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Military Resistance:


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Military Resistance 12F1

Military Resistance: <a 6.1.14 Print it out: color best. Pass it on. Military Resistance 12F1 [Thanks to SSG N (ret’d) who sent this in. She writes: “Celebrities always go to the front of the line.”] Want To End Secret Wait Lists? Staff The VA! “Cleaning House In The VA’s Executive Ranks Will Only Treat The Symptom” “Until We Fill Thousands Of Vacant Positions, Open Closed Hospital Beds And Provide More Dollars For Building And Maintaining Medical Facilities, We Will Never Heal What Ails The VA” " id="pdf-obj-0-12" src="pdf-obj-0-12.jpg">

[Thanks to SSG N (ret’d) who sent this in. She writes: “Celebrities always go to the front of the line.”]

Want To End Secret Wait Lists? Staff The VA!

“Cleaning House In The VA’s Executive Ranks Will Only Treat The Symptom”

“Until We Fill Thousands Of Vacant Positions, Open Closed Hospital Beds And Provide More Dollars For Building And Maintaining Medical Facilities, We Will Never Heal What Ails The VA”

“There Isn’t Enough Time In The Day For The Available Doctors To Treat Every Veteran Who Is Seeking Care In A Timely Fashion”

When they have sounded the alarm, our members have faced retaliation and intimidation time and time again.

Employees shouldn’t feel afraid to speak up when they see managers more concerned with securing bonuses than providing patients with timely access to care for critical medical conditions.

May 28, 2014 Union Veterans Council, AFL-CIO. Posted by: Ben Chitty, Veterans For Peace

The public’s outrage over excessive wait times and rigged recordkeeping at Veterans Affairs hospitals is more than justified.

As a former VA nurse, I understand all too well that depriving veterans of timely access to care is a disservice to them and their sacrifice to this nation.

But cleaning house in the VA’s executive ranks will only treat the symptom.

The disease plaguing the VA healthcare system is chronic understaffing of physicians and other frontline providers.

Until we fill thousands of vacant positions, open closed hospital beds and provide more dollars for building and maintaining medical facilities, we will never heal what ails the VA.

Physicians are dealing with excessive caseloads and insufficient support staff. Since 2009, 2 million veterans entered the VA health care system for a net increase of 1.4 million new patients.

Each physician should be responsible for no more than 1,200 patients at a given time, according to the VA’s own guidelines, yet many VA doctors are treating upwards of 2,000 patients each.

Simply put, there isn’t enough time in the day for the available doctors to treat every veteran who is seeking care in a timely fashion.

Compounding matters is a performance system that sets unrealistic goals and incentivizes managers to increase the number of patients served, instead of improving the quality of care.

Rather than face the understaffing issue head-on and risk poor ratings, many managers have taken the easy way out and have cooked the books to mask the wait times.

But blaming those managers for a performance system that was doomed from the start won’t help our veterans get the care they seek any faster.

Truth be told, there is nothing wrong with the VA that can’t be healed by what is right with the VA: the frontline providers who care for our veterans every day.

No one is complaining about the quality of care our veterans receive.

That’s because the federal employees who look after our nation’s heroes work hard each and every day to provide them with world-class service.

Unfortunately, those same employees have lived in fear of speaking out about the problems they witness due to an established history of retaliation, including loss of duties and unfounded disciplinary actions.

Our members have paid a heavy price for voicing concerns, submitting letters to agency leaders, raising issues in labor management meetings, and testifying before Congress on wait time issues and veterans’ access to care.

When they have sounded the alarm, our members have faced retaliation and intimidation time and time again.

Employees shouldn’t feel afraid to speak up when they see managers more concerned with securing bonuses than providing patients with timely access to care for critical medical conditions.

In fact, they should be encouraged to bring up these issues so they can be rectified before more veterans go without the treatment they so desperately need.

The waitlist and understaffing issues are one and the same.

Until Congress gives the VA the resources to hire enough frontline clinicians to meet demand, our veterans will continue to face long waits.

And to be clear, sending veterans to expensive health care providers outside the VA system on a massive scale will not fix the underlying resource deficiencies plaguing our veterans medical centers.

According to the Independent Budget for the Department of Veterans Affairs, developed each year by leading veterans groups, the Veterans Health Administration is facing a $2 billion funding shortfall for the upcoming fiscal year and another $500 million shortfall for fiscal 2016.

As the nation prepares to honor our fallen soldiers this Memorial Day, there is no better time to strengthen our support for the health care system that treats those veterans who made it home.

It’s time for the VA to get back to basics and focus on improving access to care for our nation’s veterans.

The agency must cut excess management layers and use those resources to boost frontline staffing of doctors, nurses and others directly involved in patient care.

The growth of middle management positions within the agency has ballooned to unprecedented levels, from fewer than 300 in 1995 to more than 1,700 by a recent count, costing taxpayers $203 million annually.

The VA long has been held up as a model healthcare delivery system that all other hospitals should emulate.

The care our veterans receive is second to none, but that only counts when our veterans actually are treated.


VA: Please Hold. You Should Hang Up And Just Watch Cat Videos Instead

It’s time for the VA to get back to basics and focus on improving access to

May 18, 2014 by Dick Scuttlebutt, The Duffle Blog

We appreciate you holding. The VA is experiencing a higher-than-average volume of calls this week. Calls are answered in the order they are received. Someone should be able to assist you in [ONE] minutes.

From the lakes of Minnesota … to the hills of Tennessee …

Did you know that you can check the status of your claim by going online? Point your browser to w-w-w dot claims dot veterans dot medical dot va dot gov, forward-slash medical, forward-slash veterans, forward-slash claims, forward-slash 404 dot vagov dot current, forward-slash aspx dot com, forward-slash, forward-slash 404.html##.

Across the plains of Texas! From sea to shining sea …

Your call is important to us. Someone should be able to assist you in [ONE] minutes with your call about [INVALID MENU ENTRY].

From Detroit down to Houston … from New York to L.A. …

A claims representative should be with you [SHORTLY]. Your call is important to us. Just hang up and kill yourself. Someone should be able to assist you in [ONE] minutes.

Well there’s pride in every American heart, and it’s time we stand and saaaaaay…

You selected menu option [INVALID MENU ENTRY]. Please have your claim number and social security number on hand when you speak with the claims representative.

You should just hang up and watch cat videos and leave us alone. Your call is very important to us. Someone should be able to assist you in [ONE] minutes.

And I’m proud to be an American, where at least I know I’m free …

We appreciate you holding.

Did you know you can check the status of your claim by presenting yourself in person to your local VA claims center? Just hang up, go to your local VA claims center, and sit in our waiting room. Current in-person wait time is approximately [DEATH] hours.

And I won’t forget the men who died, who gave that right to me …

Your call is extremely important to us. If this is an emergency or if you are having suicidal thoughts, please hang up and dial 911.

Make sure you have your claim number, your social security number, and a sharp paring knife on hand while you wait for a suicide prevention specialist. Someone should be able to assist you in [ONE] minutes.

And I gladly stand up next to you and defend her still today …

We appreciate you holding off killing yourself. The VA is experiencing a higher-than- average it’s hopeless, just end it all this week. Calls are answered in the order they are sweet release of death. Someone should be able to assist you in [ONE] minutes.

Cause they’re ain’t no doubt I love this land…God bless the U.S.A…


FORWARD OBSERVATIONS “At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. Oh had

“At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. Oh had I the ability, and could reach the nation’s ear, I would, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke.

“For it is not light that is needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder.

“We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake.”

“The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppose.”

Frederick Douglass, 1852

Nothing has more revolutionary effect, and nothing undermines more the foundations of all state power, than the continuation of that wretched and brainless régime, which has the strength merely to cling to its positions but no longer the slightest power to rule or to steer the state ship on a definite course. -- Karl Kautsky; ‘The Consequences of the Japanese Victory and Social Democracy’

Godzilla: King Of The Monsters?

“Edwards’ Film Actually Undercuts Some Of The Strength Of The Anti- Nuclear Metaphor Of The Original”

“If You Want To Be Wowed By Some Very Cool Monsters And Kaiju Battle Scenes, Overlook The Plot And Give The Newest Godzilla A Shot”

“Edwards’ Film Actually Undercuts Some Of The Strength Of The Anti- Nuclear Metaphor Of The Original”

May 22, 2014 by Nicole Colson, Socialist Worker

Warning: This review contains spoilers.

John Carpenter, the director of The Thing, once famously stated, “Monsters in movies are us, always us, one way or the other. They’re us with hats on.”

“Kaiju” (literally “strange creature” in Japanese) are perhaps the most iconic expression of this. From the time Godzilla--or “Gojira” (a combination of the Japanese words for “gorilla” and “whale”)--first rose out of the ocean to stomp on Tokyo in Ishiro Honda’s 1954 movie, the monster has served as a not-so-subtle metaphor about the horrors of atomic war.

References to the atomic horrors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki are prominent in the original Japanese film.

Japanese audiences in 1954 watching Gojira and seeing images of fleeing refugees and fires, explosions and panic, would have had the real-life experiences of the devastation of Hiroshima and Nagasaki to compare. As Peter Wynn Kirby explained in the New York Times in 2011, “Far from the heavily edited and jingoistic, shoot’em-up, stomp’em-down flick that moviegoers saw in the United States, Japanese audiences reportedly watched Gojira in somber silence, broken by periodic weeping.”

Also present in the minds of the audience at Gojira’s November 1954 opening was the horror that befell the Daigo Fukuryu Maru (“Lucky Dragon 5”)--a Japanese fishing boat whose crew was poisoned with radiation in March 1954 after being caught in the fallout from a 15-megaton H-bomb the U.S. detonated near Bikini Atoll. Six crew later died, and more than 400,000 Japanese citizens turned out for the funeral of the ship’s radio operator, Aikichi Kuboyama, that year.

In the original film, early scenes in which Gojira first rises from the sea directly invoke this nuclear menace.

As Tim Martin describes the original film in the Telegraph:

“Thudding drumbeats and unearthly howls accompany the stark opening titles, before the scene changes to the deck of a fishing boat in the Pacific, where the crew are relaxing, chatting and playing guitar. The ocean begins to boil. The men are blinded and burnt as they flee in terror.

“Tapping out his desperate SOS below decks, the ship’s radio operator is the first to die. Once again, Gojira suggested, the Japanese people was being attacked in its homeland by history’s greatest superweapon.”

At another point in the 1954 film, a woman on a train complains, “First contaminated




now Godzilla.” (Following the detonation of the U.S. bomb in Bikini Atoll, the

Japanese tuna market bottomed out as a result of radiation contamination, and the Emperor Hirohito was said to have removed seafood from his diet as a result.)

For director Ishiro Honda and producer Tomoyuki Tanaka, Gojira was meant both as an homage to great Hollywood monsters in movies like 1933’s King Kong, as well as an explicit warning about nuclear dangers.

Tanaka later commented that the allegory of the film was that “Mankind had created the Bomb, and now nature was going to take revenge on mankind.”

When it opened in Japan, Gojira was the most expensive movie to have been made in the country--and it shattered box office records. Ever since, in over 50 movies--and with the creation of hoards of kaiju allies and enemies from Mothra to Ghidorah (the three- headed monster) to Mechagodzilla (a giant robo-Godzilla controlled by evil aliens)-- Godzilla has been presented as both foe and friend to the Japanese people, reflecting his shifting status from monstrous parable to pop-culture icon in the country, in movies that run the gamut from the interesting to the ridiculous (but mainly ridiculous).

As science fiction website IO9’s Annalee Newitz recently commented:

“In his time, Godzilla has represented nuclear bombs, natural disasters, military science run amok, and genetic experiments gone wrong. He’s fought aliens, terrorists, natural forces, other monsters, and time travelers who wanted to undermine Japan’s economic power. After 50 years, Godzilla was no longer truly a friend to Japan, nor to humanity. But somehow humanity came up with weapons--including other monsters--to contain him.”

Godzilla 2014

“In his time, Godzilla has represented nuclear bombs, natural disasters, military science run amok, and genetic

Godzilla heads toward San Francisco

It’s too bad then that with such meat to work with, the newest, Hollywood-produced Godzilla misses living up to its full potential.

The story that is, not the monster.

Don’t get me wrong--the latest version of the monster is indeed incredible to behold, a behemoth of special effects that lives up to the hype and may alone be worth the price of a 3-D ticket.

Wisely, director Gareth Edwards takes a “tell don’t show” approach with the monster until well into the film’s second half, revealing just tantalizing glimpses of the kaiju’s enormity to the audience early on. (One scene, in which a small glimpse of Godzilla’s back is seen wending its way under naval vessels as it heads toward the San Francisco Bay, called to mind Jaws: “You’re going to need a bigger boat.”)

Opening in 1999 in the fictional Japanese city of Janjira, the film introduces us to nuclear engineer Joe Brody (Bryan Cranston) and wife Sandra (Juliette Binoche). Before Brody can even properly raise the alarm about strange new seismic activity he’s been noticing, the nuclear plant is destroyed and the local populace evacuated, in a clear nod to the Fukushima Daiichi meltdown in 2011.

Fifteen years later, the action picks up in modern-day Janjira, as Brody’s now-grown son Ford (Aaron Taylor-Johnson), a naval officer just returned from combat duty, tries in vain to talk his father out of his idea that officials are hiding a major secret. Turns out that Joe Brody is right, of course (and Cranston has some fun doing “middle-aged white guy rage” as only he can), but it’s too late.

The “massive unidentified terrestrial organism” (or, MUTO) that officials have been keeping from the public has finished sucking the plant’s nuclear reactors dry of its radioactive “food,” and the creature has awakened to wreak havoc as it makes its way toward an egg-carrying mate that has lain long-dormant in the Nevada desert.

What follows is primarily an action thriller--monsters fighting and the military efforts to stop them.

This action is interspersed with shots of “serious-looking people” in small rooms, including scientist Dr. Ishiro Serizawa (Ken Watanabe) and Admiral William Stenz (David Strathairn), debating how best to prevent the MUTOs from destroying large swaths of the U.S. even as Godzilla, whose existence has been known to the military since 1954, begins its own lumbering rise from the depths of the Pacific.

What happens next is no surprise--the military advocates the use of nuclear weapons as bait for the MUTOs while Serizawa warns against such plans, arguing that the military should let nature (Godzilla) take its course.

Guess which one is proven right?

Indeed, Serizawa becomes the “Official Scientific Voice of Reason” (TM) common in such movies, dramatically producing his father’s pocket watch--stopped at the precise moment of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima--to make the point about the potential dangers of the military’s plan.

It’s the most overt warning in the film about the dangers of atomic weaponry.

Watanabe’s role as Dr. Serizawa is a nod to the 1954 film’s Dr. Serizawa, an arrogant researcher who sacrifices himself at the end of the film while using his work to kill Gojira- -and simultaneously preventing the destructive nature of his work from being replicated in the future.

But, that film warned us, “If we keep on conducting nuclear tests, it’s possible that another Godzilla might appear somewhere in the world, again.” Unfortunately, the great Watanabe here is reduced to delivering pat one-liners like, “The arrogance of man is in thinking nature is in our control and not the other way around.”

Oddly, the film glosses over the fact that this new Dr. Serizawa works for a company, Monarch, that has supposedly known about the existence of the kaiju for 60 years but has kept that knowledge from the public. (And wouldn’t knowing that there are giant prehistoric monsters who feed off radiation be something that the global public might want to know about when deciding whether or not to, oh, build nuclear plants like the one the film opens on?)

In fact, Edwards’ film actually undercuts some of the strength of the anti-nuclear metaphor of the original.

Here, we are informed that the 1954 Bikini Atoll bombing wasn’t part of the nuclear arms race, but a joint effort of the world’s governments to kill Godzilla the first time he rose. And Serizawa’s plan to let Godzilla take care of the MUTOs seems hardly less dangerous than trying to use nukes against them.

In an ironic twist, the U.S. Navy participated in the making of Edwards’ film--and continues to argue for the use of nuclear power in its operations.

As Navy Secretary Ray Mabus told U.S. News and World Report at a recent screening of the movie, “What the Navy has done is proved for 70 years that nuclear energy transportation--which we pioneered--is very safe, very reliable.”

Beyond the clumsiness of the film’s nuclear politics, it relies on just a few too many coincidences and easy outs--like the fact that our hero just happens to be Naval lieutenant just back from a tour of duty whose expertise is in ordnance disposal (which comes in handy when you might have to deal with a nuclear warhead!)--and a few too many clichéd shots of the awe-struck faces of children witnessing disaster.

None of this makes Godzilla an awful movie--just one whose plot holes and failure to make use of its excellent cast keep it from being a truly epic summer blockbuster. So if you want to be wowed by some very cool monsters and kaiju battle scenes, overlook the plot and give the newest Godzilla a shot.

But then be sure to watch the original 1954 Japanese film (not the American reshoot starring Raymond Burr) and remember, as Annalee Newitz writes, that “the greatest kaiju who ever lived will never truly go away. As long as we face incomprehensibly huge disasters, we will need a metaphor as big as Godzilla to bring them to life.”


In an ironic twist, the U.S. Navy participated in the making of Edwards’ film--and continues to

Jailed In Egypt:

“The ‘Crime’ Of Holding A Protest Without Permission From Police”

“The Protest Is Against The Police”

“How Do You Expect Us To Ask Permission From The Institution We Are Protesting Against?”

Jailed In Egypt: “The ‘Crime’ Of Holding A Protest Without Permission From Police” “The Protest Is

Mahienour el-Massry

“We don’t like jails, but we are not afraid of them,” said Mahienour defiantly. “The state keeps imagining that with its laws, prisons and dogs it can protect itself. But even if you gather all of us in prison, the revolution will continue.”

May 22, 2014 by Eric Ruder, Socialist Worker

On May 20, a court in Alexandria, Egypt, confirmed two-year jail sentences and $7,000 fines each for Mahienour el-Massry, a leading member of the Revolutionary Socialists (RS), and eight others--for the “crime” of holding a protest without permission from police.

The activists had gathered outside an Alexandria courthouse in December 2013 to draw attention to the retrial of police officers who murdered political blogger Khaled Said. Said’s murder in June 2010 contributed to the growing anger that eventually boiled over into the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. Mahienour was part of the initial group of activists who launched the campaign calling for a trial of police who tortured Said to death.

“The protest is against the police,” said Khaled’s mother. “How do you expect us to ask permission from the institution we are protesting against?”

Mahienour is one of the best-known women activists in Egypt.

At the age of 26, she is a human rights lawyer and widely respected for her fearless opposition to police abuse and tyranny.

She also faces charges for “storming” a police station in Alexandria while Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood was president. In truth, she was there to serve as the lawyer for detained activists when authorities charged her as well.

The May 20 trial of the activists was a travesty.

When the defense asked the original judge to recuse himself, the judge agreed. Typically in such instances, the case is then postponed and rescheduled for another day. Instead, Mahienour was transferred to a new judge in the same building, and the hearing went forward. The new judge issued his ruling without even considering any evidence provided by the defense.

“We don’t like jails, but we are not afraid of them,” said Mahienour defiantly. “The state keeps imagining that with its laws, prisons and dogs it can protect itself. But even if you gather all of us in prison, the revolution will continue.”

Meanwhile, all the police officers accused of murdering Alexandria protesters during the 2011 revolution that toppled hated dictator Hosni Mubarak have all been acquitted.

The very same police chief who oversaw those massacres is back on the job and part of prosecuting revolutionary activists.

In an interview, Egyptian activist and journalist Mostafa Ali put the case in context:

“There has a been a concerted crackdown by the state--not only on thousands of supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood, but also hundreds of secular activists opposed to both the rule of the Brotherhood and the current interim authorities.

“The court system has railroaded hundreds of people and sentenced them in an outrageous manner, on trumped-up charges, for crimes they didn’t commit. They want to silence all kinds of dissent. There are thousands of people like Mahienour in Egypt.”

As a perfect example of Ali’s point, the day after the verdict against the nine Alexandria activists was upheld, Mubarak and his two sons were also convicted of looting $17 million in state funds. And their sentences? Three years for Mubarak, and four years for his sons.

Many in Egypt expect Mubarak will simply appeal the sentence, just as he successfully overturned the verdict against him for the deaths of hundreds of Egyptians killed by his security forces during the 2011 revolution. Mubarak currently faces a retrial on those charges.

According to a McClatchy news report:

“The role of Egypt’s courts already are controversial. More than any other Egyptian institution, except perhaps the military, the courts have proven critical to attacking the democratic reforms that Mubarak’s ouster was supposed to usher in. Justice for the masses has not been their hallmark.

“For example, Mubarak’s sentence for corruption is the same as the one handed down in December to activist Ahmed Maher, the former leader of the April 6 Youth Movement. Maher’s crime? Calling for protests against government abuse. Maher is serving that sentence now.”

Human rights organizations, including the Egyptian Network for Human Rights Information and the Egyptian Initiative for Individual Rights, spoke out against the sentence for Mahienour and the other activists.

Presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabahi also issued a statement in support of Mahienour. “The anti-protest law is unconstitutional,” he tweeted.

“Mahienour and all those who are convicted based on this law must be released.” Sabahi is campaigning for the repeal of the law and for the release of the thousands of political prisoners currently held in Egyptian jails.

Union workers as far away as Sao Paolo, Brazil, have also come out in defense of Mahienour and the rest of the other activists.

What You Can Do:

Find out how you can support Mahienour el-Masry at the Egypt Solidarity website.

You can also sign this petition to oppose the suspension of civil liberties in Egypt.


Racist Scum On The March:

“Go To Hell, Leftist,” “Muhammad Is Dead” And Other Jerusalem Day Slogans:

“So, Are Jewish Men Not Enough For You? You Need To Fuck Arab Men Instead?”

“This Is Jewish Land. If You Don’t Like It, Go To Syria. Go Die In Syria”

“So, Are Jewish Men Not Enough For You? You Need To Fuck Arab Men Instead?” “This

The crowd enters Jerusalem’s Old City singing racist chants / A. Daniel Roth Photography

May 29, 2014 By Leanne Gale, The Jewish Daily Forward

As I made my way out of the Muslim Quarter, the dark alleyways suddenly seemed too quiet.

Just moments before, crowds of ultranationalist Jewish celebrants had marched through this same space shouting “Death to Arabs.”

Children had banged against shuttered Palestinian homes with wooden sticks and Israeli police had stood by as teenagers chanted “Muhammad is dead.”

Now, all that remained were eerie remnants of their presence: “Kahane Tzadak” (Kahane was right) stickers plastered over closed Palestinian shops and the ground littered with anti-Muslim flyers. As Israeli police and soldiers began to unblock closures,

Palestinian residents of the Muslim Quarter cautiously ventured outside.

This is the only time I cried.

Jerusalem Day marks the anniversary of the Israeli conquest of East Jerusalem in 1967. The March of Flags has become an annual tradition in which thousands of ultranationalist Jewish celebrants parade through the city waving Israeli flags.

It culminates in a dramatic march through the Muslim Quarter, generally accompanied by racist slogans and incitement to violence.

Israeli police arrive in the area earlier in the day, sealing off entry to Palestinian residents “for their own safety.”

Those Palestinians who live in the Muslim Quarter are encouraged to close their shops and stay indoors, while any Palestinian counter-protest is quickly dispersed.

Growing up at the Solomon Schechter Day School of Long Island, I have fond memories of Jerusalem Day. We celebrated every year with school-wide assemblies and dances, singing “Sisu et Yerushalayim” (Rejoice in Jerusalem) and “Jerusalem of Gold” with pride.

Even in high school, I never knew the political significance of the day or imagined that my joy might be at someone else’s expense.

Today, I know better.

  • I made a conscious decision to attend the March of Flags this year. As an intern at Ir Amim, an Israeli organization committed to fostering a more equitable and sustainable Jerusalem, I helped coordinate a group of volunteers to document racist slogans, police responses to incitement, and restrictions on Palestinian mobility. While I thought I knew exactly what to expect, I find myself feeling numb as I write these words.

The sea of celebrants convened at the Damascus Gate, outside the Muslim Quarter, seemingly ready to fight.

Most were wearing Kahane stickers or paraphernalia, and almost all chanted anti-Arab slogans. Whenever a percussion grenade would go off at the nearby Palestinian counter-protest, hundreds of marchers would run over to the police-line to watch, shouting insults as Palestinians quickly dispersed.

Moreover, despite heavy restrictions on Palestinian entry to the area, there was more than one violent confrontation with the Palestinian press, Red Crescent volunteers, and local Palestinian residents simply trying to pass through in one piece.

Perhaps most striking were the children. I will never forget the young Jewish boy, no older than five, wearing stickers plastered all over his shirt: “Kahane was right” and “Don’t even think about a Jewish woman” (sponsored by Lehava).

As youngsters milled through the crowd, my protective instincts kicked in to keep them from getting trampled. More than once, a young boy would look up to me, overwhelmed.

After watching group after group storm into the Muslim Quarter, I finally decided to enter along with them, video camera in hand. It was not long until the crowd began to notice that I was filming. “Do you film them when they throw stones?” a young man shouted. “Why do you film us instead of them?”

I walked on, trying to remain calm in a threatening environment.

A group of Jewish teenagers surrounded me. “So, are Jewish men not enough for you? You need to fuck Arab men instead?” And, “Go to hell, you leftist.”

Another blew the sparks of his cigarette directly into my face.

The crowd continued down through the Muslim Quarter, shouting “Death to Arabs” as young Palestinian children stared out of second story windows.

A mother carrying her child handed him a large poster, instructing him to hold it in front of my camera so as to obstruct my view. Anywhere I turned, the child turned his poster, until it became impossible for me to film. When I finally turned the camera off, another woman walked straight up to me. Her face inches from mine, she practically spat, “Shame on you. People died for this land. This is Jewish land. If you don’t like it, go to Syria. Go die in Syria.”

We often hear about the mythic “reunification” of Jerusalem. But the March of Flags, if we pay any attention at all, reveals the violence of Jewish power in the holy city.

This violence has simultaneously violated the Palestinian residents of Jerusalem and poisoned the Jewish community from the inside out. And these days, even as the daughter of a rabbi, I question if I have the strength to stay in the game.

Military Resistance In PDF Format?

If you prefer PDF to Word format, email:

A Collective Memory -- Lifta (اـــــتفل )

“The Israelis Were Afraid We Could Come Back, So They Broke The Roofs Of The Houses So We Couldn’t Return”

“I Have The Israeli ID, And I Cannot Live In My House”

“Now The Israelis Call It ‘Ein Neftoah’, As If Lifta Didn’t Exist Before.” – Mr. Odeh

“I Have The Israeli ID, And I Cannot Live In My House” “Now The Israelis Call

Walking down into Lifta towards the spring.

“I Have The Israeli ID, And I Cannot Live In My House” “Now The Israelis Call

The distinctive architecture of Lifta.

Mr Ya’coub Odeh, born 1940 in Lifta village, age 8 when forced to leave Lifta in

Mr Ya’coub Odeh, born 1940 in Lifta village, age 8 when forced to leave Lifta in February 1948. “You will go home and you will arrive happy. But I can’t go to my home, to my grandfather in the graveyard. I will never forget, my world is here.”

May 17, 2014 by Beyond Compromise

The story of Mr Ya’coub Odeh, 74 (b.1940), a native of Lifta.

Notes taken 10 May 2014.

“They[1] came to Lifta. They burned the Mukhtar’s house[2]. Two days later they burned twenty houses. Everyone wanted to leave, but the Zionist gangs forced the Jews to stay and the Arabs to leave. The Zionist gangs controlled the main entrance to Lifta (Ya’coub

points up the hill toward Jerusalem) – so they controlled the whole village. They blocked the road to Jerusalem.

  • I remember that time. They were shooting to stop people going to Jerusalem.

  • I remember we spent some days down in a house in the lower village. I remember my mother was making a fire for cooking. My brother came running and shouting, ‘Mama,

the Jews, the Jews, shooting!’

  • I remember my father carrying my small sister on one shoulder and my brother on the

other shoulder, down the valley away from the village. My father sent us in a truck. There were many families, many children.

We went to Abu Ghosh. At the entrance there we heard, ‘Don’t come in, you will die!’ Someone had been shot the previous day.

We went to Latrun, where there is now Canada Park standing on three villages – Imwas, Yalo, Deir Ayyub. We went to Imwas, then to Beituniya and to Ramallah. It was very cold, winter.

Lifta was one of the first villages cleansed, kicked out. We went knocking on doors, asking for food. Can you imagine you leaving your home? We had everything. We were like kings on our land. Now we were asking for food, for help.

Two months later Deir Yassin happened.[3] None of the families remained after the massacre.

After that we came back to the village, but it was empty, everything was burned. Since that time, we can’t return.

My father died one year after the ‘67 War. He was sad that he had to ask for help after we left the village.

After that, I came with my uncles, aunts, to the village. They said, ‘Here was my house! Here was your house! Here was the mosque!’

  • I brought my mother back. She cried, ‘For what?! Here is my father, my mother, my brother. For what all this?!’

There was a Jewish man in one house. He invited us in – ‘I cannot give you coffee, tea, juice. I have only water. This is not a celebration. I did not do this. Where is Ahmed (Ya’coub’s father)?!’ My mother said my father was not here, ‘but here is his son.’ The Jewish man had gone to school with my father.

The Israelis were afraid we could come back to our village, so they broke the roofs of the houses so we couldn’t return.

Now Jews come from the world to live in our houses. I have the Israeli ID, and I cannot live in my house.”

“No one has the right to confiscate my home, remove my history, tell me not to return.” – Mr. Odeh

“The community still comes on Land Day, Nakba Day, to clean the garden, the spring, the graveyard. This is opposite to what Ben-Gurion said that ‘the old people will die and forget.’ But the old people didn’t die. We are keeping their message in the young generations.” – Mr. Odeh


[1] ‘They” refers to the Haganah, a Jewish paramilitary group that existed during the time of the British Mandate of Palestine (1920-1948); the Haganah later became the core of the Israel Occupation Forces.

[2] On 11 January 1948,


[3] The Deir Yassin massacre of over 100 Palestinian villagers by the Jewish Irgun and Lehi militia groups on 9-10 April 1948,

For more information on Lifta, visit the Lifta Society.


Lifta is a Palestinian village located to the northwest of Jerusalem, divided by the 1949 Armistice green line leaving part of it in the West, the other part in East Jerusalem. It has been inhabited for over 2000 years, long before the establishment of Israel.

As a result of the Nakba in 48 and the massacre in the nearby village of Deir Yassine, the remaining inhabitants were forced to leave seeking protection. Like in other parts of Palestine occupied in 48, the Israeli government considered Lifta and its remains as absentee property, while many of its property owners and residents live as close as 500 m away, in East Jerusalem.

Currently, the Jerusalem Municipality is proceeding with its plan to turn Lifta into a Jewish luxury residential commercial neighbourhood, deleting any presence of Palestinian cultural heritage. Today, to save Lifta, descendants with activists and friends are appealing to the Israeli Court against this violation and illegal act.”

Centre for Jerusalem Studies


To check out what life is like under a murderous military occupation commanded by foreign terrorists, go to:

The occupied nation is Palestine. The foreign terrorists call themselves “Israeli.”


DANGER: POLITICIANS AT WORK Domestic Enemy Smashes Handcuffed Boy Through Window In The Bronx And Then

Domestic Enemy Smashes Handcuffed Boy Through Window In The Bronx And Then Tries To Stop Treatment For Him:

“The 14-Year-Old Boy Sat On The Stoop Of Hookah Stop In The Bronx, Blood Pouring From His Chest And Filling His Lungs”

“This Is What It’s Like To Die”

“A Witness Described The Police Officers On The Scene As ‘Nonchalant’”

“A Witness Described The Police Officers On The Scene As ‘Nonchalant’” Javier Payne, 14, in the

Javier Payne, 14, in the hospital Sunday afternoon.

“A Witness Described The Police Officers On The Scene As ‘Nonchalant’” Javier Payne, 14, in the

A blood stained sidewalk outside the Bronx store where Javier Payne, 14, was pushed through a glass window by police. Robert Stolarik / JJIE

An argument ensued between the paramedics and police about removing the teenager’s handcuffs so they could treat his injuries.

Initially, the police refused, but eventually relented, witnesses said.

May 19, 2014 By: Daryl Khan, Juvenile Justice Information Exchange

NEW YORK — The 14-year-old boy sat on the stoop of Hookah Stop in the Bronx, blood pouring from his chest and filling his lungs, and thought: This is what it’s like to die.

Moments before 11 o’clock Saturday night, the boy, Javier Payne, had been smashed through the store’s plate glass window by a police officer who had stopped him after an altercation with a man on the street, witnesses said.

The boy was bleeding critically and under arrest.

When EMS paramedics arrived at the scene they found the color draining from Payne’s face, his clothes soaked in blood and his hands cuffed behind his back.

A witness described the police officers on the scene as “nonchalant” about the emergency unfolding in front of them.

“He looked like a young man who was facing down his own mortality,” said one city employee familiar with the incident.

“This is a kid who was staring at his own doom. He looked like he was going to die. And if he didn’t get help when he did, he would have.”

An argument ensued between the paramedics and police about removing the teenager’s handcuffs so they could treat his injuries.

Initially, the police refused, but eventually relented, witnesses said.

One of the paramedics had to hold the boys chest wound closed while they rushed him to Jacobi Medical Center. Medical experts said it may have saved Payne’s life.

As he was wheeled into the emergency room Payne was shrieking: “They threw me through a glass window and now I’m going to die, I’m going to die.”

Initially, EMS did not rush to the scene because when the officers put the call over they did not indicate that there was a pediatric emergency, a source familiar with the incident said.

Instead they used a protocol normally used for drunks.

The office did not issue a “sheet” — an email to the police press corps detailing newsworthy events — on the incident.

A spokesman for the police department said two teenagers were arrested, ages 13 and 14, at approximately 11 p.m. Officers charged both of the suspects with resisting arrest, obstructing governmental administration and assault.

He said he could not confirm the incident involving Payne being thrown through the glass.

“It’s not listed in the report here,” he said.

Saturday night, Payne was apprehended and placed under arrest by two patrol officers in the Little Italy section of the Bronx on a mixed residential and commercial stretch of Arthur Avenue.

During the arrest, and after he was handcuffed one of the officers smashed his face through the plate glass window of the hookah shop at 2491 Ave., cutting his face and slicing open his chest and puncturing his lung, family and sources said.

The NYPD’s Internal Affairs Bureau has launched an investigation into the incident, according to, Javier’s mother, Cherita Payne, 50.

Sunday afternoon, she said police finally allowed her to see her son, after he had undergone hours of surgery. She visited her son on the sixth floor of the hospital’s intensive care unit where she found him lying in a hospital room, incapable of moving, his face covered with fresh abrasions, two incongruously bright, white gauzes taped to his forehead and the left side of his scalp above the ear.

Her son, hooked up to tubes and wires and his head poking from beneath a crisp blanket, told her he didn’t know what was wrong with the officer who drove him through the plate glass window.

When she asked him what happened after he was injured she said her son told her: “I told them I needed to get to the hospital. I’m bleeding. I can feel the blood gushing out. Then the cops told me not to worry about it, that they were going to take me to a hospital.”

During her brief visit, two members of the department who introduced themselves as investigators from the Internal Affairs Bureau interviewed her son. They showed her son Javier pictures of police officers and asked him if he recognized any of them as the ones who had driven his head through the window.

She said he did not identify anyone during her visit.

When Javier saw his mother, he began to weep.

“Mommy, Mommy,” he said. “The cop, he pushed my head through the window while I was handcuffed, Mommy, he pushed my head through the window.”

Cherita said she tried her best to comfort him.

“I said, ‘It’s going to be all right, it’s going to be all right, I’m going to protect you,’” she said.

She began to convulse with sobs as she recounted the anecdote.

“That’s my job,” she said. “That’s my job isn’t it? That’s my job as his mother. I’m so tired of this shit, pardon my language, but I’m so tired, so tired. Help me Jesus, in the name of the Lord, help me.”

She said police officers informed her that she would need to go to the 48th precinct and get a letter of approval signed every day that she wants to visit her son again.

Javier, the youngest of seven children, is her baby, Cherita said. She described him as a typical teenager but that he is immature for his age and that he can’t make decisions on his own. She said he is trying his best to make it into the next grade.

By late afternoon Sunday, the shattered glass had been swept up and most of the blood had been sprayed on to the curb. A new pane of glass had already been installed. Gaudy lights flashed advertising the ornate water pipes behind it.

Some of Paynes blood collected in puddles that ran along the curb in front of 2491 Arthur Ave. Some of it had already begun to fade indistinguishably into the sidewalk, a haphazard pattern of splotches and sprays.

Jose Perez who lives in apartments next to the hookah shop, said he left his house Saturday night to grab a soda from the store down the block when he saw the immediate aftermath of the mayhem.

“I came out and saw the glass and the blood — it was everywhere,” Perez, 34, said. “Thank God he is going to make it. I didn’t know he was just a kid, a young guy like that. It’s a total shock to me. Why would they do that?”

He said his block of apartments and small businesses and pizza shops is peaceful, and that relations between the police and the community is unremarkable.

Nageib Aldaylam, 47, has owned and operated Hookah Stop for almost three years. He agreed with his neighbor that the neighborhood is a sleepy one.

“My friend, I never even had a gate on my store,” he said.

He said he recognized Payne but does not know him well. He said Payne and another teenager had walked into his shop before the violent confrontation with the police. Aldaylam said he came from behind his slightly elevated section behind the counter to greet the customers as his practice.

He said they didn’t buy anything, but they didn’t cause any trouble.

“The kids came in normal, and they left normal,” he said. “They did zero, nothing. All the action happened outside.”

As soon as Payne and his friend stepped out of the store and back on to Arthur Avenue the police officers stopped them.

He said he heard the boys and the officers arguing and that heated words were exchanged.

He said they went back and forth for several minutes when he was jolted by the sound of the glass exploding.

He said the Payne was sitting on his stoop moaning: “I’m bleeding, I’m bleeding.” In the street, the squad car was parked parallel to his shop with a man in it gesturing to Payne. Aldaylam said it was his impression that the man was identifying Payne.

He said the officers questioned him while Payne sat and bled.

They asked Aldaylam if he had any security footage. He told them no. And then they asked if Payne and his friend had done anything when they came into his store. Again, Aldaylam replied no.

Aldaylam added that it seemed the boys may have slipped into his store to hide from the police. When asked if he thought the police went too far in smashing Payne through his window, he shrugged.

“What happened, happened,” he said. “The truth is the truth. What more can I say?”

As she left the hospital, Cherita was less subtle about her feelings. “You got to stop this, you got to put a stop to this,” she said. “We’ve got to stand up for ourselves, for our children. We’re human. We have rights. My kid has rights, too.”

Ronald Vails, Javier’s stepfather, said his stepson does not cut an intimidating figure.

“He’s a little guy,” said Vails, 64. “He’s 14 but he looks much smaller. There was no need for this. They said he still has pieces of glass in his lung.”

Javier’s family said Payne is part of the Persons in Need of Supervision program at MS 22 where he is in the eighth grade; she said she enlisted him to make sure he got more attention. His family said he loves sports. He had recently taken an interest in basketball, and enjoys playing handball in local playground courts.

Vails said he played wide receiver for the Bronx Steelers, a youth league football team in the Fordham section whose mission it is to reduce violence for children and teens in the Bronx. Vails said it is too early to tell how his injuries will affect his ability to play for the team in the future.


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