Creating New Discursive Terrain for the Custodians of the Tibetan Spiritscape:

A Bio-cultural audit of Sacred Natural Sites in NW Yunnan with special

reference to the Yubeng Valley

John Studley

Abstract
For hundreds of years numinous spiritscapes, presided over by place gods or gzhi bdag, have
been a defining cultural feature of Tibetan lay society, as well as being exemplars of explicit nature
conservation. The animistic beliefs that support Tibetan spiritscapes have had to be discursively
recalibrated repeatedly in the face of Tibetan Buddhism, the Cultural Revolution, and currently by
modernity, tourism and formal education.
Little is known about the recovery of Tibetan spiritscapes since the Cultural Revolution, the revival
of traditional religious practices (1984) and the felling ban (1998), so a bio-cultural audit was
conducted in 12 selected sites in Deqin Prefecture in Sept/Oct 2013 to assess their current bio-
cultural status and importance as exemplars of explicit nature conservation.
The audit was predicated on a literature review, participatory field methods and GIS technologies,
and was informed by the authors research in the region.
Most villages surveyed in Deqin Prefecture have on average 700ha of gzhi bdag spiritscape spread
over 3 sites comprising up to 60% of village land, although 25% is more typical.
Most respondents can describe the rituals for honouring a gzhi bdag, the taboos and forms of
retribution and restitution, the current status of biodiversity in the spiritscape and name unique
flora and fauna.
Whatever metrics are used there is greater biodiversity in sacred sites than in pilot plots and
these findings are supported by 83% of respondents. Although many respondents stated that gzhi
bdag spiritscapes had recovered from felling it was evident that there was much greater
biodiversity prior to 1950.
The preservation of gzhi bdag spiritscapes is contingent upon the protection of indigenous culture
and its intergenerational transmission. The greatest threats to gzhi bdag spiritscapes are posed by
the formal education and tourism.
Although Tibetan spiritscapes are exemplars of biodiversity and may constitute 25% of the land
mass of Cultural Tibet they have been discursively excluded from official narratives. Consequently
they are not recognized or protected internationally as unique phenomenon in their own right.
This chapter concludes by elaborating the challenges posed by the audit and provides some
recommendations for those interested in enhancing and protecting the bio-cultural diversity of
the Tibetan spiritscapes of Southwest China.
Key words: spiritscape, numina, Tibetan, gzhi bdag, animism, place gods, discursive terrain

Introduction
The sacred natural sites (SNS) of indigenous societies are mostly supported by a worldview
predicated on animism and numinous spiritscapes
1
. This paradigm is characterized by strong
psycho-spiritual values
2
, eco-spiritual auditing
3
, topocosmic reciprocity
4
and explicit nature

1
Spiritscape describes an animistic phenomenon where landscape features (mountains, hills, knolls) or bodies of water
(lakes, ponds, mires) are inhabited by a divinity or numina See Byrne 1999
2
Studley 2005
3
Hollan 1996, Reichel 1992
4
Posey 1999, Reichel 1992, Sahlins 2004
conservation within the domains of numina
5
. In spite of this, numinous landscapes are more
vulnerable and threatened than SNS associated with mainstream faiths
6
.
1.1 Tibetan Spiritscapes
The spiritscape paradigm is a defining characteristic of Tibetan lay society and is exemplified in
territorial cults
7
and cadastral spirits
8
. These beliefs, however, have been subsumed by Tibetan
Buddhist (TB) and an environmental paradigm exemplified by holy mountains
9
and the
mandalization of landscape
10
. As a result Tibetan Spiritscapes are often discursively excluded as a
discrete phenomenon in their own right.
Historically the cultural identity of Tibetan nomads and farmers was predicated on the honouring
of mundane numina (known collectively as yul lha
11
and locally as gzhi bdag
12
) under the aegis of
what are commonly described as mountain cults
13
, territorial cults or the cult of height
14
.
Most mountains in the Tibetan world are owned and inhabited by a gzhi bdag
15
who are usually
male and are associated with specific communities and territories. They are part of an animistic
and shamanistic tradition concerned with the immediate world, involving various rituals that take
place in the home and mountain locales. The gzhi bdag
16
and other 'gods of the past', theoretically
'tamed' by Buddhism
17
are closer to Tibetan nomads and farmers in both geography, identity and
in sensed presence. In the world of the lay Tibetan, many landscape features point back to the
worship of ancient gods. They are not only conscious of the constant scrutiny of gzhi bdag when
they go hunting, but engage in folk-religious rituals and place demands on them for protection and
health, and success, in hunting, trading, travel, farming etc.

Participation in territorial cults is still an essential element of rural Tibetan life and identity and is
expressed in cultural, economic, eco-spiritual and political behaviour. It is part of an ongoing

5
Bayo 2012, Verschuuren et al 2010
6
Wild et al 2008
7
Huber 2004, 2006
8
Mus 1975
9
gnas ri
10
McKay 1998
11
Tibetan landscape is populated by a myriad of deities known as yul lha, who act both as protectors and wrathful gods,
depending on the ability of the local community to please them. They are grouped under the aegis of jig rten pai lha,
or mundane deities, and classified into the following categories: klu (naga spirits dwelling in the water), gnyan (kind of
spirit usually dwelling in trees and rocks), btsan (kind on spirit), sa bdag and gzhi bdag (protective spirits of the
ground), gdon (kind of demon), dre (kind of demon), sri (kind of demon), srung ma (protectors) and dgra lha (war
gods) See Punzi 2013
12
Often yul lha and gzhi bdag are used together i.e. yul lha gzhi bdag in a general sense for any places gods, including
gods of land, mountains, stone, water, etc (Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 20/11/2013)
13
Blondeau & Steinkellner 1998
14
Karmay 1998
15
Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/13
16
a place god or territorial numina i.e a spirit or deity that presides over or inhabits a place or landscape feature
17
When they theoretically became Dharma protectors (or srung ma)
process of folk practice recovery
18
, a contemporary means of expressing Tibetanness
19
and a
means of ritual protest
20
.

1.2 Explicit Nature Conservation
Territorial cults are characterized by explicit nature conservation and ritual protection within the
domain or liminal zone
21
of the gzhi bdag which is encompassed by the territory they preside
over
22
.
1.3 Monocultural myopia
The unique animistic spiritual ecologies of the Tibetan laity, which support these biodiversity
hotspots appear to have been discursively excluded
23
from official narratives. Elite interests
reduce these beliefs to tamed or superstitious myths
24
and have attempted to assimilate them
under the rubric of modernity, tourism or orthodoxy, or have ignored them as a result of
secondary ethnocentrism or monocultural myopia
25
.
Within the last ten years there has been a discursive recalibration
26
of the cultural and spiritual
values of biodiversity
27
and the promotion of sacred natural sites as a means of conserving nature
and culture
28
. This new discursive terrain
29
, however, has not often included the spiritual
ecologies of animism
30
which is the most common belief system of the worlds indigenous
people
31
.
It has been estimated
32
that more than 25%
33
of Cultural Tibet is comprised of Sacred Lands
often dedicated to gzhi bdag.
The purpose of this study is to redress the monocultural myopia
34
by attempting: -

18
Huber 2002
19
Kolas 2004
20
Schwartz 1994
21
See Robertson 2006 liminal zones often refer to sacred places from which profane or mundane life is excluded
(Durkheim 1995)
22
Studley 2010
23
Weinblum and Iglesias 2013
24
Xie Jisheng 2001
25
Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 3
26
Ferrera 2007, Page 13
27
Posey 1999
28
Wild et al 2008
29
Rabgey 2008, Page 333
30
Sponsel 2012
31
Clarke and Beyer 2008
32
Buckley 2007, Shen et al 2012
33
567,000km
2

34
Hwa Yol Jung 2002 Page 3
1) To ground truth the realities and extents of selected Tibetan Numinous Sacred Lands, under
the aegis of a territorial divinity known as a gzhi bdag predicated on a bio-cultural audit.

2) To bring phenomenological recognition and understanding of the Tibetan Numinous Sacred
Land phenomenon to local and global audiences.

3) To begin to secure, with others, international recognition and protection for ca 510,300 km
2
of
Tibetan Numinous Sacred Lands

2 The Study Area
The Yubeng Valley
The Yubeng Valley, comprising 8899ha
35
, lies at the heart of the Kawakarpo mountain range in
Deqin Prefecture, NW Yunnan and straddles the inner kora pilgrim route
36
. It encompasses nine
groups of peaks which are the abodes of gzhi bdag
37
, including three forested peaks which are
also sealed
38
. It is only accessible on foot and is an important trekking and pilgrimage centre. Its
Tibetan inhabitants mostly live in Upper Yubeng
39
or Lower Yubeng
40
and speak a dialect of
Kham. It is a constituent part of one of the properties within the Three Parallel Rivers World
Heritage Site because of its biodiversity, its sacred peaks and its ritual sites
41
.
3 Survey Methods
The survey methods were predicated on:-
a literature review of sacred sites in NW Yunnan
contact with sacred site researchers who have studied NW Yunnan
the preparation of GIS data sets of Deqin, Zhongdian and Kawakarpo
a bio-cultural audit of the Yubeng Valley and selected villages in Zhongdian County
42


3.1 Site Selection
The Yubeng Valley was selected as the principal research site because it was known as an
important Tibetan Buddhist site, its mountains are inhabited by gzhi bdag and several of them are

35
GIS estimate
36
http://caindoherty.wordpress.com/2012/11/04/the-inner-kora-of-kawakarpo/
37
Pronounced reda in much of Deqin TAP this should not be confused with rida.
38
Known in Tibetan as or ri rgya
39
3350m
40
3250m
41
which include a sacred waterfall, a mystic temple, a conic megalith and a sacred cave complex
42
Also known as Shangri-la County
also sealed
43
. In additional 11 sites were selected in Zhongdian County
44
to assess the distribution
across the Prefecture.

Figure 1 Research sites (including Yunnan insert)

43
Known in Tibetan as ri rgya
44
Also known as Shangri-la County
4 Results the gzhi bdag survey

6 How many gzhi bdag
1 1 8.33%
2 5 41.67%
3 4 33.33%
5 1 8.33%
9 1 8.33%
Total 12
Mean 3.08
Standard Dev. 2.11
Variance 4.45
Response 12 100.00%
5 are there any gzhi bdag here
yes 12 100.00%
no 0 0.00%
Total 12
Mean 1.00
Standard Dev. 0.00
Variance 0.00
Response 12 100.00%
8 is there a known liminal boundary
yes 12 100.00%
no 0 0.00%
Total 12
Mean 1.00
Standard Dev. 0.00
Variance 0.00
Response 12 100.00%
Data analysis and graphics fromwww.questionpro.com
7 what is the size of the total gzhi bdag
domains in the village (mu)?
(how long does it take to walk around)
15 mu = 1 ha
Data Set:
350, 450, 500, 1212, 2000, 2500, 4401, 4500,
4500, 9000, 85320 ha
Descriptive Statistics: Minimum: 350
Maximum
:
85320
Range: 84970
Count: 11
Sum: 114733 7648.86
Mean: 10430 695.33
Median: 2500
Mode: 4500
Standard
Deviation:
24970
Variance: 623600000

10 can you describe the gzhi bdag rituals
household devotions 10 27.03%
men/monks offer bsang at la btsas 8 21.62%
community and ad hoc 9 24.32%
all offer bsang at bsang thab 10 27.03%
Total 37
Mean 2.51
Standard Dev. 1.17
Variance 1.37
Response 10 83.33%
11 what activities are allowed in gzhi bdag
domain
limited cutting 1 4.76%
collecting herbs 1 4.76%
collect grass 1 4.76%
collect dry firewood 1 4.76%
grazing 5 23.81%
male access 1 4.76%
protect trees 3 14.29%
protect animals 2 9.52%
special access for women 1 4.76%
self regulation 5 23.81%
Total 21
Mean 6.52
Standard Dev. 2.77
Variance 7.66
Response 12 100.00%
Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com
9 Is the domain sealed (ri rgya)?
Yes 1 8.33%
No 0 0.00%
I have never heard of sealing 11 91.67%
Total 12
Mean 2.83
Standard Dev. 0.58
Variance 0.33
Response 12 100.00%



12 what activities are not allowed in gzhi
bdag domain
no tree cutting 2 8.33%
no litter dropping 1 4.17%
improper dress 2 8.33%
no hunting 4 16.67%
no burning 1 4.17%
no access to snow peaks 1 4.17%
no access for women 3 12.50%
no firewood collection 4 16.67%
self regulation 5 20.83%
no urinating or defecating on glaciers 1 4.17%
Total 24
Mean 6.04
Standard Dev. 2.80
Variance 7.87
Response 9 75%
13 can you name the types of retribution
for upsetting a gzhi bdag
human illness 4 23.53%
cancer 1 5.88%
human death 2 11.76%
animal illness 2 11.76%
animal death 2 11.76%
hail and storms 1 5.88%
avalanches 1 5.88%
glaciers recede 1 5.88%
madness or craziness 1 5.88%
dreams and nightmares 1 5.88%
bad things happen 1 5.88%
Total 17
Mean 4.94
Standard Dev. 3.60
Variance 12.93
Response 6 50%
14 What are the means of restitution
offer bsang 7 43.75%
chanting 1 6.25%
prayer flags 2 12.50%
pray for all villagers 1 6.25%
white scarf 1 6.25%
plant trees 3 18.75%
release animals 1 6.25%
Total 16
Mean 3.06
Standard Dev. 2.26
Variance 5.13
Response 9 75%
Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com




15 who assists you when you make
restitution
a lama 3 60.00%
a cangba 1 20.00%
a lha pa 0 0.00%
a sngags pa 0 0.00%
a divination master or mo pa 1 20.00%
an amchi / Tibetan doctor 0 0.00%
nobody 0 0.00%
Total 5
Mean 2.00
Standard Dev. 1.73
Variance 3.00
Response 3 25.00%
16 who is responsible for cultural
reproduction (of gzhi bdag cult)
Village elders 2 50.00%
Parents 2 50.00%
Lamas 0 0.00%
Cangba 0 0.00%
Total 4
Mean 1.50
Standard Dev. 0.58
Variance 0.33
Response 2 8.16%
17 Is biodiversity greater in the gzhi bdag
domain?
Yes 10 83.33%
No 2 16.67%
Total 12
Mean 1.17
Standard Dev. 0.39
Variance 0.15
Response 12 100.00%
Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com



18 Can you name any unique
flora or fauna in the gzhi bdag domain
nabi 1 3.45%
pheasants 4 13.79%
small panda 3 10.34%
wolves 2 6.90%
bears 1 3.45%
leopards 3 10.34%
tigers 2 6.90%
musk deer 2 6.90%
many bamboo species 2 6.90%
rare plants 3 10.34%
rare animals 1 3.45%
monkeys 2 6.90%
108 plant/tree species 2 6.90%
other 1 3.45%
Total 29
Mean 7.00
Standard Dev. 4.00
Variance 16.00
Other Option [Other]
serow
Response 8 66.66%
19 What are the greatest threats to gzhi
bdag sites
Tourism 1 5.56%
Formal Education (in boarding schools) 1 5.56%
Economic development 1 5.56%
Logging 3 16.67%
Mining 0 0.00%
Globalisation 0 0.00%
External philosophic values 6 33.33%
External cultural values 6 33.33%
Total 18
Mean 6.00
Standard Dev. 2.33
Variance 5.41
Response 6 50%
Data analysis and graphics from www.questionpro.com

Q15, 16 and 19 were based on volunteered information
5 Discussion
5.1 gzhi bdag Sites
gzhi bdag sites are a common phenomenon throughout the Tibetan world
45
and may comprise
46

25% of the land area of the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau
47
. On the basis of the gzhi bdag survey
(section 4) 100% of respondents were familiar with gzhi bdag (Q5), they stated that there were an

45
Huber 1999a+b, Zhang Zhongyun p.c. 11/3/13
46
with (gnas or monastery land
47
Buckley 2007
average of 3.08 gzhi bdag sites in each villages (Q6) with an average estimated size
48
of
10,430mu
49
(Q7).
There are nine gzhi bdag locales in the Yubeng Valley, and six of them are snow mountain groups
(over 4400m), and three are forested mountains. The gzhi bdag mountains comprise in total an
area of 5278 ha or 60 % of the Yubeng catchment.


Figure 2. The protected and sealed gzhi bdag domains of the Yubeng Valley

5.2 Ritual Protection and Sealing
The use and protection of gzhi bdag sites is not merely a cultural or spiritual concern. It is a
human right that has been identified and protected by international law
50
. On the basis of the

48
per village
49
700 ha
50
Article 25 of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states that Indigenous peoples have the right
to maintain and strengthen their distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied
and used lands, territories, waters and coastal seas and other resources and to uphold their responsibilities to future
generations in this regard.

gzhi bdag survey 100% of respondents knew the liminal boundary
51
of the gzhi bdag sites (Q8) and
were able to describe its geospatial extent and measures of ritual protection. Only 8.33% of
respondents, in Yubeng, were familiar with sealing (Q9) which ensures double protection of gzhi
bdag sites.
gzhi bdag site sealing is not a universal practice in every Tibetan community but it is quite
widespread
52
. Mountain domains are sealed to protect flora and fauna owned by gzhi bdag and to
prevent any disturbance within the domain of the gzhi bdag. Eleven villages
53
out of fifty, in the
Kawakarpo Mountains have sealed off their numinous gzhi bdag lands from domesticated
settlements by establishing liminal lines above their villages.
Three forested mountains
54
in the Yubeng Valley have been ritually sealed in a ceremony involving
the hereditary headmen of Yubeng and a Lama from Hong Po Monastery, Deqin
55
.
5.3 Maintaining Topocosmic Equilibrium
The economies and well-being of most indigenous societies are maintained on the basis of
topocosmic reciprocity between the natural, social and spiritual domain. This is manifest through
behavioural expectations, customs, taboos, rites, and values and articulated in stories, histories
and lessons.
The respondents are no different and in order to secure the patronage
56
of the gzhi bdag, rather
than retribution, efforts are made to protect their domain, honour and thank them and to make
restitution when necessary.
Taboos
Taboos exist in most cultures and are good examples of informal institutions, where norms, rather
than juridical laws determine human behaviour. In many traditional societies taboos frequently
guide human conduct toward the natural environment where they are defined as "resource and

51
A threshold to a liminal zone (See Durkheim 1995, Robertson 2006)
52
See Huber 2004
53
Lanier 2005
54
tso da, ben de ru and bon bo ru
55
Upon the request of the local people, the Lama is invited to check the "feng-shui" (geomancy) of the gzhi bdag
mountain first. They will decide the direction of the boundary line after they have surveyed the landscape, forest, as
well as the places that are likely to be frequented with mudslides and landslides. They will set the line according to the
sun-dial, and then set up mani stone piles intermittently, or bury a treasure vase containing 25 kinds of medicinal herbs,
five kinds of silk and satin, five sorts of gold, silver and gem stones and five kinds of grain. Afterwards, they will recite
the Buddhist manuscripts for seven to 21 days. When all these have been completed, the grass above the divide line
cannot be collected, the trees cannot be felled and stones cannot be quarried. Each year, the local community will send
for the Lama to preside over the ceremonies and recite the Buddhist manuscripts (Guo Jing 2000)
56
success (in hunting, trading, travel, farming, forestry), protection, blessing, glory, honour, fame, prosperity, progeny
and power for the people and their political and religious leadership
habitat taboos
57
. On the basis of the gzhi bdag survey 100% of respondents knew which activities
were allowed in a gzhi bdag domain (Q11) but only 75% of respondents knew which activities
were not permitted (Q12).
Honouring and thanking the gzhi bdag
gzhi bdag sites are inscribed in the landscape and in local consciousness through folklore and
through a cycle of daily, monthly, seasonal and annual ritual devotions. For each gzhi bdag there
are specific prayers for specific occasions, many of which have been preserved in ritual texts
58
.
On the basis of the gzhi bdag survey (Q10) 83.3% of respondents were aware of the gzhi bdag
rituals including; household devotions (27.03%) the offering of bsang
59
for all at a bsang thab
60

(27.03%), community and ad hoc offerings (24.32%), offerings by monks and/or men at mountain
la btsas
61
(21.62%).

Figure 3 An altar on the roof of a house in Upper Yubeng for honouring and appeasing the gzhi bdag of snow peak min tso mo
and forested peak of ben de ru

Retribution

57
Colding and Folke 2001
58
known in Tibetan as (bsang yig)
59
incense
60
incense altar
61
mountain altar
gzhi bdag are capricious and easily angered especially if they are not honoured and thanked and
humankind disturbs them, their domain, or the flora and fauna they own. If they are angered they
will take retribution on the people they are responsible for, or their stock, or their crops.
On the basis of the gzhi bdag survey (Q13) only 50% of respondents were aware of the types of
retribution that would result from upsetting or disturbing a gzhi bdag. These included human
illness (23.53%), human death (11.76%), animal illness (11.76%), animal death (11.76%), cancer
(5.88%), hail and storms (5.88%), avalanches (5.88%), glacial retreat (5.88%), madness (5.88%),
nightmares (5.88%), bad things happening (5.88%).
Making restitution with the gzhi bdag
When a gzhi bdag is offended this not only results in retribution but it has an impact on
topocosmic equilibrium. As a result restitution is required between the transgressor and the gzhi
bdag and the transgressor and the community.
On the basis of the gzhi bdag survey (Q14) 75% of respondents were aware of the measures
required to make restitution with a gzhi bdag. Typically the measures included offering bsang
62

(43.75%), planting trees (18.75%), erecting prayer flags (12.50%), chanting (6.25%), praying for the
village (6.25%), white scarf (6.25%), and releasing animals into the wild
63
(6.25%)
Mediation or Ritual Enquiry
Some form of mediation or ritual enquiry is often employed to establish which gzhi bdag is
offended, who the transgressor is, and what type of restitution is required. Traditionally deity
mediums or lha pa were consulted but as many of them were persecuted during the Cultural
Revolution transgressors/ enquirers have had to rely on a lama, a cangba
64
, an amchi
65
, or a mo
pa. In the case of a deity medium the gzhi bdag communicates verbally, but the lama, amchi or
mo pa
66
often has to rely on divination
67
through astrology or chance.
On the basis of the gzhi bdag survey (Q15) 25% of respondents referred to ritual enquiry, namely
lamas (60%), Canga (20%) and mo pa
68
(20%).

62
incense
63
known as tshe thar in Tibetan. The release of animals is a pre-Buddhist custom, for averting danger,
regaining bla (soul) and health, and the annulment of misdeeds (sdig pa sel ba). It is a common practice among nomads
and the Tibetan diaspora (See Bauer 2013, Gerke 2012, Rosing and Spurkhapa 2006, Tucci 1988)
64
The author was unable to establish if cangba were trance mediums or relied on dice divination.
65
Tibetan Doctor or
66
Divination master
67
mo in Tibetan
68
Divination masters
The gzhi bdag do sometimes warn transgressors through dreams, visions, omens
69
, theophanies
70

and even the abduction of relatives
71
. Omens and divination are both important for maintaining
harmony with a gzhi bdag and the topocosm
72
.
Cultural reproduction (of the gzhi bdag cult)
In most indigenous societies the keepers of culture
73
or cultural specialists
74
are often
described as shaman
75
or priests. These cultural specialists are often knowledgeable about
flora and fauna and they play an important role in environmental storytelling the transmission of
culture and indigenous knowledge ensuring harmony within the cosmos. Their role in cultural
reproduction is usually augmented by parents and village elders.
As a result of persecution the role of the cultural specialists in Deqin (lamas, deity mediums
tantric lay practitioners
76
, and diviners) appears to be limited to mediation
77
, and with the
exception of one cultural specialist
78
elders and parents appear
79
to be shouldering most of the
responsibility for endogenous intergenerational enculturation
80
.
5.4 Biodiversity
Sacred land, especially ritually protected numinous enclosures such as gzhi bdag locales, are
characterised by explicit nature conservation and serve as exemplars or refugia
81
of biodiversity.
In spite of the Cultural Revolution and Logging between 1950 and 1998 the gzhi bdag survey
revealed that 83.33% of respondents (Q18) believed that there was more biodiversity inside the
gzhi bdag domain than outside, although most of them recognized that there had been much
greater biodiversity prior to 1950. In addition 66.66% of respondents (Q19) were able to name
unique flora & fauna.

69
(rten brel) in Tibetan and pronounced tendrel.
70
The temporal and spatial manifestation of a divinity in some tangible form (e.g. human or animal)
71
Norbu 1997
72
Samuel 1993
73
Zevik 2007
74
Yang Fuquan, 2002
75
Whatever the origin of the word shaman it seems clear that there is no single indigenous term that covers all the
various ritual activities (medium, divination, healing) and states of consciousness (trances) that Westerners have called
shamanism. A reasonable conclusion is that shamanism has been created and developed as a heuristic term in the
West, which helps researchers to identity phenomena that are linked by a complicated network of similarities and
common qualities. For broader and narrower definitions see Walter et al 2004.
76
cangba and sngags pa
77
On the basis of the gzhi bdag survey (Q15)
78
A monk in the chapel next to the padma cave complex in Yubeng
79
On the basis of the gzhi bdag survey (Q16)
80
Enculturation is the process by which people learn the requirements of their surrounding culture and acquire values
and behaviours appropriate or necessary in that culture.

As part of this process, the influences that limit, direct, or shape
the individual (whether deliberately or not) include parents, other adults, and peers. If successful, enculturation results
in competence in the language, values and rituals of the culture

81
An area where special environmental circumstances have enabled a species or a community of species to
survive after extinction in surrounding areas.
Biodiversity studies of Yubeng
82
flora suggest some significant differences based on sanctity.
These included differences in useful species, endemic species, tree size (DBH) and basal area
(m2/ha). The literature
83
suggests that the fauna found in the Yubeng Valley includes:- deer, blue
sheep, golden-haired monkey, monkey, tiger, panda, musk deer, pheasant, bear, rabbit, wolf,
small panda, snow leopards, Ja
84
,parakeets, golden eagles, bearded vultures, rose finches,
yellow throated buntings, Goulds sunbird and Lady Amhersts pheasant.
5.5 Threats to gzhi bdag locales and culture
The preservation of gzhi bdag sites and their biodiversity is contingent upon the protection of
indigenous culture and its transmission from generation to generation. Possible threats to
indigenous culture are fully addressed elsewhere
85
and can only be summarised in the context of
Yubeng in this chapter.
On the basis of volunteered information provided during the gzhi bdag survey (Q19) the greatest
bio-cultural threats included: - external philosophic values (33.33%), external cultural values
(33.33%), logging (16.67%), primary education in boarding school (5.56%), tourism (5.56%) and
economic development (5.56%)
In Yubeng the greatest threats are posed by: - formal education and tourism followed by the
expansion of transportation and communication links, mountaineering, and economic
development
86
. According to the Kawakarpo Culture Association if the local culture is degraded by
outside influences it will affect the religious culture and the conservation ethic
87
.
There is already evidence of alienation, loss of identity and self-esteem among indigenous
secondary school children in Ganzi TAP
88
which may have spread to Tibetan primary school
students in NW Yunnan
89
. Although the headmaster still lives in Yubeng the Primary School was
closed in 2012 and primary school children currently attend boarding school in Deqin.
Tourism
90
and the market economy have been more destructive in Southwest China than the
Cultural Revolution, because it has resulted in a new generation who care little for religion and
culture.

82
Anderson et al 2005, Salick et al 2007
83
Guo Jing 2000 Eckholm 2001, Holmes and Holmes 2011, Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/2013
84
Ja is believed to be gya in Tibetan or serowin Lepcha or Capricornis thar. In the Kawakarpo mountains they often
have a white mane.
85
Studley 2005
86
Sonam Dorje p.c. 15/9/2013, Moseley et al 2003
87
Moseley et al 2003
88
Studley 2012
89
Recently the Deqin TAP government has established boarding schools in the main towns, for primary school students
from remote villages.
90
Ma Jianzhong in Lanier 2005
The forced elimination of Tibetan Culture in one generation coupled with the effects of modernity
has significantly changed Tibetan culture in Yubeng
91
and as a result of tourism
92
the protected
areas in Yubeng are no longer safe, and beliefs in gzhi bdag are beginning to break down.

Figure 4 Yubengs defunct primary school (CCTV)
Efforts are now being made globally to bring indigenous language and knowledge into school
curriculum, and to move learning back into the community, thus reaffirming the status of elders as
knowledge holders
93
.
Although the Kawakarpo Cultural association and others
94
have created a bio-cultural archive of
the region there are no formal mechanisms to reproduce enculturation or to move learning back
into the community.
6. Conclusions
Sacred Natural Sites continue to play a very important role in the lives and identity of all sectors
of the Tibetan population of China, but for very different reasons. The gzhi bdag sites are the
numinous abodes of territorial divinities that protect and grant success to local Tibetan nomads
and farmers and undergird their identity and Tibetanness.
Ritually protected enclosures are common throughout the Tibetan world and the diaspora
95
and
may comprise up to 25% of the land mass of Cultural Tibet. In NW Yunnan most villages have three

91
Lanier 2005
92
Tanga Lobsang p.c. 29/19/2013
93
Arenas et al 2010, http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_LINKS-poster%20revitalising.pdf
94
Greer 2002, Lanier 2005, Xiao Xiangyi 2012
95
Tibetan emigration has occurred in five waves, 1) during the reign of Langdharma (836-842AD), 2) during the Era
of Fragmentation (9
th
-11
th
century), 3) following the 1959 Tibetan uprising 80,000 Tibetans emigrated to India, 4)
following opening and reform (from 1987), 5)School children going to India for further education (from 2000).
gzhi bdag sites totalling approximately 10,430mu [per village] with well known and well defined
geospatial extents and greater biodiversity than adjacent areas.
The ritual protection of the flora and fauna within a gzhi bdag domain is currently conducted on
the basis of endogenous regulation in order to ensure topocosmic equilibrium. Although ritual
protection is being maintained it is coming under pressure as a result of timber requirements for
tourism.
There is recognition that if the local culture is degraded by outside influences it will affect the
religious culture and the conservation ethic. Some steps have been taken both globally and locally
to strengthen ties between elders and youth in order to reinforce the transmission of indigenous
knowledge and culture, but more needs to be done.
Non-clerical cultural specialists were heavily persecuted during the Cultural Revolution and in
some locations only a few remain today. As a result in many cases villagers have to consult a lama
in place of a non-clerical religious specialist.
Given the paucity of cultural specialists elders and parents appear to be shouldering most of the
responsibility for endogenous intergenerational enculturation. It is questionable, however, if
cultural reproduction will continue automatically in much of Deqin TAP with primary school
children currently being sent to boarding school.
Currently there are two main international channels for recognizing and protecting unique areas
of bio-cultural diversity, namely via the IUCN
96
or ICCA
97
. Both of these avenues present problems
when the custodians are minority peoples living in countries that have top-down hierarchical
political systems and ambiguous autonomy. In the light of these difficulties the current ICCA
registration processes and GIS data publication protocols are in urgent need of review.
7 Recommendations
Further field work is required to confirm the total area of spiritscapes in Cultural Tibet. This
information can also be used as base material for their protection.
Further research is required in order to audit gzhi bdag ritual activity.
Further research is required into the role of cangba and mo pa in Tibetan society and the viability
of increasing their numbers and distribution through training or mentoring.
Research is required into mechanisms for ensuring cultural reproduction.

96
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Union_for_Conservation_of_Nature
97
http://www.iccaconsortium.org/
There is an urgent need to identify international organisations and forums that can disseminate
the endangered status of Tibetan Spiritscapes and highlight the need to recognise them and
secure protection for them as discrete categories in their own right.
Representation need to be made to ICCA, WCMC
98
and IUCN to amend registration and GIS
protocols so that Tibetan spiritscapes can be recognized and protected.
Lastly there is an urgent need for all to assist in the process of discursive recalibration to ensure
the bio-cultural diversity of the Tibetan Plateau and bring recognition to its custodians.
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