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Note by the Author

The paper which follows is based on research carried out in the first six months of 2011 and was presented to Birkbeck College, University of London in June 2011. Since finishing the paper I have continued from time to time looking into the firms who dyed turkey red to the east of Glasgow and have discovered that Muir Brown and Company who had been working in Govan, moved to the area in about 1860 and were dyeing some turkey red at their Strathclyde Plant until the mid 1890s. I have therefore revised the plant location map and table of plants and firms operating in the area and have included the new map and table as Appendices 4 and 5 at the end of the paper. I have made no other changes.

Alison Logan (amlogan48@gmail.com) December 2012

A LIVING FROM DYEING?


TURKEY-RED IN GLASGOWS EASTERN SUBURBS.
ALISON M LOGAN RESEARCH PROJECT PRESENTED FOR THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON GRADUATE CERTIFICATE IN HISTORY JUNE 2011

I certify that the work submitted herewith is my own and that I duly acknowledge any quotation from the published or unpublished work of other persons

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Acknowledgements Thanks are particularly due to: Gordon Adams and Lisa Brankin for being sympathetic to my first tentative steps in original research; Liz Arthur for support and encouragement and being willing to share her extensive knowledge of Turkey-red; Jenny McDonnell for taking time out of a busy life to unearth and share her Miller archive; Mike Berlin for many useful suggestions and help with searching databases effectively; all the helpful staff at the Mitchell Library, Glasgow, at the Scottish National Archives in Edinburgh, and at the Glasgow University Archives.

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Contents

page Introduction Turkey-red pioneers 1785 - 1830 Progress and decline 1830 - 1900 Increasing pollution and its influence on location Masters and workers Conclusion and further work Bibliography Appendices 1 5 11 15 20 24 26 34

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List of illustrations Frontispiece Export label showing T P Millers Cambuslang (Rosebank) Dyeworks circa 1890 Map showing the location of the Dalmarnock and Barrowfield Dyeworks William Miller and Sons export label showing company logo Page from a scrapbook of export labels Rivers Pollution Commission 1872 Henry Monteith Evidence Rivers Pollution Commission 1872 Archibald Orr Ewing Evidence Information on numbers of workers at three Turkey-red works Sample of Turkey-red cloth

2 3 4 5 6 7

Appendices 1 Map of the Clyde from Glasgow Green to Cambuslang showing the location of dyeworks studied Timeline of dyeing plants and companies Original Papillion Recipe for Turkey-red

2 3

Introduction This study investigates three aspects of the Turkey-red dyeing industry in the west of Scotland using information gathered about a group of firms to the east of Glasgow. It starts by looking at the exact sequence of events in the first few decades of the industry, where initial reading suggested some uncertainty as to which firms were operating where. The second area of study concerns how firms to the east of Glasgow fared later in the nineteenth and into the twentieth century at a time when the giants of the Vale of Leven were dominating the industry. Thirdly the work attempts to throw some light on two issues concerning the industry which earlier researchers have touched on but not resolved; the impact of pollution from the expanding city of Glasgow and whether this was an important factor in moving the industry focus to the Leven and the characteristics of the Turkey-red proprietors and workforce compared with that of the wider cotton industry in Scotland.

Dyeing yarn or cloth to produce coloured goods and increase the value of products is an ancient trade. Complex and secret processes promise much in terms of new colours and expanded markets. The story of one such process has caught the imagination of many authors over the years and is still intriguing people today. The colour is Turkey-red. This industry once employed thousands and made and lost fortunes for many of Glasgows best known families. Any Victorian industrialist would have known about Turkey-red. The bringing to this country of the secretive processes to develop a bright fast red dye has always made a good tale.

In the 1780s word reached Britain that dyers in Rouen had mastered the oriental secret of using madder root in a new way so that the dyed yarn was a brighter red and, of key importance, was 1

resistant to fading in sunlight. Fade resistant red yarn or cloth would be an excellent export product for Britain. Soon afterwards, several Frenchmen found their way to England taking with them variants of the Turkey-red process and Parliament offered a bounty for its successful introduction. One, Pierre Papillion, met George McIntosh a Glasgow businessman who was already experimenting with dyes and his partner David Dale, a well-known Glasgow entrepreneur. Together these three set up the first successful Turkey-red plant at Dalmarnock on the Clyde to the east of Glasgow.1 See appendix 3 for Papilliions original Turkey-red recipe.

A key source for the introduction of Turkey-red is the 1791-99 First (Old) Statistical Account of Barony Parish Glasgow written by its Minister, John Burns.2 The Rev. Burns is clearly fascinated by the process. He says: Making Turkey-red is a most intricate and troublesome process, requiring 15 different operations in the common course of dyeing. Rev Burns identifies the first dye-house as being extensive and built by Glasgow manufacturers and merchants David Dale and George McIntosh in 1785 on the banks of the Clyde at Dalmarnock. When he is writing, their original partner Pierre Papillion had left them and was managing another works nearby. A third plant was set up in the same area by Henry Monteith another prominent Glasgow businessman in about 1802 and this was hugely successful for many years.

The Turkey-red business was always going to be a risky one. The process itself was complex. The 15 steps referred to in the Old Statistical Account had, by 1854, become 21 and the works had to be able to accommodate all 21 processes at one time with all the difficulties of

See map at Appendix 1 for the location of plants studied

Sir John Stirling, Editor, The Statistical Account of Scotland: County of Lanark, Barony Parish, volume 12 p 109 accessed 17.05.2011 on http://edina.ac.uk/stat-acc-scot/

organisation and management which that would involve. Turkey-red companies, in common with other textile finishers were also subject to the vagaries of the season and the market to a greater extent than spinners or weavers who could, if demand was poor, decide to continue operations and build up stock.3

The world-wide web can now bring the Turkey-red story to a wide audience and any casual search of sites dealing with Glasgow history, cotton production or the use of colour will soon bring up several pages on Turkey-red. Turkey-red yarns and cloth and the associated export labels with their exotic pictures of elephants and turbaned natives make good museum displays and it has been mostly through museums in Dumbarton, Glasgow and Manchester that the interest in this industry has been revived. In 2007 a major exhibition called Seeing Red was held in Glasgow to celebrate the industry and attracted considerable interest. 4

Many of the people who owned and ran these businesses were well known local entrepreneurs and there are mentions of their involvement in their biographies. Wider studies of the cotton trade also contain references to Turkey-red. Archives of the United Turkey-Red Company in the Vale of Leven are held at the Glasgow University Archives and contain a wealth of information which has been used in studies such as Naomi Tarrants Turkey-red in the Vale of Leven in Butt

House of Commons Papers Session 1854-55 cmnd 1943, Report of the Commissioner appointed to inquire how far it may be advisable to extend the provisions of the acts for the better regulation of mills and factories to bleaching works established in certain parts of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland; with evidence and appendix. Evidence pages 34 and 35, report, page 6.
4

Liz Arthur, Innovation and Industrialisation: the Development of Turkey-red in Scotland in Seeing Red: Scotlands Exotic Textile Heritage, Glasgow, Collins Gallery, 2007,

and Pontings Scottish Textile History. 5 These records provide valuable insights into the industry, particularly in its later days but, as Peel says in his authoritative 1952 article, It is difficult to get more exact information about the firm of Monteith in the middle years of the nineteenth century, about the start of that well known Turkey Red dyeing firm in Cambuslang, T P Miller and Co or of the start of Turkey-red in the Vale of Leven.
6

Naomi Tarrant also refers

to the paucity of information saying It is difficult to trace the history of the turkey red dyers beyond the early 1790s.7 Earlier, in 1901, Robert Macintyre, writing on Glasgows textile industries, complains that he has been unable to find out any information about dyeing firms. Other notable branches of cotton manufacture are lace-making and Turkey Red dyeing. The last named has long been practiced, chiefly in the Vale of Leven and its extent and influence are now very great. But .. the Turkey Red dyers do not desire publicity. I have asked for information, and have received none. 8

This is an industry which is often held up as a particularly interesting feature of a successful phase of the industrial revolution and is singled out in many educational sites such as West Dumbrtonshire Councils but about which information is limited and based on few contemporary sources. 9 Apart from the museum sector, academic interest in the subject in
5

The United Turkey Red Company was formed at the end of the nineteenth century from the three main firms remaining in the Vale of Leven. Naomi Tarrant, 'The Turkey Red Dyeing Industry in the Vale of Leven', in Butt and Ponting editors., Scottish Textile History, Aberdeen, Aberdeen University Press, 1987, pages 37-47.
6

R A Peel 'Turkey- Red Dyeing in Scotland, Its Heyday and Decline', Journal of the Society of Dyers and Colourists, Volume 68, Issue 12 (1952), pages 496-505
7

Naomi Tarrant in Butt and Ponting page 41

Robert Macintyre, Textile Industries, in Angus McLean, editor, Local Industries in Glasgow and the West of Scotland, Glasgow, British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1901
9

http://www.wdcweb.info/arts-culture-and-libraries/cultural-services/collections/turkey-red/ accessed 07.06.2011

recent years has concentrated on the chemical and design aspects. There have been studies of the Vale of Leven companies but still little is known about the early days or about the fate of the Eastern firms. This study attempts to fill in gaps in the Turkey-red story and provide information on the firms and individuals involved. It makes use of several electronic databases as well as land records, genealogical records, newspapers and court process papers in the National Archives of Scotland to build up a picture of the group of firms to the east of Glasgow which grew up around the original site of Turkey- red in Scotland at Dalmarnock.

Turkey-red Pioneers 1785 - 1830 Piecing together fragments from numerous sources has enabled a more detailed picture to be formed of the early years of the industry. The starting point is the advertisement in the Glasgow Mercury of 15 December 1785 of the opening of Dale and McIntoshs dye house at Dalmarnock.10 That this was the first Turkey-red dye works is confirmed by the Old Statistical Account and to some extent backed up by the land records which record David Dale buying a parcel of land from John Orr of Barrowfield on March 24 1785.11 Barrowfield and Dalmarnock were adjacent estates to the east of Glasgow, parts of which were beginning to be sold for development. The timing looks right although the description of the land does not fit the location of the Dalmarnock dyeworks as shown by later maps. More land was acquired by Dale and McIntosh from Thomas Buchanan in 1789 ; this time described as parts of Dalmarnock and this plot appears more likely to be the site known as Dalmarnock Dyeworks. 12 David Dale died in 1806 and in November of that year 8 acres of lands of Dalmarnock with the houses and other buildings thereon, Barony Parish Glasgow, was disposed of by George McIntosh,
10

Reproduced for example in Collins Gallerys Seeing Red booklet page 6 Mitchell Library Glasgow, Glasgow Barony Sasine Abridgements Volume for 1780-1820 no. 538 of 1785. Glasgow Sasine Abridgements no. 1136 of 1789

11

12

Merchant Glasgow as surviving partner of the concern carried on by him and the deceased David Dale.

Most accounts of Turkey-reds first years of describe McIntosh and Papillion falling out and parting company in 1787, giving as the source a letter from George MacIntosh to his son Charles in January 1787. Papillion has now left us entirely we could not manage his unhappy temper..We paid him his salary up to October so as to be quite clear of him. 13 Papillions subsequent fate shows up clearly in the sasines (Scottish land records). The first relevant record refers to a transfer of land from John Orr of Barrowfield to Pierre Papillion on May 2 1787 which fits nicely with him leaving Dale & McIntosh in 1786 and setting up on his own. 14 An 1874 plan of Barrowfield recording its division into a number of small parcels, identifies the land originally acquired by Papillion in 1787 as a 2 acre site within the larger Barrowfield curtilage.15 On March 12 1789, Papillion appears to have gone into partnership with Herbert Buchanan and Robert Hunter as the three of them register that they jointly own the land previously owned only by Papillion. Over the next few years various people take a financial interest in the land. Finally Papillion appears to go bankrupt and the land transfers to trustees in 1803, then in 1806 to Andrew Campbell and Co.16

13

George Macintosh, Biographical Memoir of the late Charles Macintosh FRS of Campsie and Dunchattan , Glasgow, G Macintosh, 1847.
14

Galsgow Sasine Abridgements no. 1136 of 1787 Map,Mitchell Library document reference T-MJ 634, Glasgow, 1874. Glasgow Sasine Abridgements nos 4853 of 1803; and 5993 of 1806

15

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In the meantime, Henry Monteith had in 1802 acquired 8 acres of Barrowfield land adjoining Papillions land from Robert Graham. 17 The firm got into difficulties and went into sequestration in 1810 (the problems related to other financial interests of the firm and not with the dyeing business).18 Monteith recovered the Barrowfield lands from the trustees in 1812 and went on to great success as Henry Monteith and Co. No record has been uncovered of Monteith buying the land formerly owned by Pierre Papillion but it was clearly part of the works and was probably incorporated at an early stage. William Guthrie looking back in 1905 to the mid-1800s recalls a street on the east side of Rutherglen Bridge called Trafalgar which was built by a Frenchman named Paploney (sic) who introduced turkey red dyeing at Barrowfield Works. Mr Henry Monteith joined him and the works latterly came into his hands.19 Nor is there a suggestion in anything found so far that Henry Monteith ever had an interest in the works at Dalmarnock, although there is a small gap in the time series which makes it difficult to rule out the possibility. A belief that Henry Monteith bought the Dalmarnock works from Dale and McIntosh in 1805 is widespread. For example: Joy Blair: Dale and Macintosh had built their dyeworks at Dalmarnock beside the river Clyde in 1785 and in 1805 they sold this business to Henry Monteith, Bogle and Company who renamed the works Barrowfield. The source for this information seems to be a History of Glasgow by A Brown in 1795 but how can this be so if the plant was sold in 1805; possibly there was a later edition of Browns work? 20 Naomi Tarrant in her account has Monteith buying Dalmarnock in 1805 and renaming it Barrowfield but she finds an unexplained inconsistency. A letter by Alexander Harvey (a dyer at Barrowfield) refers to
17

Glasgow Sasine Abridgements no. 5374 of 1804

18

Correspondence, National Archives of Scotland, 1810, reference CS271/63002, business affairs of Henry Monteith Bogle & Co following the failure of Brickwoods Ranier bank,
19

William Guthrie, Recollections of Bridgeton, Old Glasgow Club, paper read at the meeting on 20 November 1905 reproduced on http://www.glasgowhistory.co.uk/Recollections.htm accessed 17.05.2011
20

A Brown, A History of Glasgow; and of Paisley and Port Glasgow, Glasgow, 1795, page 225 quoted in Joy Blairs Turkey-red article.

discharge printing of cloth dyed Turkey-red taking place at Monteiths Barrowfield Works in 1802.21

Further evidence to confirm the sequence of events suggested here: that is, Dale and McIntosh at Dalmarnock until 1804-5 and Henry Monteith at Barrowfield from 1802, comes from two documents written by John Matheson who was a manager at both Dalmarnock and Barrowfield in the early days.22 John was born in Dornoch Sutherland in 1772 and came to Glasgow in 1799 in search of employment. We hear from Johns diary that he engaged with Messrs. Dale and McIntosh on the 10 June 1802 for Dalmarnock Dyework In 1804 John married Margaret McIntosh (no relation of George) at her brothers house Barrowfield dyework, she being his housekeeper at the time. So Barrowfield was certainly operating as a dyeworks in 1804. John recounts that in 1802 Dale and McIntosh were minded to sell their Dalmarnock works and did not by then do much dyeing. In the Memorandum Book he records the sale of the works in 1805 but does not say to whom. In 1805 John moved to Barrowfield as assistant to his brother in law John McIntosh, the manager there. He worked as assistant manager at Barrowfield until 1816 after which he was in sole charge until 1827, when he retired.

Dalmarnock Dye-works as owned by Dale and McIntosh was certainly operating on the site by the Clyde shown in the map at Appendix 1 in 1802 when John Matheson joined the company. David Dale died in 1806 and although no 1805 sale of the business appears recorded, there is a record of the Dalmarnock lands being sold to George Brown of Capelrig in 1807 which would fit
21

Tarrant, Turkey Red Dyeing, in Butt and Ponting, Scottish Textile History, page 41

22

Memoir in the Mitchell Library Glasgow, reference TD/164, John Matheson Turkey-red manager and extracts from memorandum book of John Matheson 1772-1856 posted on http://lu.softxs.ch/mackay/Grandpa.html last accessed 16 May 2011

with the statement in the James Stirling memoir in 100 Glasgow Men that the Dalmarnock Turkey-red Company s chief partner was George Brown.23 By 1809 Thomas Buchanan is listed in the Glasgow Post Office Directory under Dalmarnock Dyeworks and he seems to have been the active partner. This listing continues until 1822 when it disappears but in fact the company was in serious debt several years before this and went into sequestration in August 1819 owing the huge sum of 74,879/10/2d.24 The partners at that time were George Brown and Thomas Buchanan. The plant was bought by Thomas Lancaster and continued in use as a Turkey-red dye-works under the name of Lancaster, Duncan and Company until 1830 when the same fate befell this company and the estate was sequestered.25 After several failed attempts to sell the site it was disposed of in March 1832 to James Davidson a Merchant who soon passed it on to the firm of John Bartholomew. John Bartholomew ran Dalmarnock Dyeworks on this site until at least the 1870s but it is not certain that they were dyeing Turkey-red.

23

Glasgow Sasine abridgement 6577 of 1807; James MacLehose, Memoirs and Portraits of 100 Glasgow Men, Glasgow, James MacLehose and Sons, 1886
24

Sequestration papers in the National Archives of Scotland, 1820, references CS318/51/185 and CS318/54/154, Brown and Buchanan, Dalmarnock Co, item no 8
25

Miscellaneous papers in the National Archives of Scotland, 1856 reference GD274/6 including sale of Dalmarnock Printing and Dyeing works, item no.8

Figure 1: Barrowfield and Dalmarnock showing their relationship (OS 6 to the mile first edition)

Not long before Lancaster Duncan and Company failed, a new firm was established nearby: William Miller and Sons. William Miller was born in Lanark in 1777. From 1799 until 1813 his career from weaver to manufacturer to dyer can be traced through the occupations listed on the birth certificates of his six children. Then Glasgow Directories from 1815 to 1822 record him at Sidney Street Dyeworks. In June 1823 William bought 4 acres from Patrick Playfair on a bend of the Clyde north of Dalmarnock Bridge.26 He disappears from the Directory for a couple of years and then in 1825 reappears at Springfield Dyeworks, Dalmarnock as William Miller and Sons. The firm were to be successful Turkey-red dyers at Springfield until the 1880s.

26

Glasgow Barony Sasine abridgements Volume for 1821 to 1830 No 1338 of 1824

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Figure 2: logo of William Miller and Sons mid nineteenth century

Progress and decline 1830 1900 It was around the 1820s to 1830s that Turkey-red was further developed by printing and bleaching firms in the Vale of Leven such as Stirling, Orr Ewing and Turnbull Arthur. 27 These companies were to come to dominate the industry but in the middle years of the nineteenth century firms were still setting up to the east of Glasgow. In 1832 a member of the Matheson clan joined the ranks of Turkey-red proprietors, buying land on the south side of the Clyde at Rutherglen from James Farie.28 Neil Matheson was a dyer at Monteiths Blantyre works further upriver but he had learnt his trade at Barrowfield under his cousin John Matheson.29 Neil paid 500 for the land on which he built a dyeworks which he called Eastfield together with a house for himself and his family. Neil ran the business with Angus Matheson (a brother?) and later with his son John; the firm trading trading as Neil Matheson and Reid. The identity of Reid is so far unknown. Eastfield was never large, employing 66 workers in 1851 but seems to have

27

Tarrant, Turkey Red Dyeing , in Butt and Ponting, Scottish Textile History, page 43 Lanark Sasine Abridgements Volume 1831-40 no 1706 of 1835 Memoir of John Matheson

28

29

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operated successfully until the death of John Matheson junior in 1883 when, there being no heir, the property was sold and ceased to be a dyeworks.30

A fifth dyeworks was started about 1846 by another Matheson relative. Donald Murray, a nephew of John of Barrowfield was apprenticed to his uncle then worked briefly at Dalmarnock before being employed as Manager at Dalquhurn by William Stirling for sixteen years. 31 As a business venture Donalds partnership with Mr Brain at Clydesdale Dyeworks was a disaster as Brain absconded and the company folded. However both Donald and the dyeworks carried on; Donald to success as a banker and the works under new ownership, only going into administration in 1902.32 There is little information about the later years of Clydesdale. William McLean and Company operated there for some years and latterly the works was owned by David Miller and company. Which David Miller this was is not known but in the last part of the nineteenth century the sole partner was George Sutherland Miller a grandson of William Mille,r founder of Springfield.

Finally in 1869, Thomas Paterson Miller another grandson of William Miller bought the Clydesdale Chemical Works at Cambuslang.33 Peel complains that there is no information about the early days of T P Miller and although we can now fill in a few of the gaps it still involves piecing together a series of tiny clues. T P had for some years been the manager of Springfields

30

Lanark Sasine Abridgements Volume of 1894 no. 5041 Information from http://lu.softxs.ch/mackay/Grandpa.html accessed 16 May 2011

31

32

Sequestration papers, Scottish National Archives, 1904-1911, reference CS318/51/185 and CS318/54/154, Clydesdale Dyeworks Company
33

Lanarkshire Sasine Abridgements volume 1869 1870 number a34/1869

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printworks and his younger brother David had managed the dyeworks (1861 census). A descendent of T P Miller has a bureau inscribed Presented to Thomas P Miller as a mark of respect by the employees of the Springfield Printworks, Dalmarnock, 23 October 1868.; which date would fit with this being a leaving gift when TP left Springfield to set up on his own. Later the same year 2,700 was borrowed on the security of the land from William Nevatt and 1,300 from Agnes Barclay, presumably for alterations to the works. So far as can be ascertained, although at Springfield TP had managed the printworks, he only ever dyed yarn at Rosebank and it may have been the simple and specialised nature of the business which enabled it to survive until after the second world war. The business clearly did well with T P and his family soon living in Morriston House and then moving to The Cairns, a smart mansion where TP lived until his death in 1905. The business was then carried on by his two sons until 1923 when it was passed to partners unconnected with the family. Export labels in the hands of T Ps descendants suggest that the bulk of the trade was with the Indian Subcontinent with some also with South East Asia and possibly North Africa. Latterly T P Miller is said to have provided yarn to the Irish linen trade to form the iconic red stripe on linen tea towels. 34

34

Peel,Turkey Red Dyeing page 502

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Figure 3: Page from a scrapbook of export labels, property of Jenny McDonnell, Cumbria;

A caption on a photograph of Cambuslang dyeworks on a Cambuslang website suggests that the Sommervel family of Ayrshire owned the works and latterly United Turkey Red . This is possible, although time constraints have prevented further research in this area. 35

The evidence shows that some of the Eastern firms carried on successfully long after the Vale of Leven grew to prominence. Monteith and Miller were as large as most of the Vale firms and continued until 1873 and 1885 respectively. These Eastern firms gradually disappeared from the scene after the middle of the nineteenth century. Of the twelve Turkey-red companies in the eastern suburbs of Glasgow, five simply sold out or gave up six were subject to bankruptcy proceedings and for one the outcome is unknown. For none of the companies whose reasons for failure are recorded, was the state of Turkey-red trade the only reason. Papillion is said to

35

www.edwardboyle.com/EB/cambuslang/Dyeworks.JPG last accessed May 2011

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have been a poor businessman, Brown and Buchanan blamed their demise on a fall in the value of mercantile property and bad debts, William Miller III and Quinitin Steele of Clydesdale took on too much debt when taking over their companies at a time of declining profit margins. Even then, William Miller believed that if he had shut down the printing side of the business to concentrate on yarn dyeing the company could have survived.36 Millers sequestration papers reveal attempts to form a new yarn dyeing company and yarn dyeing may have continued at Springfield until after 1890.37 By 1910, however, only Cambuslang was left of this group.

Increasing pollution and the location of Turkey-red plants. The initial siting of Turkey-red plants shows that a good supply of water was required. All are near significant rivers: at first on the Clyde and later on the Leven, a fast flowing river draining Loch Lomond. Initially, too, clean air was necessary as cloth was laid out to dry or bleach on open ground. It has been suggested in several accounts that at least part of the shift to the Leven was caused by the spread of Glasgow to the east and the resultant pollution of both air and water. Naomi Tarrant for example suggests that Glasgows air had become too dirty to bleach outside well before the 1840s.38 Liz Arthur states that the water supply of Glasgow became dirty and insufficient and so the industry became centred on the Vale of Leven which had a plentiful supply of clean water. 39

36

Sequestration papers, National Archives of Scotland, 1885, reference CS318/32/23,24, William Miller and Sons
37

Glasgow Herald advertisement, sale of yarn dyeing machinery December1893. Tarrant, Turkey Red Dyeing, in Butt and Ponting, page 43

38

39

Liz Arthur Printing and Turkeyred Dyeing, online article http://scottishtextileheritage.org.uk/onlineresources/articles/articlesTem1.asp?articleNo=7 accessed 16 May 2011

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The supply of clean water does appear to have been an issue for dyers but perhaps not at as early as has been supposed. An interesting source of evidence from about 1870 on water supply and quality, is the Fourth Report of the Rivers Pollution Commission.40 The Report describes the state of the Clyde at the time. Through Glasgow downwards . It is very foul and turbid in short, a gigantic open sewer, noxious gases being continually evolved. (it also receives) all the liquid refuse from chemical works, dye and bleach works, gas works, calico and silk print works, paper works, tan yards, breweries distilleries and mines. This extract from coverage in the Glasgow Herald makes it clear that the worst problems began at Glasgow not upriver of the city. The evidence of Henry Monteith and Company to the Commission reproduced below illustrates the level of detail to be found in this report and shows that the river was also polluted upriver of Glasgow but not to the extent of threatening the viability of the business.

40

House of Commons Papers Session 1871 1872 , Royal Commission on the Pollution of Rivers, 4th Report, 29th June 1872 ( HC(1872) XXXIV,1,135 ).

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Figure 4: Rivers Pollution Commission 4th Report page 151, H Monteith & Co evidence

The Orr Ewings on the Leven were less affected as able to source all their water from the river and it appears that the supply was unpolluted at least for Levenbank, the furthest upriver of the four Orr Ewing plants.

Figure 5 : Rivers Pollution Commission 4th Report page 167 Archibald Orr Ewing evidence 17

William Stirling and Companys works at Dalquhurn was the nearest the Clyde of the Leven plants. The company was still able to source all the water they needed from the river but was less happy about its quality. Formerly the stream was much more clear than at present. It is polluted to a great extent by works above but not by mines. If the river was rendered clear and colourless it would be a great benefit to us. 41 So clearly by 1872 water quality was an issue for most Turkey-red dyers and those to the east of Glasgow, who were having to buy water, whether because it was clean or because the river supply was inadequate, would have had additional costs. The Leven plants would have had the commercial advantage of cheaper water and, depending on how far up the Leven they were, some additional advantage from cleaner water.

The evidence on air quality is more indirect but does suggest that, again, this was less of a constraint than might be supposed for the plants on the Eastern side of Glasgow. Open air drying and even bleaching lasted until well into the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1844 an unnamed reporter from the Penny Magazine spent a day at Barrowfield. He describes his arrival at the works; Having walked across this Green we arrive at the gates of the Works, which is a large area of ground occupied partly by buildings, partly by yards and drying grounds and partly by green sward as a bleaching ground. The drying grounds have ranges of poles on

41

Rivers Pollution Commission 4th Report page 168

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which yarn is hung to dry; while the extensive bleachfield requires nothing but a smooth, clean, grassy surface.42 Further evidence of outside drying and bleaching comes from a Commission set up in 1854 to enquire into whether Factory Act provisions should be extended to bleach and dyeworks. Turkey-red dyers were concerned about proposals to cease work at 2pm on Saturdays and detailed evidence was given by all the major firms explaining their complex processes. From this, it is clear that the invention of stoves for drying dyed cloth and yarn in about 1835 did not lead to the abandonment of outdoor drying as is acknowledged by Liz Arthur who is clear that the two methods were used in conjunction for several years. 43 Nor, in relation to open air activities, does there seem to be any difference between the evidence of the Eastern firms and those in the Vale of Leven. One of the Orr Ewings described his methods, In winter in consequence of the weather, we are sometimes idle for months together. When the fine weather comes we place our yarn in the open air for some hours every day. Mr Fraser (Messrs. Henry Monteith and Co) said The greatest number of our girls are employed in carrying out the cloth and spreading it upon the field and bringing it in again. For the Vale of Leven firms again George Graham of Messrs Stirling and Son: With respect to the colour Turkey-red and the light required to produce a good preparation for the cloth to take the colour, we put it out at about 8 in the morning and take it in, at latest at 5. If it should be a bad day, we must put in in the stove and dry it off hand at once. It is desirable always to spread it out in the air before putting it into the stoves both for the preparation and for economy of fuel.44

42

'A Day at the Barrowfield Dye-Works Glasgow', The Penny Magazine, Volume XIII, July 1844, pages 289 296.
43

Liz Arthur, Development of Turkey-red in Scotland in Seeing Red, page 10

44

House of Commons Papers Session 1854-55 cmnd 1943 Report on extending the factory act provisions, evidence page 68

19

That eastern firm were drying outside as late as 1876 is hinted at by an inventory of Springfield works of that date. This refers to many thousands of drying poles but also to a glass shade indicating that air drying may have been taking place under some sort of cover. Finally we have the export label from T P Miller used as the frontispiece. This label must have been produced after 1881 as it shows the new mill which is generally said to have been built in that year. Clearly illustrated in the central yard are hanks of yarn drying on poles.

The abundant clean water of the Leven attracted print and bleach works and continued to be a commercial advantage for the dyers over more urban works which increasingly had to pay for clean water. The extent to which this commercial advantage was instrumental in the Leven firms becoming and staying more successful than those in the east of Glasgow is not clear. It seems unlikely that air pollution had much impact on the eastern firms at least until well after 1850 by which time the Vale of Leven was already dominant. Other business reasons such as the structure and size of the Leven firms and their generally broader based operations may also have given them more resilience but these issues are not examined here.

Masters and workers The Factory Act extension Commission took evidence in 1854 from all the specialist Turkey-red firms in the country of any significant size. They listed only seven, six in Scotland and Steiner in Accrington and commented that in consequence of the tedious nature of the process there were few in this trade. Only Monteith and Miller of the Eastern Group were listed by the

20

Commission. The complex process and the capital investment involved must always have limited the number of people who would be attracted into the business

There has not been time to conduct detailed research into the various Turkey-red partnerships but some tentative conclusions can be drawn. Those who entered the trade were by and large practical experienced men who were sometimes but not always partnered by landowners or merchants who provided the finance. Progression from practical weaver to agent to manufacturer was common in the early days of the cotton trade. Dale and McIntosh, business man and practitioner, who had the idea first of making a commercial proposition of Turkey-red carried on business for less than twenty years. It was Henry Monteith who really developed the trade drawing on the expertise first of Pierre Papillion and later of a series of expert managers such as George Rodger, John McIntosh, John Matheson and Alexander Harvey. William Miller at Springfield, Neil Matheson at Eastfield and T P Miller at Rosebank/Cambuslang all seem to have set up initially on their own resources although they may have had financial partners or have borrowed money later. All three were experienced dyers at the time of founding their own companies and remained hands on throughout. These were very much family concerns ; William Miller passing through three generations and Neil Matheson and T P Miller two. Clydesdale was initially set up by another experienced dyer and was later owned by another of the Miller family.

In the early days the labour force was likely to have been a mixture of local people and highland immigrants. 1841 census data records many with highland names as dyer. Compared to the spinning and weaving factories, Turkey-red involved a large number of discrete processes and such evidence as can be found on the way the work was structured suggests that the workers 21

were organised in small teams carrying out individual tasks.45 Figure 5 lists the information found on number of workers some of the factories. The total Turkey-red workforce in Scotland listed by the 1854 report was about 1400.46 Although the number is likely to be understated, the true number of workers in the industry at this time was probably no more than 2000 compared with over 35,000 in the cotton trade as a whole.47

Barrowfield 1851

Springfield

Eastfield 28 men,2 boys, 23 women,13 girls, 76 in total

1854

70 men,70 boys,120 females, 260 in total

200 in total

1871/2

1200 at Barrowfield and Blantyre

700 in total

1881

850 in total

20 men, 1 boy, 63 women, 9 girls, 93 in total

Figure 6: numbers of workers at three plants on various dates.

During much of the first half of the nineteenth century, labour relations in the cotton industry were extremely tense with the weavers revolt of 1820 for example and devastating strikes in 1837. Turkey-red firms were certainly affected by the periodic downturns in trade and in the

45

Glasgow University, UGD13/4/4, Pay book for unnamed company 1845-1847 Report on extending the factory act pages 67 to 71

46

47

Parliamentary Papers 1849 VolLIV Accounts and Papers pages 214-215, quoted in Butt, Labour and Industrial Relations in the Scottish Cotton Industry , Butt and Ponting, Scottish Textile History

22

wider economy such as at the end of Napoleonic Wars after 1815 and in 1837 with the failure of firms such as Brown and Buchanan in 1819 and Lancaster and Duncan in 1830 both at Dalmarnock . 48

Evidence on labour relations in these Turkey-red companies is very sparse. Among the United Turkey-red papers at Glasgow University Archives there were letters to John Matheson of Eastfield and to Henry Monteith and Co asking for or giving information about wage rates and just a hint that companies were comparing notes to make sure wage demands were moderated. On the other hand, wages for specialists were likely to be higher than average and for managers were sometimes very high indeed. John McIntosh the manager of Dalmarnock when Brown and Buchanan failed in 1819 put in a claim for a years salary of 1000 which was described as enormous. Workers at Clydesdale in March 1853 took out an advertisement in the Glasgow Herald to thank the company for advancing their wages when asked to do so.49 The only connection found so far between any of these companies and disaffected cotton workers is a report by John Butt that Barrowfield workers had continued to work during a dispute and had been attacked. 50 Reports of working conditions contained in the Report on the Extension of the Factory Acts in 1854 show that hours were generally regular from 6 to 6 with little overtime worked although some of the workers had to work in hot conditions and with noxious chemicals and the workforce could be laid off if the weather or lack of demand meant there was no work.51 Female Turkey-red workers at Leven are said to have gone on strike when their hours

48

Brown and Buchanan Sequestration papers; Sequestration papers in the NAS, 1830, reference CS96/912/1 and /2, Lancaster Duncan and Co.
49

Glasgow Herald March 28th 1853 issue 5234 John Butt, Labour in the Scottish Cotton Industry in Butt and Ponting, Scottish Textile History page 150 Report on extending the factory act provisions pages 67 to 71

50

51

23

were reduced by legislation in 1879.52 The picture that starts to emerge is of a skilled workforce possibly somewhat better paid and with a more equal gender balance than in most of the cotton trades, working in small groups.53 Continued examination of the newspaper and parliamentary archives could potentially provide more detail but there is no scope to go further in this paper.

Conclusions and further work This study pins down most details of the early days of Turkey-red, including unravelling the history of the Barrowfield and Dalmarnock sites showing that Henry Monteith probably did not buy Dalmarnock and that the two sites were always separately run. The work also highlights the continuing role of the Turkey-red firms to the East of Glasgow even after the Leven Companies came to dominate the industry. While increasing air pollution and an inadequate and dirty water supply undoubtedly influenced the shift to the west of Glasgow, the evidence suggests that the impact was not as early or as decisive as has been previously reported.

Issues relating to the composition of the Turkey-red workforce have not been taken far but I felt it right to record the information obtained rather than leave it out for lack of time to gather more. Investigation so far reveals little record of unrest among the Turkey-red workers at a time when other cotton workers were extremely militant and some evidence pointing to a relatively contented workforce. Further work in this area might discover more press articles or relevant

52

West Dunbartonshire Council, Turkey Red article at http://www.wdcweb.info/arts-culture-andlibraries/cultural-services/collections/turkey-red/


53

UTR Papers, UGD13/ 4/4, Paybook

24

Untied Turkey Red papers but a clear picture of Turkey-red workers as a discrete entity may be difficult to obtain.

A wealth of information gathered during this study remains unrecorded and is available to any researcher who would be interested in it. Avenues still to be explored or to be explored in more detail include a study of all the firms in the industry including two of which are not dealt with here; Blantyre up river on the Clyde and Govancroft on the South bank in Glasgow. The Highland connection would also make an interesting study as surprisingly many of the Highland immigrants seem to have made a career in dyeing. The exotic export labels also point to further work to see what information can be gleaned about the consignment agents and wholesalers working to sell the cloth and yarn throughout the world. Who were they and what was their role? Absorbing as all this might be, my next task will be to write the history of William Miller and Sons who, although they do not figure largely in this work, were responsible for my undertaking it in the first place.

Figure 7: Turkey-red fabric sample, West Dunbartonshire website

25

Bibliography Books and articles Adams, Gordon, A History of Bridgeton and Dalmarnock (personally published ISBN 0-95254910-7, no date) Arthur, Liz, 'Printing and Turkey Red Dyeing', in Scottish Textile Heritage Online, http://scottishtextileheritage.org.uk/online, Resources/articlesTem1.asp?articleNo=7, accessed 6 June 2011 Arthur, Liz, Innovation and Industrialisation: the Development of Turkey -red in Scotland in Seeing Red: Scotland's Exotic Textile Heritage (Glasgow: Collins Gallery, 2007) Baines, Edward, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: Fisher, Son and Co., 1835) Berresford Ellis, Peter, Seumas Mac A'Ghobhainn , The Scottish Insurrection of 1820 (Edinburgh: John Donald, 2001) Blair, Joy, I, Turkey-red: History of the dyeing industry in Glasgow in Scottish Local History, issue 53 (winter 2001), pages 32-40 Buchanan, John, Mitchell, John, O and Smith, John, G, The Old Country Houses of the Old Glasgow Gentry (Glasgow, James Maclehose and Sons, 1878) Butt, John, Kenneth Ponting, eds., Scottish Textile History (Aberdeen, Aberdeen University Press, 1987) Butt, John, Labour and Industrial Relations in the Scottish Cotton Industry during the Industrial Revolution in Butt, J and K. Ponting, eds., Scottish Textile History (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1987), pages 139-160 Campbell, R H., The Industrial Revolution; a Revision Article, Scottish Historical Review, xlvi, 1967, pages 3755 Campbell, R. H., Scotland since 1707: the Rise of an Industrial Society (Edinburgh: John Donald: 2nd edition, 1985) Chapman, S.D., Fixed Capital Formation in the British Cotton Industry 1770 1815, Economic History Review, New Series Volume 23, No. 2 (August 1970), pages 235-266. Chapman, S.D., Financial restraints on the Growth of Firms in the Cotton Industry 1790 1850, Economic History Review, New Series Volume 32, No. 1 (February 1979), pages 50-69. Collins, Michael, The Banking Crisis of 1878, Economic History Review, New Series, Volume 42, No. 4 (November 1989) pages 504527.

26

Daiches, David, Glasgow (London: Andr Deutsch, 1977) Devine, T. M., Glasgow Merchants and the Collapse of the Tobacco Trade 1775 -1783 Scottish Historical Review, lii, 1973, pages 5074. Devine, T. M., and Gordon Jackson, Glasgow, Volume 1: Beginnings to 1830 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995) Di Folco, John, 'The Collins Gallery Glasgow: Lively interface between the arts and academe', Artwork, 146, November/December 2007, page 7 Ellison, Thomas, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Effingham Wilson, 1886) Fairlie, Susan, Dyestuffs in the Eighteenth Century, The Economic History Review, New Series, Volume 17, No 3 (1965) pages 488510. Ferguson, Niall, The Ascent of Money - A Financial History of the World (London:Penguin Books, 2009) Graham, Henry Grey, The Social Life of Scotland in the Eighteenth Century (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1909) Gauldie, Enid, Scotland's Past in Action - Spinning and Weaving (Edinburgh: National Museums of Scotland, 1995) Guthrie, William, Recollections of Bridgeton, Old Glasgow Club, paper read at the meeting on 20 November 1905 Haldane, Elizabeth, S., The Scotland of our Fathers - a Study of Scottish Life in the Nineteenth Century (London: Alexander Maclehose and Co., 1933) Hamilton, Henry, The Industrial Revolution in Scotland (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1932) Hamilton, Henry, An Economic History of Scotland in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963) Higham, Ruth Turkey Red, online article at http://www.ruthhigham.co.uk/content/quilthistory.html accessed 10 June 2011 Knox, W. W., Hanging by a Thread: the Scottish Cotton Industry, c1850 1914 (Preston, Carnegie Publishing, 1995) Knox, W. W., Writing Scotlands History in Scottish Historical Review, Volume 76, No. 201, Part 1: Proceedings of the 1996 Edinburgh Conference (April 1997) pages 149 150. Lynch, Michael, Scotland a New History (London: Pimlico, 1991)

27

MacDougall, Ian, ed., Labour in Scotland a Pictorial History (Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing, 1985) Macintyre, Robert, Textile Industries in McLean, Angus ed., Local Industries of Glasgow and the West of Scotland (Glasgow; British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1901) Mackenzie, Agnes Mure, Scottish Pageant 1707 - 1802 (Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, 1950) McLean, Angus, editor, Local Industries in Glasgow and the West of Scotland (Glasgow: British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1901) MacLehose, James, Memoirs and Portraits of 100 Glasgow Men (Glasgow: James MacLehose and Sons, 1886) Malloch, D., Macleod, The Book of Glasgow Anecdote (Edinburgh: T.N. Foulis, 1912) Mann, James, A., The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Its Rise, Progress and Present Extent (London: Simpkin, Marshall and Co., 1860) Marwick,W. H., The Cotton Industry and the Industrial Revolution in Scotland in Scottish Historical Review, Volume 21, no. 83 (April 1924) pages 207-218 Mellor, C. M., and Cardwell, D S. L., Dyes and Dyeing 1775 1860, The British Journal for the History of Science, Volume 1, No. 3, (June 1963), pages 265279 Office for Manufactures, Receipt for Dyeing Cotton a Durable Red, Edinburgh Magazine, (December 1803) accessed via Proquest, Bitish Periodicals Collection II, http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.882004&res_dat=xri:bp:&rft_dat=xri:bp:article:e808-1803-000-00-000482 Peel, R. A., 'Turkey Red Dyeing in Scotland, Its Heyday and Decline', Journal of the Society of Dyers and Colourists, Volume 68, Issue 12 (1952), pages 496-505 Richmond, Alexander B., Narrative of the Condition of the Manufacturing Population (London: John Miller, 1824) Robertson, M. L., Scottish Commerce and the American War of Independence, The Economic History Review, New Series Volume 9, No. 1, (1956), pages 123-131. Smout, T. C., A History of the Scottish People 1560 - 1830 (London: Collins, 1969) Smout, T. C., A Century of the Scottish People 1830 - 1950 (London: Collins, 1986) Stewart, George, Curiosities of Glasgow Citizenship (Glasgow: James MacLehose, 1881) Stirling, Sir John, ed., The Statistical Account of Scotland: County of Lanark Volume 12 (Edinburgh 1791-99) accessed via http://edina.ac.uk/stat-acc-scot/

28

Tarrant, Naomi, 'The Turkey Red Dyeing Industry in the Vale of Leven', in Butt, J and K. Ponting, eds., Scottish Textile History (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1987) Unattributed, 'A Day at the Barrowfield Dye-Works Glasgow', The Penny Magazine, Volume XIII, July 1844, pages 289 - 296. Unattributed, Receipt for Dyeing Cotton yarn a durable Red in The Edinburgh Magazine, (December 1803) page 441 West Dunbartonshire Council, Turkey Red, online article at http://www.wdcweb.info/artsculture-and-libraries/cultural-services/collections/turkey-red/ accessed 16 May 2011 Whatley, Christopher, A., Scottish Society 1707 - 1830 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000) Whetstone, Ann, E., Scottish County Government in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1981) Wulfert, Kimberly, Madder, minerals and indigo: Cotton Dyeing in the 18th & 19th century, online article on Fabrics.net, (November/December 2002) http://www.fabrics.net/joan1002.asp accessed 10 June 2011

OTHER Resources Alison Logan, Watford, will of William Miller Senior, 1843 Alison Logan, Watford, Monteith, P, Licensed Valuator, Inventory and valuation of dyers and calico printers plant which belonged to the late John S Miller Spr ingfield works Dalmarnock taken August 22 1876 Glasgow Herald and Caledonian Mercury articles and advertisements accessed via British Library collection of online nineteenth century newspapers. Glasgow University Archives, United Turkey Red Company Papers, UGD13/1/5, John Orr Ewing, memorandum book 1845-1897 Glasgow University Archives, United Turkey Red Company Papers, UGD13/1/8, John Orr Ewing and Company, letter book 1868-1873 Glasgow University Archives, United Turkey Red Company Papers, UGD13/ 4/4, Paybook for unnamed factory 1845-1847, possibly Levenbank Glasgow University Archives, United Turkey Red Company Papers, UGD13/4/5, Minutes of a committee of Turkey-red dyers in Glasgow 1895-1899

29

House of Commons Papers Session 1854-55, Cmnd 1943 Report of the Commissioner appointed to inquire how far it may be advisable to extend the provisions of the acts for the better regulation of mills and factories to bleaching works established in certain parts of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland House of Commons Papers Session 1871-72, (HC(1872) XXXIV,1,135) Royal Commission on the Pollution of Rivers, 4th Report, 29th June 1872 Jenny McDonnell, Cumbria, Scrap book of export labels for T P Miller & Co, T P & D Miller and William Miller & sons and their consignment agents. Mid to late nineteenth century. Jenny McDonnell, Cumbria, photographs of Cambuslang Dyeworks and of T P Miller Jenny McDonnell, Cumbria, notebook of jottings by T P Miller. Mitchell Library Glasgow, Glasgow Post Office and Street Directories from 1785 to 1900 Mitchell Library Glasgow, manuscripts, TD164, Matheson, John, personal memoir transcribed by R L Mackay in 1970s Mitchell Library Glasgow, map, Fleming, Peter and Smith, David, Map of the City of Glasgow and Suburbs, Glasgow 1821 Mitchell Library Glasgow, plans, T-MJ/634, Plan of Barrowfield Dye Works 1874 Mitchell Library Glasgow, plans, T-BK/171/11, Plan of the unfued parts of Eastfield Dye Works Mitchell Library Glasgow, Sasine Abridgements, Glasgow Barony and Regality Volumes for 17811820 and 1821-30 (see detailed list at end) Mitchell Library Glasgow, Sasine Abridgements, Lanarkshire Volumes for 1781-1940 (see detailed list at end) National Archives of Scotland,Documents, GD113/5/19e, Copy letters and statements relating to the business affairs of Henry Monteith, Bogle and Company in consequence of the failure of Brickwoods Rainier and Company, Bankers, London National Archives of Scotland, Documents, GD274/6, Robert Bartholomews Trustees, papers relating to Dalmarnock Dyeworks, 1772-1897 National Archives of Scotland, Court of Session Papers, CS42/27/37, Decreet approving the composition offered by Thomas Buchanan one of the partners of the Dalmarnock Dyework Company and the Greenhead foundry Company to his creditors, 28 October 1820 National Archives of Scotland, Court of Session Papers, CS42/27/38, ditto relating to George Brown the other partner.

30

National Archives of Scotland, Court of Session Papers, CS44/75/46, Henry Monteith and Company v Thomas Lancaster and Company for breach of license to use a method of discharge printing on Turkey-red dyed cotton, 1830 National Archives of Scotland, Court of Session Papers, CS96/912/1&/2, Sederunt books of the Trustees of Lancaster Duncan and Company in Sequestration, 1830-31 National Archives of Scotland, Court of Session Papers, CS318/32/234, William Miller and Sons sequestration papers, 1885-88 National Archives of Scotland, Court of Session Papers, CS318/51/185 and CS318/54/154, sequestration papers relating to David Miller and Company, Clydesdale Dyeworks, 1904-11 Ordnance Survey Maps - Six-inch 1st edition, Scotland, 1843-1882, Sheets 1,3,4,5,8,15 and 16 Scotlands People website http://www.scotlandspeople.gov.uk/ for records of births, marriages, deaths, wills and census returns, last accessed 10 June 2011 Website with information on Donald Murray, http://lu.softxs.ch/mackay/Couples/C15416.html accessed 11 June 2011.

31

Sasine Abridgements consulted at the Mitchell Library, Glasgow

1.

Glasgow Barony and Regality - a. volume for 1781-1820

Relating to Dalmarnock 538 1231 5882 6577 David Dale from John Orr on March 24 1785 David Dale and George McIntosh from Thomas Buchanan on August 31 1789 David Dale from the Trustee of David Allan 8 acres on Dec. 4 th 1805 George Brown of Capelrig same ground as 5882 from George McIntosh, David Dale having died. Date 17 November 1806

Relating to Henry Monteith 5374 Henry Monteith and Robert Monteith from Robert Graham 2 parcels of land totalling 8 acres, not same as 5882, on March 19 1802 Trustees for creditors of Henry Monteith Bogle and Co get 8 acres 23 Feb 1811

8170

8956 Henry Monteith Bogle & Co get 8 acres back from trustees in bankruptcy 15 December 1812. Relating to P J Papillion 1136 Pierre Jacques Papillion from John Orr on May 2nd 1787Also Robert Hunter, Herbert Buchanan and PJP as Herbert Buchanan, Papillion and Co. from PJP on March 12 1789

1161 2186 2543 2596 4274 4275 4470 4853 5993 further transactions relating to PJP with the land finally going to Andrew Campbell from the trustees for PJPs creditors

32

b. volume for 1821-30 Relating to Springfield 1338 William Miller from Patrick Playfair 4 acres on 2 June 1823

2. Lanarkshire volumes for 1781 to 1940 Relating to Eastfield 1706 of 1832 Neil Matheson, dyer at Blantyre, part of the lands at Farme from James Farie on 13 October 1832

4833 of 1885 5037 of 1885 Transactions relating to the disposal of Eastfield following the death of John Matheson in 1883.

Relating to Rosebank/Cambuslang 34 of 1869 T P Miller, dyer Glasgow, buys the Clydesdale Chemical Company premises in various transactions registered on 22 January 1869 T P Miller transfers property to the firm of T P and D Miller on 6 August 1869 Using the land as security, the firm borrows 2,700 from Wm Nevatt and 1,300 from Agnes Barclay 8 October 1869 Land transfers to T P Miller & Co as the firm of T P & D Miller now dissolved 9 February 1877 A R Miller transfers the property to H Dykes & S Richardson partners of the firm of T P Miller as now constituted 5 April 1923

669 of 1869 851 of 1869

2163 of 1877

841 of 1923

33

APPENDIX 1 : POSITION OF TURKEY-RED


PLANTS REFERRED TO IN THE STUDY ODNANCE SURVEY 6 TO THE MILE FIRST EDITION, 18431882, IMAGE PROVIDED BY NATIONAL ARCHIVES OF SCOTLAND

Springfield Barrowfield

Dalmarnock

Clydesdale Eastfield

Rosebank/ Cambuslang

34

Appendix 2 - Operative dates of Turkey-red Plants and Companies Studied


Plant 1780 1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940

1.

DALMARNOCK
Dale & McIntosh Brown & Buchanan A Bartholomew

2.

BARROWFIELD

Papillion

Monteith

3.

SPRINGFIELD
William Miller

4.

EASTFIELD

Matheson & Reid

5.

CLYDESDALE
B Wm McLean D Miller

6.

ROSEBANK/CAMBUSLANG
T P Miller

A = LANCASTER & DUNCAN B = BRAIN & MURRAY

NOTE: DOTTED LINES INDICATE THAT EXACT STARTING/FINISHING DATES ARE UNKNOWN

35

Appendix 3 - Original Papillion recipe for Turkey-red. Edinburgh Magazine December 1803 (Images produced by ProQuest as part of British Periodicals Collection II. Enquiries may be made to: ProQuest, The Quorum, Barnwell Road, Cambridge, CB5 8SW UK, Tel: +44 (0) 1223 215512, Web page: http://www.proquest.co.uk)

Images published with permission of ProQuest. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

36

37

38

Images published with permission of ProQuest. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

39

40

Appendix 4

POSITION OF TURKEY-RED PLANTS TO THE EAST OF GLASGOW (REVISED)


ODNANCE SURVEY 6 TO THE MILE FIRST EDITION, 18431882, IMAGE PROVIDED BY THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES OF SCOTLAND

Barrowfield

Springfield

Dalmarnock

Strathclyde

Clydesdale

Eastfield

Rosebank or Cambuslang

41

Appendix 5 Operative dates of Turkey-red Plants and Companies (revised)

1780

1790

1800

1810

1820

1830

1840

1850

1860

1870

1880

1890

1900

1910

1920

1930

1940

1.

DALMARNOCK
Dale & McIntosh Brown & Buchanan A Bartholomew

2.

BARROWFIELD

Papillion

Monteith

3.

SPRINGFIELD
William Miller & Sons

4.

EASTFIELD

Neil Matheson & Reid

5.

CLYDESDALE
B Wm McLean D Miller

6. 7.

STRATHCLYDE
Muir Brown

ROSEBANK/CAMBUSLANG
T P Miller

A = LANCASTER & DUNCAN

B = BRAIN & MURRAY

NOTE: DOTTED LINES INDICATE THAT THE EXACT STARTING OR FINISHING DATES ARE NOT KNOWN

42