatinus as colonnades:"the lower portion of the innerwall consistedentirelyof arches" "thepartof the ("interior paries. Cassiodorus. 11.119 The accompanying Figure 4.17. p. This image. .In any case the fact that the colonnadeBede saw in the image was confinedto the lower portion of the innerwall of the building(inferius..856 Bede.120 That he did adhere to such a schema seems proved from the fact that Bede could easily distinguish between the front (inside) and back (outside) walls of these three long quadrangular buildings.Bedecould thereforeeasilyimaginethat crowdsstanding. as he remarks. Bede saw that the gates on each side were aligned (contra inuicem posita). when drawing the Temple complex.PerhapsCassiodorus's image containedsuggestions of openingsin the upperparts of the walls.. which attempts to recapture the image Bede gazed upon.courts might withdrawunderthe colonnadesif the weather became inclement. 106. 312-13. Bede describes the open spaces (atria) between the three buildings as paved by flagstones of different colors (lapide uario sunt omnia strata). differently from the way they are handled here.. etiamqui in ultimis[atriis]consistebant templum possentintueri.quo nominesolet Deniquealia editiopro cubiliIohannanpastoforium saepe scriptura porticus illas cognominare quibus templum erat undique circumdatum et in quibusministriet custodeseiusdemtemplimanereconsuerant. walking.190 on Wed. No doubt the Vivarium artist handled the threedimensional depiction of the buildings. It was designed on the assumption that Cassiodorus's artist. in bird's-eye view. and no doubt the way the gates were shown in that image differed from the way they are indicated here. 331. and n. per totum arcubusconstructus"). 11. p. Perhaps 119 120 121 Bede." Bedecomments: Iohannam habet.215. was begun on a large sheet of paper equivalent in size to a bifolium of providedwellingchambers.6: "ThenEzrarose up frombefore the house of God.

1186. taken by themselves. p. 79r (SC 159. But the designs. might well have suggested a pavement design to the Vivarium artist. Cassiodorus.17. 4. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . A reconstruction of the Temple image in the Codex Grandior.190 on Wed. 100v (Hesseling. DYSIS 857 ANATOL Fig. Cassiodorus's artist had borrowed some of the checkerboard designs he found in the Byzantine images to suggest such a variegated paving. This content downloaded from 129.and the Codex Amiatinus Bede. fol. 57) agrees with that of the Smyrna Octateuch. illus. 196). fol.215.122 122 In the Cosmas and Octateuch manuscripts these checkerboard designs represent the covering of the Tabernacle: the checkerboard drawing in Mount Sinai gr.

in atriumsacerdotum sacerdotes et non purificati una cum leuitis purificati in intimumatriumbasilicaemaiorisuiri Iudaeipurificatistanteset oet cantatoribus. followed in turn by the court for purified Jewish women.215. fialas quoque aureas centum". moreover. 193. structuratempli pro graduumesset uarietaterationabiliter distincta. si serenumesset. or to Jewish men returning from among the Gentiles but not yet fully purified. 222. 124 126 123 CCSL See aboveat n.. in extremumatriumgentiles et Iudaeiqui exteriusatriummulieresIudae purificatae. One has only to enumerate the objects which. Next came the court reserved for purified Jewish men. the hundred gold bowls. p. intra hos basis erat aenea quinque cubitorum longitudinis et quinque cubitorum latitudinis et trium cubitorum altitudinis. Bede found it very satisfying. deinde ultra progredientibus occurrebat altare holocausti contra meridiem atrii. 11. the ten lavers. in quo stans Salomon dedicabat templum. This content downloaded from 129. It stood on a higher level than the other courts since it was approached by a series of steps. diem.17. But his comments about the two altars (utrumque) having feet (pedes) are restricted to the Tabernacle image. in frontal porticusproximassese recipientes. reserved for them alone. table for the breads. 3 Kings 7. Cassiodorus. the great altar of holocausts)124 or in the Temple itself (the ten candlesticks and ten tables for the bread." Bede discusses the placement of these objects and their allegorical importance in his De Templo. were present in the innermost court of the Temple (the brazen sea. 91. 4. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .49: "Et candelabra aurea quinque ad dexteram et quinque ad sinistram contra oraculum. one might have expected him to include a reference to these altars as well. whereas his remark about the general layout applies to both images: 119A.1182-91). gives us a hint that these objects were not present in Cassiodorus's Temple image.858 Bede. Bede. in rantessub diuo. it no doubt appealed to his logical bent of mind: . In his image of the Tabernacle Cassiodorus's artist had ample space to depict. The outermost court was open to Gentiles. the few objects present in the court (labrum and altar of holocausts) and in the Tabernacle (candelabrum. that he had drawn his own plan of their layout: "Ingredientibusenim atrium ab oriente primo diuertendum erat ad meridiem ubi mare in ipso angulo stabat ad lauandum sacerdotibus paratum.126Since similar altars were connected with the Temple. deinde progredientibus intro occurrebant luteres ad lauandas hostias ab utraque parte positi.123 nuperuenerantex gentibususquead sextumpurificationis At the center was the court of the priests. quinque a dextris et quinque a sinistris.Namque in in sacerdotes sancta sanctorumingrediebatur pontifex. according to Bede (who follows the text of Scripture). from reading Bede's description. and Ark of the Covenant).190 on Wed. one almost gets the impression.39-48. If these objects were not shown in Cassiodorus's image. were depicted with four feet. He had noted with some surprise that in the Tabernacle image both altars. 11. 125 2 Paral. and the Codex Amiatinus Contemplating this whole arrangement of buildings and courts. si tempestas. altar of incense. p. deinde porticus templi siue uestibulum in quo erant columnae aereae circa ostium templi" (CCSL 119A. the altar of to realize that it was manifestly imposincense. the bronze platform used for the dedication. and the Ark of the Covenant)125 sible for these objects to be depicted within the restricted space that remained at the center of the image containing the three concentric buildings surrounding the Temple. Illustrating all these objects in frontal perspective would have demanded a large bifolium all to itself. ipsum templum purificatiuna cum leuitis..22: "[fecit Salomon] mensas decem et posuit eas in Templo. of holocausts and of incense.

215. p. and the Codex Amiatinus 859 . 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . it is doubtful that such a view would have been shared by the Wearmouth-Jarrow community. 81-82.The bestshortintroduccommentaries-works indeedof imaginative availableat presentis a chapteron his exegeticalworks by a scholarin tion to Bede'shermeneutics that field:GeorgeHardinBrown. The Temple image of the Codex Grandior.Bede. fully expounded by Bede in his treatise on the Tabernacle. What is not directly vouched for by God's word retains only historical interest.11. altars. This content downloaded from 129.129 no to draw Bede makes any spiritual meanings from attempt Templo. has no connectionwith Solomon's Jews.1565-70." little towardbiblicalstudiesin the strictestsense. moreover. Thus. "The allegorical and subjective methodhas lost muchof its credit. 128CCSL 119A. in qua [pictura] etiamutriquealtariet holocausti uidelicetet incensipedes quattuorfecit quod utrumqueeum sicut et tabernaculi et templipositionema doctoribusIudaeorum didicisseputamus.that surrounded All this may explain why this image of the Templefrom the Codex Grandior was not reproduced in Ceolfrith's new pandects.Bedemakesa significant ing his description intimanda. for Bede and his community.Bede the Venerable (Boston. His spiritual commentary rests entirely and exclusively on what he can say about the Temple based on the words of Scripture. have any real spiritual value.To us it seemsan arbitrary processwhereanything While it may be true that can be made to mean anythingaccordingto the fancy of the expositor. tables) described in the Bible and focused mainly on the three concentric In his De buildings with their courts. only these can be explored on the allegorical level to uncover their deeper meanings. 1.. on the other hand. in pictura[Tabernaculi] Cassiodori .It probablysimplycontaineda (three-dimensional?) the main that could be identified as since its focus-if we accept itself. 129 by a tripleporticuslikethe one GeorgeForestBrowne. 193. every detail of that image was replete with spiritual meanings. lacked all the objects (lavers. and the court of the gentiles. preached to the people. Cassiodorus.190 on Wed. . our Lord and the apostles. Temple ing with their Bede'sstatements-was the elaboratelayoutof the threelong buildings. and-speaking always of Solomon's temple-says that in these porticoes Jeremiah and the prophets. courts.73-76. CharlesPlummerin his introductionto the Ecclesiastical History (p. 11. the court of the women. lix) wrote.128 ceterispro historiaecognitionesimpliciter Only those details explicitly mentioned in Scripture. it is perhaps as well that the picture is lost"! The Academy. If all these things were really shown in a picture of Solomon's temple by Cassiodorus.p.thoughBededescribes 'tripleporticus'. after conclud- comment: of the Templeimage.17. therefore.. Ceolfrith's pandects were destined to have an 127 CCSL vastallegorical 119A. Everything shown in the Tabernacle image had a textual basis in the Book of Exodus and had in fact been so ordered made by God. nowhere explicitly mentioned in the Bible. this Temple.enormousadcommentaries contribute allegorical forappreciating studiessincePlummer's vancesin literary allegorical day haveopenedup new avenues invention-in theirown right.127 I concludethat Cassiodorus's Templeimagedid not show any altarsin the residual view of a buildcentralspace. . Verumin eis Haec quidemde structura templistudiosolectoricredidimus sacrareferrecommodumduxit figurasmysteriorum quaeramus scriptura quaecumque utamur. 5 May 1888.acutelyawarethata buildingsurrounded comment:"Thisvery Solomon's Bededescribes was unlikelyto represent Temple.1987). Thereis needfor a good studyof Bede's enterprise. pp. 308. While we today might view a plan presenting "historical knowledge" about the Temple as a useful adjunct to a Bible. this feature. col. pp. 42-61. In his De Templo.has this refreshing the courtof the temple.

These leaves display a double numbering. Their examination fully agreed with the analysis of P. for Rome. Corssen cited above. composed after he had seen one of Ceolfrith's pandects. 7. and two single leaves.17. therefore. Allen Grieco of I Tatti. 50: "La prima miniatura del codice trovasi in parte alla pagina 2. It is interesting that Alcuin's Poem 69 (to be considered later). 716. p. 309. bears witness to a manifestly erroneous sequence. Folios 1 and 8 are one piece [bifolium]. mounted on a guard. In this sequence the two leaves (numbered 2 and 7) forming the bifolium with the image of the Tabernacle were separated through the insertion of other leaves.860 Bede. and looks like an outside. 782). 131 130 This content downloaded from 129. That these single leaves are no longer in their original position is proved by two On Alcuin's poem see below. 6v is blank: 7 has the 'Hilarian and Epiphanian' division of Scripture: 7v has five circles cross-wise in a larger circle. the result of some rebinding.130The Codex Amiatinus can. in binding. with the earlier (eighteenth-century?)arabic numbers. one in arabic. and 4v the contents: 5 has the picture of Ezra: 5v is blank: 6 has the 'Hieronymian' division of Scripture. 132 See his report published in The Academy for 30 April 1887 (no. containing brief contents of the five books of the Pentateuch: 8 has the 'Augustinian' division of Scripture. so that the two sides (2 verso and 7 recto) with the image could no longer be seen together. This was the condition of the leaves when Garrucci wrote his description of the opening quire of the Codex Amiatinus for volume 3 of his Storia della arte cristiana. 877-80. 4 is a single page. IV and VII.215. on a guard. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . who together made a thorough examination of the opening pages of the Codex Amiatinus on 26 October 1995. and the Codex Amiatinus honored place in the monastic church-a building consecrated to liturgical worship. 2 and 3 are one piece [bifolium].190 on Wed.. 8v is blank. and Dr. in parte alla pagina 7. per isbaglio del moderno legatore del libro. Angela Dillon Bussi. the other in roman numerals. V-VI. side by side. not sewn in. The quaternion is not fully caught in with the rest of the MS. 1-8. it will be useful to discuss the arrangement of the leaves at the opening of the manuscript. since the leaves had been rearranged (Diagram 2) to allow the Tabernacle image to be viewed as a single unit. be considered to be as complete today as it was when Ceolfrith departed with it in the early days of June. acting director of the Laurenziana." The decision to remedy this situation probably resulted from Garrucci's intervention and publication. to prayer and meditation. and the sewing is here. 3v is blank: 4 has the prologue. two elements of the Codex Amiatinus having an undoubted Vivarium origin despite Cassiodorus's silence about them. with 7 mounted on the same guard and pasted on to the heel of 4." I am very grateful to Dr. Florence. We thus presently have three bifolia..132The set of roman numerals (I through VII) dates from this "correction. 5 and 6 are one piece [bifolium]. Diagram 1. 1: "The arrangement of the folios is important." which helps to explain the rather confusing mixture of arabic and roman numerals used in more recent descriptions of these pages. col. Cassiodorus. Essa rappresenta il recinto del tabernacolo . Folio 1 is blank: 1 verso has the donation verses: 2 is blank.131We know that when Peter Corssen examined the manuscript in April of 1887 this situation had been remedied. suggests that it contained an image of the Tabernacle but not one of the Temple-thus lending further support to the view that the Temple image of the Codex Grandior was not duplicated in Ceolfrith's Bibles. THE ORIGINALORDER OF THE INTRODUCTORY LEAVES IN THE CODEX GRANDIOR AND IN THE CODEX AMIATINUS Before considering the prologus and the Ezra image. and not to studious concerns. 2v and 3 are filled with the picture of 'Solomon's Temple' [!]. pp. II-III.

DIAGRAM 1.215.VI I 8 This content downloaded from 129.Poem about Jerome "Ezra"image blank Jerome'sdivision of Scripture(headed by roundel with Lamb) (blank. 1880 (with Roman Numbering).Poem about Jerome "Ezra" image IV .V verso recto verso /recto verso recto verso blank Jerome'sScripturedivision (headed by roundel with Lamb) (blank. with offset from 8 recto) Septuagintadivision of Scripture(headed by roundel with Father) Pentateuchcircles (with text from Jerome'sLetter 53) Tabernacle(right side) blank Augustine'sdivision of Scripture(headed by roundel with Dove) blank DIAGRAM 2. Dating from c. "Ezra"image) blank Tabernacle(left side) Cassiodorus'sprologus [both sides purple] Contents of Amiatinus.190 on Wed. 3 4 _5 Present Order of Leaves. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 1 2 / recto verso /recto verso /recto verso (recto verso /recto verso recto verso 7 8 recto verso /recto verso blank Dedication verses (with offset from 4.II /recto verso /recto verso recto blank Dedication verses (with offset from V. with offset of 8 recto) SeptuagintaScripturedivision (headed by roundel with Father) Pentateuchcircles (with text from Jerome'sLetter 53) Augustine'sScripturedivision (headed by roundel with Dove) blank . recto verso recto verso . "Ezra"image) blank Tabernacle(left side) Tabernacle(right side) blank Cassiodorus'sprologus [both sides purple] Contents of Amiatinus. Order of Leaves in 1876 (with Arabic Numbering).17.

2-3.862 Bede. 1994). after studying this dedication page closely. p. ipse [Ceolfrith] super adiungeret. added a further important observation: the offsets from the Ezra frame "seem to underlie the pink and blue arcade frame of the dedicatory verse. pro munere" (Historia abbatum 15. in other words. 104.. murex purple (a shell133 This content downloaded from 129. F Browne in The Academy. 7 April 1888. and might be expected to retain some trace of the offset" (p. originally remains of finding the position of the two single leaves IV and VII and of the bifolium. and that at the top of the Augustine division (8) a Dove. Considering that IV is purple. it could be argued that it required special preparation. col. Bandini thought it might represent Pope Gregory-at the time Amiatinus was considered Gregory's Bible. it must have been added to Amiatinus before Ceolfrith's departure for Rome. II-III. The roundel at the top of the Jerome division of Scripture (VI) depicts a Lamb. col. 1: "Folio 6v has at one time been next to 8. 136 See his letter of 28 March 1888 in The Academy. a considerable part of the couplet being impressed. immediately preceded VI (Lamb) and 8 (Dove). V-VI. The Text of the Old Testament. . This suggests. This is due to the fact that this entry. Later Garrucci opted for a female head. but after discussing the matter with the Laurenziana's prefect he concluded that it had to be the Godhead and This now seems that the three roundels together formed a Trinitarian sequence. pp. which is only executed in a light wash. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . since there is evidence to indicate that it was also present in one of Amiatinus's sister We thus have two bifolia. The problem then 8. M. originally formed a bifolium with VII. 2). is formed by a profusion of thick black pigment.215. It is rather surprising that these two should be the only single leaves. to be considered presently. quorum unum senex Romam rediens secum ." Bruce-Mitford. Plummer.137Several writers have Peter Corssen was the first to note that the frame of the Ezra image had left an offset on the page containing Ceolfrith's dedication verses (The Academy. 240. Corssen first accepted Bandini's Gregory.135 we know to one which were next another. 'Eloquium domino quaecumque uolumina pandunt / Spiritus hoc sancto fudit ab ore deus' can be read on the face of 6.17. 309.136 to be the accepted interpretation. the purple leaf with the prologus on its recto and the contents of Amiatinus on its verso. in plate VIII of Lowe's English Uncial and in plate I of Bruce-Mitford.. writes that "In Mediterranean regions. time enough for the image-newly painted-to leave its imprint on the blank page opposite." 135 See the comments on this couplet in Marsden. for example. the Septuaginta division (roundel with Father). cols. . 96-97. p. unlike any others in the MS. backwards... Michelle Brown. Cassiodorus. 134 First pointed out by G. it would have been more difficult to dye than to paint half of a bifolium.133 and the couplet written over the of on 8 Dove recto has left an the image imprint on the blank verso of VI. 30 April 1887. and the Codex Amiatinus instances of offsets. 240. Such a lapse of time also agrees with Bede's report: "tres pandectes nouae translationis . p. p.. for part of the couplet at the top of 8. especially if it had been dyed rather than painted purple. A. 7 April 1888.134 the the Although couplet presents appearance of a somewhat later addition. Understanding Illuminated Manuscripts (London. IBibles (the Offa Bible). ed. [N]o slightest trace of them appears on the surface of the arcading. For some time there was debate about the figure shown at the head of the Septuaginta division. which would suggest that VII. The frame of the Ezra image (V recto) has left an imprint on the verso of I. 379)-thus implying that some time had elapsed between the making of the three new pandects and Ceolfrith's departure with one of them for Rome.with the Tabernacle image.. on 6v. that some considerable time had passed between the painting of the Ezra image and the addition of the dedication. The question that next arises is whether IV. 137 I find no comments on this point in the literature.190 on Wed. which has been silvered. 8). This can be verified in any good photograph of this dedication page. p. containing the dedication verses. representing Ecclesia. "The Art of the Codex Amiatinus.

p. 143 Institutiones 1. perhaps mildly tongue in cheek. 142 CCSL 119A. cautela ubi breviter virtutem unidivinas adhibita Scripturas perlegeret. l:xxv.. This verso. painted a light ocher.21. But if it did a portion having been bent to allow it to be attached to a guard. Corssen. "The First Quire. Jerome's letter was very well known. 140 For the printed text in these circles see Biblia Sacra. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Corsano. col. and therefore-we need to add-so were his three pandects.138 at one time form a bifolium with the purple leaf. I think. When he discovered it. 308. quemammodum mirabiliter libriveteriset novi Testamenti indicavit. Quentin. F. 59-60). 7 April 1888. In favor of this view one might quote the independent observations of P. the Septuaginta leaf. Cassiodorus. As just noted. col. 139 For a reproduction see Bruce-Mitford. 237. 2: "f. when were the leaves separated? It is here that we need to consider the Pentateuch circles painted on the verso of VII. pp.17. displays a large purple circle (having quite a different hue from that of the purple leaf). The Academy. 141 Most recently. the basis of their arguments is too narrow. Browne. which antedate the Institu- fish dye) was often used. argues against the Codex Grandior as a source. inquit . 11. pp.139In each of the smaller circles is inscribed a statement about one of the books of the Pentateuch. or crozophora tinctoria) seem to have been more frequently used. 5 May 1888. Browne's suggestion would be a good one to take up." If someday the leaves could be detached and reexamined. p. "The Art of the Codex Amiatinus. 122-23. The Text of the Old Testament.190 on Wed." An analysis of the Amiatinus leaf is needed as well as a careful examination of all the initial pages for any further evidence of offsets. while Marsden. but this is only because a portion of it is attached to the guard". This content downloaded from 129. 30-31." contingeret.215. taken from Jerome's well-known Letter 53 to Paulinus on the Bible. his work was finished (opere iam confecto). and the Codex Amiatinus 863 thought that these two leaves must originally have formed a bifolium. to say that he might not have composed his Institutiones had he first encountered this letter of Jerome.140There has been some debate about whether this element of the Codex Amiatinus was copied from the I think that the weight of the evidence goes against such a Codex Grandior. F Browne that the leaf with the Septuaginta division appears smaller than the others.Bede. containing a series of five smaller yellow circles." pp.2 (ed. The Academy." plate XII. p. and for exactly the same reasons: mirificum docens Is epistulamsuamad Paulinum ex senatorepresbyterum destinavit.142 Cassiodorus had likewise praised this letter.141 supposition. 2: "The fact that 7 somewhat overlaps the heel of 4 made it impossible for me to determine whether the two pieces fitted together accurately. Bede praised it in the prologue to his commentary on Ezra. 138 P. ed. 240. drawn so as together to form a cross. 7 seems a trifle smaller.. precisely because it contained such succinct statements about the contents of each biblical book: ac doctorscripturae Hieronimus cum libroseiusdemscripturae Eximiussacraeinterpres in epistola ad amicum breuiterpercurreret strictim et quae in singulis continerentur "Ezras.'43 uscuiusque Cassiodorus then continues. Mynors.1-4. argues the opposite-but in both cases. Corssen and G. but in north-western Europe alternatives such as plant-dye folium (from the turnsole. as they would if they had originally been one piece [a bifolium]. G.

depending on which side of the leaf is in view.die er zu Anfangder Institutiones beschreibt. immediately following on Bede's verses-to be considered below-which stress that Amiatinus was his Bible.148 The recto side. has a natural position at the beginning of the Trinitarian sequence.146 Again.190 on Wed. Jerome was writing "for a reader untutored in divine law" (ad divinae legis novum lectorem). 796v. 23).864 Bede. on the other hand. plate XI. Let us now consider the bifolium II-III. I am prepared to think that this is what happened. Taken by itself. intended to introduce the first books of the Old Testament. is also on a versoandfacesthe enclosingthe imageof Christin Majesty. This content downloaded from 129. leaves considered to derive from Wearmouth-Jarrow. why were they not simply placed on the blank verso of the Augustine division (Dove).17.als er mit denInstitutiones daSf begann.144 He notes that. er den Briefnochnichtkannte. for which Jerome's Vulgate version had been adopted. requiring a position introducing Genesis. and that it was intended to underline Jerome's importance as the author of the Vulgate text. this would have been the obvious place for him to divisionsof Scripture.147 Such a fondness for circles sugon folio of that the VIIv Amiatinus was gests design probably invented there. forms part of the diagram in the Gospel leaves bound with the Utrecht Psalter.145None of this suggests either the circumstances or the tone of someone eager to extract nuggets from the newly discovered Letter 53 and incorporate them within a circular design in his Codex Grandior. "TheArt of the CodexAmiatinus. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . mentionthis fact.placedside by side in Bruce-Mitford's JarrowLecture("TheArt of the CodexAmiatinus"). also taken from Jerome.Erkannteihnnochvielweniger. But if the Pentateuch circles were a creation of Wearmouth-Jarrow. this painted design seems intended as an opening to the Pentateuch. facing the opening of Genesis? Perhaps the bifolium bearing the Septuaginta division was cut in two so that this leaf could be moved to a new position. 147 Published as plateVIII(2) by Bruce-Mitford." and by Lowe. like the in his Codex Grandior. This anomaly should alert us to the possibility than an orderly sequence of leaves. With the removal of this leaf to its new position." 145 If Cassiodorus had extracted statements from Jerome's letter in order to place them. where the painting of the Tabernacle 144 This "CodexAmiatinus" (above. English Uncial. Cassiodorus. the verso side became the obvious place for inserting the Pentateuch circles. als er vor den Institutiones seinedreiBibelnschuf. point is stressedby Fischer. with their texts.n. may not survive intact in Amiatinus. forms the frame for the image of Christ in Majesty on folio 796v of the Codex Amiatinus. 148 The circle on fol. As regards the design itself it should be noted that a similar large circle. The original placement of this design remains a puzzle. p. possibly at a later stage of the proceedings. an image that no one considers borrowed from the Codex Grandior. of about the same dimension as the one containing the smaller circles. but it could not suit the Codex Amiatinus. unlike himself. Thus we get contradictory impressions about placement. at the end of the series. and the Codex Amiatinus tiones. as planned by Cassiodorus for his Codex Grandior. 25: "Dasbedeutetaber. By altering Cassiodorus's original sequence the Jerome division (Lamb) would acquire first place. with many smaller circle motifs used to create a border. 146 This will strike anyonewho firstglancesat the two plates.215. openingof the New Testament.XII and XIII. a similar large circle. A sequence beginning with the Septuaginta division would certainly have suited Cassiodorus's pandect with its uetus translatio.

17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .V verso V . SuggestedOriginal Order in the Codex Grandior. .17. with offset from 8 recto] Augustine'sdivision of Scripture(roundelwith Dove) blank Septuagintadivision of Scripture(roundelwith Father) Pentateuchcircles with text from Jerome'sLetter 53 VII This content downloaded from 129. SuggestedOriginal Order in the Codex Amiatinus.DIAGRAM 3.II .215.VI -8 / recto verso /recto \ verso recto verso recto verso [blank] Cassiodorus'sprologus Contents of Amiatinus.II - /recto verso /recto verso /recto [blank] Tabernacle(left side) Tabernacle(right side) [blank] [blank] I verso recto Ceolfrith'sdedication verses [with offset from Ezra frame] "Ezra" image . /recto verso recto verso recto verso recto verso recto verso recto verso recto verso recto verso recto verso recto verso [blank] Tabernacle(left side) Tabernacle(right side) [blank] [blank] Temple (left side) Temple (right side) [blank] blank blank Cassiodorusportrait blank Cassiodorus'sprologus blank SeptuagintaScripturedivision (roundelwith Father) blank Jerome'sScripturedivision (roundelwith Lamb) blank Augustine'sScripturedivision (roundelwith Dove) blank DIAGRAM 4.Poem on Jerome Jerome'sdivision of Scripture(roundelwith Lamb) [blank.190 on Wed.

In a formerletter.l49 Did he mean "ahead of everything else" or simply "in the opening section"? Note the use of this same expression in the anonymous Life of Ceolfrith (c. "habens in capite scriptos huiusmodi uersiculos. 8. n. perseuerantiam sua uirtute concedat. 19 January 1889. as shown in Diagram 4.150It probably stood outside the other introductory material contained in the first eight pages of the Codex Amiatinus.the only placein which both pagesof eithercould be seen together.I hintedthat the extantpicturemightconceivablyhave of the is morelikelythat both been independent of the quirethan that one would be within it and one without"(The pictureswould be independent Academy. the Academydiscussionson Amiatinusat the end of the last century. It reads: Si diuino.the Temple way. On the formersuppositionthe AmiatineTemplemust at some unknowntime have while the AmiatineTempleexisted. Given such an arrangement in the Codex Grandior. Cassiodorus tells us that he placed these images in capite of his pandect. causedbothpictures "Itis of courseimpossible to saywhetherCeolfrid Hortmadea similar suggestion: to be could hardlyfindplace in been lost. Patrem luminum deprecemur ut nobis cor mundum tribuat. Cassiodorus." where it certainly means that the dedication verses stood at the very beginning of Amiatinus. there is no compelling reason to think that the present Tabernacle bifolium II-IIIhad to be inserted within a sequence of leaves I to 8. p. F A. one of the Tabernacle and one of the Temple.215. J. amore flammati ad ueram cupimus sapientiam peruenire et in hac uita fragili aeterni saeculi desideramus imaginem contueri. THE PURPLELEAFWITHTHE PROLOGUSAND THE CONTENTSOF THE CODEX AMIATINUS We can now turn to the prologus (fol. there can be little doubt that this is the prologue Cassiodorus composed for his Codex Grandior.190 on Wed. 37).it musthave stood indepenparasitically dently outsidethe quire. the quirebeingassumedto be foldedin the usual were too clumsyto be probable. 150 In the course of This content downloaded from 129. On the same supposition. the extantpreliminary quire. especially since-in that position-less distortion to the images would occur when the bifolia were opened to be viewed. written under a double arch in gold letters on a leaf stained purple.or onlythat of the Tabernacle.17. In determining the original position of this bifolium we need to remember that the Codex Grandior contained two such large images. sheetwithinsheet. and its court occupy the two inside pages. 42. col. Cassiodorus's images presumably also occupied the inside pages of two bifolia. ut dignum est. one wouldscarcely antecedently expecthimto be satisfied with one alone. by an arrangement stitchedin betweenthe Tabernacle and the adjoiningsheet.and if therewas a Templepicturelikewise.for the two picturescould not both be in the middle. 4r). 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . All this therefore suggests that the original sequence of the Codex Grandior could be reconstructed as illustrated in Diagram 3.866 and the Codex Amiatinus Bede. While we have no way of knowing whether any elements of the Amiatinus decoration reflect that of the model. 42. For this reason a position at the actual beginning of the book would have been appropriate.Unlessthen. 3). ut Scripturarum diuinarum palatia. actionem bonae uoluntatis inpertiat. This sequence-except for the Temple plan-would then have been followed originally in Amiatinus (and its sister pandects?) but later modified in Amiatinus by the removal of VII to a final position after 8. ipsius misericordia 149See above.

Festinemusitaque fratresad animarumfontem remediaiussionum. used corpus but felt the need to qualify the word in some manner: (v. corpus (p.16].17." 156 CCSL 97. ut.49. 498. praestante Domino.C (p. no.151 The reference to the seventy palm trees of Helim shows us that this prologue was written for a Bible divided into seventy books. fecisse comprobatur. for example. et quemadmodum ad ipsum ueniaturinstitui. p.11. References to palaces abound in the letters (Variae) of King Theoderic's former minister. 27) "Continet iste uno sancto sub corpore codex". literary. On p. possimusfiducialiter quaretu enarras et adsumistestamentum meumper os tuum [Ps. n. II.salutaria paenecaelestisiam regnisuauitateperfruitur." and the Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources. quotes from Aldhelm: "quemadmodum B. uiuum. a number corresponding. uenitead me omnesqui laboratiset oneratiestis.Bede. inaestimabilebeneficium. p. si deuota mente perquiritur" (on Psalm 99). See aboveat nn. W. 28. 1887).ne nobis dicatur: largiente. Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods (New York. Sophocles. 11. 155 Alcuin. CCSL 98. to the Septuaginta division contained in the Codex GranWhen we look at the language of the prologue. whose Poem 69-as we shall see-was inspired by seeing one of the sister pandects of Amiatinus. 11. 1065. I am grateful to Michael McCormick for pointing out this Greek usage to me. 12). 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . A. p. It would therefore have come naturally to him to transpose this notion to another plane and so. or other writings. fasc. On the verso of this same leaf.Quisquisenimin terrisscripturis talibusoccupatur. 73-74. as in the Greek. in illa palmarum quantitate forsitan praesagatus.215. no. 889.156 There is no echo of this "palatial" terminology anywhere in Bede.38-40. We can also juxtapose the phrase "Festinemus itaque fratres 151 152 153 Biblia Sacra." and "per omne corpus poeticorum librorum. quando ipse in eis inuenitur. 37. Corsano. A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford.28]. where they listed the contents of Amiatinus. 1961). quas in mansione helim inuenit populus hebraeorum."153 and aogDattov to designate a codex. (v. and the Codex Amiatinus 867 iustitiasmeas introire. nam licet haec calculo disparia caelestisecclesiaeconcorditer unidoctrinatamenpatrumad instructionem uideantur. p.. H. 11. 449. This content downloaded from 129. Lampe. Quentin. Augustinus per multa librorum corpora .91-93. ed. they used the more familiar in hoc codice ego uos reficiam [Matt.v.. according to the Institutiones. seem lacking in the Latin sources. 16). s. she cites a number of parallels linking the language of the prologue with that of the Institutiones.190 on Wed. has "a compendium of scientific. in septuaginta Nec uos moueatquodpaterAugustinus unumlibrostestamentum uetus idem uetus nouumquetestamentum nouumquediuisit. 12. l:xxi-xxii.doctissimusautemHieronymus XLVIIII sectionibuscomprehendit. and who had read the prologue. uersaperducunt. 1367. to write "Nunc claues psalmorum reserabiles apponamus. Cassiodorus. Regis nostri palatia introire mereamur" (on Psalm 1) and "Dicta enim illorum Domini constat esse palatia. 154 See these words in G.s55 The phrase "Scripturarum diuinarum palatia" has a definite Cassiodorian ring. 1366 (vi) and p. Amen. Sed inuitatiillud potius audiamus." p. Magnum munus.154The expression very familiar with oc6oua may have seemed a little odd to the Northumbrian community copying this text." But samples simply equating corpus with codex. also E. 83) "quisque legat huius sacrato in corpore libri. "The First Quire. in hoc autem corporeutrumquetestamentum septuagenario numero probatur impletum. The Oxford Latin Dictionary.audire hominemsecretaDei.152 The use of in hoc autem corpore shows someone dramatically to Cassiodorus. we find that it "points dior.

is theappearance feature andpuzzling of what look like two sides of a sharplypointedtriangleon eitherside of the doublearchat the top of the page. whereinsteadof a doublearchat the the Greekcanon table in Vienna. salutaria remedia iussionum" with Cassiodorus's "multiplicem medicinam dignaris ingerere iussionum" from his comments on Psalm 47. gift"(donarium) This content downloaded from 129.interpres Te Bethlemcelebrat. You Bethlehem celebrates.the agencyof Wearmouth-Jarrow's scriptorium is tactfullysuppressed. 291. 10 (Oxford. When we pass from the recto of the leaf that contains the prologus to its verso." p."TheCodexAmiatinus.1963).161 157 158 CCSL 97. It may be worth notingthat Vienna has beenlinkedwith Ravenna: seeE.17. 14. A. come some verses: uariisdoctissimelinguis. 4a) amongthe pagesof MS 847." reproduction plateVI. no." is written in rustic capitals across both columns and is followed by the list of Old Testament books in the left-hand column and New Testament texts in the right-hand columnboth lists appearing in the same uncial script used for the prologus on the recto of the folio. namely.on boththe rectoandversoof thisfolio. 11. Tafelband spdtantiken Kanontafeln. Qua noua cum prisciscondisdonariagazis.CodicesLatiniantiquiores.160 This page-purple like the recto-makes a statement. p.). "TheArtof the CodexAmiatinus. It was their reverence for the antiquity of the old pandect (ab antiquis formata) that prompted them to preserve so many of its features.190 on Wed. Our library. from the Codex Grandior into the Codex Amiatinus.. see Bruce-Mitford. Near the bottom of the page.157 His frequent use of calculo ("licet haec calculo disparia uideantur") to indicate "calculation"158 contrasts with Bede's exclusive use of this form of the word to mean "stone.215. you the whole world sings." thus: O Jerome. Cassiodorus.. I translate p. intact. including this prologue. 159The form calculooccursfive timesin Bede(CLCLT) and alwaysmeansa stone. "In hoc codice continentur Veteris et Novi Testamenti libri LXXI. will exalt you in your books. Hieronyme. (Goteborg. exclusivelydesignatinga calculation.868 Bede. too. they must have wondered who was addressing his brethren in such moving terms (Festinemus fratres .. 431. The title.249-50. MS 847. and we have no reason to doubt that it was faithfully copied. in the production of his "new In tributeto Jerome. 1491. that the contents of the Codex Amiatinus represent Jerome's version of the Bible. 160 For a of this side.translator most learnedin diverselanguages.Nationalbibliothek Die top thereis an archon the left side with two sidesof a triangleon the right:see CarlNordenfalk."159 The whole vocabulary of the prologus is that of Cassiodorus.but she did find an interesting page (fol.1938). Knowing nothing of Cassiodorus's foundation at Vivarium. You. But again we must remember that the Wearmouth-Jarrow community did not know whose prologue they were copying. andCorsano. A striking of the design."TheFirstQuire.te totus personatorbis. Lowe.Nancy Netzerrepliedthat she had beenunable to come up with an exact parallel. again in rustic capitals and divided between the two columns. and the Codex Amiatinus ad . Te quoquenostratuis prometbibliothecalibris. Taf. of the fifthcentury. Queriedaboutthis feature. Throughwhichyou createnew gifts fromold treasures. The form calculo. without friendDr. 44.occursfourteentimes in Cassiodorus (CLCLT). 161 Citedin White. we leave the world of Cassiodorus for that of Wearmouth-Jarrow and Bede. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .

166 CCSL 123C. p. chronicled in chapter 66 of his De temporum ratione: His temporibus multi Anglorumgentis nobiles et ignobiles.quae adferredisposuerat. 104-5. pp. the pandectem a beato Hieronimo in Latinum ex Hebreo uel Graeco fonte translatum. 165 Beeson. Hic geminaeradiantueneranda Conditasunt pariterhic noua cum ueteri. To achieve this the author simply borrowed one line from Isidore's couplet about his own Bible but altered the meaning of the words: uoluminalegis. The Text of the Old Testament. 160. their very position on this folio. 14) points out. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 11.163 The fourth line.inquam." Moreover. But in the Amiatinus line it is Jerome's books (priscisgazis) present in the Wearmouth-Jarrow library that allow him to make (condis) new gifts (noua donaria). in his letter to Plegwin: HieroniMiranturaliqui quaretantus tamqueegregiusSanctaeinterpresScripturae uariisdoctissimelinguis.quare. 157-63. 57. and the Codex Amiatinus 869 To get these verses in perspective we should begin by looking at Bede's account of Ceolfrith's departure for Rome. argues against any borrowing from the Codex Grandior. te totuspersonatorbis.interpres Bethleemcelebrat. 164 Beeson. But Corsano ("The First Quire. following the list of contents of Amiatinus.164 the tone of the poem into one specifically meant to fit the Codex Amiatinus. p. Cassiodorus." p. Isidor-Studien.17. 163 162 This content downloaded from 129.215. 167 See above. As already noted. de quo dictumet iuredictumest: Hieronime. atquein ecclesia peruenit. and I am led to wonder whether it was not Bede himself who wrote them on this page.162 Isidore had written some short verses celebrating in very general terms the auThe first three verses quoted above repeat thors whose books were in his library. Marsden. Qui inter alia donaria.l65 In this couplet noua/ueteri stand for the Old and New Testaments. the Codex Amiatinus was probably commissioned from the outset by Ceolfrith to be used as a gift volume on some future occasion. to be taken to Rome for presentation to St.cum esset presbiterannos ibi defunctus abbasautemannosXXXV. Isidor-Studien (Munich. beatorumgeminorum martyrum sepultusest. 157.ubi Lingonas XLVII. He tells us elsewhere that he had the skills of a CCSL 123B. See Charles Henry Beeson. Isidor-Studien. we have here verses which could not possibly have stood in the Grandior. suggests that the Amiatinus verses were copied from the Codex Grandior. Interquosetiam priuati.transformed his tribute to Jerome.167It is my own impression that the verses on Jerome were specifically crafted for insertion in this "gift" pandect. "as Cassiodorus died some time before Isidore composed these lines.misit ecclesiaesancti Petripandectema beato Hieronimoin Latinumex Hebreo uel Graecofonte translatum.201-6. with a certain gusto.duces et Romanuenireconsueuerant.uiri et feminae.190 on Wed. quod uerumab Hebraeisdidicerat. pp. Peter. 622-23. n. added at Wearmouth-Jarrow. p.diuiniamorisinstinctude Brittania reuerentissimus abba meus Ceolfridusannos natus LXXIII. pp. 534.We know that Bede was familiar with Isidore's verses since he cites the first two lines on Jerome.Bede. 1913).te mus.nolueritille cumlibrumtranshoc etiamtradereLatinis?166 ferretChronicorum.

62: ".870 Bede. (Berlin. p.A late-fifth-century diptychfromMonzashows a poet accompanied by his Muse. Storiadella arte cristiana. la stessa immagine di Trebio il defuntocome una personacolta.. 171)." This providesus with the cultural for the Cassiodorus wherethe tools of the writingtradeat his feetindicate much background portrait.tav. Fortheconnection betweenthe imageof Ezrain Amiatinusand that of Matthewin the Lindisfarne Gospelssee below. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 650-800 (London. 1 (Ezra). steles. 50see 51). 39. and the Codex Amiatinus scribe. pp. ." in The Age of Migrating Ideas: Early Medieval Art in Northern Britain and andJohnHiggitt(Edinburgh.andpaintings.sinceon occasionhe actednot only as dictatorbut also as his own notarius et librarius-terms that suggestan abilityto use a hierarchyof scripts(for titles. Wilson. R. moresophisticated use of the literaryart than would be the case with a simplescribe.KurtWeitzmann. a book. 301-19. 170 I againthankCecileEversfor providing me with bibliographic information on this topic. .170 This type of representation is totally absent See his prologueto the commentary on the same script."Note sulle pitturedell'ipogeo di Trebio Giusto a Roma. 15-22) in "Cassiodorus and Eadfrith Once Again. attorniatoda tutti gli oggettiche erano Giustoche ci rappresenta connessialle attivitaintelletuali della letturae della scrittura. 1977). capitaledell'impero romano. 118 (illus. This content downloaded from 129. and George Henderson's criticismof Corsano'streatment("TheFirstQuire. pp. 6 is borrowedfrom Garrucci. Storiadella arte clarityI again borrowthe design (Fig. codex.215.In the first mouth-Jarrow we the have mannerin which the scribalinstruments are scatteredaround place tools of a particular tradeor occupationis characteristic of classicalRomanand well documented art." Trierer Zeitschrift 50 (1987). Anglo-Saxon Art: From the Seventh Century to the Norman Conquest (New York. (Milan. who is shown with all the instruments of his calling scattered about him (Fig. 1987). p. Forrecentdiscussions of this imageseeJiirgen des Codex Merten. The verses may well representa last-minute insertionmade to underlinethe fact that the Bible Ceolfrithwas taking as a gift to Romewas the pandectem a beatoHieronimoin Latinumex Hebreo (donarium) uel Graecofonte translatum. and does not have quite the same professionallook as the heading. David M.168 The scriptof the poem celebrating etc. Intellectual Berufsdarstellung be signifiedby sucha display. volumes(see below. plate 48. 168 on the floor in front of the seated figure ( irregular in spacing (includingheight and width of the letters)."DieEsra-Miniatur Amiatinus: Zu Autorenbild und Schreibgerat. 6).1990). 880-81.171). THE EZRA IMAGEIN THE CODEX AMIATINUS That the image of Ezra. Fig. illus. the fourth-century representation of the gravedigger Diogenes in the Roman catacombs of Domitilla.5) made for Garrucci's tav. 1982). late-antique throughfunerary for example. taken as a whole.mosaics. amongothers. 5).andinkwell. MichaelSpearman 1993).This designmade no attemptto decipher the titles on the spinesof the cristiana. The Romanswere fond of depictingthe tools of a person'strade on funerealmonuments: Gerhard Romische as wellas manual laborcould Zimmer. pp. Forcolor reproductions of this pagesee..190 on Wed.ed. 96.169 This manner of displaying the 169 For the sake of Late Antique and Early Christian Book Illumination (New York.n. cannot be the inventionof Wearartistsis sufficientlyproved by severalof its features.c. pp.stylus. illus.17. 311. 126. 82-91. 9. 2. Of evengreater interestfor comparison with the Cassiodorus in Amiatinus) is the paintingin the hypogeum (as reflected imageof the Codex Grandior in 1911. wax tablets. Cassiodorus."pp. From Durrow to Kells: The Insular Gospel-Books.See CarlaCasalone. Ireland..butin thiscase these humbleimplements point to higherthings. 7.) in preparing Jeromeappearsa little cramped. 1." Cahiers archeologiques 12 (1962). Trebius-who had died in his twenty-second of Trebius Justusdiscovered year-is shown seatedsurrounded by objectsthat includeroll. at the poet's feet lie a scroll and a wax tablet:see Milano. 1 (description in text vol. at the head of the columns. 286-402 d. George Henderson. 341-42. 41. 1984).

Codex Amiatinus: Ezra (see n. a0 9Jo0 a0 9 o a 0 0 9aa . Diogenes This content downloaded from 129. 0 . 6.215. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .I ` PI < 9 * W. 00 : ' c3 0°o 0*0° o o oo @oo 0 O @ ' 0 o C · · oo · i -Y ·~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~oC o 0 0 0 0'0 0 a 0 ---· TiO o o I 0 M I 4 Fig.U - 0. 169).17. 5. Fig.190 on Wed.

3 of ErwinR. umgewandelt' gibt es keine This content downloaded from 129.g. shows someTorahshrineswith opendoorsthathavea "correct" perspective (e. with indications that these volumes represent the Old and New Testaments. deserving the high attention this Old Testament personality receives in Amiatinus. and discussion "Legrilde saint reproduction au mausoleede GallaPlacidia. however.872 Bede. not downward. bearing the old pandect he had acquired in Rome. it was still not obvious that the senator was inserting these in a codex he had himself caused to be made rather than in an old pandect already in his possession. for Ezra. one (e. to Vivarium and Cassiodorus's Institutiones.ob Cassiodor die Konstruktion auflosenzu wollen. did not makealterations."Die Esra-Miniatur.172 volumes lying in the cupboard point only in a single direction. are we to interpret this image? We may begin by recalling once more a fact stressed many times in the foregoing pages. Courcelle." and. showing Cassiodorus at work.. 6. For a very recentdiscussionof thesetitles-now difficult to read-see R. It was a portrait." 49 (1995). Marsden. Garrucci's artistomittedthe titles fromthe spinesof the books displayed andI have madeno attemptto add themin Fig. and its presence in the Codex Amiatinus implies that a model of Mediterranean origin was being very faithfully reproduced. 974).1953). The essentialpoint-which no one disputes. 173 I remainpersuaded that if Cassiodorus's had been presentat Wearmouth-Jarrow. derKopistdes CodexAmiatinus habedas Cassiouberinterpretiert.967).215. When Ceolfrith returned to Northumbria. in vol. The figure of Ezra. 29-39. they have no such specific relevance.but essentiallyCassiodorus primarily Auchfur den Erklarungsversuch. of the Tabernacle and the Temple.. Cassiodorus. From the original position of the Ezra image in Amiatinus we can deduce that the Codex Grandior opened with a somewhat similar image." 318: "Die oder Esradargestellt sei. he did not really know whose Bible he possessed. the nine volumes containing the books of the Bible together with commentaries.erscheint Esra. accidental in copyingthe miniature the titles on the spinesof the books. Goodenough. and we can even guess fairly easily whose image it displayed." Laurent Cahiers 3 (1948). How. othersa "faulty" correctly maymerely a periodof declining artisticstandards. of the illustrations Period JewishSymbolsin the Greco-Roman (New York.andwhich is centralto the presentarticle-is that they coveredboth the Old and New Testaments. 3-15. 14) concedes Miniature that"we Scriptorium cannoteven be surethat they [theNorthumbrians] or otherwise. Frage. Inability to handleperspective reflect 968. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . And even after it had been determined that the two images. then. and in close proximity to his most precious legacy to his community.171 While the cupboard itself (with its erroneous perspective of the open doors) recalls the cupboard with Gospel books the nine (with a similar faulty perspective) in the mausoleum of Galla Placidia.173While for us the nine volumes unmistakably connect this image with Cassiodorus.190 on Wed. possibly on his Codex Grandior. specifically.g. 172 For a of the contentsof this imagesee P. had been inserted by Cassiodorus. and the Codex Amiatinus from Insular art.17. Marsden(p. placed in front of a cupboard containing nine volumes. an Old Testament figure. 174 Merten. namely.174 He seems almost to invoke this image in his introduction to the Institutiones: 171 in the cupboard. with the "smaller" pandect lying at his feet. is clearly an anomaly. dor-Bildaus dem Codex grandior'zu einem Esra-Bild [Schneemelcher]. Institutiones sufficient clueswouldhavebeendiscovered thereto identifythe seatedfigure at the opening portrayed of the Codex Grandior."Jobin His Place:The Ezra in the CodexAmiatinus. 'Cassiodorsei als Esra' [Fischer]dargestelltoder es sei 'not in the guise of Esra'[Bruce-Mitford] zu sehen. without title. durch p. There is nothing in Cassiodorus's works to suggest that he considered Ezra a pivotal figure. In trueperspective archeologiques A perusal the upperandloweredgesof the cupboard doorsshouldbe slantingupward.

2. 1964). 1966).. what we see resembles Tyronian notation. This content downloaded from 129. plateIV.178 The stage is now set for continuing our story. W. 80-82." pp. In the Old I hopethatthe arguments herewill helpto showthatthesuspicion stichhaltigen Argumente. Benedict's rule. 175 Institutiones. and evidence to confirm such an interpretation could have been sought and found. but what was its meaning? It was no doubt very attentively scrutinized. as Andre van de Vyver has judiciously pointed out.ubi multumme laborasse Domino iuvante profiteor. we probably have the clue we need. having retired from the world to lead a more devout life-in the terminology of the period.1964 (Jarrow. sub collationeprisquos ego cunctosnovemcodicesauctoritatis corum codicumamicis ante me legentibussedulalectionetransivi. 182-84. Although his Institutiones is full of allusions to monks and gives the names of the abbots of his two monasteries. in Benedict.1977]). since he was reputed to have rewritten the Old Testament's lost books. 177 The existenceof this portraitis suggestedby the inscription still preserved in the Einsiedeln and Eadfrith.. When the old pandect with the uetus translatio reached Northumbria. pp..Cassiodorus. 8). Eng. 178 On this portraitsee P. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . "Praefatio" 8 (ed." 253-63. 3-5 (repr. nowhere does Cassiodorus include himself in their number. It was obviously an image of importance. Here we are at a disadvantage. having become a conuersus-had himself also become a monk in one of his two monasteries. Mynors. it may have evoked Ezra's name. also Henderson. 179 "TheArt of the CodexAmiatinus. 85-86.179If the Codex Grandior displayed something similar. Bedeand Others[London. col.JarrowLecture. In the Amiatinus image."Cassiodorus pp.190 on Wed. of which the best close-up is the plate in Rupert Bruce-Mitford'sJarrow Lecture of 1967. This may have been the element that set the metamorphosis into motion. a process in which Bede's practical detective flair possibly played some part.176The portrait of such a man would differ little from that of Pope Agapetus shown seated among his books in the family home he had transformed into a library177-a library. pp.moreover. 176See van de Vyver's discussionof Cassiodorus's in "Cassiodore "conversion" et son oeuvre. Let us also recall the portraits of himself and of his parents that Gregory the Great caused to be painted in the family home on the Caelian Hill which he transformed into a monastery. de Cassiodore.215.ut senexpotui. Cassiodorus. The "seigneur de Squillace" speaks of "his" monasteries and "his" monks. or at least jottings not immediately decipherable as recognizable letters by the community of Wearmouth-Jarrow. no longer being able to consult the original directly and thus to determine the type of script displayed on the pages of the large open book in which the "scribe" was writing. There is no evidence that Cassiodorus. and in "LesInstitutiones pp. 611." Bruce-Mitford. was correct." presented 6 (Stuttgart. Schneemelcher voiced in Reallexikonfur Antikeund Christentum. with which Cassiodorus was probably familiar. opening and inaugurating the Codex Grandior.Bede. Viewed solely in its relationship to the Old Testament.Gregory. Meyvaert.17." sylloge:see O'Donnell.Bede and Gregorythe Great.p. the image of the "scribe" seated in front of the cupboard with nine volumes representing the Old and New Testaments was bound to become an enigma for the Wearmouth-Jarrow community.. and the Codex Amiatinus 873 divinae.175 Let us remember that we are not here in the monastic era dominated by the ethos of St.

181 CCSL119A.22-27 and does not involve the story concerning of Hebrewbooks.180 In his commentary on Ezra Bede repeats this information about a special script: Ezraseo quod legemquaeeratconsumpta Scribaautemuelox in lege Moysi appellatur reficeretnon solum legem sed etiam ut communismaiorumfama est omnem sacrae est proutsibiuidebatur sufficere seriemquaepariter igniconsumpta legentibus scripturae rescripsit. Vndescriptum est de eo.3/2 [Cambridge. Bede's allusion to the communis maiorum fama for this story is interWhatever esting since we know from Gildas that 4 Ezra circulated in Britain. Cassiodorus.Textsand Studies.ut tot libri VetusTestamentum correxit." ticis officiis1.3. FeruntquoqueHebraeinequeapud eos de hac re ulla dubitatioest quod idem Ezrasleuioreslitterasexcogitauerit sub nominibusearumquaseatenushabuerant quibusuelocissimetantamlibrorumcopiamquae eratconsumptareficeret. and the Codex Amiatinus Testament book that bears his name. 72)..183 back directly to 4 Ezra.. at his dictation to "special" (or fromhis shorthand notes?). xxxvi-xxxviii.6). 45.1899).181 Ezra. pp. I am verygratefulto for guidingme to Dom MauriceBogaert. 1895]. the The quotationin Gildas is from 4 Ezra 15. 1 (London.restorethe lost books of the Hebrews. p. 813-17. in Jerome and Isidore. Care 180 CCSL 119.874 Bede.. Bede has an interesting comment on the word uelox in his Thirty Questions on Kings: Vastatanamquea Chaldaeis Iudaeaet bibliotheca[estom.totumque in Isidore's This is repeated almostverbatim De ecclesiasessentin Legequot habebantur et litterae. cunctaque Legiset Prophetarum a gentibuscorrupta in uigintiduoslibrosconstituit.. which enabled him to restore more rapidly (uelocissime) all the Hebrew writings that had been destroyed. citedfromthe editionby Robinson. for example. rewriting This content downloaded from 129. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Isidore(Etymologies VeterisTestamenti Esdrasscribapost incensamLegema Hierusalem.?]antiquitus inter congregata alias prouinciaeopes hostili igne consumptaex qua pauci qui nunc in sanctascriptura continenturlibri postmodumEzrae pontificis et proph~taesunt industriarestaurati. however.184 the element that set the thought process going. 182 4 Ezra14. 307-8. in other words.which I believeshould be omittedsincewe seem to have two ablativeabsolutes(uastataand consumpta).2)writes: introduction. this editioninsertsan est in the firstline afterbibliotheca.dum Iudaeiregressifuissentin uoluminaquaefuerant diuinoafflatuSpiritureparauit.. since it is not found in the Latin writers just mentioned.a well-knownspecialistin ancientLatinbiblicalliterature. pp. VII.Note the reference autemdeditintellectum uiris.182 and we get some echoes of this tradition in the patristic literaThe story of a special script must go ture. Hugh Williams. 301-2. Bede's community concluded that the seated scribe of the Codex Grandior must be Ezra (seen as typus Christi). Hereit is not Ezrahimselfbut fivescribes chosenby himwho. 183 SeeRobinson's "Bibliothecam 6. J.3 (CCSL113. The story of the rewriting of the Hebrew books is told in the noncanonical 4 Ezra.De excidio Britanniae 60. ed." uelox uidelicetquiapromptiores litterarum figurasquameatenusHebraeihabebant scripserunt (notis)beingused:"Altissimus signsor characters quinque diebus:ipsi autem ex successionenotis quas non sciebant.Scriptisuntin quadraginta diebuslibrinongentiquattuor" (42. 184 See sederuntquadraginta quae dicebantur et noctenon autemper diemloquebar et nocte manducabant panem:ego [Ezras] per diemscribebant tacebam. p. 791-96. pp. pp.17-24.12. 12). this noncanonical source. no.190 on Wed. Ezra is eight times referred to as scriba and once as scriba uelox in lege Mosi (Ezra 7.17. Armitage Eng. 133-41. 11.22-44. "Ascendit Ezrasde Babiloneet ipsescribauelox in legeMoysi.. had invented a shorthand form of writing.

185It has sometimesbeen suggestedthat Cassiodorusmight have wished to represent himselfunderthe guise of Ezra.190 Wearmouth-Jarrow community (including Bede) to sort out the complications of the books of Ezra." Revuebenedictine This content downloaded from 129.875 Bede. Book Illumination.ut adferret legemMoysi quaetraditaest a DominoDeo Israhel..p. 40. p. Weber. R. p. 50: "Et dixeruntEzraepontificiet lectori. The Vulgate or Jerome's version contained only one book. or even qualifyfor that withoutinsignia.17. 1930: 3 Ezra 9. SeeDonatienDe Bruyne. (Stuttgart.281-84). 2) was convinced imagecould indicatea Jewishhigh priest"sinceEzranotoriouslydid not fill. p.215." (the adtulitEzraspontifexlegemomnimultitudini.or pontifex. 2nd ed.190 on Wed. as it now stands in the Codex Amiatinus. a passage of his commentaryon Daniel. divided into Ezra (1 Ezra) and Nehemias (2 Ezra). n. 1975). ed. a scrollor a book.wherethe termpontifexis used."188 Bede was of this to Nothelm unaware passage..Had he done so we can be surehe would neverhave chosento makeEzraa high priest!186 The only patristicor early-medieval writerwho calls Ezrapontifexis Bede. Biblia Sacra. Ezrawas traditionally andholding shown.39-40. where Ezra was divided into two books. states that Iosedec was the high priest in Ezra'sday: ". 874 (Ezraepontificiset prophetae).Et Ezraepontificiet lectori. 94. 109:72B). 11. 36. but also as high priest. murosurbisextruxerunt. Pontifexhererenders apXticpcug municipale 190 39 (1927). and the Codex Amiatinus was thereforetaken to make this more obviouswhen the imagefrom the ancient Biblewas reproduced for insertioninto the new pandectscommissioned by Ceolfrith.187 2 Ezra) alludes only to Ezra as sacerdosor scriba. To make sure that the scribauelox would be identifiedas Ezrahe was endowed with the appropriate theircommentaries on Kings." standing. is an invention of since they identifiedEzranot only as scribauelox et sacerdos Wearmouth-Jarrow.His authorityfor reply obviously have Ezra can been 3 Ezra since here alone only naming high priest (pontifex) among the Latin sources is Ezra referred to as pontifex three times. He is thus seenreadingfroma scrollin the Synagogue see imageat Dura-Europos: Hans-Peter Stahli.The very fact that the figurein the Codex was shown seatedindicatesit was never Grandior(fromwhich the Amiatinus imagewas borrowed) intendedto functionas Ezra. was copied verbatimby Claudiusof Turin (PL 104:688B and 742A). Thirty Questions Kings. .Jerome. In the SyriacBibleof Paris(repro(Stuttgart. XII)he holds a book. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . illus. Et dixitAttarates indicates thatthetext of 3 and4 Ezrais takenfromAmiens. by RabanusMaurus (PL of Luxeuil(PL115:333B)..Bibliotheque siglumA in Weber's appendix of the Septuagint. At the time of his tenentepontificatum Ioacimfilio Iesu Babyloneuenientes. cited above in connectionwith the our 1 and ab The canonicalBook of Ezra(comprising pictura antiquisformata...189Almost certainly Bede's source for these references was Cassiodorus's Codex Grandior with its Septuaginta version. This is the version we find in See the text cited above."p. p. 18.. In Danielem 3 (CCSL 75A. post quos Ezraset Neemias.likethe otherprophets.A verification."Cassiodore et l'Amiatinus. 2 vols. of Christian thatnothingin the Ezra Roth ("Jewish Antecedents Art. Ezra A' (our It probably took some time for the 3 Ezra) and Ezra B' (our 1 and 2 Ezra). I havebeenunableto traceany other CDreference to Ezraas pontifex.and by Angelomus 185 186 188 189 Jerome.. 10 [ninthcentury]).. that the on early work. Cassiodorus. LateAntiqueand EarlyChristian ducedin Weitzmann. In his commentary on plate 48 (the AmiatinusEzra)Weitzmann suggeststhat Cassiodorus intendedto representhimself underthe guize of Ezra. 187 On the earlydate of the Thirty Questionssee above. showedthat the samepassagefromBede'sThirtyQuestions. These insigniaare crucialfor demonstrating that at least the Ezracomponent of the image.AntikeSynagogenkunst 1988). dignity. independent usingthe Chadwyck-Healey Patrologia ROM.

despite the fact that this theme would have He may by greatly enhanced the picture he draws of Ezra as a type of Christ. as it were.192 then have come to realize that some features of the image of Ezra in Ceolfrith's pandects... isti siquidemlapides essin id est in rationaliduodecimlapidesmagnitudine 3.. Cassiodorus. for a description of the rationale or jeweled And as regards the distinctive breastplate with its twelve stones set in four rows. We can discern a stem about the size of a small finger Weber.. To design the appropriate insignia for Ezra all they needed was chapter 27 of Exodus..172. pp. 192 191BibliaSacra.terniper singulosordinesconstitutisunt"(Antiquitates 239). quod unus a nobis editus liber est. Jerome in his preface to Ezra had spoken scathingly of 3 and 4 Ezra: "Nec quemquam moveat. a small gold chalice of the dimensions of the small finger: habetpontifex.. with all other priests but in addition had a gold crown.195 These verbal descriptions of breastplate and headgear help to explain what we see in the image of Amiatinus.ed. 193 See Merten.876 Bede. dating from a much earlier period of his life. 886-901). 638-39. Blatt.. p. 240). This content downloaded from 129. Although it has sometimes been claimed that the Ezra figure in the Codex Amiatinus is clothed like a Jewish priest. per quattuorordines.166-67. it is now recognized that two of the insignia he bears identify him unmistakably as a high priest or pontifex.Josephus Exod. 310.. a work we know was at Wearmouth-Jarrow... Cirpilleumautempriorisimiliteroperatum cumdaturautem ei et aurea corona tribus versibusfacta.17. or bonnet.Josephus explains that the high priest shared the pilleum."DieEsra-Miniatur.193 It can be doubted that the Wearmouth-Jarrow library possessed images of Hebrew high priests for the local artists to consult.with threestonesto a row. the Antiquities of Josephus.p. 195 Antiquitates 3. did not correspond with what he now perceived to be historical reality. "191 But it-may not have been immediately evident to the young Bede that Ezra A' of the Codex Grandior was one of the books Jerome was attacking as 3 Ezra. nec apocriforum tertii et quarti libri somniis delectetur..sicutreliquisacerdotes. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . and the Codex Amiatinus Amiatinus.15-20 describes "suntautemin thus describesthe essin or rationaleworn by the high priest(princeps sacerdotum): et decorepraecipui." p.the following on EzraBedeneveragainqualifies Althoughin his commentary a slip or an echo of his earlierstand:"Cuiusetiam in may represent passagefrom the commentary Hierosolimam de captiuitate actibussuisfiguram Ezrastenuitcumet ipsepartem populinon minimam reduxitsimulet pecuniamac uasaDeo sacratain gloriamtemplieius aduexitcum eundempopulum ab uxoribusalienigenis pontificalianctoritatepurgauit"(In Ezramet Neemiam2 [CCSL119A. he never again explicitly alluded to Ezra as pontifex. Ezraas pontifex. p. 174 (ed. 306.194 the was of source the probably the elaborate description in headgear high priest. and it is also the one Bede used as the basis for his later commentary on Ezra.190 on Wed.215.. ed.27. for it is interesting to note that in his later commentary on Ezra.. supra quae surgit in media fronte quasi caliculusquidamaureus. calicemergo quem diximus supracoronam aureampositum.cuius cavatio rotundaest quasi crateris. habet magnitudinem digiti minoris. 194 the four rows of preciousstones. composed long after the departure of the Codex Amiatinus for Rome. or the Antiquities of Josephus. Bede may have become wiser with time. above which rose in the middle of his forehead.. But such images were not really necessary. 11. Blatt..

2: "Die Verse fiber dem Bilde sind aus einem alkuinischen Gedicht spater daribergesetzt. p. 202 In Lucam 6 (CCSL 120. 112.198It was not Alcuin. illus. are nevertheless an integral part of this image since they explain how the Cassiodorus portrait came to be interpreted as Ezra. and there are sufficient verbal parallels between these two lines and his own works to establish his authorship. H.17. 200 In Canticum Abacuc (CCSL 119B. 203 MGH Poet 1. 1916). at the end of Alcuin's Poem 69 (Dum primus pulchro) has a bearing on the present investigation. Esdra was the form used in the Codex Grandior. Two verses were inserted over the refurbished image to clarify its meaning and explain that Ezra is being shown restoring the Hebrew books that had been destroyed: Codicibus sacris hostili clade perustis EsdraDeo feruenshoc reparauit opus. 201 In Lucam 5 (CCSL 120. 59). There was probably a period of fluctuation until Jerome's spelling became the accepted norm at Wearmouth-Jarrow. Text. the ratio is twenty-six (feruen*) and seven (hostil*). In the headings of Amiatinus Ezrae and Esdra are both found (see Marsden. Note the use of the pre-Vulgate form Esdra. 120.203The last four lines (201-4) of this poem read: Codicibus sacris hostili clade perustis Ezra Deo feruens hoc reparauit opus 196 The Amiatinus head ornamentdiffers we find on the from the bulkierornaments considerably heads of Aaron and Moses in the Byzantine Octateuchs (see Hesseling.202 The presence of the couplet. p. and SC 141. pp. 192. plate 16. and the Codex Amiatinus 877 rising above the head of the seated figure and terminating with a slightly wider circumference at the top. E.Bede. Cassiodorus. p. 11. In addition to his fondness for hostili and feruens we find him using: hostili clade perustae199 enormi est clade damnata200 hostili sit clade peritura201 quia et naturale est inminente captiuitate hostilique per agros urbesque clade feruente cunctos qui euadere queant." Likewise. 11. 191) and in the manuscripts of Cosmas Indicopleustes (Stornajolo. Vorkarolingische Miniaturen (Berlin. fig. p. however. 400." 199 In Ezram 2 (CCSL 119A. Miniatures de l'Octateuque. 7). however.1837-38).197 Since these same verses occur at the end of one of Alcuin's poems on the Bible. 507). but Bede who originally composed the couplet and who possibly added it himself to the image to clarify its meaning. "Die Esra-Miniatur.190 on Wed.774-75). ed. Merten. n. 197 The verses. 341. p. By way of contrast. for Ambrose. p. p. This content downloaded from 129. 1. 306: "Die Verse sind entnommen aus dem Gedicht 'In sacrum bibliorum codicem' des frankischen Theologen und Bildungsreformers Alkuin. Dummler. We know that Bede composed in verse. The Text of the Old Testament.196A round halo was also added to the Amiatinus image to underline the sanctity of the personage whom Bede calls beatus Ezra. borrowed from the poem. E. though not always included in reproductions.1493-95). n. it has been suggested that they represent a later addition to the Amiatinus painting. Zimmermann. Le miniature della Topografia. 11. 288-92. 198 For example. Note the conjunction here of feruen* with hostil*: according to CLCLT Bede uses some form of feruen* sixty-three times and of hostil* twenty-four times.215. 399. 307."p. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .

Although not found in any of the surviving Alcuinian Bibles. It was probably first transmitted through a collection of Alcuin's verses.185). we know that he had close relations with King Offa of Mercia (757-96). 82. 23).si tu pacis amorelegis. Cassiodorus. Bibelhandschriften with Fischer Ibid. Whether the uestes Aaron of line 80 can be connected with the text on Leviticus of the Pentateuch circles page is less clear. The letter accounts for the rather odd order of the biblical books in the poem. 206 "Die Alkuin-Bibeln. the text of this Bible was laid out per cola et commata (1. The poem is lengthy. Although we lack a detailed account of his movements during this period. can we envisage historical circumstances in which such an encounter could occur? Alcuin left Charlemagne's court in 790 to spend three years in England. (above. Bonifatius Fischer thought thatexcept for the final four lines-it might originally have belonged to one of the lost Bibles.878 Bede. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . which originate around 800. 201-2) he borrowed to end his poem. If Poem 69 was in part inspired by Alcuin's encountering a Bible closely resembling the Codex Amiatinus."TheFirstQuire.TheTextof the Old Testament."pp. and the Codex Amiatinus Hoc opus. It would seem that it included an image of the Tabernacle (11. since Alcuin was obviously very familiar with Letter 53 of Jerome." appear to echo a phrase from the same prologue ("doctrina tamen patrum ad instructionem caelestis ecclesia concorditer uniuersa perducunt"). pp. 121-22.33-34) "Qui cupit inueniet scripturas discere sacras / Sanctorum dicta hic ueneranda patrum.207 that Alcuin must have composed it after he had encountered a pandect that closely resembled the Codex Amiatinus-almost certainly one of Ceolfrith's other pandects.n. probatur impletum"). 231-37. disagrees on this point and acceptsthe finalfourversesas an integralpartof Alcuin's poem. an order that corresponds neither to Amiatinus nor to the Alcuinian Bibles.204 He therefore reprinted the poem in his study of these Bibles.190 on Wed. 229-30. 20-22. An analysis of the poem shows as Karen Corsano has imaginatively suggested.. This problem disappears completely if we take a totally different view of the poem.." Fischer. but not of the Temple.17.. and also the image of Ezra whose couplet (11. 204 205 This content downloaded from 129. without its final four lines (although there is no manuscript evidence to justify this omission). 230. while also re- in Lateinische "DieAlkuin-Bibeln. Marsden.205Fischer remained puzzled about the origin of these lines. giving a description of the contents of the Bible.215. Other lines of the poem. Unlike the true Alcuinian Bibles." p.pp. the concluding lines are bound to create a special difficulty. he made much use of it in composing this poem. 207 Corsano. Alcuin's use of corpus in lines 27 ("Continet iste uno sancto sub corpore codex") and 183 ("Quisque legat huius sacrato in corpore libri") suggests the presence of this word in Cassiodorus's prologue ("in hoc autem corpore utrumque testamentum . O lector. hoc etenimflammiste subtrahitatris. posing the question: "Hat jemand die Verse im Rom im Amiatinus gesehen und sie wie andere Inschriften notiert?"206 For anyone who ascribes the poem to the period of the Alcuinian Bibles. pp.74-75). (11. n.

Reputation and Achievement (forthcoming). and a letter he sent that same year to the monks of Wearmouth-Jarrow shows that he knew their monastery.Bede. The sentence in the charter reads: "Insuper dedi ad predictam ecclesiam bibliothecam optimam. One of Ceolfrith's Bibles eventually came into the possession of the Benedictine cathedral priory of Worcester. Corpus Christi College. 95). bishop and prior of Worcester. L. Senatus. Trinity College Library Dublin: Descriptive Catalogue of the Mediaeval and Renaissance Latin Manuscripts. prior and librarian of Worcester. the twelfth-century prior of Worcester. Eng. Cassiodorus. 440-41) to the newly appointed abbot of Wearmouth-Jarrow." He then contrasts the reading for Mark 8. its presence in a charter purporting to come from Offa is enough to arouse suspicions about the document's authenticity. pp. 199r-200r (M. At the time of Worcester's dissolution in 1540 the Willoughby 208 For Alcuin's absences in England from Charlemagne'scourt in 786 and 790-93 see J. 210 P. and the Codex Amiatinus 879 He was still in England when the Normans maining in touch with Charlemagne. had queried Senatus about the concordance of Gospel canon tables.. he regrets that their youths do not attend all the liturgical functions and spend much time hunting foxes and coursing hares. ibid." These are all sentiments of someone familiar with Bede's monastic home. for his relations both with Offa and Charlemagne during this period. 209 Alcuin. 95). written in uncial and capitalis. he is aware of their vast library. 1912]. A charter-probably forged or interpolatedrecords Offa's gift of the Bible. is the letter of We know from Senatus Bravonius (1189-96). pp. M. et inueni ad nutum mihi omnia ministrantem. fols. together with that of some land. England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford. 1968). during his stay in England. cum duabus armillis ex auro purissimo fabricatis. would have come from Rome. 53-56): Alcuin has loved their way of life from the time he first came to know it. The addressee. It was probably natural for Senatus to consider that a manuscript like the Ceolfrith pandect.210 A more reliable witness to the Offa tradition. 1991]. 1 [Dublin. R. see Donald Bullough's Alcuin. 91). Senatus. But given what we know about the English usage of this word in the eighth century (see n. In his letter (Epistolae 282. Alcuin seems aware of the abbot's fondness for wearing gold rings ("confusio est uitae tuae digitos auro radiare"). Wulfstan (c.38 in this Bible with the faulty reading for this same verse found in many other manuscripts. Friduinus.215. pp. p. ut memoria anime mee in predicta sit in eternum" (Hemingi chartularium [Oxford. 1009-95).17.the beauty of their church and other buildings. 1 (Paris. on 22 September 780. however. uses bibliotheca for "Bible" (see next note). admits the complexity of this question and then continues with a glancing reference to the Offa Bible: "Noueris autem non modicam difficultatem mihi ex dissonantia librorum emersisse. Tandem reuoluens bibliothecam quam Romae conscriptam beatae memoriae rex Offa ecclesiae nostrae contulisse dicitur. 1723]. conditione facta inter me et episcopum. 1717). for an instance of his involvement with Offa in 793. Sawyer. see Wilhelm Levison. cols. quia uix est ut aliqui codices sese aequis passibus respiciant circa assignationem canonum. p. per singula capitula discurens probaui uetustatem. Epistolae 19 (MGH Epp 4.211 a document in the Heming chartulary that St. Trinity College. 484-86 (who got their text from a manuscript of Conches in Normandy).208 devastated Lindisfarne on 8 June 793. p. MS 48. Aeluredus (whose name is missing in Martene). 81 above). The letter is also found in Cambridge.. James. no. MS 51. and in Dublin. WallaceHadrill. he rejoices in the "familiaritas quam perdonastis mihi. Anglo-Saxon Charters: An Annotated List and Bibliography (London. 101. at one point. 244-48. p. 1946). 205. adeo omnes denigrauit imperitia scripturae. fols. Sawyer fails to include the gift of the Bible in his heading. Colker. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . and a local medieval tradition held that it had been presented to the monastery by King Offa of Mercia. A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Corpus Christi College. The Frankish Church (Oxford. p. This content downloaded from 129. Cambridge [Cambridge.190 on Wed. 1983). et aliquando impedimento fuisse exequendi quod misisti.209 Had this visit to the monasteries in the north provided an occasion for the composition of the poem? Another even more interesting possibility remains. 118. H. 211 I thank Giles Constable for kindly providing me with a photocopy of the letter from Edmond Martene and Ursin Durand's Thesaurus novus anecdotorum. 105v-106v (M. ordered some important charters to be copied into the great Bible of his church.

195-200) on behalf of Charlemagne. From my point of view. the book Jarrowinto one of Ezra. Alcuin's links with Wearmouth-Jarrow. Bruce-Mitford argued that "the Lindisfarne Matthew did not copy the Amiatinus Ezra. In addition to what can be determined from the few leaves of the sister pandect that survive.880 Bede. The relationship between the Ezra image of Amiatinus and the Matthew portrait in the Lindisfarne Gospels has often been noted but never satisfactorily explained. 29-30) "Omnia namque nouae ac ueteris pia famina legis / Hic te non dubites."213The situation. lector. pp. / O lector. Alcuin inserted a prayer (11. an image of the Tabernacle (but not of the Temple). Dicat et omnis amenpopulorumturbaper orbem: Hoc tribuatcaeli Christusab arcepius.his known connections with Charlemagne and with Offa. only to discover on his return to Mercia that Offa coveted the book?212 The contents of the poem. Before concluding the-poem cited above. habere pius". The main thrust of the verses seems simply to encourage all readers to meditate on the words of Scripture: (vv. (vv. 203-4) "Hoc opus. si tu pacis amore legis. While in their hands the famous Bible was dismembered to reinforce various family chartularies. although it may be impossible at this point to unravel the tangle. Post haec et teneatregnabeatadei. Ceolfrith's other pandects resembled the Codex Amiatinus. to which gold leaf is applied.Thereareclearsignsof alteration below the poised hand. and the Codex Amiatinus family acquired its possessions. we can also conclude that this Bible had an image of Ezra. CodexLindisfarnensis.190 on Wed. calling down God's blessing on the king: Qui solita Karolumregempietategubernet.He remained "Iconfess hadgivenhim of Cassiodorus's Courcelle seekingto presenthimselfunderthe guiseof Ezra: to some uneasiness: for it remainspossiblethat a Cassiodorus portraitwas changedat Wearmouth/ or overpainting-for example. Bruce-Mitford's analysisof a little skepticalabout the explanation the Ezraimagehere makesinteresting reading. the main importance of the poem is to confirm that.215. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . hoc etenim flammis te subtrahis atris. 146-48. Nowhere in Alcuin's long poem is there a clear suggestion that it was intended to accompany the gift of a Bible to the Frankish king. Ut multisuiuatfelix feliciterannis. 1960). and thus a few leaves of Ceolfrith's pandect (together with some from Wulfstan's chartulary added to the Bible) survived and ultimately reached the British Library. We may never know the answer. however.and which does not matchthe This content downloaded from 129." On a visit north did Alcuin perchance succeed in acquiring one of Ceolfrith's Bibles in the hope of carrying it one day to Charlemagne. on some points at least. semperin eternumprotegatatqueregat. Alcuinmightwell haveaddedthe prayerfor Charlemagne versesin orderto transform in place of the Bible.17. and the tradition of Offa's gift to Worcester seem somehow or other to be Ezra's wrist. the poem into a gift suitablefor presentation 213 2 (Oltenand Lausanne. is slightly more complex than BruceMitford supposed. and the Cassiodoran prologus. 212 to his Shouldthis have beenthe case. Cassiodorus. Alcuin's Poem 69 gives rise to interesting conjectures and may add substance to the Offa-Worcester tradition. They are independent copies of the same model. Some connection between these two seated figures is obvious to anyone who looks at the two images placed side by side.

Although Bede's commentary on Ezra was written several years after the image was painted. of the Wearmouth-Jarrow artistsis the link connecting the two manuscripts that still survive. 6 of the Reallexikon Schneemelcher fir Antikeund Christentum art. no doubt. 215 In his lec5. of the original. in orderto subscribe This content downloaded from 129.17. im christl. who werefamiliarwith the laws of God. securely linked to both Covenants." 216 In his articleon Ezrafor vol. how seldomEzrais picturedin Christian E. a series he adopted as the literary model for his own capitula. enrichedthe house of the Lordwith greatergifts.24) Bede states that he composed"capitula (Historiaecclesiastica autobiography tionumin totumNouumTestamentum. Daherspielter auchin derKunstkeineRolle..however. exceptoeuangelio. It seemsreasonable in a futurere-scrutiny thatmustbe decided theseareoriginalor whether thatunderthe Ezrainsignia. but simply because Bede was satisfied with a particular series of Gospel capitula that already existed.and in the gold beltwhichseemsto pass overa surfacealreadyfullypainted. The inference to be drawn is clear: one of the "Teilhandschriften"produced at Wearmouth-Jarrowwas a Gospel book that used this series of Gospel capitula. auch fur die Heilsgeschichte entbehrte..Thesearematters to suppose.215. 105 (1995). in derKunstlassensichnurvermuten. fur diesesselteneVorkommen Griinde Wichtigist vor allem. its Matthew being modeled on the Cassiodorus portrait of the Codex Grandior. It was the one included in the Codex Amiatinus. and it included Evangelist portraits. 348-80. Cassiodorus. he composed capitula for the whole New Testament with the exception of the Gospels. Revuebenedictine forthe OldandNew Testaments.we haveessentially a portraitof the agedCassiodorus. leads one to suspect that he had had a hand in helping to shape the Ezra image: recalledthe people Ezrasurelyis the type of the LordSaviorsincehe renewedScripture. the lucidity of his eulogy of Ezra. with Bede'scommentary to Bede."He makesno reference Bedeutung jeglicher on Ezrasurvive." 214 SeeP.21sthis was not because Wearmouth-Jarrowwas not producing Gospel books. and it is likewise found in the Lindisfarne Gospels and a few other Northumbrian manuscripts. whether theywereadded. Bede copied this Gospel series into his commentaries on Mark and Luke. as a figure of Christ. now lost.Bede. estabout of captivityto Jerusalem. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .216Ezra was viewed as a typus or figure of Christ. 611. We need only suppose that such a Gospel book was sent to Lindisfarne as a gift to have a satisfactory explanation of the relationship between the Ezra of Amiatinus and the Lindisfarne Matthew. Bede's monastery was also busy producing "Teilhandschriften"-to use the terminology of Bonifatius Fischer-manuscripts containing smaller groups of biblical texts. on his own admission. addingthe followingcomment:"Die noted. This Gospel book.214If.Bereichkeine theologischeRelevanzgehabt hat u." "Bede's lectionum Capitula Meyvaert. and since over thirtymedievalmanuscripts on medieval exercisedno influence would need solid proof that this commentary thought theological to sucha conclusion. This emerges from new evidence recently uncovered. with its capitula and Evangelist portraits-the creation. dafi E. showing that Bede composed numerous capitula lectionum or short summaries intended to accompany such groups of biblical books. lishedleadersand rulersbeyondthe Euphrates sleeve.190 on Wed. As for the spiritual meaning the Wearmouth-Jarrow communities attributed to their refurbished image of "Ezra"-viewed seated "renewing Scripture" before a cupboard holding the books of both Testaments-it is again to Bede that we must turn. and the Codex Amiatinus 881 Pandects were not the only manuscripts being written at Wearmouth-Jarrow..

plateXIII. One may Evangelists the riverof the Babylonians the upheavals the sincerityof its faith transcends (namely. pp. of the Tabernacle. grantedthem the joys of their promisedheritage. 336-37.since he showed the writingsof Moses and the Prophetsto be full of deep spiritualmeaning. 26. he snatchedall true Israelites.218 ment there. whether the reinterpreted image of Cassiodorus as Ezra. illus. 1957-88). "TheArtof the CodexAmiatinusa. of this changingworld). however. for he placed Apostles and as shepherds over Holy Churchwhich. a composition with no direct link to the Codex Grandior. of theirfaithand works. although possibly based on some other ancient image brought back to Northumbria from the Continent. the image of Ezra must have seemed a fitting frontispiece to Bede and his community for the books of the Old and New Testament that followed. namely. and descendinginto Hell. we would have good grounds for considering it a creation of the Wearmouth-Jarrow scriptorium. In similarmannerthe LordrestoredHoly Scripture.217 Endowed with such a powerful symbolic message. in the course of the sixth century.He increased preciousvases. and leading them into the precinctsof the heavenlycity. He broughtpeoplefrom both sideswho believedin him (namely. fromthe Jewsand the into he his the and never ceases to adorn church with the brightness Gentiles) church. the Roman senator inserted into his Codex Grandior three images-of himself. which scribesand Pharisees had soiled by theircustoms or interpreted only accordingto the letter. This content downloaded from 129.)He led the people out of the Babyloniancaptivity. which Jewishpeople or Persianrulerssent to the Templethroughhim.882 Bede. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . placed at the beginning of the Old Testament. Alexander.190 on Wed. Given all that has been said above.17.He reproached the sons of captivityfor takingforeignwives by those who in theirprofessionof faith haverenouncedthe enticements of the forbidding world to pay it any furtherhomage. This may explain the Christ in Majesty painted on folio 796v of the Codex Amiatinus.leaderswho knew and taught God's law. and the Codex Amiatinus and reproached the sons of the captivityfor takingforeignwives.He established leadersandrulersoverthe whole peoplebeyond the Euphrates. Cassiodorus.the chosen ones he found there. (Restaurauit enimdominusscripturam sacramquiaquamscribaeet Pharisaei uel per traditiones suas esse docebantipse spiritalisensu foedauerantuel iuxta litteramtantumintellegendam plenamprout a Moyse uel prophetisscriptaerat ostenditsed et nouum testamentum misso desuperspiritusancto per apostolossiue apostolicosuiros fecit describi. washedin the riverof baptism. it seems fitting that the names of Cassiodorus and Bede should be closely linked together. When. and of the Temple-he surely had no inkling of the profound influence these same images would one day exert on a young Anglo-Saxon 217 218 In Ezram et Neemiam 2 (CCSL119A. did not demand for the sake of completion and symmetry an image of Christ himself to introduce the New Testament.and after freeingthem broughtthem to andinto the promisedland. immediIf this reasoning did indeed cause its placeately preceding the New Testament. 11." Forreproductions of thisfolio see Bruce-Mitford. type of Christ.and by sendingthe Holy Spiritupon them he causedApostlesand apostolicmen to write the New Testament.215.dyingonce uponthe cross. Insular Manuscripts.he redeemed thewhole Jerusalem world through his blood.daily he gathersthe faithful from the tribulationsof this earth into the fold of Holy Church and into the adornment of the templewith gold and silverand the eternalkingdom.

entitledTheMost Holy Abbot Ceolfrid(Jarrow. juxtaposes fol.Bede. I. Paul Meyvaert.I thankhim cordiallyfor providingme with some offprintsof his work on the of Cassiodorus. Without the spell cast by these images in Ceolfrith's Old Latin pandect on the young monk of Jarrow. Cassiodorus.the ongoing investigationsof Fabio Troncarelli are likely to prove important. like manyothers." Quaderni medievali 41 [1996]. As regardsthe artisticbackground for the illustrations producedin Cassiodorus's scriptorium at Vivarium. for example. 699 (Cosmas) with fol.190 on Wed.215. gr. p. Here one observationneeds to be made. overloadedwith publications. Troncarelli manuscript Scienzae medicinanella culturamonasticamedievaleitaliana.had takenit for grantedthat Bede-after movingas a boy to Jarrow-spent the rest of his life there. who retired as Executive Director of the Medieval Academy and Editor of Speculum in 1981. POSTSCRIPT relevantto a particular Keepingabreastof the bibliography topic is not an easy matter in today'sworld. llv from Wiirzburg."in Gian CarloAlessio et al. Eng. 1987) one way or another. any essay concernedwith the activityof Bede'sabbot. and to help determine whether the decorative motifs found on those pages do not also come from the Codex Grandior. be in deserves to included 1995). MS M.The following items deservenotice since they are directlyrelated. Misc. or the Book of mattersdiscussedin this article. "Alpha e acciuga: Immagini simboliche nei codici di Cassiodoro.17. this makes it difficult to believe that Cassiodorus did not have in hand a manuscript of Cosmas-a source sufficient to explain the Tabernacle image of the Codex Grandior. Universitatsbibliothek.. 17 Jul 2013 17:54:38 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Dall'eremo al cenobio: La civilta monastica in Italia dalle origini all'eta di Dante (Milan. the Temple. F 5a (an eighth-century manuscript of the Institutiones). it is unlikely that we would possess today Bede's treatises on the Tabernacle. Amongthe pointsit raises(not discussedabove)is whetherBederesidedmoreconsistently at Jarrowthan at Wearmouth: see page 16 and especiallyhis commentsin note 207. and the Codex Amiatinus 883 monk in a corner of faraway Northumbria. MA 02138. Cambridge. 712 (illustrations 535 and 536). IanWood'srecentJarrowLecture. Troncarelli's researches into the decoration of Cassiodoran manuscripts (see. This content downloaded from 129. 93r from Vat. p. 6-26) are sure to throw new light on the decoration of the pages of Amiatinus containing the three divisions of Scripture. Note 95 above left manuscripts open the questionconcerninguse by Cassiodorusof a GreekillustratedOctateuchor a in his article"Unapieta piu profonda: of CosmasIndicopleustes. lives at 8 Hawthorne Pk..