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DIGEST #1/94 March 30, 1994

EDITORIAL

(Mr. Adem Demaçi's editorial is thus published, as a sign of solidarity with the "FORUM"
magazine, which was not published last week, because of well known reasons, and whose
Editor in Chief is Mr. Demaçi)

I understand the world been defrauded, but how did it happen to us? As always. We were
not prepared to not be defrauded, but on the contrary, because in our minds and souls, it was
just much too much (and it is still so) dependence on the help from abroad. In our private
matters, we act according to: "let's start doing it, for the brother, the uncle, the brother in law,
the Godfather, the Godmother will help us!". And when we fail, then the ones to blame are
the brother, the uncle, the brother in law, whoever. In our national matters, we use the same
system: "Let's just start it, for Albania, Austria, Italy, Germany, Europe, America and Turkey
will help us out". And once we see our matters are muddled and there is no way to straighten
them up, them we put the blame on Albania, Europe, America and the whole of the world.
The deep posture to rely on the foreign factor has left us without condition, it has given to
much commodity, it has loosened us so much that even before start doing something, first, we
can't control ourselves and check whether we are apt to do it or not, and then to check
whether the ones we have to cooperate with are apt and competent for that determined task,
and as soon as we face the first obstacles, then we start blaming the others (and never
ourselves!), and of course this is why things are the way they are.

I am very sorry to say, but is more than true that all of us, without any exceptions, are
engaged in more serious matters, but with so superficial preparation for them. To prove just
what I said, I can use thousands of examples, but I'll make use of only one. I had the chance
to chat with many people who used to be members of illegal organizations and parties, and
now I have the chance to chat with people who are members of legal parties and
organizations, and somehow along the chat, I asked them and I still do - what is an
organization? And it happened very often, that those who have participated in the foundation
of an organization or a party, don't have it quite clear what an organization or a party is (there
are some of them that don't have it clear at all!). And, this is where the bad side of our
organization starts and still continues. The majority of the people who joined our parties,
didn't have it clear that the leaders chosen by them as heads of an organization or a party,
belong to that part of the organization or the party which gives orders, whilst they themselves
belong to that part of the party which will have to accomplish and fulfil those orders. If they
would have understood this fact, then the members - on the occasion of the election of their
leadership - would wide open their eyes and would be seriously engaged to fulfil the tasks
given, and not as up to now, just do something for the sake of it. But, why do our people act
thus? Because the mentality of the monopolist, a one party system, in which the members
were just stats and when they as members (be it the League of Communists or the Labor
Party), had not much influence in the election of its leadership, for that was usually done by
the "infallible and genius leader" (be it Tito or Enver), are deeply rooted in the minds of our

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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people. Now there is no monopoly, speaking of the Albanian parties, for they are not
supported either by UDB-a (the secret police in the Former Yugoslavia) or by SIGURIMI
(Albanian secret police) which would force the members to elect the leadership they don't
want. Therefore, the main ones to blame are the members of our parties who are not taking
good advantage of their democratic right to choose the right leaders who dare, know and want
to give the right orders.

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THE PREMIER IN WASHINGTON
(by Lindita Imami/Washington)

Dr. Bujar Bukoshi called the international community to undertake concrete measures to stop
the repression in Kosova and to prevent the expansion of war in the former Yugoslavia, and
he requested from the American officials and those of the UN to include Kosova in the peace
process.

According to Mr Bukoshi, he came to the USA in times of some diplomatic developments
towards the solution of the ex-Yugoslav crisis. "We are upset, for we are convinced that no
real peace can be achieved without the solution of the Kosova crisis", said Bukoshi in a press
conference at the UN in New York.

At the UN, Bukoshi met with the American Ambassador Victor Morrero, who assured him
that the economic sanctions against Serbia won't be lifted, until a peaceful solution is found to
the Kosova issue. Both Morrero and his deputy T.J. Rose, representative of the US at the
Social and Economic Council, also assured that the USA will do whatever is possible to find
a just solution in Kosova.

In the same place, Bukoshi elaborated his three points plan, according to which, the UN, the
US, the European Union and Russia are called to fully include Kosova in the peace process,
in the framework of a general solution; an international presence is requested in Kosova for
the prevention the escalation of the Serbian acts in a wider conflict; and finally, it is requested
that the international sanctions against Serbia be conditioned with the solution of the crisis in
Kosova. "Kosova is an international issue, and the international security and peace depend on
her", said Bukoshi.

During his three days visit to Washington, Bukoshi met with the Administration and
Congress officials. His visit comes immediately after the successful one of President Rugova
with officials of the Clinton Administration and the American Congress. The three main
requests that Bukoshi considers to be essential to prevent the conflict in Kosova were also
presented in these meetings. Even though a meeting with Anthony Lake, the Counsellor of
National Security, was foreseen to be held, at the end Bukoshi met with Ms Jane Holl, Lake's
assistant and Head of the Europe sector. During this meeting, the conversations were
centered in the continuation of the economic sanctions against Serbia until the issue of
Kosova is solved.

At the Capitol, Bukoshi met with Dem. representatives Tom Lantos and Eliot Engel and the
Rep. Senator Dan Nickels, to whom Bukoshi suggested that the US must have a special
representative in Kosova. The meetings with Sen. Robert Dole and the Committee of Armed
Forces of the American Senate were held behind closed doors.

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At the State Department, he met the official in charge of human rights and humanitarian
issues, Nancy Rapell, and evaluated it as a fruitful meeting, for he understood the postures of
the Clinton administration.

In the famous Peace Institute "Carnegie Endowment for Peace", Bukoshi requested that the
USA include Kosova in the peaceful conversations for solution of the Yugoslav conflict. On
the contrary, then a signal will be sent that aggression will be rewarded, and the peaceful
determination will be punished. Talking about the difficult situation of two million
Albanians in Kosova, and the increase of the Serbian repression, he said that there is a
possibility for the situation to lose control.

Asked whether a status of autonomy for Kosova would be accepted, Bukoshi replied that such
a solution could be accepted only as the first step towards the final solution of the Albanian
issue, because the people is declared in favor of establishing the independent state.

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INTERVIEW WITH JAMES PETTIFER
(A journalist's point of view about Kosova and the Balkans - excerpts)

THE FATE OF KOSOVA IS IN THE HANDS OF ITS PEOPLE
(interviewed by: Kelmend Hapçiu/Prishtinë)

Q: How do you see the solution of the Kosova problem in particular and the Albanian
problem in general?

A: The most important thing is to prevent war. We saw what happened in Bosnia, and
whatever is here to happen, let it be in peace. But, that is hard to achieve until the Albanian
issue is not understood the way it should. The problem of so many Albanians living outside
Albania should be understood. Their culture, their human rights should be understood. It is
very interesting to see what is happening right now in Macedonia. I think there is a great
danger, in the human rights' aspect, that Macedonia could become as bad, as Kosova. I
consider that Gligorov's government shows no, or at least not much interest for the Albanians'
rights in education, health-care, employment. I consider it to be a grave mistake of the West
and the international community to assist Gligorov financially, when nothing is being done in
this respect. Especially if the Albanians make up one third of the population of this state.

Q: How you look upon the acknowledgement of Macedonia by the world?

A: I am very worried about this. I consider that since the riots in Shkupi, when in November
of 1992 some Albanians were killed, Macedonia started evading the democratic line. This
even grew bigger with the change of the militaries in March of 1993, when Gen. Arsinov was
discharged from his post. Just as an illustration: there are no Albanians in the military
hierarchy, nor are there officers in the police, practically, there are no Albanian policemen.
These things should be worrying.

Q: You made the coverage of the "weapons' affair", for London's "The Economist"?

A: In November last, a covered the arms' conspiracy against the Albanian ministers.

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According to me, this process is finished, since there was no proof that these people had any
intention to overthrow the government, or act illegally. This was a conspiracy against the
democratic rights of Albanians. I consider that it is not too strong if I say that the conspiracy
was organized by the government circles. There is no proof whatsoever, which would lead to
prove that a serious conspiracy against Gligorov was taking place. Not one proof, and
meanwhile the people remain in prison, and the Albanian leaders in Tetovë, Gostivar and
other parts, are mistreated. Since then, we have witnessed many violations of fundamental
human rights. This is a huge problem. Even though serious, the situation in Kosova is stable
in a way, and it has two parties. The situation in Macedonia is very unstable, and it is
influenced by many internal and external subjects.

Q:Let's go back to Kosova...

A: I consider that the problem of Kosova should be solved peacefully, for the contrary would
bring us a war worst than the one in Bosnia. The war here, because of the history, would be
harsher. In Bosnia there was a kind of peace through fifty years, whilst in Kosova, you have
been facing serious problems in the past 15-20 years. I think that Kosova must have its
democratic rights, the way its people express its will, and this understands an fundamental
political change. Democracy should be reinstalled in Kosova, and everybody agrees upon
this, and I think that even the Serbs agree with the fact that this is not a democratic system.
Seen from the legal aspect, nowadays you have a state of emergency, and thus has it been
since a long time ago. Kosova has to convert into a practical democratic entity, but I consider
that us, the foreigners should not forecast or tell you the way it should be solved. This will
depend exclusively on the Albanian people.

Q: Since a long time ago, there is hope in the help from outside...

A: The experience with Bosnia proves that the assistance from abroad would be restricted. In
Great Britain, France or Germany, there is no public support to the idea of military
engagement in Kosova. But the things are not the same as before. The war in Bosnia has
changed everything. I consider that whatever is offered to Kosova, its people should accept.
According to me, the American support is a great illusion. There is good will and
encouragement, but if the Americans are still not ready to send their land troops to Bosnia,
whilst we in Britain and the people in France have to do it, we must be realistic: there are no
prospects of a UN Trusteeship in Kosova. In my opinion, this policy has no prospects here.
Even though this is seeked and even maybe should be achieved, I think that in practice, it is
not realistic.

Q: You don't seem to think that the external factor will be involved in case of an eventual
conflict?

A: No, not after what happened in Bosnia. The situation in Bosnia changed the foreign
perceptions of the Balkans. Regardless of whether they are Croats, Serbs or others,
everybody had to adjust to this, to the fact according to which the Western logic functions.
And another remark of mine: If I had any reserves towards the Albanian leaders, they would
have to be regarding their non adapting to today's reality, differing from times when
Communism was dying and when war started.

Q: What would Albania undertake in case of the eventual war?

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A: It is evident that Albania has more interests than the rest, that you have a mutual border
and that you make up one people. At the beginning, it would have a very serious problem
with the refugees, which would be its main concern. Even more, it should count on
international assistance, because Albania itself couldn't feed thousands and thousands of other
people. Especially if this happens in the Northern part of the country, which is anyways poor.
The biggest influence would be that of the USA.

Q: How do you comment the American statements that USA won't allow the conflict in
Kosova?

A: Some things can be declared, but they can't be stopped; wars can't be stopped at a set time,
sometimes they stop at once, sometimes they stop just by chance, for many reasons...This was
said as a warning, in a due moment. I don't think it could be enforced outside the context of
the whole situation.

Q: But the statement was repeated several times....

A: Nevertheless, I am sceptical about what could they really do. The American public
opinion fears from peacekeeping operations, especially the one in Somalia. We shan't forget
that it took them only several victims to change the whole American policy towards Somalia.
I consider that there are no serious intentions for intervention and it is an illusion to think
differently.

Q: In this context, what is it then of the American troops in Macedonia. When they arrived,
one of the reasons stated for them coming to Macedonia, was Kosova.

A: From the conversations I had with my Albanian friends in Macedonia, I found out that
their perception of the Americans' role has changed much since the time they first came. At
the beginning they were greeted, but still an open matter remains: It seems as if the troops
were supporting a government which has done almost nothing in the plane of the human
rights and freedoms, as well as democracy. Many Albanians in Macedonia are very critical
since, objectively, the Americans are supporting a non-democratic government. I consider
that right now, they don't represent a very important military factor. Finally, this year, at the
very border with Macedonia, several Albanian shepherds, about 20 of them, were killed.
Completely innocent Albanians were killed, and the Americans did nothing in this matter.

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DOES KOSOVA HAVE A POLITICAL SYSTEM

(by: Dukagjin Gorani, Baton Haxhiu and Astrit Salihu/Prishtinë)

A. Bajrami, owner of a modest commercial enterprise in Prishtinë, is queuing endlessly at the
passport department, of the Prishtina police station. A. Bajrami is awaiting for his
indispensable travel document that legitimizes him as a citizen of the Republic of Serbia. He
is a citizen of the Republic of Kosova. "I don't know of the existence, and I don't know if a
passport of the Republic of Kosova is valid...Even if there were, I'd need two passports, you
just can't get rid of these guys..."

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A. Bajrami, owner of the modest enterprise, pays two taxes on his modest profit. The one to
the Republic of Serbia and the other one to the Republic of Kosova. His children, as well as
another 70 thousand others throughout Kosova, attend school at one of the private houses on
"Kodra e Trimave" (Hill of the Brave). His sister and around 20 thousand of her colleagues
are lectured at the "shadow" University somewhere in the "Vellania" neighborhood. The
Rectorate of the University is stationed at "the saws" of Prishtina. 150 thousand dismissed
workers, try to assure their existence through the gray transactions at the black market. The
private economy, the taxes, the endangered health care system, the bipartite tax system and
the insecurity of investments, with all the burden of an eventual conflict, are the everyday
existence of Kosova. The parallel system...

The entirety of activities of vital institutions in one state is known as a political system. Its
functioning understands compulsory hierarchical institutional regulation between the
Parliament (the supreme organ), the government (the executive organ) and other institutions
that function in coordination and which depend on the government (different ministries).
Such a formula, discovered hundreds of years ago, seems to be the general model of the
concept of the state regulation and functioning.

The Albanians in Kosova would understand a political system of their own, as an engagement
towards the creation of the independent political sphere, which would fully submitt to the
above mentioned definition, which is also understood as a condition for the realization of the
people's aspirations and full detachment from the governmental ultimatums of the Serbian
state and the objective of subjugation and forcible integration, which would keep on the
actual full occupation of Kosova.

Chronologically, the four years of organized political articulating of the Kosova Albanians,
have gone towards the realization and the vitalization of its statehood. The Declaration of
Independence, that of the Republic of Kosova as a sovereign state, the multi-party elections,
the creation of the Parliament and Government - as direct derivations - all these attempts had
formally designed the independent social and political scene of the Albanians - the parallel
one. With all the continuous repression and the enormous obstacles placed against the
tendencies towards the independent institutionalization, the parallel Albanian political system
symbolically started functioning after the full disappearance of the vital organs and
institutions of the Albanians.

Attorney Azem Vllasi, a former high official of the times of the League of Communists of
Yugoslavia, says: "All former Communist countries that faced the radical changes of the
political government, understood the transitory phase, as a stage towards the final conversion
of a totalitarian society into a democratic and multi-party configuration. What makes the
difference, in this context, between the former and present Yugoslavia, is that the transitory
stage of the change in the formulation of the political concept, was developed by
strengthening the totalitarian foundations, adding to this the involvement of the nationalistic
elements, and the appearance of the national-chauvinistic posture.

It is well known that the annexation of Kosova was followed up by the total ruin of the legal
political system which used to exist in Kosova, and by the imposition of a discriminative
system of forcible measures and associations within the institutions, needed for the realization
of the domination of Serbia over Kosova. This situation caused the need for the creation of a
symbolic function, which in reality would be the articulation of resistance and the way to
fight back a hegemonist imposition.

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Regarding the creation of the indispensable concept of the regulation of the (non) institutional
life of the Albanians in Kosova, the former vice-chairman of the Social-Democratic Party of
Kosova, Shkëlzen Maliqi says: "At the beginning, the so called parallel system appeared as a
spontaneous people's reaction against the suppression of the institutional life. Such projects,
as is the elaboration of systematic long term strategy, didn't exist".

The creation of a concept, alien to the Serbian hegemonistic policy and its realization through
its full detachment from the Serbian governmental establishment, was a necessity of time".
On the other hand, Dr. Fehmi Agani claims that there can't be any talks about a "shadow"
system. As he says, the syntagma "parallel system" is not an adequate term to describe the
Albanian efforts to vitalize independence. Objectively, we can't speak of a parallel system,
but of two opposite systems of government.

A situation where two diametrally opposite governments exist, has been formed in Kosova.
One of them has the support of the majority, has the legality of action and the formal
legitimacy given by the former Assembly of Kosova, the same one that declared both Kosova
a Republic and its sovereignty. Regarding the other one, it is simply, a police rule, imposed
by force. I don't understand the phenomenon of the so called "factive loyalty", which the
Albanians in Kosova are applying in regard with the Serbian occupying system every time
they have to verify or get a new document from the forcible organs, as an expression of
loyalty towards Serbia. The abstention of the Albanians from the Parliamentarian elections in
Serbia, is a factive manifestation of the refusal of loyalty towards that particular government",
says Fehmi Agani, vice-chairman of the LDK. "But", insists Shkëlzen Maliqi, "the parallel
political system of the Albanians, as one of the two concepts of government in Kosova,
essentially relies upon the people's hope for the realization of the national purpose.

In the objective shortage of possibilities to create real mechanisms of rule, the present
operation of the parallel system speaks only of the moral posture of the people and its
efforts", says Maliqi of the mechanisms. The Parliament was, itself, unable to organize even
the constitutional session, in which the mandates of the MP's would be verified, where the
President would swear oath, and the Government would get the competencies, sufficient, for
the future labor. It is known that the impossibility of the organization of the preliminary
session of the Parliament, caused the non establishment of the necessary ministries for the
basic function of the supreme organ. The most often mentioned reasons why the formally
proclaimed government (which doesn't live here any more) reduced its function as the
organizing nucleus to the maximum, is the occupying actuality which leads to the suspension
of the function and the offices of the society.

Dr. Fehmi Agani: "The actual government of the Republic of Kosova has legitimacy which it
got from the former Assembly (Parliament), and from this aspect, it also has its legality.
Nevertheless, it is also true that the activities of the this government have been reduced so
much, that it can only be conditionally be called as such."

The words of Jusuf Zejnullahu, former President of the Government of Kosova, in its
transitional phase up to the declaration of the Republic, prove that when the new Government
was appointed, procedural violations occured. "After the Declaration of the Republic was
proclaimed and the exile of the MP's and the members of the Government of Kosova took
place, in September of 1990, came a period of full stagnation in the governmental
organization. The lack of activity and of any initiative to accomplish the tasks set on Sept. 7,
1990, resulted with the full dispersion of the MP's. Two years of exile of this government

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were replaced by an "ad hoc" formula of its substitute, the new Government, which I, as the
ex President of Government, understand as an imposition of the political parties of that time.
Until then, according to the Constitution of Kosova, the MP's were the ones to really propose,
or would approve the appointment of the new Government and the "members of the new
cabinet". Zejnullahu adds that "Bukoshi's Government has been established according to the
directives of the parties, which came based on the decision of the Coordinating Body of the
Political Parties of Kosova. Such a formulation, ignoring the formal aspect regarding the
elections in the vital organs, I understand as a procedural violation and a simple imposition of
a party. The actual Government doesn't have the actual legitimacy of the Parliament and the
old Government".

Whatever it may be, the role of the Government turns to be decisive, in times when the
Parliament as the supreme legislative organ can't function. Speaking of the reduction of the
labor of the Government, Maliqi adds: "Realistically, the Government of Kosova is more
playing the role of an improvised Ministry of Foreign Affairs, than it is integrated to approve
vital decisions, necessary for the improvement of the internal situation and the continuous
functioning of the parallel life in Kosova".

The problem of the functioning of the institutions in Kosova, in the present conditions, is
taken as a consequence of the non definition of the hierarchy and the control of the
government inside, which causes the mixture of the competencies and the lack of
responsibility. It is known that the Government of the Republic of Kosova has been reduced
to the Premier and one minister (even though it had been foreseen that there should be 17
ministries). Nevertheless, as time went by, the government took over all the extraordinary
competencies of decision-making, not defining clearly its functions. In connection with the
divergencies in the functioning of the Government, Dr. Fehmi Agani, among others says that:
"...the issue of the distribution of the financing and the collection of the compulsory 3% from
our workers here and abroad, is fully out of control".

If it could be spoken of the only governmental vitalization of a purpose, the Self-financing
Fund, is for the moment being the only organ of importance, which has been created as a
result of the dualist (governmental and party) engagement. This Fund, according to its name
proper, proves the exceptionality of the institutional sphere. Despite the achieved success to
minimally stabilize the extremely difficult economic situation of the Kosova people, which
can't be denied, the genealogy and the significance of the creation of such a subject speaks
itself of the non constitution of the Parliament, and the lack of greater efficiency of the
Government. As the only functional organ, it has been defined as a subject of a temporary
nature, but of great importance. The difficulties that the Fund is facing, apart from the
objective ones, those of the violence and other obstructions, are defined also in the
non-definition and the factive non legitimation of this vital subject by the Parliament. Asked
about the reason why there are difficulties, Mehmet Hajrizi, Chairman of The Financing Fund
of Kosova had once declared: "The reasons for the meritorious non functioning of the parallel
system are the same as those that resulted with the stagnation of the vitalization of the
statehood of Kosova".

The above quoted statement of Dr. Fehmi Agani, about the difficulties of the efficient
operation of institutions of special political importance and of the government which doesn't
live here any more, is supported by other similar statement outspoken by the closes circles of
the LDK. It is said that the celebration of the indispensable session (almost forgotten by now)
of the Assembly of the LDK, is closely linked to the divergences in the Government and the

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non-functioning of the Republican Parliament. Taking into account that the celebration of the
Assembly of the LDK, as it is said in the Kosova political circles,will give as a result the
radical change of actual cadres inside the largest political party in Kosova. This, without any
doubt, will be reflected both in the Government and Parliament of the Republic. Because of
the evident differences, the political garniture in charge of the key positions of the LDK
leadership, is "threatened by total elimination from the political scene", as suggest the closest
circles of the LDK proper. As we understood, the main actors of the Kosova political scene,
are right now powerless to get over the differences (very essential) between the LDK and the
Government.

Such a relationship between the largest political party in Kosova, which is at the same time
the bearer of the real political rule among Albanians, enlightens the "racing relationship"
between the factual rule of the LDK and the Government of the Republic of Kosova seated in
Sttutgardt, Germany.

During our conversation with the leadership of the Union of Independent Trade Unions of
Kosova (UITUK), we spoke of the existence of the theory on three main institutional chain
rings of the political, economic and social activity. "UITUK is not a political party" is the
posture of Dr. Hajrullah Gorani, President of the UITUK. "Nevertheless, this association is
one of the most important chain rings for the protection of the rights of the workers. The
other two rings are the Government and the employer. Look, the employer could be their
association (let's say UITUK), in the form of the association of independent businessmen, but
it could also be the Government. Therefore, if the political parties, especially the LDK, aim
at the institutionalization of life in Kosova, they should clearly declare themselves about the
activities of the Government, about the dilemma of the (non) acknowledgement of the local
governments, etc. The confusion created by the political parties, which at times present
themselves as political parties and at times takeover the role of the government or the
councils which are (or should be legal institutions of Kosova) - bring to much harm to the
political-social-economic activities, and of course cause a lot of confusion among the people.
Here we deal with a specific hesitation: at times it is acted according to the party state inertia
(when the Committee of the party is the initiator of all political activities and initiatives), and
at times, with the presentation of pluralist and democratic ideas, purposely undefined. There
is no doubt that through this, it seems as if this were the way to run form the responsibility to
engage oneself on the vitalization of the institutional life in Kosova. The parallel system is
nothing else but the realization of the programmed tasks of the Parliament and Government
(the employer). as long as the political parties have their doubts regarding their definition as
party subjects or as governmental organs, antagonisms on competence will exist", claims the
UITUK and its President DR. Hajrullah Gorani.

Taking this as a start point, it seems as if the activity of the Government is restricted to the
confusion of the (dualist) competencies of the political subjects in Kosova.

The mandates of all local governments in Kosova expired on Sept. 24, 1993. Luljeta Pula
Beqiri, one of the outstanding figures of the SocialDemocratic Party of Kosova, speaks of the
replacement of the local governments by the "one party councils" of the existing political
parties. "the example of the fate of the local government in Gjilan is the first case of the
expansion of the influence of the "governmental rule". According to Pula Beqiri, "if this
phenomenon of the dismantlement of the local organs continues, this would then signify the
disintegration of the political system, with differing form other times, is a direct consequence
of the lack of procedural definitions and mandates (which in extraordinary conditions are

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extended to an indefinite term). This, according to her, gives a chance for the establishment
of the regional monopolies of some parties.

This proves that the adequate functioning of the institutions of the political system is not
directly linked to the absolute military and police control of the Serbs, but is a result of the
procedural standstill and the proof of the "theory of the reciprocal elimination of the
governmental competencies".

"The only institution which actually functions is that of the President of the Republic", says
Shkëlzen Maliqi, talking of the actual governmental hierarchy. "It is known who is the
President of the Republic, or rather who is the first on the pyramidal structure of the political
system. But, it is not known who is the second, the third or the fourth in the row..."
The reality of centering everything on a person and not the institution, can easily take us to
the creation of the institutional vacuum within the Kosova parallel system and the creation of
the conviction about the equal importance of the individual compared to the institution, and
often in favor of the individual.

The general impression that we got whilst researching and interviewing different personalities
is that it is very difficult to define the parallel political system of the Albanians, and even less
to define the successes and the failures of its operationalization. The words of Shkëlzen
Maliqi are very indicative, related to the possible attempts to improve the parallel life in
Kosova. He says: "We can hardly speak of an efficient organization of the parallel system in
Kosova. And this, not because there are no human potentials (even though at every initiative,
such difficulties are evident), but because the potential improvement would easily understand
the national strengthening and homogenization which could take us to the possible
militarization of the system. This is great responsibility, and very often very hard to get over
it, taking into account the present situation of the Albanians, under occupation". While
illustrating this, Maliqi mentioned the organization of the sports associations which "seem to
be more dangerous and unacceptable for the Serbian regime. This precisely because their
organization is homogenous and very successful, since this kind of organizations can be taken
as (by the Serbian government), the introduction to the people's paramilitary formulation.
The recompilation of all statements of our co-locutors indicate the lack of real possibility as
well as the m,oral dilemmas about the concept of the Albanian parallel political system in
Kosova. Nevertheless, the actualization and the strong differentiation in the relationship
between the Government and the political party clearly speak of changes in the actual
garnitures of the Kosovan political scene.

The days to come can lead towards the radical changes in the political leadership of Kosova.
What sign will they be of, it is early to announce. It is very possible that this parallel system
will feel those changes too.

In the meantime, A. Bajrami is still queuing for his passport in front of the box-office at the
police station in Prishtina. He hopes that the national aims and the political rationalization
will survive the combinations regarding the, anyway fictive, rule. The silent box-office is the
best proof of this.

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HOW DOES KOSOVA'S REPRESENTATIVE OFFICE IN ALBANIA FUNCTION?
INFORMING, VERIFYING, ASSISTING

(A. Furrxhi-A.Leskaj/Tirana)

Until some time ago, it was placed in a small office of the National Historical Museum. The
Office of Representation of Kosova is now found along the luxurious seats of the foreign
embassies in one of the famous streets of Tirana. Journalist Skënder Zogaj, is head of the
office, since he replaced Mehmet Kraja four months ago. The Office of Representation of
Kosova, claims Zogaj, is first of all, an informative center, a place of reference for the
Kosovans in Albania. It's inauguration took place two years ago, based on the decision of the
Coordinating Body of the Political Parties of Kosova. In the near future we expect its staff to
increase, since we follow up on many and different issues.

The inauguration of this organism was made possible after Albania opened its doors to the
world, and especially in times of a tense situation in Kosova, which is always followed by a
constant emigration of Kosova Albanians. It is estimated that over 3 thousand Albanians
from Kosova have settled in Albania. They are either businessmen, draft evaders, university
students or people who have chosen to live in the fatherland. But, the possibilities of this
office to deal with the resettlement of large number of people from Kosova to Albania, are
restricted. What this office does, is give immediate assistance to the needed: give them
shelter, food, and occasionally cover the travel expenses. It happens very often that the
newcomers don't have a passport at all. It is mainly spoken of Albanian immigrants who have
been long living in the West, and for one reason or another have come back home, but their
passports were taken away by the Serbian authorities. They have a problem, because if they
don't go back to work, they might lose the job.

After the approval of the Law on double citizenship, getting a passport of the Albanian state
is a reality. All the applications received are then proceeded to the Abroad(?) Directorate of
the Foreign Ministry, which is competent for issuing the passports. We have very good
relationships with this Directorate, and right now they are solving 8 thousand applications of
Kosova Albanians who are seeking double citizenship. We know of 110 students who have
inscribed in the University this year, that were given Albanian passports. In the meantime,
Kosovan businessmen, will also be given passports, according to the lists that this office
makes.

The staff of this office, expresses the satisfaction for the friendly posture of the Tirana
authorities and institutions. Many compliments go to the Ministry of Education which is
offering a lot of possibilities for the shelter and education of the Kosova youngsters. There is
also a special attention shown to the patients coming from Kosova. Zogaj claims that there
are many cases in which patients form Kosova have been carefully treated in Albania. "We
have also found understanding at the Ministry of Interior, where we had to comment our
concern about the odd phenomenon of fining only cars with Kosova registration plates".
Is there any diplomatic role of this Office? "Even in this plane, its informing role is primary",
says Zogaj. The information about Kosova, its history, actuality and its problems tend to
become more rhythmic through the "Kosova" periodicals which are published in foreign
languages. The publication of "Kosova" started in 1993. "We will try to continue contacting
the foreign embassies and foreign organizations in Tirana, which have also approached us
when needed.

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We are interested to have contacts with the political forces in Albania. They invite us to
participate in their meetings, and so we do, without any prejudice towards them. Finally,
even the Coordinating Body of the Political Parties of Kosova expresses the postures of not
only one party" concludes Zogaj.

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