The Failure of Liberal Morality

Author(s): Joseph B. Tamney
Source: Sociology of Religion, Vol. 66, No. 2 (Summer, 2005), pp. 99-120
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4153081 .
Accessed: 15/04/2013 04:13
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
.
Oxford University Press and Association for the Sociology of Religion, Inc. are collaborating with JSTOR to
digitize, preserve and extend access to Sociology of Religion.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Sociology of Religion 2005, 66:2 99-120
2004 Presidential A ddress
T h e F ailu re of L ib eral
M orality
Joseph
B.
T amney*
Professor
Emeritu s,
Ball State
University
M y topic
is th e
failu re of
lib eral
morality. A fter
a
b rief
discu ssion
of
wh at is meant
b y
lib eral
morality,
I sh all concentrate on two
su b jects: F irst, wh y
is
political
conservatism th e dominant ideol-
ogy
in th e United
States, and, second, wh y
is th e cou ntercu ltu ral alternative not an
effective ch allenge
to th e dominance
of
conservatism.
WHA T
IS L IBERA L M ORA L IT Y
M orality
means
principles defining righ t
and
wrong
condu ct. L ib eral morali-
ty
is a form of modern
morality. Du ring
th e A xial Period th ere occu rred a
pro-
fou nd
ch ange
in th e natu re of
morality.
In traditional or
"folk-religiou s" eth ics,
to u se
Gu stav
M ensch ing's (1973:84 ) term,
valu es "are related to th e welfare and
secu rity
of th e
folk,"
and
"th ey
h ave
validity only
with in th e domain of th e
par-
ticu lar folk." Good and evil are wh at "is valu ab le or h armfu l for th e welfare and
su rvival of th e folk"
(M ensch ing 1973:85).
In
contrast,
th e new moral codes were
u niversal: T h ey applied equ ally
to all of
h u manity
and th is was tru e b ecau se
th ey
were not b ased on th e su rvival of th e
grou p
b u t on
preserving
th e
dignity
of th e
individu al. M odern
morality
is fou nded on
individu alism,
as Du rkh eim u sed th e
term, i.e.,
on th e b elief in th e inh erent valu e of th e individu al
person.
T h ere are several versions of modern
morality.
T h e first to
appear
in th e West
was lib ertarianism. In th is
morality,
th e dominant valu e is
freedom,
wh ich is
defined as th e ab sence of interference
b y
oth er
people
with wh at one wants or is
ab le to do. F rom th is
principle,
lib ertarians "derive a nu mb er of more
specific
requ irements,
in
particu lar
a
righ t
to
life,
a
righ t
to freedom of
speech , press
and
assemb ly,
and a
righ t
to
private property"(Sterb a 2001:9).
L ib ertarianism is some-
times referred to as "lib eral
morality."
However th is form of
morality
is not
my
*Direct
correspondence
to:
Joseph
B.
T amney, Department
of
Sociology,
Ball State
University,
M u ncie,
IN 4 7306-0530. E-mail:
T amneyJ@aol.com
99
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
100 SOCIOL OGY OF REL IGION
concern in th is talk. T h erefore to
distingu ish
wh at is
my focu s,
h ereafter I sh all
refer to "leftist
morality."
Wh ile leftists
accept
th at th ere is mu ch of valu e in lib ertarian
morality, th ey
are also critical of it. In
practice,
lib ertarianism is wh at M arx called
"b ou rgeois
freedom,"
wh ich means th e freedom of civil
society,
b u t
especially
of th e econo-
my,
from interference
b y
th e state. Su ch freedom
is,
wrote
M arx,
"th e
lib erty
of
capital freely
to
oppress
th e
worker"(qu oted
in Walicki
1983:51).
T h e fou ndational idea of leftist
morality
is
positive freedom,
th at
is,
th e idea
th at
society
sh ou ld b e
organized
to ach ieve th e maximu m
development
of all its
citizens.
Initially
leftist ideas ab ou t freedom were linked with socialism. Becau se all
societies tend to
experience
th e
increasing
concentration of
power
in th e h ands
of an
elite,
th e task of socialism is to cou nter th is
tendency
with
policies
to
ach ieve
greater equ ality.
T h e socialist
recognizes
th at individu al freedom
depends
on
h aving
economic and
political power.
In h is last State of th e Union
address,
F ranklin Roosevelt called for a "second Bill of
Righ ts."
T h e
president's
b asic
point
was
th at,
in h is words: "T ru e individu al freedom cannot exist with ou t eco-
nomic
secu rity
and
independence"(Qu oted
in Press
2000:14 ).
T h u s
b y creating
equ ality,
socialists seek to ach ieve "th e maximu m
degree
of freedom for
all"(Gou ld 1985:12).
Wh ile
equ ality
remains an
ideal,
in
practice
leftists settle for
working
to cre-
ate a more
ju st society. T h ey
seek to eliminate entrench ed
privileges
th at favor a
grou p,
b e it a class or a
gender
or a race or some oth er
grou p. Privileges
inclu de
access to
edu cation, power, wealth ,
and
prestige.
F or
instance,
if wealth ier
people
"are
encou raged
to see th eir
good
fortu ne as a
b adge
of
su periority
and th e
poor-
er ones to see th eir
comparative
lack of wealth as a social
stigma,"
th en th ese atti-
tu des mu st
ch ange (Deigh 2001:163).
T h u s leftists are concerned with
increasing
equ ality
and
ju stice
for th e
poor,
as in th e case of
socialism,
b u t also for all
minorities, inclu ding
wh at can b e considered
minority
cou ntries in th e world
society (Giddens 1991:212).
T h e leftist
meaning
of freedom was b roadened
du ring
th e 1960s.
Relatively
new ideas were
entering popu lar
leftist
cu ltu re,
most
significantly
th e
rejection
of
th e
pu ritan
eth ic.
Self-development
took on new
meaning. Du ring
th e
1970s,
th ere were a nu mb er of research
projects
to
explore
h ow to measu re th e
qu ality
of
people's
lives.
T h ey
were
attempts
to answer th e
qu estion:
"Wh at is th e
good
life?"(e.g.,
L iu
1975; Elgin, T h omas, L ogoth etti
and Cox
1974 ).
T h e research was
indicative of th e need for new
gu idelines
ab ou t h ow to live. A mericans were now
afflu ent. T h ere was a need for new norms, for wh at I h ave called an "afflu ence
eth ic."
A mong leftists, morality
was not
equ ated
with self-restraint and self-sac-
rifice. T h e afflu ence eth ic valu es
stimu lating work, a
h appy marriage,
a life with -
ou t u ndu e stress, and so forth . T h e
good
life is u nderstood as
inclu ding h appiness,
pleasu re, b eau ty,
as well as
non-dominating relationsh ips (T amney 1992a:80).
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
2004 PRESIDENT IA L A DDRESS 101
In
su m,
leftist
morality
refers to
principles
ab ou t
creating
a
society
in wh ich
each
person
h as th e maximu m
opportu nity
to
develop fu lly.
M ore
specifically,
th is
morality
is ab ou t
equ ality, ju stice,
and a
non-pu ritanical
version of th e
good
life.
Needless to
say,
leftist
morality
does not
gu ide
th e formation of
pu b lic poli-
cies in th e United States.
Since th e end of th e last recession in 2001
th rou gh 2003,
th e workers' sh are
of th e increase in national income was th e lowest on record.
A ccording
to a
stu dy
b y
th e Center for L ab or M arket Stu dies at North eastern
University,
since 194 5
th e
percent
of income
growth going
to
corporate profits
after a recession never
exceeded th e
percent
of th e
growth going
to lab or
compensation,
u ntil now. T h e
colu mnist,
Bob
Herb ert,
commented: "T h is is
extraordinary,
b u t
very
few
people
are
talking
ab ou t
it,
wh ich tells
you someth ing
ab ou t th e h old th at
corporate
interests h ave on th e national
conversation"(Herb ert 2004 :A 25).
I b elieve th e
explanation
is more
complicated,
b u t th e fact th at th is
seeming inju stice goes
u nnoticed is evidence of th e failu re of leftist
morality
to influ ence A merican soci-
ety.
Soon after th e
tragic
events of
9/11,
Kofi A nnan wrote of th e need to create
"a stronger,
more
ju st,
more
b enevolent,
and more
genu ine
international com-
mu nity"(A nnan 2001:A 27).
However A merican
foreign policy
is not meant to
ach ieve a more
ju st
world order.
In
b u dget discu ssions,
in
newspaper articles,
and
prob ab ly
in th e vast
major-
ity
of
sermons, government policies
are not evalu ated in terms of wh eth er
th ey
contrib u te eith er to th e creation of a more
ju st
world or to
enab ling people
to
lead th e
good
life. Su ch is th e evidence for th e failu re of leftist
morality. Wh y
h as
it failed?
T HE A M ERICA N DOM INA NT IDEOL OGY
A s societies
modernize, th ey
are sites for th e conflict b etween a
dominant,
conservative
ideology
and a leftist alternative. T h is b asic conflict
reflects,
on th e
one
h and,
th e
straining
toward stru ctu ral
integration along
th e lines of M arx's
notion of a
capitalist society,
in wh ich all institu tions serve th e
profit-maximiz-
ing goal
of th e
economy,
and on th e oth er
h and,
th e moral
priority
of individu -
alism in th e sense of social
ju stice
and
self-actu alization.
A s M arx
pointed ou t,
a
consequ ence
of th e
capitalist spirit
is a
capitalist
soci-
ety
- one in wh ich th e
economy
is th e dominant institu tion and all oth ers serve
th e
goal
of economic
growth .
T h e state
gives priority
to a
growing economy
and
preserving
social order. F amilies
produ ce good workers, act as
refu eling depots
for
tired and stressed workers, and relieve th e state of
responsib ility
for welfare needs
b y caring
for th e sick, you ng,
and
elderly. Capitalist society
is
legitimated b y
a
conservative
ideology
th at is
sh aped
and enforced
b y
th e economic elite and th e
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
102 SOCIOL OGY OF REL IGION
ru ling political parties,
b u t
especially b y political
conservatives and th e
Repu b lican Party.
T h is
ideology espou ses neo-lib eralism,
th e
overriding
need for
social
order,
and state influ ence over th e
agencies
of socialization to ensu re a cit-
izenry
with th e valu es needed in a
capitalist society.
Neo-lib eralism
emph asizes
th e
importance
of economic
growth ,
a
capitalist
economy,
and
glob al
free trade. T h is
is,
of
cou rse,
th e
ph ilosoph y
of th e
Repu b lican Party.
A n editorial last
year
in th e International Herald T rib u ne
claimed th at th e
contemporary Repu b lican Party's "key allegiance
is to
corporate
A merica,
and its tolerance for intru sive federal
government
ends wh en
b ig
b u si-
ness is involved. If th ere is a consistent center to th e domestic
ph ilosoph y
of th e
cu rrent
administration,
it is th e idea th at
b ig
b u siness is b est left alone"
(International
Herald T rib u ne
2003:8). However,
as th e writer
pointed ou t, b eing
"left alone" refers to
regu lation,
not to
receiving
financial
su pport directly
or
indirectly
from th e federal
government.
Conservatives are committed to
capitalism,
not
only
b ecau se
th ey
b elieve it
is th e b est
way
to ach ieve economic
growth ,
b u t also b ecau se
th ey
b elieve th at
capitalism
"is more
congru ent
with h u man
lib erty
th an
any
oth er form of social
organization" (L aph am 1986:39).
T o u nderstand th is
argu ment,
we mu st know
wh at conservatives mean
b y
freedom. Daniel Hannan is a British Conservative
M emb er of th e
Eu ropean
Parliament. His
essay,
"New word
order,"
was
pu b lish ed
in T h e
Spectator of
L ondon and
reprinted
in th e A merican conservative
periodi-
cal,
T h e A merican
Spectator (2002).
Hannan lamented th at th e word "freedom"
h as lost its clear and
proper "meaning
of a
gu arantee against
coercion"
(2002:30).
L ib erty
sh ou ld mean freedom of
speech ,
freedom of
assemb ly,
and oth er civil lib -
erties. In recent
times,
th e word h as come to
denote, erroneou sly according
to
Hannan,
entitlements su ch as freedom to work or freedom from discrimination.
F or
h im,
and
generally
for
conservatives,
freedom means
maximizing independ-
ence from th e state in
people's pu b lic
life.
Consistent with th is
morality,
conservatives
explain
social
prob lems
as th e
resu lt of
personal failings.
In
1992,
Vice-President Dan
Qu ayle
addressed th e
issu e of
poverty
as follows. "T h e
intergenerational poverty
th at trou b les u s so
mu ch
today
is
predominantly
a
poverty
of valu es. Ou r inner cities are filled with
ch ildren
h aving
ch ildren;
with
people
wh o h ave not b een ab le to take
advantage
of edu cational
opportu nities;
with
people
wh o are
dependent
on
dru gs
or th e nar-
cotic of
welfare"(Qu ayle 1992:27). Qu ayle
eliminated th e need for a stru ctu ral
analysis
of
poverty,
evoked th e lib ertarian ideal of individu al
responsib ility,
and
appealed
to racists
b y portraying inner-city
residents as deb ased.
T o
cope
with th is
"poverty
of
valu es,"
conservatives valu e wh at
George
L akoff (2002: 33) called th e "strict fath er" model of th e family.
T h e fath er is to
h ave
primary responsib ility
for th e
family
and ch ildren mu st learn
self-discipline,
self-reliance, and
respect
for
au th ority.
"Once ch ildren are matu re, th ey
are on
th eir own and mu st
depend
on th eir
acqu ired self-discipline
to
su rvive."
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
2004 PRESIDENT IA L A DDRESS 103
Political conservatism is dominant b ecau se th e elite
su pports
it. However th e
influ ence of th is
ideology
is du e also to th e fact it resonates with th e A merican
myth ology.
T HE A M ERICA N M YT HOL OGY
Horatio
A lger
wrote more th an 130 b ooks ab ou t
b oys
wh o
gained
wealth and
power th rou gh
h ard
work,
virtu ou s
living,
and a b it of lu ck.
A lger
was so influ -
ential th at h is name now stands for th e
myth
th at A mericans can ach ieve mate-
rial su ccess
th rou gh
th eir own efforts.
T h e Horatio
A lger story
h as
deep
roots in A merican cu ltu re. T h e famou s
A merican
essayist, Ralph
Waldo
Emerson,
wrote an
often-qu oted essay,
Self-
Reliance,
wh ich remains "Emerson's most
ab idingly
influ ential
essay" (Ch u rch
2003:30).
In th is
work,
Emerson
(1982) strongly
advocated
personal independ-
ence. A s we read:
-"Imitation is su icide"
(1982:176);
and
-"Society everywh ere
is in
conspiracy against
th e manh ood of
every
one of its mem-
b ers...T h e virtu e in most
requ est
is
conformity.
Self-reliance is its aversion"
(p.178).
Self-reliance,
th e
positive
essence of
lib ertarianism,
remains a
popu lar
ideal
among
A mericans
(Bellah , M adsen, Su llivan,
Swidler and
T ipton 1985:55).
A b elief in th e valu e of self-reliance affects h ow we u nderstand
everyth ing,
especially
economic matters.
Recently
th e
leading, daily newspaper
in
my
h ome-
town carried a letter to th e editor
th at emb odied
lib ertarianism,
not an u nu su al
occu rrence. T h e writer criticized th ose wh o b lamed th e
growing
foreclosu re rate
in th e state on economic conditions rath er th an on th e loss of
personal responsi-
b ility.
Sh e lamented th at A mericans h ave come to feel entitled to su ch
th ings
as
a
"good-paying job
with b enefits." "We u sed to work
h ard,"
sh e
wrote,"
to ach ieve
th ese
th ings"(Grah am 2004 :A 9).
A few month s
ago,
I was
talking
with a
friend,
wh o is an elder in a
small,
con-
servative Protestant
congregation.
He is a senior
citizen,
wh om I will call
Ralph .
He told me th e
ph ilosoph y
of life th at h is fath er h ad
tau gh t
h im and wh ich
Ralph
continu es to live
b y.
T h e b asis of th is worldview is
valu ing self-discipline.
Each
person
mu st take
responsib ility
for h er or h is own life.
Ralph 's
fath er
emph asized
th at h e wou ld not
always
b e alive to
keep Ralph
ou t of trou b le. T h u s
Ralph
is
committed to a
lifestyle
b u ilt on
self-discipline
and self-reliance.
T h e
negative
essence
of lib ertarianism is to minimize
government.
Wh en
President
George
W. Bu sh came to
power,
h e made
cu tting
taxes a
priority
issu e.
In h is
speech es,
th e
president ju stified
th e cu ts with th e
slogan:
"It's
you r money."
His
speech writer
called th e u se of th is
ploy,
"folk
lib ertarianism"(Singer
2004 :13). In h is effort to
pass
th e tax
legislation,
Bu sh said th ere were two
options:
u se th e availab le
b u dget su rplu s
to create "more and
b igger government"
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
104 SOCIOL OGY OF REL IGION
or "let th e A merican
people spend
th eir own
money
to meet th eir own needs"
(p.11).
Needless to
say,
h e
preferred
th e second
option. Indeed, many
A mericans
equ ate
th e defense of freedom with
h ostility
to
government (p. 65).
President
Ronald
Reagan
said in h is farewell address in 1989: "A s
government expands,
lib -
erty contracts"(qu oted
in Saletan
2003:3).
T h ere is a
u niqu e
A merican
colloqu ial term, "th e loner,"
wh ich means a
per-
son wh o
prefers
to b e
independent.
Su ch a
person
ch ooses to b e ou tside of
poli-
tics,
collective forms of
work,
and
marriage.
L oners are
important myth ological
figu res
in A merican
popu lar
cu ltu re. Rob ert
Ray (1985) analyzed
wh at h e called
"th e
classic
period"
of A merican
movies, 1930-194 5. A
typical story
involved a
loner wh o
relu ctantly h elps
an "official
h ero,"
su ch as a
sh eriff,
to solve a
prob -
lem-th ink of th e movies Sh ane and Casab lanca. T h e loner
figu re is,
to u se
Ray's
term,
an "ou tlaw h ero;"
h e seeks adventu re and
danger
and valu es
freedom;
h e is
also someone wh o tends to b e
lonely
and selfish . Wh ile A mericans
express
admi-
ration for b oth
types
of
h eroes, Ray argu ed
th at th e ou tlaw h ero is more valu ed
in A merican cu ltu re
(Ray 1985:66).
He
qu oted
de
T ocqu eville
to th e effect th at
A mericans want "T o
escape
from
imposed systems...
to seek
b y
th emselves and
in th emselves for th e
only
reason for
th ings..." (Ray 1985:62).
A s
Ray pu t it,
au diences
may
admire official h eroes b ecau se
th ey
stand for
commu nity
and
social
order,
b u t
th ey
are also
b oring,
and so
people emu late,
in th eir fantasies if
not in
action,
th e ou tlaw h eroes
(pp.62-3).
T h e idealization of
independence
h as
continu ed in th e movies
starring
su ch
Hollywood
icons as
Joh n Wayne
and Clint
Eastwood.
T h u s th e A merican
myth ology
inclu des th e ideal of
independence
and self-
reliance and th e b elief th at su ccess awaits
anyone willing
to work h ard.
A second
part
of th e
myth ology
concerns th e United States. T h e A merican
"story"
is ab ou t
b eing
a
"city
on a h ill." In h er
stu dy
of wh at sh e called "A merican
civil
religion,"
Rob erta Coles
emph asized
th e
importance
in th is
religion
of
por-
traying
th e United States as a ch osen nation with th e mission of
spreading
free-
dom arou nd th e world
(Coles 2002:4 06).
T h is th eme
goes
b ack to a seventeenth -
centu ry speech b y
th e Pu ritan
leader, Joh n Winth rop,
in
wh ich
h e exh orted h is
fellow b elievers to make th eir
newly
fou nded
colony
a
"city
on a h ill"-th at
is,
to make th e Pu ritan
colony
an
example
for all nations
(2002:4 08).
In Woodrow
Wilson's
words,
we are "to sh ow th e
way
to th e nations of th e world h ow
th ey
sh all walk in th e
path s
of
lib erty...."(Qu oted
in Pfaff
2004 :28).
With in a
day
of
th e
9/11 death s,
President Bu sh describ ed A merica's
response
as "an act of a ch o-
sen nation
advancing
h u man
freedom"(qu oted
in Coles
2002:4 23).
In
part,
th e dominance of th e conservative
ideology
resu lts from th e similar-
ities b etween th is
ideology
and th e A merican
myth ology. F irst, b oth
emph asize
minimizing
th e
power
of
government
and th e need for self-reliance. Second, th e
cu rrent conservative
president
and h is advisors
present
th e United States as th e
ideal for all societies and reinforce th e
"city
on a h ill" th eme of th e A merican
myth ology. Conservatism, th en, incorporates
th e most
important
elements of th e
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
2004 PRESIDENT IA L A DDRESS 105
national
myth ology
su mmed
u p
in th e
glorification
of self-reliance and th e
acceptance
of th e United States as th e
"city
on a h ill."
In
contrast,
leftist
morality
is inconsistent with th is
myth ology.
T h e latter
equ ates
freedom with th e ab sence of
restraint,
wh ile leftists b elieve th at freedom
requ ires reorganizing society
to
provide ju stice
and
opportu nities
to lead th e
good
life.
A gain,
leftists are critical of th e role of th e United States in world
politics.
T h ey perceive
th e mission to
spread
freedom as a cover for
imperialist
amb ition.
Decades
ago,
Reinh old Nieb u h r
ch allenged
th e "immoralities of modern civiliza-
tion," inclu ding
"its lu st for
power,
and its accentu ated
greed"(Qu oted
in
M arty
1991:53).
He wrote: "A merica
regards
h erself as b oth h onest and
piou s,
b u t th e
world declares th at we are selfish and th at ou r selfish ness is
b ecoming
more and
more
insu fferab le"(Qu oted
in
M arty 1991:53).
T h is remains th e left's attitu de.
A noth er reason for th e influ ence of th e conservative
ideology
is its alliance
with traditionalist Protestantism.
T HE A L L IA NCE BET WEEN POL IT ICA L CONSERVA T IVES A ND
REL IGIOUS T RA DIT IONA L IST S
Conservatives do not
fu lly
emb race lib ertarianism.
T h ey
do not extend th e
emph asis
on freedom to th e
private realm, especially
to th e familial and
religiou s
institu tions. In an article in th e National
Review, Joh n
O'Su llivan asserted th at a
b asic
principle
of conservatism is th at
"marriage
sh ou ld b e h ard to
get
ou t of..."
(O'Su llivan 2004 :20).
Becau se of th is limited commitment to
lib ertarianism,
conservatives want to form an alliance with
religiou s traditionalists, especially
traditionalist Protestants
(sometimes
referred to as fu ndamentalists or
evangeli-
cals or
religiou s conservatives).
Religiou s
traditionalists seek to eliminate th ree
b asic, long-term
ch aracteris-
tics of
modernization:
Stru ctu ral
differentiation,
cu ltu ral
fragmentation,
and
individu alism
(T amney 1992a, 2002; T amney
and
Ch iang 2002).
A t th e
extreme,
religiou s righ tists
wou ld create th eocracies. However
contemporary
Protestant
traditionalism h as b een influ enced
b y
th e A merican
myth ology.
T h u s contem-
porary righ tists
in th e United States
accept
th e
separation
of ch u rch and state.
Bu t th e
righ t
remains committed to
creating
a Ch ristian
society,
alb eit in th e
form th at Ronald
Joh nstone
called a "modified
th eocracy"(Joh nstone 2001:132).
T h at
is, th ey
want to
keep
ch u rch and state
institu tionally separate
b u t to u se th e
state to enforce
conformity
to th eir ru les and to ensu re th e cu ltu ral dominance of
th eir valu es. Of
cou rse,
traditionalist Protestants inclu de a
range
of
people;
at one
end, are th e
religiou s righ tists
wh o seek to make th e United States a modified
th eocracy,
and at th e oth er end, are traditionalists wh o want A merican cu ltu re
to reflect th eir valu es b u t wh o do not favor th e u se of th e state to
b ring
th is ab ou t.
T raditionalist Protestants defend a
morality
th at is b ased on th e need to
restrain th e individu al, b oth for h er or h is salvation and for th e su rvival of th e
grou p.
Ch ristian
lob b yists
h ave
fou gh t
to
pass
laws th at wou ld cu rb h u man
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
106 SOCIOL OGY OF REL IGION
appetites
and th u s enh ance self-control.
T h ey
h ave b elieved th at th e loss of self-
control th reatens th e
family,
th e institu tion most
responsib le
for
instilling
th e
righ t valu es,
and more
generally,
th reatens th e
stab le,
moral order th at is
requ ired
b y
a su ccessfu l
society (F oster 2002:4 7).
Becau se traditionalist
morality emph a-
sizes th e
importance
of
grou p su rvival,
as well as individu al
salvation,
it is not a
fu lly
modern form of
morality.
T raditionalists b ase th eir
morality
on a certain
concept
of freedom. T h e
Pu ritan
leader, Joh n Winth rop (1588-164 9), spoke
of th e difference b etween
"natu ral
lib erty"
and "moral
lib erty" (de T ocqu eville 1954 ,
volu me
1:4 4 -4 5).
T h e
former means a
person
is free to do wh atever sh e or h e wish es. Natu ral
lib erty,
Winth rop b elieved,
u nleash es th e wild b east in a
person
and th u s makes
people
grow
ever more evil. He b elieved th at
only
moral
lib erty
sh ou ld b e allowed
b y
th e
state,
th at
is,
a
person
sh ou ld b e free
only
to do wh at is
good.
Ch ristian
lob b yists
seeking
to u se th e state to enforce th eir
morality
h ave
argu ed
th at actions b ased
on
appetites
or
strong passions
are not free. T h u s dru nks and
gamb lers
h ave b een
called "slaves" to th eir needs
(F oster 2002:76).
T raditionalist
Protestants,
more
th an oth er
A mericans,
h ave b een
willing
to limit civil
lib erties,
su ch as
b y
b an-
ning
b ooks from
lib raries,
b ecau se
th ey
"u nderstand freedom to mean
acting
in
conformity
with God's laws" and
th ey
b elieve
people
are too
weak, left
to th em-
selves,
to act
morally (T amney
and
Joh nson 1997:264 ).
Conservatives
appreciate
th is
u nderstanding
of freedom. In th e conservative
perspective,
th e natu ral
person
is a
b east,
and th e cu rrent new
age
carries th e
pos-
sib ility
of a "new b arb arism" b ased on self-love
(Kirkpatrick
1982;
St.
Joh n-
Stevas
1984 ). T h u s,
th e affirmation of free
enterprise
is
accompanied b y
a will-
ingness
to
expand
th e cu ltu ral control of th e state. A s Gerh ard L enski
(1971:221)
wrote:
"Historically,
conservatives h ave b een distru stfu l of man's
b asic natu re and h ave
emph asized
th e need for
restraining
institu tions." F or
example,
Rob ert
Bork,
one-time
Repu b lican
nominee for th e
Su preme
Cou rt and
a sch olar at th e A merican
Enterprise
Institu te,
defended
censorsh ip
as th e means
to
keep
"filth " ou t of
popu lar
cu ltu re
(Cromartie 1997).
A s a
jou rnalist pu t
it:
"Wh ereas lib erals th ink of freedom as a
prerequ isite
to
sorting
ou t one's
valu es,
conservatives th ink of valu es as a
prerequ isite
to
managing
one's freedom"
(Saletan 2003:3).
M oreover th e conservatives in th e
Repu b lican Party try
to
align
th e
Party
with traditionalist
Protestants,
b ecau se th e
Repu b licans
need th e votes of th ese
traditionalists. In
2000,
su ch Protestants
gave
President Bu sh ab ou t
forty percent
of h is votes in th e
presidential
election
(A nderson 2004 :156).
T h u s President
Bu sh
emph asized
in h is recent talk to th e National A ssociation of
Evangelicals
th e
positions
sh ared
b y
th e
Repu b lican Party
and th e evangelicals: su pport
for a
constitu tional amendment b anning
same-sex marriage, su pport
for variou s anti-
ab ortion measu res, and
opposition
to h u man
cloning (Kirkpatrick 2004 ). Su ch
tactics h ave worked. A national
stu dy
of
clergy
in five
important
traditionalist
denominations fou nd th at in 2000 87
percent
of th e
clergy
in th ese
grou ps
voted
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
2004 PRESIDENT IA L A DDRESS 107
for
George
W. Bu sh
(Gu th , Beail, Crow, Gaddy, M ontreal, Nelson, Penning
and
Walz
2003:502).
M y argu ment, th en,
is th at an alliance of economic
leaders, political
conser-
vatives,
b elievers in th e A merican
myth ology,
and traditionalist Protestants h as
made
political
conservatism th e dominant
ideology
in th e United States. F or
example,
th is alliance h as b een ab le to control th e national discou rse ab ou t
morality.
T wo ideas are central in th is
discou rse:
tru e
morality
is th e old-fash -
ioned
pu ritanical
one and th e
cou ntry
is
u ndergoing
moral decline.
T h u s,
accord-
ing
to a national
su rvey
done in
1996,
76
percent
said th at moral valu es h ad
b ecome weaker in th e last 25
years.
In th e same
su rvey, respondents
were asked
wh ich of th e
past
five decades
(th at is,
th e 1950s
th rou gh
th e
1990s)
reflected th e
valu es th e United States sh ou ld stand
for;
a near
majority,
4 8
percent,
ch ose th e
1950s
(Edmu nds
and
Oldenb u rg 1996).
Wh ile a
college stu dent,
I discu ssed a
speech
I was to
give
with one of
my
professors.
T o make a
point,
h e asked me wh at kind of
person
Dante h ad
placed
in th e lowest
depth
of th e
inferno,
th at
is,
wh o did Dante consider th e worst kind
of sinner?
Reflecting my,
at th e
time,
th irteen
years
of Cath olic
edu cation,
I said
no dou b t th ose wh o h ad committed some sexu al
wrongs.
He looked at me with a
pitying
look and informed me th at th ose wh o committed th e sin of
pride
inh ab -
ited th e
depth
of th e inferno.
Su b sequ ently du ring my years
at F ordh am
University,
I came to realize th at th e
professor's,
and
Dante's, u nderstanding
of
sin was more
th eologically
correct. I was an
example
of th e
widespread tendency
to
overemph asize
th e
significance
of violations of sexu al norms. L ittle h as
ch anged.
A s E.
J.
Dionne
recently
said: "If someone
says
th at h e or sh e is
going
to talk ab ou t
'morality,'
most
people
th ese
days
are certain
th ey're
ab ou t to h ear
a
commentary
on sex"
(Dionne 2004 :20).
In a
stu dy
of a random
sample
of
people
in
M iddletown,
Kevin
M cElmu rry
inclu ded fou r
qu estions
meant to find ou t wh at A mericans mean
b y
"moral
decline"
(M cElmu rry 1999).
T h e fou r
qu estions
all h ad a similar stru ctu re. F or
example,
th e first of th em read as follows: "In
today's society,
it is considered nor-
mal for a certain nu mb er of
people
to live in
poverty;
do
you
consider th is to b e
a
sign
of moral
decline,
a
positive
moral
development,
or do
you
th ink th is h as
noth ing
to do with
morality."
T h e next th ree
qu estions
concerned
premarital
sex
b etween
people
wh o care ab ou t each oth er
b ecoming
more
acceptab le,
divorce
b ecoming
more
acceptab le,
and some
pollu tion b eing acceptab le.
A b ou t 60
per-
cent of th e
respondents
identified moral decline with
ch anges relating
to tradi-
tionalist moral
issu es, namely premarital
sex and divorce. A similar
percentage
said th e existence of
poverty
and of
pollu tion
h ad
noth ing
to do with
morality.
However ob viou s th e influ ence of th e alliance of th e economic elite, politi-
cal conservatives, traditionalist Protestants, and enth u siasts of th e A merican
myth ology,
th is alliance is an
u neasy
one.
Capitalists requ ire consu merism and
th u s
encou rage
advertisers to create needs
u sing envy
and oth er
morally
u ndesir-
ab le motives (Sh i 1986). A s
Bryan
Wilson wrote ab ou t th e
advertising indu stry:
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
108 SOCIOL OGY OF REL IGION
"T h e
goal
is to
persu ade people
th at
th ey
h ave ... th e
privilege,
if not th e ob li-
gation,
to
indu lge
th emselves as
fu lly
as
th ey
wish or can ... th e eth ic of th e con-
su mer
society
is h edonism:
indu lgence
and
gratification now"(Wilson 1985:325).
T h e cu ltivation of consu merism
appeals
neith er to
political
conservatives nor to
traditionalist Protestants. A merican
myth ical
h eroes tend to b e anti-elitist and
th u s can b e
politically dangerou s
for th ose in control of
society.
"Ou tlaw h eroes"
do not make for a
compliant citizenry. T h u s,
th e economic and
political
elites
mu st tame wou ld-b e h eroes. T h e alliance b etween th e
Repu b lican Party
and reli-
giou s
traditionalists is also an
u neasy
one
(T amney 1992b ).
F or
example,
in 2003
President Bu sh remarked at a news conference in Great Britain th at Ch ristians
and M u slims
worsh ip
th e same
god.
T raditionalist Protestant leaders
pu b licly
crit-
icized h im for th is attitu de. Wh ereas th e
Repu b lican-controlled government
wants to
portray only
a
portion
of Islam as
evil,
influ ential traditionalists encou r-
age
a view of Islam
generally
as evil
(Cooperman 2003).
Wh ile tensions exist
with in th e alliance
su pporting
th e dominant
ideology,
th ere are su fficient over-
lapping
interests to
ju stify cooperation among
th e elements in th e alliance.
Bu t th e dominance of th e conservative
ideology
is
weakening.
I
su ggest
th at
a u sefu l indicator of its dominance is th e
degree
of national
power
of wh at
James
Davidson and h is
colleagu es
h ave called th e Protestant
Estab lish ment,
th at
is,
th e memb ers of
wh ite, u pper-class
Protestant denominations.
A lth ou gh th ey
remain a
powerfu l
force in
society,
th eir influ ence h as declined. F or
instance,
memb ers of th e Protestant Estab lish ment constitu ted 53
percent
of Wh o's Wh o
listees
reporting
a
religiou s
affiliation in
1930-31;
in th e
early 1990s, th ey
were
ab ou t a th ird of su ch listees
(Davidson
and
Pyle, forth coming).
T h e
Estab lish ment remains
"over-represented
at th e
h igh est
levels of
political,
eco-
nomic,
and cu ltu ral
influ ence,"
b u t it h as lost its ab solu te dominance.
T h u s Samu el
Hu ntington
h as
recently
called for a nativist movement to
defend A merican core cu ltu re. T h e "h eart" of th e th reatened "A merican creed"
is in
pu ritanical
Protestantism
(Hu ntington 2004 b ).
A merica's distinctive
A nglo-Protestant cu ltu re, according
to
Hu ntington,
inclu des:
" th e
English
lan-
gu age; Ch ristianity; religiou s commitment; English concepts
of th e ru le of
law...;
and
dissenting
Protestant valu es of
individu alism,
th e work
eth nic,
and th e
du ty
to
try
to create a h eaven on
earth ,
a
'city
on a
h ill'"'(Hu ntington 2004 a:31-32).
Wh at
Hu ntington
is
calling
th e A merican core
cu ltu re,
I h ave identified as th e
dominant
ideology
and th e valu es of its
su pporting
cast.
T h e immediate cau se of
Hu ntington's
concern is th e
rapidly increasing
size
of th e
Hispanic popu lation
in th e United States.
By 2050, Hispanics may
b e one-
qu arter
of th e A merican
popu lation. A lth ou gh Hu ntington provided
no detailed
analysis
of
Hispanic cu ltu re, h e worried th at th ese
Hispanics
will not
accept
th e
"fou ndation" of A merican cu ltu re. Reviewers h ave criticized mu ch of h is
argu -
ment ab ou t
Hispanics (Jacob y 2004 ; Starr 2004 ). However I th ink it is
qu ite
like-
ly
th at
Hispanics
will not
wh oleh eartedly
emb race
parts
of th e dominant ideolo-
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
2004 PRESIDENT IA L A DDRESS 109
gy, ju st
as oth er Cath olics and
Jews
h ave not done. T h e
increasing diversity
of th e
A merican
popu lation
makes th e dominance of an
ideology
rooted in
A nglo-
Protestant cu ltu re
u nlikely.
M oreover,
th e 1960s cou nter-cu ltu re
was,
and
remains,
a
significant critiqu e
of th e dominant cu ltu re. In th e 1996
stu dy
ab ou t moral decline
previou sly
referred
to,
19
percent
of th e
respondents
ch ose th e 1960s as th e decade
th ey
identified with th e valu es all A mericans sh ou ld
espou se-a
sizeab le
minority
(Edmu nds
and
Oldenb u rg 1996). Hu ntington
illu strated th e
meaning
of th e work
eth ic, part
of h is core
cu ltu re,
with th is comment: "T h e
genu ine
A merican
despises noth ing
more th an idleness and
stagnation;
h e
regards
not
enjoyment,
b u t
lab or,
not comfortab le
repose,
b u t
b u sy u nrest,
as th e
proper earth ly
lot of
man..."(p.14 ).
Descendents of th e cou ntercu ltu re
reject
su ch a
way
of life
(T amney 1992a).
If
pu ritanical
Protestantism is th e h eart of
Hu ntington's
core
cu ltu re,
th en th e cou ntercu ltu re is a
dagger
aimed at th e h eart of th e dominant
ideology.
Similarly
th e rise of feminism
ch allenges
th e alliance
defending
th is ideolo-
gy.
F or
instance,
b ell h ooks'
(2000:9)
criticism of wh at sh e called th e
ideology
of
lib eral individu alism is an attack of lib ertarian
morality.
F inally,
th ere is th e
message
contained in th e new
film, Spiderman
2. Several
times we are told th at as a
h ero, Spiderman
mu st
give u p
h is
personal dreams,
su ch as to
marry
th e woman h e loves. However at th e end of th e
movie,
th e
girl-
friend tells th e h ero th at sh e wants to
marry
h im and th at h e can also
carry
on
figh ting
crime. A s h e flies off on anoth er
mission,
sh e tells h im: "Go
get h im,
tiger." Spiderman
is no
longer
a loner. In th e
end,
th is late-modern h ero is ab le
to live h is dream.
Spiderman
can
h ope
to live th e
good
life.
T h u s th ere are reasons to b elieve th at th e
significance
of th e dominant ide-
ology
is on th e wane. Bu t th is
ideology
dominates not in th e sense th at
all,
or
even
most,
A mericans
totally accept
it. It is
dominant, first,
in th e sense th at it
is all
pervasive
-
in th e mass media and in
political
rh etoric and in letters to local
newspapers
and so forth
-
and, second,
in th e sense th at th ere is no
ideology
th at
is
effectively competing
with it for dominance. A s
Colin
L eys (1990:127)
said of
T h atch erism in 1990: "F or an
ideology
to b e
h egemonic,
it is not
necessary
th at
it b e loved. It is
merely necessary
th at it h ave no seriou s rival." T h e
greatest
strength
of conservatism is th e weakness of leftism.
T HE A BSENCE OF A N EF F ECT IVE A L T ERNA T IVE IDEOL OGY
L eftist
morality
cou ld b e th e b asis for a
politically significant alternative ide-
ology
in th e United States. T h is is not th e case b ecau se of th e isolation of leftist
intellectu als from
any organizational b ase. Su ch
possib le
b ases inclu de mainline
Protestantism, Cath olicism, th e Democratic
Party,
and new social movements.
However none of th em h ave b ecome th e veh icle for leftist
morality. Wh y?
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
110 SOCIOL OGY OF REL IGION
M ainline Protestantism
M ainline
Protestantism,
th e b lack
ch u rch es, Cath olicism,
and
Ju daism
came
togeth er
to
figh t
for civil
righ ts
laws
du ring
th e 1960s. A s several
political
ana-
lysts
commented:
"T h ou gh
th e
[mainline Protestant]
ch u rch es were
b y
no means
u nified,
th ere was su fficient
lay su pport
th at th e
pro-civil righ ts message
wou ld
reach u ndecided memb ers of
Congress. M oreover,
th e issu e was
relatively
clear-
cu t,
and
religiou s argu ments enjoyed
a certain
logic
th at was
compelling
to
many.
How cou ld one
really
b e a Ch ristian and sanction
discriminatory
laws?"
(F owler,
Hertzke,
and Olson
1999:66).
Never since h ave th e mainline ch u rch es
su pport-
ed
morally-b ased legislation th at, first,
received as mu ch
su pport
with in th eir own
ranks,
and
second,
was so
clearly
related to th eir b ib lical
message
as th e civil
righ ts
laws.
T h u s: "Wh en th e leaders of th e National Cou ncil of
Ch u rch es,
and of Bu sh 's
own
ch u rch ,
th e United
M eth odists,
asked for th e
opportu nity
to
present
th eir
ob jections
to th e
[Iraq] war,
Bu sh refu sed to meet with th em"
(Singer 2004 :207).
F rom a
political perspective,
Bu sh 's
response
was u nderstandab le. "T h e United
M eth odist Ch u rch ran an commercial b efore th e
war, saying,
'we're President
Bu sh 's ch u rch and we're
against
th e
war."'
"Of
cou rse,"
L au ra Olson
wrote, "
Nob ody paid
attention to
it..."(Olson 2004 :9).
In
1928,
a
sociologist
stu died th e
composition
of 387 ch u rch
b oards,
wh ich
represented
ab ou t h alf of h is
original
national
sample
of
mostly
mainline
congre-
gations.
Bu siness leaders and
professionals
accou nted for
fifty-five percent
of th e
memb ersh ip
of th ese b oards. A s th e research er conclu ded: "We mu st
recognize
th e fact th at too often
today
th e ch u rch is a class
grou p representing
th e su ccess-
fu l or
moneyed class,
and we mu st
gu ard against
th e
complete
domination of th e
minister
b y
th is
class"(Davis 1932:4 31).
M ore
recently, Jim
Davidson describ ed a similar situ ation. "Elites h ave b een
over
represented
on ch u rch
cou ncils, b oards,
and commissions. In th ese
capaci-
ties,
elites h ave
promoted
th e
importance
of ch u rch
programs fostering personal
growth
and salvation..
."(Davidson 1986:24 2).
A t th e same time:
"T h ey
h ave dis-
cou raged 'ju stice-oriented' parish programs...."
M oreover, given
th e
political
attitu des of th e
clergy
in mainline
ch u rch es,
concerted action
against
th e statu s
qu o
is
u nlikely.
A national
stu dy
of
clergy
in
six mainline Protestant denominations fou nd th at 4 3
percent
h ad voted for
George
W.
Bu sh in th e 2000 election
(Smidt 2003:522).
Even
su pporters
of left-
ist Ch ristian
organizations-Sojou rners,
Bread for th e
World, Evangelicals
for
Social
A ction,
and
Ju stlife-identified
th emselves as
frequ ently
as
political
mod-
erates as
th ey
did lib erals (Hall 1997). Given th e lack
of
a
significant
leftist
rep-
resentation among
th e leaders, b oth
lay
and clerical, mainline ch u rch es are not
going
to b e th e carrier of leftist
morality.
A second
prob lem
concerns th e relation b etween th eology
and leftist issu es.
In 1983
pastors
in M iddletown were asked ab ou t th eir
positions
on
eigh t pu b lic
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
2004 PRESIDENT IA L A DDRESS 111
issu es
b eing
discu ssed at th e time
(for example,
a nu clear
freeze,
a constitu tional
amendment to allow
prayer
in
pu b lic sch ools,
and th e
equ al righ ts
amendment to
remove discrimination
against women) (Joh nson
and
T amney 1986).
On each
issu e th e
pastors
were asked an
open-ended qu estion: "Wh y
do
you
feel th is
way?"
M ost of th e
pastors' responses
h ad
noth ing directly
to do with
religion, i.e.,
with
God or th e Bib le or Ch ristian tradition. Some conservative
clergy
u sed
religiou s
reasons to
ju stify
b oth
prayer
in sch ools and discrimination
against
h omosexu als.
M ainline
clergy
u sed
religiou s
reasons less
often;
wh en
th ey
did it was to defend
affirmative action on b eh alf of minorities
(saying
for
instance,
God created u s all
equ al)
or to defend th e
equ al righ ts
amendment
(men
and women are
equ al
b efore
God).
I
su ggest
th at mainline
clergy
u sed
religiou s ju stifications
for th eir issu e
posi-
tions less often b ecau se th e ties b etween th eir
religion
and th eir
policy prefer-
ences are
weak,
at b est. It is a
leap
to
go
from
b eing equ al
b efore God to
su p-
porting
th e
Equ al Righ ts
A mendment. T h u s a reason for th e lack of moral lead-
ersh ip
from mainline
clergy
is th at th e moral norms distinctive to th em h ave
only
a tenu ou s
relationsh ip
to th eir
religion.
F inally
th e lack of effective
leadersh ip
resu lts from th e essential natu re of
mainline Protestantism. T h is form of
Ch ristianity appeals
to
people
b ecau se it
b oth confirms th e
religiou s importance
of
Jesu s
Ch rist and
accepts great th eolog-
ical
diversity among
th e
memb ersh ip.
Its
identifying
ch aracteristic is tolerance of
variou s
personal
b eliefs. T h ere is a list of b asic b eliefs for wh ich a ch u rch
stands,
b u t each
person
is
expected
to make
u p
h er or h is own mind. Bu t
accepting
diver-
sity
u ndermines th e
power
of th e mainline ch u rch es.
M ainline denominations tried to
prevent
th e invasion of
Iraq
with
pu b lic
statements
criticizing
th e
ju stifications
for su ch action.
T h ey
were
largely
ignored.
A t th e
time,
ab ou t 70
percent
of A mericans
su pported
th e war
(Ceb u la
2003:A 8).
A minister of a mainline ch u rch in
my
h ometown told a
reporter
th at
sh e does not
preach
ab ou t h er anti-war ideas from th e
pu lpit
b ecau se h er con-
gregation
wants to
give space
to diverse
political
views.
M aking
tolerance a
sacred valu e
h andicaps
mainline Protestantism.
Roman Cath olicism
F ath er Rich ard
M cBrien,
a
th eologian
at th e Cath olic
University
of Notre
Dame,
h ad an
opinion piece
in T h e National Cath olic
Reporter (26 A u gu st 1994 ),
in wh ich h e listed twelve moral
imperatives,
with th eir New T estament
sou rces,
th at are
among
th e
principles
at th e h eart of th e
gospel.
T h e first th ree were:
T h e call to love one anoth er.
T h e call to love even ou r enemies.
T h e call to
forgive
one anoth er.
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
112 SOCIOL OGY OF REL IGION
Key
words and
ph rases
in th e
remaining
nine statements inclu ded: serve one
anoth er,
serve th e
poor,
b eware of
rich es,
and b e
ju st.
M cBrien th en listed th e
topics
th at divide th e Cath olic Ch u rch :
ab ortion,
h omosexu ality, contraception, premarital sex, divorce,
th e ordination of
women,
in vitro
fertilization,
and sterilization. T h e
th eologian
wondered
wh y
issu es relat-
ing
to sex and
gender
are so
important.
M cBrien ended
b y asking
th at more time
and
energy
b e devoted to th e central moral
imperatives
of th e
gospel.
In
effect,
M cBrien asked
wh y
traditionalist
morality
is more
important
th an
leftist
morality
in th e Cath olic Ch u rch . His
analysis
makes th e
point
th at th e
ch oice of critical issu es is a
political matter,
not a
logical
dedu ction from wh at we
know ab ou t th e life and
teach ings
of
Jesu s
Ch rist. Wh ile it is tru e th at th e cu r-
rent
pope
h as
spoken
ou t ab ou t social
ju stice
and world
peace,
su ch issu es remain
of
secondary importance compared
to th ose related to sex and
gender (Bu rns
1992).
T h e Democratic candidate for th e
presidency, Joh n Kerry,
is a
practicing
Cath olic. He
agrees
with
many
of th e ch u rch
positions
on social
ju stice
issu es
su ch as
immigration, poverty,
h ealth
care,
and th e death
penalty.
However sev-
eral
b ish ops
h ave said it wou ld not b e
appropriate
for Senator
Kerry
to take
Holy
Commu nion in ch u rch b ecau se h e does not
agree
with
papal pronou ncements
on
litmu s issu es su ch as ab ortion and stem cell
research ,
wh ich issu es "animate
ch u rch conservatives and
many
in th e
h ierarch y"(Goodstein 2004 :A 13).
Undou b tedly Joh n Kerry
does
su pport
th e ch u rch 's
positions
on
many political
issu es. T h e
prob lem
is th at in th e ch u rch 's
eyes
ab ortion
tru mps
oth er moral
issu es. F or
instance, "ch u rch
teach ing
on ab ortion is 'definitive': Cath olics mu st
ob ey
it as an act of faith ." In
contrast,
for
example: "T each ing
on
capital pu nish -
ment is
merely 'au th entic,' meaning
b elievers
may b ring
reason to b ear on th e
issu e"(Biema 2004 ). Wh y
is so mu ch
importance
attach ed to issu es su ch as ab or-
tion?
Some of th e reasons
wh y
mainline ch u rch es are not effective carriers of left-
ist
morality
also
explain
th e attractiveness of traditionalist issu es to Cath olic
leaders. L ike
many
mainline
leaders,
Cath olic
priests
are
personally
conservative.
A national
stu dy
of
priests
fou nd th at 59
percent
of th em voted for
George
W.
Bu sh in th e 2000 election
(Jelen 2003:596).
A gain
like mainline
pastors,
Cath olic leaders h ave
difficu lty linking
th eir
th eology
to leftist cau ses. In
1986,
th e A merican Cath olic
b ish ops
issu ed a
pas-
toral letter on th e
economy. Preserving
h u man
dignity
was central to th e letter.
T h e
b ish ops su pported
economic
righ ts inclu ding
th e
righ ts
to
employment, rest,
medical care, food, and
cloth ing
and th e need for economic
democracy.
Su ch
righ ts su pposedly
follow from th e fact th at h u man
b eings
are created in th e
image
of God
(T amney, Bu rton, and
Joh nson 1988).
Cath olic critics of th e A merican
b ish op's pastoral
letter defended
capitalism
as th e b est
way
to solve social
prob lems
su ch as
u nemployment
and
poverty.
T h e
critics did not
su pport
naked
capitalism
b u t an
ideological
mix of free
enterprise,
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
2004 PRESIDENT IA L A DDRESS 113
democracy,
th e
encou ragement
of
ch arity,
and th e
acceptance
of a
"safety
net" for
th e
poor (Briggs 1984 ). Capitalism
was
legitimated instru mentally:
It redu ces
poverty;
it
encou rages democracy,
and so forth . A s a
resu lt,
th e deb ate ab ou t eco-
nomic issu es b ecame a tech nical discu ssion of th e cau ses of
poverty
and h ow to
alleviate it. In
effect,
th e
relationsh ip
b etween Ch ristian valu es and
pu b lic poli-
cies b ecame u nclear.
We are still left with th e
qu estion: Wh y
is it
necessary
for th e
b ish ops
to take
su ch a
strong
stand on issu es su ch as ab ortion? Gene Bu rns
(1992)
h as
argu ed
th at with
modernization,
th e Vatican lost th e
power
to affect economic and
political
matters. In
response,
th e Vatican recast Cath olic
th eology
b oth to de-
emph asize pu b lic life,
over wh ich th e ch u rch h ad little
power,
and to
emph asize
private life,
over wh ich ch u rch es h ave b een allowed to retain influ ence. T h at is
to
say, given
th e
power
of conservative
political
forces in modern
societies,
it is
pru dent
for Cath olic leaders to
play
down th e
advocacy
of a
morality
th at is con-
trary
to th e interests of
capitalists.
Bu t
wh y
does th e Ch u rch feel th e need to excommu nicate
people
over fam-
ily
and
gender
issu es? Becau se th e Cath olic Ch u rch is an au th oritarian
organiza-
tion,
it mu st
speak au th oritatively
to b e tru e to its natu re. If th e Ch u rch focu sed
on leftist
issu es,
it wou ld b ecome
merely
an
advisory b ody.
Wh at is feared is th e
loss of moral
certainty.
Cath olic
traditionalists,
wh o inclu de most of th e h ierar-
ch y,
mu st
speak
with
au th ority
to maintain th e natu re of th e ch u rch as an au th or-
itarian
organization.
Not to b e ab le to do so is to cease
b eing
a distinctive form
of
Ch ristianity.
T h ere are several
reasons, th en,
for th e weak
leadersh ip
from mainline
Protestant and Cath olic leaders
regarding
leftist
morality. F irst,
th e
leadersh ip
in
th ese ch u rch es is eith er divided in th eir
su pport
for leftist
morality
or
relegates
th is
morality
to a
secondary
statu s.
Second,
leftist
morality
is not
clearly
rooted
in
Ch ristianity;
as a resu lt it is less
easily
defended in
religiou s
terms th an tradi-
tionalist
morality
and is th u s less
important
in
defining
Ch ristian
identity.
Discu ssions of leftist
morality get b ogged
down in tech nical
argu ments;
as
a
resu lt,
th e
relationsh ip
b etween th is
morality
and laws is often not
clear,
and th is
amb igu ity
can drain enth u siasm for th e cau se of leftist
morality. T h ird,
wh en reli-
giou s organizations emph asize tolerance, th ey
are less ab le to
effectively represent
any ideology. F ou rth ,
th e need for Cath olic leaders to maintain th e distinctive-
ness of th eir ch u rch forces th em to search for issu es on wh ich
th ey
b elieve
th ey
can
speak
with
au th ority,
and th at means
focu sing
on traditionalist
morality.
T HE DEM OCRA T IC PA RT Y A ND L EF T IST M ORA L IT Y
A noth er
possib le organizational
veh icle for leftist ideas is th e Democratic
Party.
However th e center of
power
in th e
Party
is th e Democratic
L eadersh ip
Cou ncil. F ormer President Clinton is a memb er, as is
Joh n Kerry.
T h e Cou ncil is
pro-b u siness
and seeks to ensu re A merican
glob al
dominance
(Pilger 2004 ). T h e
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
114 SOCIOL OGY OF REL IGION
Cou ncil exists to
marginalize
leftist Democrats. A s Sh eldon Wolin
pu t it,
th e
Democratic
Party
h as emb raced "centrism" and ceased to b e an
opposition party
(Wolin 2003). Or,
to
pu t
it anoth er
way,
th e Democratic
Party
is wh at an
oppo-
sition looks like in a
capitalist society.
Wh ile
George
W. Bu sh
repeatedly
evokes th e dominant
myth ology
in dis-
cu ssions of
Iraq, presidential
candidate
Joh n Kerry
offers wh at can at b est b e
called a
pragmatic message.
In a formal
interview, Kerry de-emph asized
th e
pro-
motion of
democracy
overseas.
A ccording
to th e
jou rnalist:
"He said
secu ring
all
nu clear materials in
Ru ssia, integrating
Ch ina in th e world
economy, ach ieving
greater
control over Pakistan's nu clear
weapons,
or
winning greater cooperation
on terrorist
financing
in Sau di A rab ia
tru mped
h u man
righ ts
concerns in th ose
nations"
(Kessler 2004 :7). Denying
th e role of th e United States as a
ligh t
u nto
th e
world,
a
city
on a
h ill, Kerry
fails to
engage
enth u siasts for th e A merican
myth ology. T h u s, Kerry's platform expresses
neith er th is
myth ology
nor a leftist
alternative.
A s a candidate for
president
in
1984 , Jesse Jackson
said: "We mu st b e driven
not
b y
a
negative-th e
fear of
Reagan-b u t b y
th e
positive leadersh ip
and
pro-
grams
of th e Democratic
Party.
It is not
enou gh
motivation to vote
against
Reagan,
we mu st
inspire
ou r
constitu ency
to vote for u s. We mu st offer ou r
peo-
ple
th e vision of a
ju st society
and th e dream of a
peacefu l
world"
(Qu oted
in
Crotty 1989:63). T wenty years later,
th e same
prob lem
exists.
A recent article in th e leftist Nation
magazine
h ad th e h eadline "A
Program
for th e T imid." T h e au th or wrote: "Instead of a manifesto for
ch ange
th at
migh t
attract new
su pport
or at least
energize
th e
b ase,
th e
platform
th at
delegates
to
th e
[2004 ]
Democratic National Convention are
expected
to
approve
with ou t
deb ate is a
tepid
docu ment
largely
defined
b y
Senator
Kerry's
fear of
b eing
iden-
tified as a
lib eral..."(Nich ols
2004 : 4 ).
In William Greider's
words,
Democrats are
" u nited in an effort to relieve th e
cou ntry
of its failed President.
T h ey expect
Kerry
to win th e
people's gratitu de
for not
b eing George
W.
Bu sh "(Greider
2004 :
8).
L ast
month , Jesse Jackson
describ ed th e
platform
as a "cau tiou s docu ment."
He went on to
say:
"Bu t I'm still
looking
forward to th e
day
wh en we
recognize
th at th e b est
way
to elect Democrats is not with cau tion b u t with th e b oldness
th at b u ilds mass movements for
ch ange"(Qu oted
in Nich ols
2004 :6).
T h e Democratic
Party
wants to win now. It h as no interest in
b u ilding
a new
movement. L eftists feel at h ome
among
th e
poor. Ju stice
is th eir cau se. T h u s th e
lib eral
religiou s lob b yists
in
Wash ington
D
C,
stu died
b y
Daniel
Hofrenning,
"repeatedly
affirmed th eir
identity
as advocates for th e
poor"(1995:97).
Bu t if th e
Democratic Party,
or for th at matter th e mainline ch u rch es, wou ld u se moral
argu ments
to
try
to redistrib u te
power
and
prestige directly, th ey
wou ld b e
acting
against
th e self-interest of th eir memb ers. In an afflu ent society
th ose
seeking
ch ange
mu st offer th e
h ope
b oth of
ju stice
for th e
poor
and
powerless
and of a
new
h igh er qu ality
of life for th e rich and
powerfu l.
If th e Democratic
Party
is to
b e a force for leftist
ch ange,
it mu st refocu s
pu b lic
discu ssion
from
GNP to
qu al-
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
2004 PRESIDENT IA L A DDRESS 115
ity
of life. M ore
generally,
if wou ld-b e leftist
organizations
are to b e a force for
ch ange, th ey
mu st work
among
th e
oppressors-not b y telling
th em h ow b ad
th ey are,
wh ich will
only
alienate
th em,
b u t
b y offering
th e well-to-do a vision of
a b etter life th at wou ld
indirectly
aid th e
poor.
NEW SOCIA L M OVEM ENT S
A fter World War
II,
th e United States b ecame th e first afflu ent modern soci-
ety
in
h istory.
T h e b elief b ecame estab lish ed th at classes were no
longer
in con-
flict over scarce resou rces.
Rath er,
it b ecame
policy
to lift all b oats with th e new
prosperity (Hodgson 1976:76).
A n official with th e steelworkers' u nion wrote in
th e 1950s th at th e u nion no
longer
needed th e
h elp
of leftist intellectu als
b ecau se,
in h is words: "We were no
longer figh ting
a class war with
manage-
ment"(Qu oted
in Serrin
1993:24 9).
T h en came th e 1960s and th e cou ntercu l-
tu re and th e
split
b etween th e workers and th e left. On th e one
h and,
th e cou n-
tercu ltu ralists devalu ed th e
symb ols
of
working-class
su ccess su ch as new h ou ses
and fine cars. On th e oth er
h and,
th e cou ntercu ltu ralists criticized valu es
impor-
tant to th e
working class,
su ch as au tomatic
patriotism
and traditionalist morali-
ty. T h u s, du ring
late
modernity
th ose
figh ting
for
ju stice
and th ose
seeking
to
spread
new ideas ab ou t an
anti-pu ritanical lifestyle
h ave not worked
togeth er.
M oreover cou ntercu ltu ralists h ave th emselves not b een u nited. In
part,
th e
sixties cou ntercu ltu re was an
expression
of leftist
morality. Bu t,
in
part,
it reflect-
ed th e
resu rgence
of lib ertarianism. Some
Hippies sou gh t
to
reinvigorate
th e lib -
ertarian call for a
lifestyle
of
independence
and
self-reliance,
even to th e
point
of
u rging people
to
ignore
laws
th ey
did not
su pport (T amney 1992a:74 -5).
Pau l Heelas
(1996)
describ ed a similar division
among
memb ers of th e New
A ge
movement:
-Some of th em h ave lost faith in
capitalist society
and seek an alternative
way
of
life; th ey
reject alienating work, corru pt politicians,
and consu merism
(p.138);
-Oth ers tu rn to New
A ge practices
as means of
ach ieving
su ccess in
capitalist society (p.
138),
or as a
way
of
redu cing
th e
gap
b etween
expectation
and
fact,
th u s
allowing
th em
to
accept
th eir fate in
capitalist society (for instance, meditating
to focu s b etter and
b ecome more effective
workers;
or
taking
"su ccess" cou rses th at teach th em to want
only
wh at is
clearly attainab le) (p.14 9).
Similarly
some feminists
espou se
a form of feminism in wh ich th e
goal
is to
increase "th e individu al woman's
righ t
to freedom and
self-determination"(h ooks
2000:25). [b ]ell
h ooks
rejected
su ch a definition of feminism b ecau se it "evokes a
very
romantic notion of
personal
freedom th at is more
acceptab le
th an a defini-
tion th at
emph asizes
radical
political action"(p.25).
Wh at h ooks
rejected
is a
form of feminism th at fits th e A merican
myth s. T h u s, new social movements
inclu de in th eir ranks not
only leftists, b u t also th ose wh o
su pport
th e A merican
myth ology.
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
116 SOCIOL OGY OF REL IGION
Even
among leftists,
th ere is a
tendency
to accommodate th is
myth ology
as a
tactical move. William Saletan's
(2003) h istory
of th e last
twenty years
of th e
pro-life
movement is called
Bearing righ t.
He
argu ed
th at leftists h ave lost th e
figh t
over
legalized
ab ortion and th at th is is tru e b ecau se
th ey
decided to win
small victories
b y u sing
lib ertarian
argu ments (p.106).
L eftists
ju stified
th eir
stru ggle b y argu ing
th at ab ortion is a
private
affair in wh ich th e
government
sh ou ld not meddle. A manu al for
pro-ch oice
activists told th em to "frame th e
issu e as a matter of
keeping
th e
government
from
interfering
in
personal
lives"(p.109).
M oreover th ese activists u sed
langu age
th at allowed
people
to
th ink th at th e decision ab ou t ab ortion need not b e made
b y
th e
pregnant
woman
b u t cou ld b e made
b y
th e woman's
family (p.69). L eftists,
Saletan
wrote,
"dilu t-
ed feminism into
popu lism" (p. 74 ).
Of
cou rse,
th e activists were
only b eing prac-
tical; only
a
minority
of A mericans
agree
with th e leftist version of
pro-ch oice
(Saletan
2003
139).
T h e
integrity
of leftist movements is fu rth er weakened
b y
th e
nostalgia
for
commu nity
th at is often a
part
of th ese movements. F or
example,
th e social
gospel
movement
sou gh t
to create a more
ju st society. Bu t,
as is tru e of
many
left-
ist
efforts,
th e memb ers of th is movement
expressed
a
longing
for
commu nity,
a
very
conservative
goal. Individu alism, ch oice,
and
competition
were
perceived
to
h ave
gone
too far.
Commu nity, organicity,
and wh oleness were
longed
for
(M arty
1986:251). Commu nity implies
th at th e
grou p
is more
important
th an th e indi-
vidu als
composing
it. Walter Rau sch enb u sch
(1861-1918),
th e
leading
spokesperson
of th is
movement,
wrote: "We are
emerging
from th e era of indi-
vidu alism. T h e
principle
of
co-ordination, co-operation,
and
solidarity
is
b eing
applied
in
ever-widening
areas and is
gaining
remarkab le h old on th e
spirits
of
men"(qu oted
in Woodh ead
2002:169).
Rau sch enb u sch wanted to create a
Ch ristian
society,
wh ich h e envisioned as an
organic
wh ole
(M arty 1986:169).
In
contrast,
leftists do not valu e th e
solidarity
of
society
in itself b u t
only
th e devel-
opment
of th e individu als
composing
th e
society.
M ore
recently, Joh n
B.
Cob b , Jr.
discu ssed a
postmodern
economic
th eory.
In
h is
essay,
h e criticizes ou r
present economy
b ecau se it "works
against
h u man com-
mu nity"
and "is b ased on a
radically
individu alistic view of h u man
b eings"(1990:130).
A ll too
frequ ently,
we are
presented
with a ch oice b etween
commu nity
and a lib ertarian
society.
Neith er is desirab le from a leftist
perspec-
tive.
People
need
relationsh ips
with oth ers to
develop.
T h at is not an issu e. Bu t
leftists
reject relationsh ips
in wh ich th e su rvival of th e
relationsh ip
is more
important
th an th e
well-b eing
of th e individu als in th e
relationsh ip.
A fou rth
prob lem
with th e new social movements is th eir lack of
u nity.
Peter
Steinfels
compared
th e
opposition
to au th oritarianism in th e Cath olic Ch u rch
with leftist
opposition
in th e Democratic
Party.
A s in th e Democratic Party,
th e ch u rch 's left often seems a collection of
grou ps seeking
recognition
for single
interests or exclu ded minorities. It inclu des th e
Women's
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
2004 PRESIDENT IA L A DDRESS 117
Ordination
Conference; Corpu s,
an association of
priests
wh o
resigned
to
marry; Dignity,
a
grou p representing
Cath olic
h omosexu als;
and Pax
Ch risti,
an
anti-military organiza-
tion. Bu t th e
sympath y
for one anoth er's cau ses is
general (Steinfels 1994 :A 12).
Emotional attach ment
among
leftists occu rs
only
at a
specific level,
for
instance,
with lab or
u nions,
th e women's
movement, qu eer politics,
and so on.
Su ch
grou ps rarely cooperate.
M ore th an
conservatism,
leftism is a
category
of
analysis
rath er th an a social
reality.
T h u s leftists lack
any organizational
b ase.
T h ey
cannot
compete
with th e
alliance of th e economic
elite, political conservatives,
traditionalist
Protestants,
th e
Repu b lican Party,
and b elievers in th e A merican
myth ology.
CONCL USION
T h e dominance of th e conservative
ideology
in th e United States is declin-
ing.
T h e dream of a
society
with ou t entrench ed
privileges
and in wh ich
everyone
can lead lives of
enjoyment
and fu lfillment is not
likely
to
go away.
T h e inter-
esting qu estion
is wh eth er th e new social movements will b ecome an effective
carrier of leftist
morality.
In order for th is to
h appen,
th e movements wou ld h ave
to attract th ose most in need of a more
ju st society,
th e
poor,
to cease
b u ying
into
th e A merican
myth ology
for
ideological
or tactical
reasons,
to resist th e siren call
of
commu nity,
and to
emph asize
an
overarch ing
leftist
morality
th at wou ld allow
th e variou s movements to b ecome an effective alliance.
REF ERENCES
A nderson,
B. C. 2004 . Secu lar
Eu rope, religiou s
A merica. T h e Pu b lic Interest 155:14 3-158.
A nnan,
K. A . 2001.
F igh ting
terrorism on a
glob al
front. New York
T imes,
21
Septemb er,
A 27.
Bellah ,
R
N.,
R.
M adsen, W.M . Su llivan,
A .
Swidler,
and
S.M .
T ipton.
1985. Hab its
of
th e
h eart.
Berkeley: University
of California Press.
Biema,
D.V. 2004 . Does ab ortion
tru mp
all oth er issu es?
T ime,
21
Ju ne,
37.
Briggs,
K.A . 1984 . Cath olic
grou p
extols
capitalism b ish ops' ready
economic
stu dy.
New York
T imes,
7
Novemb er, Y1,
Y21.
Bu rns, G..
1992. T h e
frontiers of
Cath olicism: T h e
politics of ideology
in a lib eral world.
Berkeley:
University
of California Press.
Ceb u la, J.
2003. Ch u rch memb ers
speak
th eir
piece. Indianapolis Star,
6
A pril, A 8.
Ch u rch ,
F 2003. Emerson's sh adow. UUWORL D
17(2):29-31.
Cob b , Jr., J.B.
1990. F rom individu alism to
persons
in
commu nity:
A
postmodem
economic
th eory.
In Sacred
connections,
edited
b y D.R. Griffin, 123-4 2.
A lb any:
State
University
of
New York Press.
Coles,
R.L . 2002. M anifest
destiny adapted
for 1990s war discou rse: M ission and
destiny
inter-
twined.
Sociology of Religion
63:4 03-26.
Cooperman,
A . 2003. President's
'th eology'
falls on
stony grou nd.
M anch ester Gu ardian
Weekly,
27 Novemb er-3
Decemb er,
31.
Cromartie,
M . 1997. Give me
lib erty,
b u t don't
give
me filth .
Ch ristianity T oday,
19
M ay,
28-
30.
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
118 SOCIOL OGY OF REL IGION
Crotty,
W.1989.
Jesse Jackson's campaign: Constu tu ency
attitu des and
political
ou tcomes. In
Jesse Jackson's
1984
presidential campaign,
edited
b y L .J.
Barker and R.W.
Walters,
57-95.
Urb ana and
Ch icago: University
of Illinois Press.
Davidson, J.D.
1986.
Captive congregations: Wh y
local ch u rch es don't
pu rsu e equ ality.
In T h e
political
role
of religion
in th e United
States,
edited
b y
S.D.
Joh nson
and
J.B. T amney,
239-
261. Bou lder and L ondon: Westview Press.
Davidson, J.
and R.E.
Pyle. F orth coming. Religion
and social
stratification;
A fair sh ares
approach .
In Handb ook on
religion
and social
institu tions,
edited
b y H.R.Eb au gh .
Plenu m
Press.
Deigh , J.
2001. L ib eralism and freedom. In Social and
political ph ilosoph y,
edited
b y J.P. Sterb a,
151-165. L ondon and New York:
Rou tledge.
Dionne
Jr.,
E.
J.
2004 . Can't
b u y
me love.
Sojou rners, Ju ne,
19-22.
Du rkh eim,
E.1973. Individu alism and th e intellectu als. In Emile Du rkh eim on
morality
and soci-
ety,
edited
b y
R.N.
Bellah , 4 3-57.
Ch icago: University
of
Ch icago
Press.
Edmu nds,
P. and A .
Oldenb u rg.
1996.
M orality
issu es matter more. USA
T oday,
6
A u gu st,
4 A -
5A .
Elgin, D., T . T h omas, T .
L ogoth etti,
and S. Cox. 1974 .
City
size and th e
qu ality of life.
Wash ington,
D. C.: U.S. Government
Printing
Office.
Emerson,
R.W. 1982. Selected
Essays.
New York:
Pengu in.
F oster,
G.M . 2002. M oral reconstru ction.
Ch apel
Hill and L ondon:
University
of North
Carolina Press.
F owler, R.B.,
A .D. Hertzke and L .R. Olson. 1999.
Religion
and
politics
in A merica. Second edi-
tion.
Bou lder,
CO: Westview Press.
Giddens,
A . 1991.
M odernity
and
self-identity. Stanford,
CA : Stanford
University
Press.
Goodstein,
L . 2004 .
Kerry,
candidate and
Cath olic,
creates u neasiness for Ch u rch . New York
T imes,
2
A pril, A l, A 13.
Gou ld,
B. 1985. T h e lab or
way
to freedom. T h e L ondon
T imes,
2
Decemb er,
12.
Grah am,
K. 2004 .
T aking responsib ility
for financial woes.
Indianapolis Star, 24
F eb ru ary,
A 9.
Greider,
W. 2004 .
Slow-gear
Democrats. T h e
Nation, 2/9 A gu st,
8-10.
Gu th , J.L .,
L .
Beail, G.Crow,
B.
Gaddy,
S.
M ontreal,
B.
Nelson, J. Penning,
and
J.
Walz. 2003.
T h e
political activity
of
evangelical clergy
in th e election of 2000: A case
stu dy
of five
denominations.
Jou rnal for
th e
Scientific Stu dy of Religion
4 2:501-514 .
Hall, C.E 1997. T h e Ch ristian left: Wh o are
th ey
and h ow are
th ey
different from th e
Ch ristian
righ t?
Review
of Religiou s
Research 39:27-4 5.
Hannan,
D. 2002. New word order. T h e A merican
Spectator, Janu ary/F eb ru ary,
30-31.
Heelas,
P. 1996. T h e New
A ge
movement. L ondon: Blackwell.
Herb ert,
B. 2004 . We're more
produ ctive.
Wh o
gets
th e
money?
New York
T imes,
5
A pril,
A 25.
Hodgson,
G. 1976. A merica in ou r time. New York:
Vintage
Books.
Hofrennig,
D.
J.
B. 1995. In
Wash ington
b u t not
of
it.
Ph iladelph ia,
PA :
T emple University
Press.
Hu ntington,
S. P. 2004 a. T h e
Hispanic ch allenge. F oreign Policy, M arch /A pril,
30-4 5.
. 2004 b . A merican creed. T h e A merican
Conservative,
12
A pril,
8-16.
International Herald T rib u ne. 2003. A new
Repu b lican style.
International Herald
T rib u ne,
29
Decemb er,
8.
Jacob y,
T . 2004 . End of th e rainb ow.
M anch ester
Gu ardian
Weekly,
4 -10
Ju ne,
27.
Jelen,
T . 2003. Cath olic
priests
and th e
political
order: T h e
political
b eh avior of Cath olic
pas-
tors. Jou rnal for
th e
Scientific Stu dy of Religion 4 2:591-604 .
Joh nson,
S.D. and J.
B.
T amney.
1986. T h e
clergy
and
pu b lic
issu es in M iddletown. In T h e
political
role
of religion
in th e United
States,
edited
b y
S.D.
Joh nson
and J. B.
T amney,
4 5-
70. Bou lder, CO: Westview Press.
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
2004 PRESIDENT IA L A DDRESS 119
Joh nstone,
R.L .2001.
Religion
in
society.
Sixth edition.
Upper
Saddle
River,
N
J:
Prentice Hall.
Kessler, G. 2004 .
Kerry: Democracy
can wait. M anch ester Gu ardian
Weekly,
4 -10
Ju ne,
7.
Kirkpatrick,
D.D. 2004 . Bu sh assu res
evangelicals
of h is commitment to amendment on mar-
riage.
New York
T imes,
12
M arch , A 14 .
Kirkpatrick, J. J.
1982.
Dictatorsh ips
and dou b le standards. New
York:
Simon & Sch u ster.
L akoff, G.
2002. M oral
politics.
Second edition.
Ch icago
and
L ondon: University
of
Ch icago
Press.
L aph am,
L .H. 1986. Is th ere virtu e in
profit? Harper's, Decemb er, 37-4 7.
L enski, G. 1971. Conservatives and radicals. In
Contemporary sociological th eory,
edited
b y
E
E.
Katz,
220-22. New York: Random Hou se.
L eys,
C. 1990. Still a
qu estion
of
h egemony.
New
L eft
Review 181:119-28.
L iu ,
B.-C. 1975.
Qu ality of life
indicators in th e U. S.
metropolitan areas,
1970. Kansas
City,
M O:
M idwest Research Institu te.
L ynd,
R. and H.
L ynd.
1937. M iddletown in transition. New York:
Harcou rt, Brace,
and World.
M arty,
M . E.1986.
M odern
A merican
religion
Volu me
1
th e
irony of
it all 1893-1919.
Ch icago:
University
of
Ch icago
Press.
. 1991. M odern A merican
religion
Volu me 2 th e noise
of
th e
conflict
1919-194 1.
Ch icago:
University
of
Ch icago
Press.
M cElmu rry,
K.L . 1999.
Perceptions of
moral decline in M iddletown. M asters T h esis.
Sociology
Department,
Ball State
University.
M ensch ing, G. 1973. F olk and u niversal
religion.
In
Readings
on th e
sociology of religion,
edit-
ed
b y
T .
E
O'Dea and
J.
K.
O'Dea,
83-91.
Englewood Cliffs, NJ:
Prentice-Hall.
Nich ols, J.
2004 . A
platform
for th e timid. T h e
Nation, 2/9 A u gu st,
4 -6.
Olson,
L . 2004 .
Religion
in th e News: A
Special Su pplement
on
Religion
in th e 2004 Election, pages
8-9.
O'Su llivan, J.
2004 . T h e b ells are
ringing....
National
Review,
8
M arch ,
18-20.
Pfaff,
W. 2004 . T h e A merican mission? New York Review
of Books,
8
A pril,
24 -28.
Pilger, J.
2004 . Bu sh or
Kerry?
No difference. New
Statesman,
8
M arch ,
18-20.
Press,
E. 2000. Hu man
righ ts-th e
next
step.
T h e
Nation,
25
Decemb er,
13-18.
Qu ayle,
D. 1992. T h e rise of th e u nderclass-a
legacy
of th e fall of th e
family. Singapore
Straits
T imes,
22
Ju ne,
27.
Ray,
R. B. 1985. A certain
tendency of
th e
Hollywood cinema,
1930-1980.
Princeton, NJ:
Princeton
University
Press.
Roth , G.
and C. Wittich .
(Eds.)
1968. M ax
Web er, economy,
and
society.
New York:
Bedminster Press.
Saletan,
W. 2003.
Bearing righ t. Berkeley: University
of California Press.
Serrin,
W.1993. Homestead. New York:
Vintage
Books
Sh i,
D.E. 1986. T h e
simple life.
New York: Oxford
University
Press
Paperb ack.
Singer,
P. 2004 . T h e
president of good
and evil. New York: Du tton.
Smidt, C.,
S.
Ceawford,
M .
Deckman, D.Gray,
D.
Hofrenning, L .Olson,
S.
Steiner,
and B.
Weston. 2003. T h e
political
attitu des and activities of mainline Protestant
clergy
in th e
election of 2000: A
stu dy
of six denominations.
Jou rnal for
th e
Scientific Stu dy of Religion
4 2:515-532.
St.
Joh n-Stevas,
N. 1984 .
T ory ph ilosoph y-a personal
view. In T h e new
sociology of
Great
Britain,
edited
b y
E. Bu tterworth and
D.Weir, 4 78-88. L ondon: F ontana.
Starr,
P. 2004 . T h e retu rn of th e nativist. T h e New
Repu b lic,
21
Ju ne,
25-28.
Steinfels,
P. 1994 . F u tu re of faith worries Cath olic leaders. New York
T imes, 1
Ju ne,
A l.
A 12.
Sterb a, J. P. 2001. Ju stice for h ere and now. In Social and
political ph ilosoph y,
edited
b y J. P.
Sterb a, 3-56. L ondon and New York:
Rou tledge.
T amney, J.
B. 1992a. T h e resilience
of Ch ristianity
in th e modern world.
A lb any: State
University
of New York Press.
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
120 SOCIOL OGY OF REL IGION
.
1992b . Conservative
government
and
su pport
for th e
religiou s
institu tion in
Singapore:
A n
u neasy
alliance.
Sociological A nalysis
53:210-217.
.
2002.T h e resilience
of
conservative
religion. Camb ridge: Camb ridge University
Press.
T amney, J.B.,
R.
Bu rton,
and S.
Joh nson.
1988.
Ch ristianity,
social
class,
and th e Cath olic
b ish op's
economic
policy. Sociological A nalysis
4 9S:78-96.
T amney, J.B.,
and L .
Hsu eh -L ing Ch iang.
2002.
M odernization, glob alization,
and
Confu cianism
in Ch inese societies.
Westport,
CN:
Praeger.
T amney, J.B.
and S.D.
Joh nson.
1997.
Ch ristianity
and
pu b lic
b ook
b anning.
Review
of
Religiou s
Research 38:263-271.
T ocqu eville,
A . de. 1954 .
Democracy
in A merica. 2 volu mes. New York:
Vintage
Books.
Walicki,
A . 1983. M arx and freedom. New York Review
of Books, 24 Novemb er,
50-55.
Wilson,
B. 1985.
M orality
in th e evolu tion of th e modern social
system.
British
Jou rnal of
Sociology
36:315-32.
Wolin, S.
2003. Inverted totalitarianism. T h e
Nation,
19
M ay,
13.
This content downloaded from 146.7.113.210 on Mon, 15 Apr 2013 04:13:43 AM
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Sign up to vote on this title
UsefulNot useful