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The Letters of Lucifer:

Leading Articles from

the Blackshirt
1933 London: British Union of



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6 1

Rtprillted fr()m " The BlticRslJirt," September 16-22, 1933.
The Leiters of .. L,ICJ!cr,"
T has become a cornmonplaC(! of " bourgeois" thought
during the post-war period to combine with an
obsequious lip-service to " manual labour" a verbal cult
of youth, In abdicating responsibility for the future on
behalf of his own generation, )'lr, Stanley Baldwin, that
high-light of the" banale," has gone so far as to shift the
onus of the next war- which to the" bourgeois" mind must
be 3n inevitable outcome of their capitalistic economics-
on to the shoulders of the new s.eneration,
This was the implication of his Messalinian dirge on
air-warfare before the present House 01 Commons, the
members of which had so recently proclaimed themselves
as the men destined to save the country.
As the young men thus addressed by our cider statesmen,
we may, therefore. wen ask oUfJ,Clves what is Youth and
also what is the destiny which we are invited to look after
for ourselves. Youth is in this crisis of history a corporate
entity-aU over Europc--such as it has never been before,
And for this reason. that there is a generation missing
now, whieh would, in a normal phase. have linked us
with those elders, who now find themselves. through their
own faulty navigation, cast up out of the sea of a world
war and stranded upon the rocks of an uncharted future.
The generation who would normally have stood
between the men of fifty and the men of thirty those
men who might have sympathised with the old and have
understood the yonng lie rotting in fifteen million graves,
or are scattered, broken, blinded. crippled or insane over
ball tbe world from Ireland to the Urals .
TJwse mM, telw might hal-'e filled the gap lhe old
111m and the youuC, have filled (I JlwUSQlld gaps upo" a
lumdrui of yOM fronls, alld lhey are 110 10llger th<re 10 sm.'e
YOU-Y0II old me" WM sllltdder for yo"r world .
WI,.t did you do for us in the Great W .
r I ar, Daddies P
'rom 1 H.' school they st'nt me to tl be
and half or them WCfe III th If ys went out,
'\. (lll US If) old IIINI lilat }he
had lcrt.
'::;:', " t'liS II {!,rcal. drstillY to die, ami (l
(. .'''' t lilt SQ hkt' tiS It.'o hll1ulrrd miles IIt"(I ,
1 0 Wll h girls "ou was bad' to ru J'
J , ", n a ayonct
t lroug 1 til' ... tomach of m all that was" Ille . I I I '
I .. , " . ng 1 t ling
to (0. So great was" home ". thc British home- that
\'un sent u ... to bomb other homes thcn crash II I I'
'. I "ft lTOUgltlC
aIr ourse \"cs- ammg youth" we were indeed.
while we starved upon the streets. you stuck to
the honour your bond"; and cut a Uf wages down
and pushed us Ul the gutter to drag our bones around the
" buroos " and spit our lungs away, that you might hold
on high the plighted word of Bankers, and pay forever
five per cent. on all the shells that had been used to blow
our limbs off,
Yes, we a re a different generation. We are bad-as bad
a!'o you a re good. We stare at you across the corpse of the
)lissi ng Gl'nerat ion that might have saved you and have
guided us. We challenge all your standards, we despise
you for your values: we Jaugh at your beliefs; we thank
you for the one great tnuh you have taught us-that you
are awful fools. We arc what you have made us-hard and
cold and ruthless of all the things that you hold dear.
HoPCl' .. be, yet we have the
men; faithl ess you can think liS, but ,ve
ourselves; reckless you believe us, reckless you have made
us; restless you may find us, but we have. t1U!; t superb
serenity that grows out of the stones of old JlJuslons.
We do not jear Ihe ti'ar Ihal yOIl are so ajraid oj. jor )'0/1
"m'e lallght us June to die, U'C may to
muJ U'c may rely Olt you, thai ij we lIVe, lhere tnll be lIo/hlllg
to have iit'elJ jor. We u'il jor YOII to opell liP 'he rsella/s,
jor VOlt hal'e /(mghl liS, Daddies. how to lise I[,e gmts.
.\11 over Europe are rising up the genera. hon of the men
who were bred so well in war; with liquid fU""c for mother:s
milk and bombs (or cricket -balls. They know only thClr
own ' unity, and thcy have only their.owl1 belief in !he
disciplined of thei r generat Ion-the generation
that musl break and build.
In the coulltrie. .. that hht (arne to III Italy, in
Germany, and for that matter, in Ru ...... ia the neW gcne:ra-
tion has marched to power through the smoke of great
street battlcs.
I n the countries economically victorious in the War
in Britain, France and America- the old men of the old
systems are still staggering towards the recovery of all
these old ideas and these old methods that must now be
swept away,
In the victorious the battle of the new Fascist
generation will be longer, harder and more severe because
of the very fact that the tJld were not so sc\ercly
shaken. But it is well that the struggle should
have fallen on the toughest nation' of the three; for of
thl'SC victorious nations it in Britain that the Fa.<;eist
H:evolution has gained lhe greatest impetus.
And the victory of Fascism in Britain will be the victory
of World Fascism. To that degree the immense responsi-
bility, the alternative for all the West. of Fascist Revolu-
tion or Democratic Decay rests upon the Fascist Youth
of Britain,
Repri11ted from" The Blackshirt," OckJbc, 14-20, 1933.
The Letters of " Lucifcr."
rr is a plea....;...1.nt old of English country life for
the squire to give a "Servants' Ball" once a year, at
which the gamekeeper ur the butler or the land-steward
makes an appropriate !!Ipcech of loyalty and devotion.
"The Cit)' "-always anxious to prove them:;,el\'es as
English as possible-have copied this custom. Once a
year there is a lavi sh "bankers' dinner" at which the
tinancial gamekeepers, butlers and land-stewards of the
existing" govcnllllent " are entertained by their masters,
on the best luxuries which money can import. Caviare
from Lhe Volga. from Hungary, the lusciolls
wines of Champagne and the Rhine. the oldest brandies.
,till' mat un' ports and tl
md\u."\.' in the gUl'sls k lCO llIost gargantuan dgars
lTIal\";Sl' III rl':!! min '.lIt which
the lory Part\' ('onl'r \: l.S stlmlllatmg tea-cuI" of
. . . '. l l'Un'. "
I h(\. jdf could Id flumul.
eh,lmb,'"",,, (wd hi's pret/at'SS \I it'S both .H,. Nn:ilfr
Jlk"y NSf 10 f/rt IM3/ of 1/,. b r ,)II1ISIOII Clmrc/rill, liS
of 1.olldmJ, .\/, lJOtlltJ I" til: Irs "1f !IIUrllatl/S oj/he City
ledl ll'ith h;'s "ddrh
etty of Lo"Jo,J "1<.\' U't"YC It"r:(/y ", 'he
mltl Iht' I'X-Olllllrdior (If Ihe l' j> mltl 'lit
mftdr-l.i 'he atmosphcye, ory (lrly It'ere
wt:'rc no industrialists croaking for hi her
no 51.upld old colonels dissati!'fied because Stile
posillon of Bnhsh olTiccrs in India could only be " . f _
five years 11,0, petulant women or
and lra..",clblc I he l ory leaders beside the Lord
)fayor were baskmg III the tolerant light of a world of
pellucid intellect. "They were largely
mternahonal - these good-humoured, weU-fed men
L..1.zards with their dark luminous eyes; omniscient:
opaque Oppe.nhehners; opulent void Oppcnheirns;
and H.odocanachis, radiant and restless with tlicir ri ch
Rhodian blood; smoothly smiling amuels; modish
monocled Montagues ; shrewd Schroders; s..1.pient 5..1.hnons
and romantic, rollicking Raphaels; clever, clean-limbed
Kleinwarts; stately, studious Stems; jubilant Joels
and beaming Bcits; sauve Schwabs and cool collected
Cohens; lonely lop-eared L.1.mings and expansive ;
easy, elegant Erlangers and ceremonious Seligmans;
vivacious virile Vandenbcrgs; shy, sedate Sassoons and
brisk, beatific Behrcnscs; gleeful, "gHicklich" Gluck-
steins; neat knowledgeable 'ctlm::lllns; reserved and
" facti .. Rothschilds, who had pulled the strings of history.
"They could not look cast nor We!il," in the words of
Mr. Nonnan, from the salt-pans of the Dead Sea to the
tin-mines of the Andes, without wondering at the vast
intcmational sweep of their all-pervadillg power. And
they sat, the great International, in thcir proud eas<' and
their calm luxury, in the symbolic st ronghold of Ihe
inhabitants of the Capital of England, listening with
friendly tolerance to the :lfter-dim.lcr sp<.'Cchc.: of their
good henchmen who ruled the Par/mmcnt of hllg/aml.
Three days later Mr. Baldwin, at Birmingham, in " The
old English garden" of the Party Conference was to hose
the delegates with a light patriotic douche. to We that
grow here have that root, that produceth in us a stalk of
English juice which is not to be changed by grafting a
foreign infusion."
But )1r. Neville Chamhcrlain, at the Banker.;' Dinner,
was among friends, not followers. There was no call for
the patriotic peroration. In fact" it would not have gone
down." There were" four major objects that we might
seck for, which, if we can attam them, would carry us a
long way towards our goal."
The fll'St "major object" was t. a in wholesale
prices." In this connection thc Chancellor did not con-
sider it desirable nor ncecs...'<U)' to refer to any question of
raising purchasing power to meet the risc in wholesale
prices. In fact he looked rather to a "control of produc-
tion," or reslricli(nI, to solve the financier's problem, if not
the .. poverty problem." His second object was the
., removal or lowering of excessive trade barriers." In
other words, Mr. Chamberlain proposes the restoration of
those conditions of " frCt.'<.iom of Capital .. which make it
possible for the fmancier to invt.'St in those countries where
labour is cheapest, without the inconvenience of having
his goods kept out of countries which are trying to protect
their wage standards.
Thirdly, Mr. ChamberL.1in mentioned, amidst vociferous
applause, the return to the Gold Standard as being among
the .. major objects." Round the flower-decked tables,
gold tccth flashed with pleasure, and paunches heaved in
sympathy behind the emerald and ruby studs, as the lords
of the Gilt-Edged market drew at their long Havanas.
"Lastly, I would mention the resumption of inter-
national lending." .. With tidings of great joy" the
Chancellor ha.d come. That slightly nauwated exprC50.sion
which gives Mr. Chamberlain the air of a sanitary inspector
was succeeded by a look of pallid exaltation, which
communicated itself to his audience. }\ny suspicions
which they might hav(' had that the Tory Party intended
to adhere indefinitely to a. national policy were finally
allayed. .. FruJQlIl of tlm.emall for Capilal " sliU rttm,i,1S
lht basis of a Consen'alit'e POUcy, whirh is preparrd as e1"(r
10 sacrifice 'he j"leresls of I/'e prOOllc" tlnd Ihe u:age-t'arncr
1(1 lIu ,'!,It-Y(sls III tile ji"tmria F "._
of ill'''! . rom (hma to Pl'fU"
Q Inl'lll Wl'r' -I' . ,
upt.'n to the t.'conomic :marchi"ts .' to be
\,ho dcspl!'>t' it nation whicl" r.hre.ldllcedh. Strt.'tt.
lise fvr Britishl'f!.; is to Ii;.;: a.
whose only
1)"lYIllt.'1l1 of the I>fuli!s "h I ",)Ollcts which enloret.' the
. 'lei tiC JondOJ I .
PU.I':SUl'S from Hne l'nd of the I - I ntcrnatlOnaJ
z:ht Tory P",,)' iIJ Britain is the OII,ICr. ,
It IS mOTe tltmgt:roliS IIum II, C J!,leNlaluma!Jst Purly.
morc: it is
'''(' Bn/lsh lJrtlllr/J of lite r ' . or) J arty IS tncrdy
rOll/ro/lt'd from Wall Sirert Jutcm<!liol/(ll, u-llirh is
from ,1[QUOti'. as tit Omm'"J1sl hllrTl/a/jollal
. Fm;cism oPPOS(s Tur)'ism (I' r III I '
(.ommlmism, altd Dilly / ' I (S5), as, ,II Opposes
a"d ;lklllSI,,'al prodllcers ,,""/ flSCfS
,Call BY/lis" jarml'TS
olie 0"" B ./ . F ' t .jorcc (I ('OlllwIIO"S (I"d
'J "(un -"51." ,
Rtprilllcd jn"" .. TIlt: Blackshirt," .llay 18, 1933.
Ily ,. LUCI!a,"
s crisis in Western Civilisation approaches pcak-
, heIghts the between the national-revolu_
tlonary, and the attitudes to the
IS laid bare for all to. sec. bourgeois
part) of .\menca dellied or ignored
till' eXIstence of a cnsls in capitalism until, in 1931
p..1.flIC-screants of. all the Stock Exchanges at last
them that thtngs were not really going well. The
patient had to reach delirium before the doctors could even
agree that he was ill. It has taken these gentlemen two
more years to discover symptoms which they now mistake
I ,
for c.1.U')('!'>. War..<febts, tariff!'>, cUf-rt'nc)" !-il\'l'r -dr, they
really imagine that these comp;tratively trivial incidentals
to the capitali!-t sy!'>tem have any rdatirm tn the funda
mentals of the vast problem of rcadju)tment with which
each nation is confronted) The bland who
has been elected President of the United States may
actually believe it. lie has introduced 31 per cent. of
alcohol into Americ.1.n beverages and that is pTlJbably just
about the of his realism, But what flf Herriot,
the (at " Red" )[ayor of Lyons, and what c)f our l}wn
)racDonald? These men werc )Iarxists, and so, when all
is said and done, must be aUowcd to have had an education
in economics somewhat more scil!ntific than that usually
accorded to an American business-man, But it is not
without signiftc.1.ncc that these former \\'ar..<fcfcatisb find
themselves in power as the defeatists of aU forms of Revo-
lution. The Noble who is a notable mine-
owner in and around the Prime )1inister's constituency,
went to sec him off at Victoria, "It is very. very nice of
you to have turned up, Charlie," said the ),Iarxist to the
;\larquess. This pitiable little anecdote is only worth
repeating because it illuminates the whole devastating
psychology of thcs.c quondam re\olutionaries, these pseudo-
Socialists who havc sobbed their way to power over the
backs of hundrl.'<is of thou'iands of credulous and confiding
A Cons id orod Conspirac.y
,\nd so we watch at \Vashington one busincs:..-man who
will not sec and two Socialists who did not darc, c\,oh'ing
solutions that will not work to a problem they will not
admit. l3ut the Washington arc something
more than a rather tedious comedy; something more
than another insincere attempt to ameliorate the more
immediate symptoms of the \\'orld economic crisis, The
IV asllill<1{oll com'CTsaliolls are a dclibaale ,"Iempt 10 sabaillge
the de1.'ciopmctll oj Nafiollal SMia/isi Slal(s. It is I' car(-
fully collsidaed co,.spiracy to r(slore al fill)' eos/ Ihal Fret
M"rktt tclticlJ is so t,j/(l/ 10 I"e optra/ioft oj Fillm.,i,,1
Capitalism, ,
The emphasis of the Washington Conversations are
primarily on tariff-reductions, But what relevance. we
may well ask, has tariff reduction!) to an economic problem
\, hidl i .. prinMrily Olll' uC Tariff n'
lion .. , \II,h lt'f Plt'Sl'llt t,'mu!ition" fan onl _ dU
a 1'l'\'t'f:-'lUn tn thl' wor ... t nlluliliuns of ""'CO'II' II )1 HUp Y
t' I . . - n l'( lIlh'r
l,lHU .\nwril';m "ulx r-pruduction will
fUll \\ It:-. \\.\f \nth Ihl' sWc,.'ah'd lJr<><-luct ion of J
F \ t 'r Fl' . . ap .. 'l ll and
",'" I . anan.' 11(" .condulClIIS of dumping will 1)(,
h) ,l of wagcwtting in all the
IIUlustllid (OUntnl'S l hl' I'("SIIII' of !a,,' f[ , 1 "
, " 1 . .. '" IC< \Ie 1011 \
.In 0 )l' anwhorah.'d, pcrhap" temporarily by ' lit e1'1
inflation (disguised as
\\Iurh camouflage wage fl'tIue- lions, while prort . . .
frum llulhollS to billions. I S rise
Anarchic Capitalism
LL"tly, '.Var. Debt concessions arc to be utilised as a
means of rt\,t.'t mg the dictatorship oC the Amcrican Banks
on t!IC of all GovCrnll!l' nt s of Europc. Treaty
0,hlig.lttons ",iii depnvc the natIOnal ICgislatures of thc
to or vary thcir own fiscal systems.
I he \\ Conversations arc, in fact, thc prelude
to a plan, evolved by thc financia l mastcrs
of Bntaln. I-rance and America. to restore the old Free
:\I arkct . t.o those anarchic conditions o{ world
III alone thc Capitalist I ntcOlational can
and revIve. 1:hosc evil, lively and apprchensive
brams composltc consciousness finds its ncrve
Ul \\ St rcct, TllIcadneedlc St reet, the BouTSCs
of I ans, Bl' rhn and Amstcrdam ; t hose hidden cliques of
gn..'l'lly who havc playt'(! so long with the livcs and
gambled I,ll deaths of all the pcoplcs know the iron
H'rror o { diSCIplined Revolution which threatcns all of them
. In Italy, tl' n years.of Fascism has brought order
IIldust ry, subordmat ed thc Banks and drilled the
In, Germany, new Socialist Government
Iron that \\'1 11 beat out of a corrupt and broken
(apltah!'m: of a Corporate State. Thcse
yt'ars of cnSIS, dunng which the peoples arc being driven'
on will produce a world of
States. III which the old capitalism will have been
mel,ted, and !lloulded IIlt o the economic structurcs of
natIons wIll !nastcrs of their own dcstinies.
And so willie these slm,k ms henchmcn of it system
;\lacDonald and lIernot--crcep of( to gct tht'lr master's
orders, IN u:; hold in mimi that Brit' lin onl\' -'
(Jut of her own str"ngth, and that the grt.ll duty
of our gellcmtiol1 is to clean out (Jur (Jwn country, and t(J
Sl't tllC example and to al low the freedom to othlr CfJulltri('s
to do lh<.' cleaning in their scver;ll
RepTi,tled from . The lJlat.;ks/Jirt, " July 1 7, 1933.
By .. '- /leila ..
HE Press, in a praiseworthy effort to stimulate the
intcrest of the public in the dreary proceedings in the
Gcological )rU5Cum, have from lhe first turned their
attent ion to .. the human side" of the World Economic
Conference. .. The night-life of London should be wonder.
fully brilliant this week." wrote the Daily .Hail on the first
day of the Confcrcnce, .. with sixty-si.x nations anxious to
sam pic it. Pcrhaps it is on the night-clubs and not on
the hotcls that the brunt of difficult catcring will {aU
." and thc corrcspondcnt proceeds to quote an
exultant manager. who has unwittingly created thc watch
word {or this last grcat jamboree or the democratic worM
- " They are trying everythi" g the mellu."
A combination 01 irresponsible futility, platitudinous
rhetoric and shallow vulgarity has ebaraeterised all these
post-.war conferences where the politicians have gathered
while the bankers have acted. We will not dwell on the
nauseating comedy which is lnid before the eyes of the
discriminating observer.
The rcpresentatives o{ thc three rcvolutionary nations
o{ thc post-war world- Italy. Gcrmany and Russia- may
watch the proceedings with cynical rcserve. It is for the
leadcrs of thc c."lpitalist dcmocracics o{ thc \ Vest to writhe
in the hopelessness of thc formulre and theories in which
I o
thl,.')' have for so long the r
which Ow)' arc now slowl)' c),ok,",," I) I peoples, and in
' ) . . . g ICIllS(.'ivcs 'I ') )'
Itt l' and satc-lIit".s all the wa r { . '. ,11 e
rOUI\t1 .t!ll:m in piddling panic. rom H,nh to Slam
I. ',lt:' l){.h,ltcJ:\I\S of the principal Coulltries rc r .
:laH bt.-c11 In constant contact and comlllullic.lti! f, ..
"'''it, (oufteen years, without achieving through .. Ie
natlo:ml CO-?Ilt'fation " any action which has not
tard) that result has been to accelerate dctcriorat"
rather than to effect amelioration. IOn
What objects call be achieved by the present conference
other to aHord. Nicarnguans and Paraguayans an
of attelldmg a Royal Ascot is beyond the wit
of ordinary man to conceive.
)'Ir .. Hull has found it ncccss..1.ry to cross the
Atlantic III order to state with superb American self.
that "in. this modern age the economic
II1tcrcsts III all countnes arc reciproc..'l. l. . . ."
)'lacI?::mald, o( course, is morc intelligent. The" Lossie
loon ? nce trod the s treets where all men tread, and dim
memones of the ache a nd growl of millions that have
grown old on hopes may yel penetrate to the
of Londonderry House.
I-rom Ius who presided, "
wrote Dati), Mad, . could sec, as It were, na tion talking
nation at ?6 camatlon-<lecked tables arranged in rows
til front of hlln. The scene was unique. The breast s of
delegates were ablaze with decorations of all kinds. . . .
The whole was vivid, arresting, and, above all,
a happy one.
Out of the fear that !)tirs his heart, :\lacDonald statcd
lamely the bald tnlth. .. Unemployment has mounted
up until the whole figure, issued by the International
Labour 30,000,000. This cannot go on.
The world IS bcmg dnven on to a state of things which
may well bring it face to face once again- for it has
happened on scales of varying extent before now with a
time in which liCc revolts against hardship and the gains
of the past arc "wept away by the forces of despair."
But even as he states the truth, he shies away (rom
its implicat ions. 1n the next sentence he is talking of
War Oebts - a tri vial side issue of the great problems of
economic and political readjustmenl which each
and every great and little country (If the world. He is
talking of "international co.apcration," and rd('rring
pallidly to the International L'lbour Office, where six
months ago the representatives of Great Britain and France
refu<.;<:d even to consider the Italian Fa'i.cisl for
the compulsory of an International <to-hour
Working Wcck.
Tbe fact is that this Babel of Democrats is no more
capable of adjusting its corporate intelligence to the con-
sideration of modem problems along the modem revo-
lutionary lines which are essential to national and inter-
national reconstruction. than the Council 01 Nicrea would
have been capable 01 ezamining the Einstein Theory.
These delegates of all the democracies - ." abla7'(: with
decorations of all kinds "-these flatulent fumblers out
of the past, arc the ghosts of a dead system, who lisp a
language and think in shadow-tenns which the youth of a
renascent Europe docs not understand.
Only the iron rc.'l.lity of Fascist discipline can rC(a"t the
model o( our economic life, and only the comradc:-hip of
Fascist youth can unite the great nations of in a
common friendly culture.
The rebuilding of Europe will be a long job. which will
be sweating the blood out of a new Fascist generation
long after Mr. Ramsay MacDonald has passed to the Housa
of Lords or to Westminster Abbey. So we may well
leave the delegates of this last "bourgeois" Babel.
belching their platitudes oyer their 56 camatian-decked
tables. while grim and hard and silent, the yonng black-
shirts of Britain prepare the streets lor their tough way
to power.
R,'/I,i"tc',l jrtlW .. TA< Bllfckshirl," July 1522, 19.\],
Th( of .. Lucifrr."
Opi um for the Peopl e
H E )hzi govenUllent of Germany has rectnlly
inslitutl'd a literary Ct.'man>hip. It is an ordinary
sc.lwnging measure. ncc('!'..sury to the mental ht.,\Ith of
thl' people. A similnr ct'll!':()rship has been in (orce in
l rdand for yean>, without having a noticeably ddt.terious
dYect on the production of the vcry linc stuff which is at
being published in lrclnnd. The I rish censorship
is din.--ctoo merdy ngaim.l pornographic intellectuali,, ",
and the more sordid cxces...;,cs of the English Sunday Press.
Jtaly has had the same sort of censorship during a period
which hn.;: witnessed a remarkable revival in Italian
intellectual life. And. of course, darling of
the supcr intclh.'ctuals of the West- has bv far the mOst
r igorous in the world. .
.. Uberty of the Individual" Claptrap
. We are, however, not surprised to fllld the more precious
IIl tcUectuals of London. Pari s and New York , twitt ering
with indignation at this latest German attack on " the
tibert y of t he individual." ntis" IiOOrl y of t he individual"
is not hing more than one of the claptmp phrases which
covers that a narchy in the social body, and that licence
of the privileged classes which is a feature cOlllmon to nil
capitalist-liberal phases of SOCiety.
LiberaUsm meaDS liberty to exploit, whether in the
crudely economic field or in the sphere 01 thought nnd
sensation. The Press-Lords gather ill their millions of
pennies by titillating the curiosity and nourishing the
meaner instincts which lie in human nature. They drag
to light every unhappy detail and every grotesQUe
exaggeration of society.
Decadence i n Litaraturc
rn le intcllectuah;- who form the nuclei o( decadence in
the Capitals of the gn'at industrial societies.- picaS<' their
own morbid mentalities (and inci{it'ntnlly fIll their pockets)
by a propaganda of filth which engulfs an increasing
proportion of the youth o( each g(.' lIcTalion . To these
decadents of the decadent phase of Capitalist culture. all
forms of sens..'l. tion become a method of livi ng; and suicide
is idealised as a romantic end of life.
While the yelps of Bloomsbury arc mingled with the
twitt er and squeaks of the Universities over the German
censorship. it is quite typical tha t our intellectual deca-
dents should be falling into a frcnl.y of hysteric..'\1 glee about
the latest production of the Parisian lit erary underworld.
J ean Cocteau , .. that st range modern genius," has recently
produced a charming work , already translated into English
under the title" Opium the Diary of:lon Addict. " "Tise
book," we read in an English review, .. is a pas/iel,e of idens,
epigrams, cot/elusions alld impnssiotls. They IJJtrr WN'Ue1'
liltrj'Jg Ihe lime when the (1IIt/,or tl'nS iPl II dillie. ruOt'tNng
from tile effects of opium smokitJg. JUs ".i"d teas, therefort,
j,. a p(culiarJy rdu((i conditio,. . lie slatlds tiP for Ihe
dr"c. separating t't from (lJI other t/YIIgs, as gold lies apart
f rom all otht r mrlals."
Cleaning Ihe Sewers
This is a t ypical product of that int ellectual li berty
idealised in the bourgeoiscapitalist world. Mr. Stanley
l3aldwin, the non-Conformist conscicnce and the Parlia-
mentary prig!) so adept at ki ssing b .. 'l.bics, arc the declared
or tacit protagonist s of this liberty. This so-callt>dlibcrt y
is in fact a spiritual war which is inherent in the body of
the Capitali st state.
While the Nnzis are cleaning out the sewers of the
Kurfurstendamm and burning the productions of German
iutellectual decadence, the "enlightened H government
of Pnrliamontnry Englo.nd n.l.lows pandbooks on opium-
smoking to circulate among the YOWlg generntion of our
It is high time that Fascism applied the stomach-pump
of common sense to the unclean stomach of English
H our intellectuals are still seeking new sensations we
h:\\' e something original {or them.
OW,\l{1> thl' end of )lay, tilt.' ;Ist'ing that hOld
OI,lCt' ht't'l\ ",l omtio Bottumlt,y I.l\' dying in a London
Dunng tho:,l' J ohn Pierpont ;"Iorgan
t!le. t o give him his dynastic numeral ," \\'a"
un ordi,narr l',lIle-backcd chair" faCing
tht, St.'' lommlttl'e wlult, there wa.." unfolded before
Ulll'<l'y and cmbarm. ....... ed gl'ntlemcn thc most damning
lll{l!ctmt.nt of modern dCIll()cr:ttic methods which has yet
bet'n rt'w,lled to the peOpll' wt'ar\' with the national talc
of corruption, ineptitude and criticism.

A certain comedy of values wlderlies the timing 01
these two events- the pathos of Bottom1ey's death, and
the gentlemanly discomfiture of the omnipotent, impassive
Morgan. From time to time "it is good that one man
shall die for the Capitalists II and Hatry, Kreuger,
Bottomley and many lesser fish have in their day been
sacrificed "to make a banker's holiday." These sacri.
tioes serve their purpose.
Ther at and penalise those hardy spirits
who ha.w smnt'(i agalllst the system. The samc nemesis
awaits those who ovcrride thc rules of the Stock Exchange
em-mo, as attends those who commit offence in the card
rooms of London Clubs. But thcse sacrifices serve the
further and more important purpose of causing the thought-
less multitude to think that social ju::;ticc docs in fact exist.
Thus the "hammcring ,. of a few" outsiders" I!' :tn
ordinary phenomenon of Capitalist method and a nOt
unimportant part of thc big" bourgeois" bluff of" justice ..
and" phtring the game" upon which is ba<.:.ed thc whole'd system of pOlar Ihrough credit 1JUmip"Jalio1l
..... hich i.s in fact the Capitalist System.
Bottomley was a poor, emotional, careless erenture-
the ideal meat for Capitalist iustice. and the ideal butt
for the Capitalist Press. At one time the War Cabinet
had used his great oratorial powers to stir the ultimate
depths 01 War hysteria. and with that vulgar cynicism
01 which only the bourgeois mind is capable. newspapers
now controlled by the owners 01 the " Daily Herald."
had styled the armies in France. " Bottomley' s Boys."
But Bottomley had long ceased to have any other use
when they fed him to the judges ; and the Press Lords
who had 4runk his champagne made their last pennies
out of printing the details of his misery on the front
pages of their Sunday papers.
Those wcrc easy days and early days. But when it
comes to dragging ;"Ir. ;"!organ and a lot of his private
papers into the light, we mUSt at last admit the gravity
of the spiritual crisis in the capitalist world. Objects
sometimcs have a significance in history out of all pro-
portioll to their intrinsic and "the ordinary,
hard cane-backed chair" which supported the imposing
- we might almost say sacred proboscis of Mr. )l organ
has a significance as great a., the block which await(.'<i the
unhappy neck of Charles I. We are vcry near to revolution
when the representatives of the people-however Ull-
willingly- arc required to investigate the private affairs
of private bankers.
In gencral, we havc long been aware of the" heads I
win, tails you lose .. role of international finance, and it
did not rcquire the long lbt of ;"!organ's profitable trans-
actions to drive home the fact that national economics are
but the roulettc-board o( the great fmance honscs who
handle the counters of productivc indust ry. \\"c had long
suspected intricatc connection between these great masters
of iinance and the politicians and nominal leaders of
democracies, who prctend to din.'ct the policies of their
countries in the interests of the credulous mas..'<Cs who arc
supposed to have elected them. But .it .must have come as
a surprise evcn to the most sophisticated observcr of
dcmocratic methods when )Iorgan's .. preferred list" was
published, .
Thc ,. preferred list" cont:tincd the of .\mencan
politicians, prominent in both the old partlcs who carry
on the game of contcnding for power in Americ.'l.. Gcntlc-
men privilcgcd t o figure on thi, ,. preferred list" \\:crc
permittcd to acquire sharcs throngl.l ;"Iorgan's at pr,lccs
at which thcse shares were not available to the public.
In other. words, '8 allowed a substantial nke
oH on thelt own profits 10 their lriends who happen 10
he responsible for lile administration 01 tbe allain 01
the Uniled Slales 01 America.
Capitalist Pn.'s-s in Great Britain reported the pr(}-
of the Inquiry with unwonted discretion, and
:so Car as to symp..1.thisc with the unfortunate Mr
Morgan in the humiliation which the" O.G.P,Ij, ml,thod,,
of the Inquiry impost'd upon him. What the British
Press faill'(l \.'ither to "dmit or to indic.1. te was Ihe comp/tlt
morallhmkrllplcy oj . 1 matti." demmcy which was reveak-d
11\ the COliN! of the Inquiry. We do not hesitate to extend
the parallt'l to England, and to proclaim that in the Parlia-
mentary the leaders produced by the system
with few individual exceptions- -psychologicaUr
lOcap.1.ble of either simplicity of living (which implies an
t'Col\omic independence of its own) or of singlene!'s of
purpo:'C. The :Marconi scandal, and the repeall'd
.. Honours" scandals are, of course, only straws which
show the way the wind of silent and impudent" influence'
1" always blowing_ Fascist :'tlinisters in Italy are
wdl 1.000 a year and their private means an.d
expcnchture are always subject to examination, It IS
only by Fascist methods that Government can be cleansed
the corrupti on revealed by the :'tlorgan Inquiry, and it
only the spirit that can produce a ruling type
I.mmune from the seductions of the money-magnates,
Immune by the very (act that the men of the Fascist
State will c.1.rry out their work in an atmosphere which
will prohibit the futiliti es and hypocrisies of inflated
private expenditure.,
As for the Bottomleys and the Morgans of Fascist Italy,
they share with their opposite numbers the democratic
politicians of the pre-FaSCist period, the climate
of the Lipari Islands.
A Fascist Government in Britain might more appro-
priately relegate our own sensitive " Reds " to the
SciUy Islands where they would be quite happy nmOllg
the daffodils. The financiers, on the other hand, might
find their spiritual borne in the Faroe Islands, where in
the cutting 01 peat, they would at last have nn oPpOrtunity
of doing Ulat work of " national utility" for which they
have so often proclaimed their own aptitude.

Repriflfed from" The Blackshirt," July 22, 1933.
The Letters of It LuciJer."
HE recent revolution in Germany has produced a wail
of hysterical lamentations from our inteUectual
Socialists, who have for SO long been discussing revolution
at the Countess of Warwick's summer schools, and the
cocktail parties of Bloomsbury and Montmartre. Sylvia
Pankhurst writes on .. The Filth that is Fascism" in the
"Socialist Ret/iaD": while little Harold Laski gibbers about
" Bully Goering, " and our old friend John Strachey has
come out with a neat red-cloth volume entitled .. The
:'tlenace of Fascism." The" New Siaiesmau "-organ of
all that is most gentlemanly in Social Democracy-warns
its readers that" an active Fascist movement, SCient ifically
modelled on the German pattern, is to-day being permitted
to develop in England."
.\trocity-mongering is, of course, in full swing. Strachey
devotes the first 27 pages of his book to extract::; from the
Capitalist Press on "The Brown Terror," and the Frcnch
Socialists, with that combination of realism and porno-
graphy which always characterises their polemics, have
brought out a little volume of photographs of sections of
the posterior anatomy of their German colleagues, iUus-
trating the Nazi's practicc of applying the penalties of the
school-room to those who do not agree with them. Strachey
quotes the II JI a"c/tcslu Guardiat." to the effect that
. the Brown Terror is, both for the number of the victims
and for the inhumanity of the methods used, one of the
most frightful atrocities of modern times, and in no way
comparable with the Red Terror of revolutionary Russia."
Two pages previously, he has a1rea.dy quoted the same organ
of Liberal big bm,incss, that the number of people who
" have been systemat ic.1.lly beaten by Brown Shirts since
the last election ,. is 20,000. Really big John a.nd little
Harold ought to steady up. or they will begin to look as
ridiculous as their Germnll friends who have been lucky to
escape with a sound spanking as the punishment for
misleading and exploit ing the Gennan workers for the last
fourteen years,

n StrRc1ley really imagines that Ule I' Red Terror II
is lighter than the II Brown," he sbould consult with
Lady Snowden and Mr. Kerenski and a few other Social
who bave written quite authoritatively 011
lIt' might l'wn rdt'r to tilt' IXbt repor ts of t he &:cond
Intl'nl,Hil)nal, in which Ow Socialist Pa nics of the West
Innwnt the l'xtinction of their fcllows within the Soviet
Unillil. Two million t'xt'cut ions in the Rcd Terror wO\lld
lx- l11'ar till' mark to sl't the 20,000 of the
"Brown Tl'rror." Pos. ... ibly our Laskis and Strachcys
prdl'r t he tiring squad!'. of till' 0, G, p, U" and the guillot inc
of the French 'l\'rror, to the effective but lcs-'l harmful
pt..'ll1litic-s of the rod and the castor oil boltle.
It is, of COllrst', ralha difficult Jor (til i"lel/eelllnl lo en,,),
th,- rrou'" of martyrdom Ihe sclll oj his trousers.
But we arc not conccrnoo here with the relat ive degrees
of atrocitic:-. .\ trodtics are characteristic of periods in
which the anger of the people has been inflamed by misery
and exaspcmtt .. 'd by the continued corrupt ion, incompe tence
and of the political class,
Each nation carries througb its vengeance in its own
way. whether it be through the bestinl savagery of the
Slav. the boyish brutality of the YOlmg Nazi, or the
oynical humour of the sophisticated Italinn. The English,
a nautical race, have sometimes seemed inclined to tar
or duckings, but we bope that they will always maintain
that good-humoured tolernnee in victory whicb is so
characteristic of them.
We are concerned rather to expose and to hold up to
the ridicule of the normal young men and women of Britai n,
the hysterical psychology of t hese inteUec-
tuaL ... -whose prescnt ludicrous terror is only paralleled by
their past overbearing impudence.
Both characteristics are typical of the Wlbaianced mind
which several generations of life in cities nnd universities,
detacbed from all reality, bave produced in this class of
mental eunuchs.
These miserable pedantic intellectuals, who skulked in
throughout t he \-Var, have now discovered
that Germans can commit at rocities.

rllt'Jlllt oj It (;amltll trmla, like hrml/"Q'Kkr,
enll JII(1)e to tt'himp,.,illg 'he erelllllTtS lL11Q lisped llI rir
il/credlllf'l)' oj the CTlItsomt' i"ridnlls of Ihe (;e",um
of Belgilllll.
They chos/.! to ignore till' I'Xl"CUliull of Xur:'>t fa\"dl, yet
they twittt'r with execration bccauM: " at Worms a number
of Jews were arrested, shut up in a pig!'>ty, and b.'akn Oil
thl' buttocks,., and tlwn to hit anI' anuther,"
The real truth i!; that thl ...e mell gt.'lI ing frig-httned.
JU!'j t as economic anarchy i..; the direct product of Liberal
Capitali!>m, !iO is political and intelll.'Ctual anarchy its
counterpart in the social lifl' uf the country, .\11 sorts of
little odditits sprout and spout in those hot-housc!') of
Democracy which arc so richly manured by tilt' people's
misery, When the spoilt body of capitalbm is put into the
of the Slate, th(.'!'>c little of
the politic..1.l system which Capitalism h:Ls made )lOS!>ible
will, of COUl'S<:, be cleaned up too. If Fascism threatens the
liberty of the (Capitalist) Prcss which employs }. lr. Laski,
it threatcns also" the fn_'Cdom of .. 'Cch " of )l r.
Under Fascism in Britain, these little men will not be
but also they will not be heard.
Rrprillltd from Of Tlte BIClcks/lirt," . t "gust 19, 1933,

h;\\'c all story or how, when ]{Ollll' was

III namt.>s, the hmperor Wl'nt on the roof of his
p .. 1.!an' and plaYl'<i to himM."'lf on hi:; fiddle. This was bad
enough. But, after nil, 1 cro did not pretend to be anything
mort' than a cynical and irresponsible degenerate, He did
not St.'t out to be a prophet of Empire, a religiolls tub.
thumper, and a moral scntimcntalbt.
Nero might have been pleased to employ a coloured
band at several hw)(lred pow)(1s n night to stimulate
the vulgar emotions of his sycophantic guests, but he
would not, at the same time, have had the effrontery to
hire James Douglas, at a rather lesser wage, to sob out
great chunks of Nonconfonnist indignation every Sunday
in the Pross.
. Nero, of course, was typical of the worst in a mllch
Simpler age. Lord Bcavcrbrook is a much cleverer man,
all the deceits and hypocrisies of a more complex
to gratify the vanities and the vulgarities of the
mfimtely more decadent society in which it is his Lordship's
pleasure to wallow.
The penny patriotism of his front--page. the ponderous
snob-stuH of Lord CastJerosse. the nauseating sob-stuH
01 Mr. Douglas, and all the rest of his mob-sInH goes to
manure the hot--house atmosphere of Stornaway House
where his parasites bask in the hot breath of his favour.
\ Vc have recently noticed a p .-ca n of delight over Lord
latest orgy of hospitality. ..
who IS. employed to nose out aU the dirty little secrets of
l\!ayfalr ,yalets . for benefit of readers of the .. Daily
Exprr-ss, conSiders It to have been the best p..'lrty of a
Season. already made memorable by the extravagant
entertamment of the polyglot crush of delegates to the
" orld. Ecc;>nomic Conferencc. .. swelegaut "- was the
enthUSiastic comment of Duke Ellington Lord Beaver.
brook's highly paid jazzmaster, whom " Dragoman"
had taken out to lunch" in order to break down a colour
prejudicc" (although he docs not say against which of
them the colour prejllclicc was directed). .. Mariegold,"

in the II Sketch" waxes rcally hy:stcrical on the :.ubjcct.
" As a ma/ler oj fact," she squeaJs, .. trOW thai I've calmed
dOlOn a hit, I realise Ilu'lt I am at Siornaway /Jollse, and in
l"e middle oj WIJtlL "lily tft'" Qut to be the Party oj the
Senso" ... Masses of /knDers wide bowls ... lashings of
clu""pagm; .. . bit/leis b, every spare comer . .. two ba,uts,
Duke Ellitlgtou's mId 'he Embassy . .. and a of
two million appare,/tty-I'm Ihillking of the dellse crowd
aroulld me! ... the oddest mixtllre of people. Joe COytte,
fJlinstoIJ and RalJdolph ClmrcMIl, Ala Wallgll, Evely" Laye
... Richllrd Law--BoI,ar Law's and el.'t'fi .lfr.
Neville Clu"lIberlajn."
This was all a few nights after Lord Beaverbrook bad
stated in the "Daily Express 11 that the rise in the price
of bread did not worry him.
.. TMs evening. before J arrived," shrills" )Iariegold,"
" there has bem a dimu:r-parly 117;th the A listen ChamberlaitlS.
. .. buffet supper 1S tmusually ddicious. Botels of
yellow roses allentate with C1)CJt more allractit'e bou:ls of
caviare . .. and sillce ollly about 150 pecple have bee"
there i s room for olle to breathe. , .. So that atlotJu-r Sllrcessful
. "
evemllg . , ,
Observing tbis vortex: of hysterical seU-indWgenee
with that grim humour which is the coldest form of
anger. the Fascist man or woman may say that these
creatures are not typical of II all that is best in English
Society " - they are the froth- the vulgarians who have
swum to the top during a period of disturbance. We agree.
The symptoms of decay in a!lY. given
society manifest themselves In dIfferent forms wltlun the
different strata of that society. The more and
cultured sections do not relapse into a vulgarity and licence
which is inherently distasteful to them. Their moral and
int ellect ual c1ass-decay develops into other forms-an
atrophy of the will, which takes the form of the" surrcnder
complex" and a desire ahv:ays to to
the" lesser evil"; a serVile reaction from their former
arrogancc, which leads them into playing monkey to the
democratic organ; an idiot childishness of personal con-
ducl, which al once underlines their loss of all individual
dignity and is a pathetic indiC-:1.tion of the stage of class
senility to which they have attamed .
n Empire.building family, like the
Coeds,. Identified WIth aU kinds of u1tra-democrati
fantasies. and n IIOwer-graspiug Whig house like the
collnpsing in pnroxysms of
In what they fondly imagine to be H the
SPlllt of Age," they dissolve the already deba,ed
metal of thm class.
Til\' trait of chlldishul's..." of conduct, which we ha\'e
am;ady to be a sure !-o ign of and
,,:luch was p..1.rhcularly evident in the :;ocial history of the
l'lghtl'cnth Cl' ntury F".lncc, .is well illustratl'<i by a quotation
one of who arc from day to day
the epitaph of the wealthy " bourgeois" class in
Bntam. It rcfen:- to the Londondcrrys-the compara-
ti\'e1r .. old" family a century :lgo succeeded in
no mean contnbution to our history. The same
l'<;liuon Of ... the " Dnily TdcCr(lPh," which records the epic
fhght General Balho's F:lscist Armada to Chicago, gi\'c.s
us an lIlt el'CSt ing insight into the mentality of the
of Londonderry, . the Sccrctary for Air in the National
at present pretends to govern Great
DIplomats alia politicians (lmltlreir wives," we
('lUlU- to L"d)' Londonderry's /rollse for the uwkly
It dance (tMch this Icadi1lC politicat hostess gitlCS,
Iwd !ws camed the fWme of ' au "rk party.' It is
ali. ays to about 200 ptople. Lady L01ldolldr"y i's
liS (. tire E1Ichalltress, alld Lord Lo"dolldrrn as
CJllrrit e, !hc- u ..ith l-a,;olls otlrer tJI'ckllames for a'l'I'),-
body. /'or mstmlce, Lady Cwuml is tire Call ar)" Sir 101m
Lat'.a)" Dory. Lord. /Jllgh Cccil, the Ly"X, alld tlJ(se
lUck"um('s arc all Oil the bedroom doors of
,,""ell fI!e)' VISIt olml SICtl'art."
. \ e apoll?gtsc tlus quotation, for Fascists arc sc..1.rccl r
tnt erested tn wlucll names are inscribed on the bedroom
doors at. Stewart. It is, however. necessary for us
to .conslder. p.."l.. ...... io!' the characteristics of till'
society, winch It IS our dcstll1Y both to overthrow and to
These people are neiUt8r powcrful nor so dangerous
as Utey One Qutte soon, they will wake up
from theu early monnog champagne suppers nnd U10ir
gnmes of zoological peCI)Mbo, to lind Umt the pOWer they
thought that they still enjoyed has been wrested from them.
Nt'prittled from ,. Blackshirt," .-I ugusl 26, 1933.
un. ING August Bank Holiday I have had occasion
to read a little to some children. We have been
reading about Doctor Dolitlle. During the same period
I have been reading Doctor Dalton to mysclf.
Doctor Dolitue is the more interesting because he can
talk to animals. Doctor Dalton was merely talking to
members of the Fabian Society, but it was thought worth
while to reprint his talk in a symposium of modem
Socialist which has been published under the
title I. Where Stands Socia/ism To-day? H
To the extent that one c..1..n penetrate the cloud of
verbiage which always envelopes an authori tative declara-
tion produced to di5g1..lise the lack of any direct object ive
in the policy of the Socialist Party. it would appear that
Sociruism stands first on one leg and then on the other,
and occasionally on its head, as it has been accu!'tomed to
stand {or the last fliteen years.
The only rays of vitality which seem to have permeated
the policy of the Socialist party since the Leicester
Conference arise from a piecemeal adoption of parts of
the policy issued two-aud-a-haU years ago by Sir Oswald
Mosley at the time when the New Party was launched.
Thus there is brave talk of a planning committcc of the
Cabinet, of the regional redistribution of industry on a
planned l>.1..5is, and of an oil-lrom-co.1.1 scheme-which
incidentally has already been appropriated by the National
TI.e NCUJ Party programme TellS a policy produced 10 mat
tire immi!ditlle crisis i" lire i"iti,,1 stage of 1931, allli from tlrnt
embryo Fascism Britain IJllS tlOW tlc1Jclojml thc fuli blast
of lts revolutionary i"terztiolls for tire rcbt/i{dittC of tIre u'lwlc
slrttcJure of /Jritish eco"om;c "Je.
But it is int eresting to observe that even the leisurely
Doctor Dalton manages to dnwcUe along in the rearguard of
these ideas. " III tire life of lIre i"dividual," he admits, " 'wd
of the c01,.,mmil)'. it is beller to Ph", Ihm' Itollo plan."
liquIdity of Outlook
As Under-Secretary for Affairs, Doctor Hugh
Dalton wa. ... a figure of SOIne prommencc in the last Labour
His aHabl if somewhat feline- personalily, and bis
ingratiating manners, combined with a certain liquidity
of ouUook, secured his popularity in the genteel ranks of
Parliamentary Labour.
He wa.. ... a .. don" of some kind or other. the SOil of a
Dean of " 'indsor and a scholar of Eton College, and a high
destiny ::>l'('med to await him, when" in the ordinary course
of t.'Wllh .. a wave of proletarian enthusia.."m should deposit
him nn the Front Bench of the British Empire-to carry
together with the Buxtons and the Trevelyans, ihe
Cnppses and the Stracheys, a further deferment of ihe
Britbh Hc\"olution. Beside Morrison, .. the man of the
people," and the resJ>Cctable ).1r. Greenwood, Hugh Dalton
would stand as the eternal representative of the lily-white
consciencl.' of the English governing class. This was, of
COttf'Sl', all before the crisis of 1931, which gave t he last jerk
to the neck of the Parliamentary idea in Britain.
Doctor Dalton may regard himself as lucky if he manages
to keep hi .. " chair" at whichever University he decorates;
he i!, hardly likely to find a seat in a future British Cabinet.
But in this we must sympathise with bim, for he is
only an ordinary politician following an ordinary tradi-
tion, and " in the ordinary course of events," he would
have had the ordinary " career, " to which his ordinary
abilities entiUed him.
He rema.ins an mirror of "bourgeois"
Socialist mentality, and I have to confess that it was with
a certain amount of curiosity that T turned to his paper on
.. Financial Institutions in the Transition." I was dis-
appointed, however, to fmd that there is really very little
about finance in the twenty-seven pages which Doctor
Dalton contributes to :' H'h!'re Sflmds Socialism To-day,"
There arc a.few platitudes on Death Duties. which might
have been enutted by any rather dashing Liberal. For lhe
rest we arc referred to the resolutions of the Leicester
Conference, and we know very well that the whole object
of Labour leadership is to evade the implications of resolu-
at Labour Conferences; so that to rdcr us to
the Leicester Conference docs not really give Us any guide
as to what a future Labour Government proposes to do.
should it have the power to act on its programme.
There are, however, three specific proposals that Doctor
Dalton has to make. The first is the raising of the school-
leaving age. .. JUSl wIry," he protests. "the lale Labour
Goverllllle"t made sue!, a mC$s of thai very simple initial bit
of policy I do 110t k1low. ft slwuUl have been ill the first
Killg's Speech; Qlzd it should have bcm dotle in tile first
Parliamentary Sessioll." How is it that Doctor Dalton
docs not know-since he was one of the members of the late
L..'l.bour Government-he simply docs not state. These
secret reasons of state are not for Fabians. Doctor Dalton'.s
second suggestion is for pension.s-particularly for miners-
at sixty years of age. This seems to take us back to Sir
Oswald )'[osley's carly ).Jcmorandum on Unemployment,
before he resigned from the Labour Govcrnment, because
of their refusal to adopt any of the emergency proposals
embodied thcrein.
The third of Doctor Dalton's proposals is really the most
enlightening, and we shall proceed therefore to quote it in
full .
.. TJu'rdly," he says, .. still this enlegory of ideas. Ihue
u'as drafted 101lg, 10llg ago, a1J ins/rument called the Washi"g/oll
COllvClJtiolJ, which prooitlcd that the Iwurs of labour should
be limited tt) forty-eight a TCUk. Ji'e always used 10 say tltat
lhe Lab(mr GfJVemmet/t lCOlild ratify tile /Joltrs
COllvclllion. B1I1 it was not rallfsed whe" last teC tcere il1 office.
1,zlematio1lal agrecment might citable liS 10 go still fllrlher
in tile rctiuclion of hOllrs. But al allY ralc 'he forty-eight hOllr
week of the C01lVellIt'01l seems to me the l'cry least
that ought to be al/aitted al a t'ery earl)' slage."
Comment on this passage is really superfluous. We
will only recall to our readers the fact that last year the
Government of which Doctor Dalton's former associates.
Messrs. Ramsay MacDonald and Thomas, are members.
secured the rejection, at Geneva, of the Italian Fascist
Government's proposals for a compulsory international
Forty.Hour Week. Even the purely capitalist adminis
tration of Mr. Roosevelt has already gone far further
than Doetor Dalton hopes that the next Labour Govenl-
ment (if ever there is one) will go H at a very early
stage, "
27 D
Not Socllllilit Mellisures
Doctor Dalton concludes with the view that" raising the
age, providing earlier pensions and
ing hours of work are none of them Socialist measures,"
but he docs not go on to propound any measures which he
can dt,scribc as such. In spite of the fact that his essay is
devoted to future Socialist fmancial policy, he makes no
attempt to define the new attitude of the Socialist Party to
fiscal questions; although he declares himself in favour of
taxing oil imports in the interest of developing a
product ion of oil from coal.
That is at any rate something, but there are other
parties in the state who are prepared to do that far more
effectively and far more wholeheartedly than Doctor
Dalton's. But short as his essay is, Doctor Dalton can
hardly complain of lack of adequate space in which to
develop his ideas since he devotes five pages to an irrelevant
eulogy o( the Soviet Union.
Doctor Dalton concludes his examinat ion of .. lV/un
Stands Socialism with the just observation that
.. het air and cold fut halle often gOtle fogether." The Socialist
Party certainly had cold (eet in 1931, but to-day they have
no feet to stand on at aU. "The of this
country," says the Doct or, .. 11110 a plmmed Soei'alist
Commolltl'Cnlth is a job which is much too big for
SkYles." 1t is, and even the achievement of the mild
ameliorations of working-class condit ions outlined by
Doctor Dalton, c.."lnnot be attained within the framework
of the state. Doctor Dalton is clever
enough to realise this, but he is too good a Parliamentarian
to admit it.
Only through the stIait-iacket 01 Fascist discipline can
the anarchic elements in Capitalism be brought to order,
and tbis discipline can be imposed, not by the pallid
debates 01 the Fabian Society, but by the grim Fascist
March to Power.
Reprjllted from" The Blackshirt," 8eptember 2, 1933.
ESTERDAY I happened along a street which I know
pretty well in one of our great industrial cities. They
say that even there is an average of three
e:rservice men in each of its poor hOllses. Certainly,
after one of the big Flanders baWes, they had to mourn
a man in almost every one of them.
There are many men along that street who have not
had a chance of work for the last eleven years. Whell Liley
ask YOIl itJSide ally of those holtses, ),011 will filld
lessly In many of them they have portraits of
King, polished bits of shell and German helmets, or their
medals pinned over the mantelpiece. But there is hardly
a stick of decent furniture in any of these houses, and th.e
walls are peeling !rom the damp. Rickets and tuberculosIs
play havoc among the children of these old heroes of the
Half.a.mile away is a brand new public building
upon whieh over a million powuis bas been spent during
the last few years for the comfort and ease of the local
representatives of the city.
The with all the cynical cruelty of e:xploiters,
know well enough that if any news will make these men
part with their last 5C."lI'ce pennies, it is any news of any
chance of a job. Lord Bcavcrbrook, as he has recent ly
told his readers, is away on his palatial yacht, studying the
. trade conditions" of the French Colonial Empire, in
the salubrious and sunlit-but also very expensive-holiday
resorts of North ACric..1 . Meantime, the circulation of the
.. Daily Express" must be maintained, and of
best ways of scUing that rag to the unemployed 15 to stir
in their broken hearts the false glimmers of the hope of
And so we fmd, on this hot September day, in this street
of little hope, the waUs placarded with
This is the consolation that the limping veteran of the
War, just entering on his second ten years of
29 2
may read in exchange for the penny which he could
-.c) Itt til' spare
.. Britain is spending more money. The wave of
confidence which is sweeping the country back 10
prosperity has resulted in at least one industry experiencing
a boom at a period which is usually its leanest. It is in
the building and decorating trade that history is being
made. "
The above is all in heavy black type, and that is about
all there is to it. The article continues, in les..'i impres..<;ivc
.. M ore thou l ,OOO,OOO has already bee" spew by hOllse-
owners througlrout the country 011 redecoratillg during the
SlItlimer mOlltlrs."
It may here be interpolated that the expenditure of
1.000,000 is generally estimated t o give employment to
2,000 men for one year, and it may also be asked whether
this is the fll'St time that people have ever had their houses
done up.
.. Tire moue),," continues the" Daily Express." " is being
laid Old i" per",alletrt1mprovemlmls 10 British Ir omes ill tOWI!
aPld .country. Woodwork has butt repainled aud brickwork
repo'Hlted. Moderll boilers are replacillg o/d-Jaslriollcd kitchen
Bll/hrooms alld plumbing fixtures have been modern-
ISed. Garages Irave beell added to small subltrbau dwelliugs."
Then we go back to the heavy type.
" No domestic revolution on such a scale has ever
been known in Britain before."
"The gmeral verdict oj thousands," comments the
.. Express," .. i s Slimmed up in the phrase There i s 1I10re
money about litis slimmer '." '
!h?SC are, of being fmanced by the
bUlldlllg soclettes on terms winch show them a considerable
investment (or their superfluous funds, and which put
thousands of househol?ers their dcbt at a very
rate of IIlterest . Chalrman of one building
society IS very pleased about It, and expresses himself in
that in which capitalists. have learnt to wrap
glllger of ,profit III of philanthropy.
The sclteme, he s.1.ys, rs deflmlely (t suecess and wilt
IOZdOllbtedly help to solve the 1I1Iemploymeut problem j" lite
bui/dillg (HId trades. A"d property owllers realise
mId approve of jacl that sftml their property
a/so ,educes IUremploymcII(."
This gentleman is an almost perfect mirror of the
complacency of the bourgeois mind. How kind it i<; of him
to give some small pan of his valued attention to the
unemployment problem. Such a philanthropist deserves
to accumulate st ill greater profits for his building society.
but as the profits become greater, still greater will become
the problem of their profitable reinvestment.
Another gentleman in the same line of business is even
more daring than the first in his claims to philanthropic
merit. After stating that he has had more than 600
requests for loans from householders, he slates: .. I t is
a de/illite help toward.s solvillg fI12cmploymelzt."
Cn the same st reet of which I was talking. the unemployed
man, for the expenditure of an extra 2d. might aJso
purchase" Pearson's J1/ukly," which had out posters adver-
tising an article by the Right Hon. J. R. Clynes, in which
he explains" What Ilh;tJk oj -'Iosley." ) rr. Clynes is a bit
shakyon his history. He states: ., Ir is jusllhis-diclatorship
is 0111 oj in England. . .. lVilhi1l tu:d!.Je years Charles
was led 10 a IVltilehall scaJJold-mtd diclatorslzip in Engla"d
died luilh him."
We seem to remember that il was the of
Oliver Cromwell which occupied the next twelve years-
a period during which were laid the foundations of
Britain's world power.
We also recall the memorable order-" away that
ballble," with which Cromwell dissolved a Parliament in
al most the samc terms which ) !ussolini used in 1922, when
he said that" oj lhat grey, gloomy HOllse he could hal'e made
the bivouac oJltis Black Shirls." Xot SO very out of date.
Mr. Clynes. is the idea of dictatorship, and it s simple
methods appear to remain very much the same.
But let us return to the main chunk of Clynes' dope.
" Tme," says he, .. are mOlly people in lhis coulliry
who do "at t,iew him (Mosley) as a J!lIssolini or tval a Hiller ,
but who are lIevertheless afraid Ihal may rise to power 011
the UJave oj FasCtsm that is sweepi1lg Ettrope. ital.'f' mId
Germany, Polmld mId HUllgary, are already submerged.
Will it be Ellg/mld's tllm next?
.. Didalorship, wlldhcr FasC1sl or Commrmjst, is the ehild
of ehaos. . .. But 1101 olle of these measures U'ould be pos$1ble
itt this c()u1Ilry u'ithc)JIt tilt support of the majon'ly oif Ii,
,is perfectly right. Fascism docs not create
chaos, hut It a movement that arises as the reaction of
the people the hopeless !)tntc of a capitalist chaO!s-
a chaos IS made permanent by the conditions of a
democratic system, which simply functions as the" political
department" of CapitaJism. And when it comes Fascism
I... ill \\;th .. the support of the majority of people."
and Mr. Clyncs fmd it necessary to
mamtam a condition of capitalist democratic chaos and to
explain it away. The methods they lISC arc to work on the
hopes and fears of the people and they contribute to stoke
up the smoke-screen of Capitalism, every day and every
week of every year.
But it is becoming more and more difficult (or thcm to
the hopes o( the unemployed with the prospect of
rep..1.tntlllg woodwork" and . repointing brickwork," or
to rouse their enthusiasm for a system of government which
keeps them living in forced idleness in the utmost condi
lions of misery and want.
It will take something more than a revival in the
decorating trade to preserve lor Lon! Beaverbrook his
profits and lor Mr. J. R. Clynes his prospects 01 O<C1Ipying
once more H an offiee of profit under the Crown."
Reprinted from" The Blacks"",t," September 8. 1933.
T would require the genius 01 Mr. Walt Disney to
delineate the hazardous adventures of mousy litUe
lawyer CriPPS in pUl'Sltit of the strong cheese of
When the Socialists were picking themselves up after
the catast rophic landslide of the last Election, they found
themselves looking for a new policy to talk about in place
of the last, which, after thirty ycars of propaganda, had
been successful only in placing" Gentlcman Mac" at the
head of the Tory Party.
Sir Stafford Cripps, although only a recent recruit to
" the Party," saw at once the need, not only for a new
Socialist policy, but (or a new Socialist leader. L1bour is
peculiar in that it is always as willing to accept new men
at their own valuation as it is loth to accept a new policy
at any valuatjon.
Little Cripps was very new. Until be bobbed up on the
Front Bench to fill a legal vacancy at 8,000 per annum
with "perks," o()eOoe had really heard much about him.
But like most lawyers. he could talk the hind-leg oU a
donkey, and he soon jumped 00 to the back of the big
donkey 01 organised Labour.
Ril ing In Spah
Peoplc always admire what they haven't gOl themselves,
and this has made tbe success of a lot of bourgeois intcUcc
tuals, who have risen in spats to heights to which the
ordinary hob-nailed Trade Unionist has nc\cr ventured to
aspire. A lid in dapper litlle Stafford Cripps, the Deity, or
wha/aler oJlu:r agc-IICJ is respo"sible for the evolution of ocial
DCIIl()(:rats from microbes illto M.P.s, had produced a perfect
tcork of Pariiame'ltary arlo
He had the sort of brains which impress secondary
school teachers, and the neat town-bred physique which
gives a sense of safety to the League of Nations Union.
A pair 01 hom-rimmed spectacles gave added tone to an
Oldord accent and ",minded briefless banisters that
nowadays on8 can join the Labour Party without being
excluded from the neighbouring golf club. Even his
nose, which is slightly red, was nOI too red for tho
Labour's spinsters. and inspired that sympathy which is
so willingly accorded to dyspepsia., without arousing the
alarm which might have come from nny suspicion 01 a
taste for beer.
Here was the man (or the summer schools-here was the
lord of the Church baz..laI'$-hcrc was the man that would
the Tories that" Socialists Prc!er Gentlemen " evcry
time Jack Jones rude. Cripps had barked at the
but banks were everybody'!) pigeon; and the
long-haired lads of the Socialist League expected some-
thing really big to evolve out of the grey matter under that
great big powdered wig. It was not unnatural that a man
with the ability of Cripps. the lawyer. should tum to that
.. Nationa.l Policy" which, somewhat over two years ago,
had been put forward by Mosley to mcct the situation which
then existed. So Cole and Wisc and Cripps and Dalton,
not forgetting L'lski and others that the simple ranks of
labour think can think, got together and turned out a
Preventing Work
They dished up great chunk., of the New Party
Programme, and found that to make the whole thing work
they would have to get over the rather importnnt snag
that the present Parliamentary system has been carefully
designed and evolved to prevent any policy from ever
being worked. That is what Parliament is for.
su'allotad all ilems 01 Nn./! Pari)' polic)' u-hich
llI1jsaged direcl anti {Iie/aloriaf actioll, (llul II"" 101l1ll1 Mal
Tory p(l.pers U'CTe callinc it dictatorship.
.\t first Cripps rather liked it. He strutted round the
country proclaiming the new creed. and rushed into print
to elaborate it. Cripps was hardl), cnst lOT a IJie/atOT
ralher a Leslie NellSOll vCTsioll m'y/ultu, If we may SllY so
wilholll olle'lcc to Ihat illimitable eomttiiml. But Cripps liked
it until he found he had gone too far. It was worrying the
rank and fale of sturdy democratic Labour. and the Tory
papcrs would not let the subject drop.
Perhaps it was Hitler that really did in the idea. Hitler
was a dictator, but he had got thEre by methods other than
Orders in Council. In fact by methods that had shown
that the fountain-pen is not always mightier than the
rubber " kosh. " .
Little Laski came right out against the na..<;ty idea, and
as the photographs of the bruised posteriors of German
Social Democrats were handed round the Bloomsburv
cocktail parties, the whole dictatorship idea went as flit
as Hamsay MacDonald's past eulogies of the Rus. ... ian
Then began the phase of .. SiT Siafford Explai'ls." Sir
Stafford should remember the motto of that greatest of
Liberal Democrats, Lord Oxford and Asquith-"
Explain." Sir Stafford Cripps's explanations of when a
Dictatorship is not a Dictatorship only serve to underlilll'
the prime fact which the history of Europe from 1917 tn
]933 has taught. The fact is that the Social Democratic
" bourgeois" mind is incapnble of facing the real ities of
They cover their cringing fear in a spate of words,
whether it be Kerenski and his fellow lawyers facing the
dynamic anger of the Kronstadt crews. whether it be the
Socialists and Popolari whining for P.R. in the ears 01
the grim massed youth 01 Italy, or whether it be the
nerveless German democrats paralysed in the shadow 01
the "swastika."
Done with Lawyers
The present age is an age of men. Little lawyers in their
wigs have had a long, long day, and now they face a longer
night. AU that Cripps and his whitecoUarcd comrades ca.n
do is to proclaim some of t he economic truths of Fascism
within the shifting fabric of the Socialist Party. It is fOT
the FasC1'sts thcmsdves 10 make Fascism. Cripps is succeed
ing in splitting the Socialist Party on Fascist economic
theory, and leaving the Fascists to fmish work. To
that extent Fascists may be laughingly grateful to,
and the old men of the T.U.C. correspondingly embarrassed.
But Fascism is not a creed for the smug mice who
choose to emerge from Wider Bloomsbury tea-cosies to
have a nibble at it. That creed is a monolith of steel,
aJld . not . n pink sugared cake to be taken in slices
FascISm 18 n movement of men who have their own stro .
confidenc:o in the integrity of a wt.ent and d ted
Leadership. evo

Repriuttll from Blackshirt," . 1 "gust 12-18, 1933.
N the next four articles we shall show how FasCism can
build within the British Empire a civilisation far higher
than the world has yet known. That high standard of life
will provide our people with n purchasing power sullicient
for them to buy the products which modern industry can
produce, and consequently to employ the labour 01 men
now unemployed.
We shall show, at thc sallle time, how this national or
Emp.ire, orl?anisat ion will lead to safer and more
reia.tlons With the rest of the world. In this first article
however, we will take an instance of the methods by whid;
Fascism would rebuild our own land of Britain.
The/irs/ /(Isk which there arises is the housing problem. 1J
is. for I/S 10 stress fhe hOl/siflg COIt-
d1hOllS f1I w/llch masses 0/ ollr proplc have lIVed since the u-ar.
Con.tructlvo Remedy
It is the habit of Socialists and others of their breed to
:>pcnd hours in discussing these disgraceful conditions, and
thus to avoid advancing their constructive remedy. For
Fascists. it is unnecessary to st ress the conditions because
we and everyone else know they exist. What England
expects of a revolutionary movement is a constructive
remedy. We believe that the housi ng problem has not
been tackled and wiU not be tackled under the present
system, because the methods employed cannot possibly
lead to any result s. It is useless for our old politicians to
talk about a great "crusade against the slums" in a
p..1.lpitating peroration unless they arc prcp..l.rcd to adopt
the executive instruments by which the slums Col.n be
wiped out.
In fact the Government has for years past aupplie4
larger or lesser amounts of money to thousands of dillerent
local governments to tackle the slum problem. We have
bad a democratic machine at Westminster and a demo.
crane machine in the local authorities, both of which
have hopelessly broken down. The result of the system
has been endless talk, but a complete absence of any
eHective action.
Fascism would make the slum clearance problem a
national task in the following manner: IV e wo1i1d formulate
ollr 'programme for clearing Ihe shIms and rmi/di"c at'er a
penod oj. say, three years. For Ihis pm'oll, 'We would git,t
gflarmJ/ud employment in the {mild;"g trade at good rtlies
of fcages, wln:ch would absorb Jhe labour 0/ fhe 295,000 tlOU1
unemployed m that trade. We would divide the sblms 0/
each 0/ the creal cities into sections to be glllled and rebuilt
over the spuified periOd. Outside the city we would ere<:t
temporary bungalows to house the inhabitants of section 1.
while the slum was being pulled down and rebuilt. We
would also provide a State Transport Service to carry
them to and from thei r work.
Moving to New Houses
They would thus live. during the rebuilding of their
houses. with the people among whom they were aecus
towed to live. and the problem of carrying them to their
work during the period would be solved by direct Stale
action. When No.1 section was completed. the inhabi
tants would vacate their bungalows and go back to their
new houses.
The inhabitants of No. 2 section would then vacate their
houses and would go to the bungalows and would use the
new transport system. When their houses were completed,
No.3 sect ion would take over the bungalOWs and usc the
transport system, until their houses were complete; and
so on until the gutti ng and rebuilding of the slums had
been completed.
To do this would amount to a national mobi lisation of
the building trade, and the problem would be treated in
much the same way as the problem of providing shells in
the war. We know from actual experience that these
methods enormously reduce the cost of production. We
shall be producing for a demand which is known and can
be calculated precisely in <.\dv::mcc. A costing system can
be developed will reduce the costs of
ductlon to the Il1mt. Once the problem is taken
as a national problem, it can be organised on the grand
scale and evcry principle of modern organisation and of
ma..,s production can be employed.
By these means we could carry through the destruction
and rebuilding of the slums at a far lower cost and allar
greater speed than the present political system conceives
10 be possible. The cosl of production would further be
lowered by the application of the Fascisl principle thai no
landlord who has not properly maintained his property
as a trustee 10 the Si ale will be permitted 10 retain that
In the clearance of slum property under Fascism, there-
fore. no question of compensation will arise. As the result
of treating the matter as a national problem, and in aU
these ways reducing the cost of production, the cost of
clearing and rebuilding our slums can be reduced to a very
low point. In fact it is almost certain that under such a
system the new houses could be re-Iet to the tenants at an
economic. rent which was no higher than the rent they had
previously paid. If there was any difference between the
new economic rent and the rent which they had previously
paid, it should fall upon the State as a national contribution
to national health. Few things arc more foolish under the
present system than the method of pouring out millions to
cure rather than of spending money to prevent
disease by such measures as slum clearance.
The State must be prepared to organise and to finance
the maintena.nee of national health. Foremost among
these measures to rebuild the physiQ.ue of the nation will
be the rebuilding of the slums.
Thrst! Ult!aSllres, oj courst!, will ht! combated by all lhe
vt.stcd lJ1teTlsJ.s oj dt!l1locracy. All the talkative busybodies
at Westminster and all the lesser but equaUy talkative
busybodies of the local authorities, will be set aside. The
self-importance of many little windbags of democracy will
be sadly affected. and loud will be thei r lamentations at
another example of Fascist tyranny I They will talk
about freedom-all kinds of freedom, varying from the
freedom of the Press to freedom of Democracy. AU of
which reaUy flfst means their own freedom to talk.
talk while others starve in slums. and thus become the
important people of Westmi nster or th.e I?<AI Councils.
Fascism believes in a greater freedom, winch IS the
o( Britons who have fought for their coun.try .to bve III
conditions worthy of that country. We Will gIVe a new
freedom to the slum-dweller at the expense of the freedom
of the busybody of Democracy.
Could we have a clearer illustration of the difference
between what we mean by freedom. and what the old
parties mean by freedom?
Reprillted from" Tile Blackshirt," A IIgllSt 19-25,
ASCIST unemployment proposals arc the only con-
structive solution before the country for the problem
which has amicted Britain for over a decade. &:fore we
proceed to constructive policy. we must analyse bnefiy the
causes of unemployment. .
Fascism believes that twO main. eXist for the
present unemployment in Great Bntam : . .
(1) We have always been the largest exporlmg nation
in the world and to-day we have to face the fact that export
markets arc being closed against us. We have .not merely
to face the familiar tariff barriers, but new .and
barriers such as embargoes. quotas. vetoes 10 dcahngs wIlh
foreign exchange. etc. Foreign to-day arc
merely taxing our goods; they are deh!>crately exclu.din
them whatever their cost of production. and howelver
cheaply we arc prepared to sell. They do this because t
arc determined themselves to produce the g4
they consume. Great Britain has to ace t e
prospect of a dechnUlg export trade.
e Powor to Produco
. this
(2) The second main reason for wlemployment. III
country and throughout the world. is that since the War
(,.' ha!, so the power to produce that produc.
lion greatly excC'C'ds the prescnt power to consume.
a result, ruen are wleruploYed throughout the world,
while large masses of the population live in desperate
want of the goods which the unemployed could produce.
Men who can make boots and clothes are unemployed
while not only they and their own children, but man;
other people, urgently require these goods.
This situation is a disgrace [ 0 Our civilisation. Science
and industrial technique have solved the problem of
pra:ctuction; it remains to create a system of the State
which solves the problem of consumption. TO-<lay we
must mise wages and 5<1.laries and the whole standard of
life in to provide more purchasing power. At the
present tune, however, in the anarchy of compet ition,
wages and salaries are continually reduced. At the very
moment that industry requires a larger market, the present
system produces a smaller market. However much iudi.
vidual employers may realise that the market (or which
they arc producing rests upon high wages and salaries,
they are unable, under the present system, themselves to
pay high wages and salaries.
U they do, they are immediately undercut by some
rival who reduces wages and salaries? and they are
consequently put out of business. Protection hns been
afforded to a very ]irnited extent against the foreign
competition of cheap labour; no protection has been
afforded on the home market against the British
employer who pays low wages.
Incompetent Trade Union leaders
The trade unions. arc supposed to maintain wage
and to umfr labour conditions; in practice,
o\\:mg to cowardly and mcompetent leadership and to the
eXistence of a large body of unemployed which makes
hopeless the working-class struggle for better standards
the unions proved quite unable to maintain wages:
let alone raise them. An unemployed man waits to take
the job of every man in employment who asks for a higher
standard, and over the who]e field of industry the trade
unions are on the run.
As a result, at the very moment when a larger market is

esscntiallo industry, wages and salaries arc crashing.down,
purchasing power is being reduced, and the market IS ever
Fascism meets this problem by the machinery of the
Corporate State. It is useless to issue vague appeals to
employers to maintain wages. This is not a matter for
but for organisation. The Corporate State of
Fascism sets up Corporations for the appropriate areas of
industry which will be governed by representatives of
employers, workers and consumers, a
MinistryofCorporations presided over bya FasclSt MIDIster.
These Corporations \vill be not .only with the
task of preventing classwar by (orblddmg either
or strikes. The Corporations will be With the
constructive task of raising wages and salanes over the
whole area of industry as science, rationalisation, etc.,
increase the power to .
Related to the Corporahons WIll be the of
fmance and credit which will supply fresh credIt, not for
the purpose of sPcculati0I.1, but {or financing
production and consumptIon. Thus JOT flie J_rst twJ.t
demmtd will be adi"s1ed to supply. When more can
be produced, wages and salaries will be to proylde a
purchasing power {or ?>nsumer. Tlus .process will
result in inflation or pnce nsc, t;>ecause the lu?her purchasmg
power will be balanced by a higher production. lnstea.d o{
the new credit going to speculators who up pnces:
the new credit will go to industry {or the legitimate purpose::.
of production and consumption. . .
1 t is argued by our oPJ'C?llent.s that the hl8:her wages
in industry will result m costs, thus. \\ ill
jeopardise our export trade. 1 Ins argument IS,
because the cost of productioll in modem mass-producmg
industry is determined, not by the rate .of wa:ge, by the
rate of production. The rate of production will be
to serve a larger home market. and spite of the nsc Ul
wages, prices c..-m actually be reduced If the rate of produc
tion is sufficient.
To take a sjmple instance, Ford, in America, was able,
by reason of his rate of production for a large home
market, to pay the highest wages in Ute world and at Ute
same time to produee the cheapest article in the world.
In (;:\('t, reasun of. the I:(rcatt.r ratl! of production for
;l lMg.t. hom .. mark .. ,t. will bt' abll' to low('r ih
,,:u:o.h til t hl' t'" pur t 1 radt.'.
In additiun to this adyantagt. to our CX1vlrt trati ... II.
r 'II Y". It
utpor.lh' WI. provide anotht.'r advantagt" TIl('
dfl-ct of III the CoqXlTations will be to unif\'
and to l'on!'>Ohdah,' IIldu",try. and to enable the Briti ... il
r1 tra(h.' to slx'ak (or tlu.' lirst time with a united voin'
Thl'n thl' pO\\"l'r of Covt.'rnml'nt can be mobilised behind
l"Xpoft industril's tn .' .. (tH.' ir cnt ry into foreign markets
Wt.' .. 'an (01 the hnot tllne. our as a buyer /0 sflpport
Of IT POSI/IOIl us (t sdln. Ollr t,ade sloga,. will be .. Britain
Buys from -rhost" who Buy from Brita;"," If cOlm/,its
u Iw cCtmjldi"K 10 Mil /0 us foodsillfls and 'Qu"
uwte',w/s . wIll 'lOt tlcrept ollr mmwfaclurcd goods ill rdll""
let !i',11 lin't'rt (Iur purclursts cisrrd,crc. They will in (act Ix-
con(rontl-d with ruin unless they give us a fair deal by
accepting our good .. in return (or the (oodstuffs and raw
materials which tlll'Y 5('11 to us. 1n (act (or the fin;t iimc-
ion a'.Hl consolidat ion o( the Corpomte system
WIU provI?e us with a powerful means o( blowing away the
barbed wire ('ntangleml'nts which bar the entrance of our
goods to foreign markets.
Thus Fascism will solve the unemployment problem
(1) b)' ,,,c-rtt/sing 11'f! hOllle markd ''''ough a raisi"g 01
U"ugcs ""d salanes O1'er the whole field of industry;
(2) by orctmisatio" /0 support ollr declilling export trade,
",?i1c the Corporate system is being organised, we shall
proVide a system public works unequaUed before in this
on the by Sir Oswald )Io:-.Iey in
IllS Speech of nesignation from the Government on tit('
28!h. This policy of public works. which \\'3., ..
th('n IS now being accepted as sound sense by
Government in the world, The Government of
(,reat Bntam alone pc:rsh.ts in its obstinacy.
Tbo pennnnent solution of unemployment will be the
Corporate. system i the solution of unemploy-
ment. that , IS bcmg organised, will be public
works, which will ennch and endow our nation for
generations to come.

l?ep,ill/cd from" The Blackshirt," A ug,lSt 26, 1933.
N the last article, we dealt with the solution of the
unemployment problem through the Corporate system,
Two measures were proposed;
(1) to raise wages and salaries over the whole field of
industry in order to provide a larger home market;
(2) through the Corporate system to unify and to consoli-
date our export trade, in order that we might bargain with
ot her nations for the acceptance of our manufactured goods
in return for their foodstuffs and raw materials.
We should naturall.y turn first to our own Dominions
and Colonies to build our economic system. Within the
British Empire we have an economic system which could
be entirely self-contained. and independent of the chaos
of the rest of the world.
Buildi ng a Self-contai ned Economic Market
\Ve have already suggested means {or building within
Great Britain a civilisation far higher than exists anywhere
else in the world in order to provide a market which industry
now lacks. We propose also to extend that area to the
British Empire as a whole, and to build an economic
system which is self-contained,
The Dominions are primarily producers of foodstuffs
and of raw material; we are primarily producers of
manufactured. goods. A natural balance of exchange
consequently exists. which organisation can turn into a
great economic system.
What has restrained the old partie:- from developing
our great resources and from building that economic
system? The answer is not vcry (ar to seck. The Liberal
and Socialist Parties have alway:s been frankly against an
organised Empire; they embrace the international creed
in preference to the idea o( developing our own Empire.
The Conservatives have always talked a lot about the
Empire. but in reality they have always been in the grip
of high fmance, which has prevented any effective pro-
gramme (or the Empire being carried through, [t is easy
tu why it is impos.. ... ible ('ol1S('rvQ.tiws, whether
(II' to b11l1d a Sot' Empire.
h.llIhl .ill1 Empire the ('xcluslon (rom the
.. , of (orl'lgn goods wiurh compete.' with British and
1'_mpm.' products. l{ those goods arc excluded, our inter.
national tlnnncil'n. and fOl't.'ign investors run the risk of
lo ... ing the intl'rest on the loans they have made to foreign
('ountril's. 1{ orl'ign countrit's cannot send their goods to
thi ... c\Hlntry to p..1.y the interest on the loans they have
t\.'('(iYi,.'d, they may udault on that interest, and those who
ha,',,' it'nt their mOlwy abroad will lose their money.
British Farmers' Interests Secriticed
For instance, if Argentine beel is excluded from Great
Britain in favour of British beel and Empire beef, it may
be impossible lor the Argentine to pay interest on the
large loans which international financiers have inductd
a SIDall section of the public to supply to the Argentine.
Consequently, Conservatives of all brands who are su)).
servient to the financial interests which support the old
Parties do not propose the exclusion of Argentine beef.
but merely the taxation of Argentine beef under the old-
fashioned Conservative protection. ConseQuently. the
British farmer is still damaged by the competition of
foreign products, and the Empire farmer. despite his small
preference. is not making much headway in the British
stands for the definite exclusion of foreign
products and the division of Empire markets between the
British producer and the Empire producer. ' Vc also stand
quite definitely for the British producer being able to sell
his maximum production at an economic price without t.he
undercutting. even, of Dominion competition. Plenty of
opportunity ,viU still exist for Dominion products if the
foreigner is excluded. even when we have produced all the
foodstuffs we can in this country, at a price which yields a
fair return to our farmers.
'Ve now begin to see the reason why Fascism can build
a self-<ontained Empire, while the old parties cannot.
I. ibcralism mId Socia/ism have always bee" against Il,e
Empire.. CO'ISt:"fValism has been prevented, by the creal
fi1lanc;al interests which it serves, from develop;llg a full
Empire policy.
Fasci ... m un the one haneJ, is loyal to I he Crown and to
lhe Empi;c. and on the other hand revolu,tio,nary
movement in that it wiU control and subordinate to NatIonal
Policy the great interes ts. and in the international
Jinancc which have so damaged the of the pro
ducer i;l Greal Britain and the Dominions. U."der Fascis.m,
fiuatlce 1;1/ "011e to serve British al,d tlat jore'gll
Self.contelned Empire
In the previous article on Fascist policy, we referred LO
our declining export trade the rest o( the world
foreign nations were excludmg goods.. If we bUild a
sclf--contained Empire from which foreign goods are
excluded, we can within the Empire more than recover all
our export trade. .
The British Empire to-day Imports some 1,420,000,000
worth of goods per annum. 899.000,000 of these corne
from foreign countries. If those foreign goods are excluded,
we can more than make up the loss of our export trade to
the rest of the world, because those exports only amount
to 240,000,000 per annum. . . .
Here and "OW it 1'S poss1'ble Ie save tire BrItish EmpfTe
from the chaos of the btu:kward Itations oj Ihe 'l.Corld! b'uiiding
an Empire wlu'ch 1'S self-colllailled altd holds unthut lIs borders
the highest civilisatiou tire world has ever known. T oda y
we must free ourselves both (rom the sloppy internationalism
of Liberalism and Socialism, and also from the great financial
interests which dominate the Conservative Party. For these
reasons Fascism and Fascism alone, can build a self-

contained Empire which is the only hope. of the
Already Fascism has begun the work w.1th a.
organisation. \ Ve have {ornled a New Emplre Union wh.lch
is a federation of all the Fascist movements of the EmplIe.
Already the New Guard, which is the Fascist movement of
Australia, is reputed to number 100.000 and has
often played a decisive part in Australian politIcs. In South
Africa and New Zealand, also. strong New Guard move
ments exist. Fascist organisations also are up all
over Canada. which are being unified into a powerfl!-I
Canadian Fascist movement. Recently, Colonel Ene
Campbell, Leader of the New Guard of Australia, was in
Great Britain, empowered to speak, not only for the
but also for the South Afric.Ul and the New
Zealand movements. His negotiations with Sir
:\[oslty have in the fonllation of the New Empire
enian, which fedemtcs and co-ordinates Fascist activities
throughout the Empire. Therefore we now have a united
Fascist drive throughout the Empire, against the great
linancial interests which have impeded Empire develop.
ment, and towards the self-contained Empire which is our
common objective.
These converging Fascist movements, animated by a
passionate patriotism, by a common dctennination to
extricate the Empire from her economic difficulties, and by
the great and inspiring ideal of l-:-ascism, have set their
hands to building an Empire such as the world has never
seen. II'IIatever be tile fate of tile rest of Ille work/, this Empire
ca'f stand out, a solid rock amid tile sea of chaos, as an
example altd all to mallki1ld.
Reprinted from" The BlacksMrt," October 21-26, 1933.
N the forefront 01 Fascist measures stands the revival of
agriculture. That grent industry, which in the past has
been the basis of our national has long been
mnde the sport of party politics. Fascism comes to end
the game of party volitics by a new national uni ty.
It comes also with a clear-cut policy to restore agricul-
ture. \Ve stand, not for rcstricting British production,
but for increasing it. The National Government says to the
British fanner: .. Restrict your production"; we 5..'\y to
thc British farmer: "Increase your production." \Vhile
220.000,000 of foodstuffs each year are imported from
foreign countries, and another [ 140,000,000 are imported
(rom the Dominions, it is a scandal that the British farmer
should be told to restrict production. I { restriction must
be applied, let it be applied to. the forciS!ler. Fascism
stands definitely for the exclUSion of foreIgn foodstuffs

and the production of that 220,000,000 per annum of
agricultural products in Britain. \Ve believe that our
present food production can be increased from 280,000,000
to 500,000,000 a year. are aware, of course,
British agricultural producuon cannot be nearly doubled 10
the coursc of one year. But we believe it can be done
a Three Year Plan, and we shall ask for patnotJc
co..aperation of the British farmers.0 that
We sha1l plan so to increase Bnhsh production 10. the
course of thrce years thal foreign foodst uffs can be entirely
excluded, and this [280,000,000 of goods c.1.n be produced
here. Each year the increase in production will be planned
by Corporate organisation between Goyernmcnt and
farmer, who will be assisted in the new credtts necessary to
his task by a new Agricultural Bank.
Each year the foreign imports will be
reduced, and at the end of three years the e:rclUSlon of
foreign products will be complete. Tbe home
will be divided between the British farmer,whose productiC?n
will be nearly doubled, and the Dominion farmer. who will
still be able to send here the 140,000,000 per annum of
foodstuffs he sends now, plus additional foodstuffs and
also additional raw materials which will be required .by
the greater demand of the higher purehasing power which
will be created by Fascist organisation.
" What will happen to our export trade? II wail the old
gang of National Socialism, and also the <:>Id gang of
national Finance, who own the Conservative Party. The
foreign countries who send us foodstuffs take our exports
. ..
III return. . I I
Our answer is that the British fanners and agncu tura
workers will double their purchasing power if they double
their production. A home market will take !he place of a
foreign market for our .e:=port .trades, and 111 that home
market, foreign competltton wtll be excluded. On
homc market our industries will not have .to WIth
cheap Japanese labour, as they do in foretgn ....
New and terrible as the thought may be to
and international fmanciers, we propose, by.
reorganisation, to give purchasing power to farnlcno
instead of foreign fannen;, and thus to a. home
market to take the place of markets, whtch III any
case are daily being closed agamst our exports .
\\' .... mav well enquire \Vh)' the old part' . I
... . II!S laVe not
a optt'll a clear-cut pohc)' {or an inee.......... . .
t I od
" ....,.. III agncul
. pc most (anners agree to be possibl
lhe IS vcry ::;lmplc. Socialists and lil. - I, I
, . II f' d veTa S la\C
a \\ays 1C ncn s of country but their 0
and any policy which puts Britain first is
... Our organisation would cut clean through
their mternattonal psychology, and interfere with their
tender efforts to enrich the aborigines of every backward
country. on earth in the blessed haven of the Socialist
The c.xplanation of Conservatism's failure to help the
Camler IS not at first so apparent, but under analysis
becomes equally clear. The Conservative Party has long
ceased to be a party of the countryside. and has become a
party of high fmance. Thc City of London owns them
body and soul. and that City of London has great foreign
financial intcrests. For instance. it draws 30.000.000 per
annum from the Argentine in interest on loans advanced
by this country. The interest on these loans is paid by
Argentinc beef sold in Britain. If we exclude beef from the
Argentine, we jeopardise the interests of the financiers.
So Conservatism. whether of the Baldwin or Beaverbrook
variety. is only willing to ta..x foreign foodstuffs. but not to
exclude them.
The answer of Fascism is clear-cut. n it be a choice
between the British prodUcer and the foreign investor,
the British farmer comes first . At last a revolutionary
movement anses .to challenge the great vested interests of
fmance. But thlS movement is also loyal to King and
count!')'. ?-nd has a policy of .. Britain first." Fascism.
and I'asclsm alone. can revive agriculture and check the
great betrayal of which both Social ism and Conservatism
have been guilty at the dictate of the alien interests which
they servc.
. The final treaChery of the Conservative Party was well
by Chamberlain's speech at the Bankers'
Dmne.r .m the CIty of London October 3rd. Again he
eml?haslSCd the doctrine that trade
revlval can only be International. He advanced four main
points of the Conservative programme to secure J'ecovery :
(l) "The breaking down of trade barrien." This
simply means the admission of foreign goods undel'
pacts with foreign similar .t'? the recent agree-
ment with the ArgentIne. The Bntzsh farmer must be
ruined in ordcr that the financiers may continue to draw
their interest.
(2) .. A return to the. Gold as .soon a$
possible." This Great B':ltam agam. to the
instrument of the mternatlonal finanCiers. by which she
was nearly ruined in 1931.
(3) "The revival of international lending." This
means new loans abroad by the City of London, interest
on which will be paid to them by foreign goods coming
into this country which undercut British goods and drive
fanners from the land.
(4) .. The international raisin.s of prices." This
that prices are to be wlthou! 3:"Y
rise in the wage level III Great Bntam, which IS kept
down by foreign competition. As a result, the people
will buy less than and the market. for w!lich
British industry and agnculture produces will contInue
to diminish.
Once again Fascism insists. that the prices
without a raising of purchasmg power IS a dlsastrou!)
policy. We agree that the fanner. must obtain
prices than at present, and that pnces must be ft.xed
advance by the Government, so ihat he knows he IS.
We must restore agricultural prices to an level;
but this is useless unless the wages and salanes o( the
mass of the people arc raised at the t.imc. If prices
rise, but the standard of living docs not nsc, the
will buy less than before. In that event, a fresh I?lut wllj
occur, even on the new restricted basis of productlOn. and
a new and worse collapse in prices will ensue.
Fascism alone provides the Rnswer to this pz:oble!ll' in
the Corporate policy of raising wages and. slmul-
taneously and progressively over the field of
in ortier to provide a larger purchasmg power, which LO
turn will afford the new market which industry now lacks.
Windy appeals to individual to. raise arc
futile. Any individual who responds lmmediately be
undercut and put out of business by a nval who
wages or maintail)s them at a lower level. The regulatIon
and planning of the COf(>orate system alone C<ln raise wages
and &1.1aries over the whole field of industry to provide the
new purchasing.power which will asborb the production of
men and maclllllery now unemployed. than that
the increased purchasing power of the Corporate
will enable the people to buy more farm produce, even at
the higher price level which is necessary to make farming
economic and to give the agricultural worker a living wage.
Agriculture cannot be divorced from the life of the
country as a whole. Agriculture is the basis of national
life, and an integral part of the Corporate whole. Once
Fascism wins power, once we break the power alike of alien
Red and of inte01atl0nai fmancier, we can begin to build
in a short time a greater Britain in which. a revival in
prosperous agriculture will be a national asset from which
the new and virile manhood of the Fascist future will be
Reprinted from" The BlackS/II:rl," September 2, 1933.
N the last article, we described a Fascist Empire
entirely sell-contajned and economically independent of
the rest of the world. Such an Empire, insulated from
the shocks of world chaos, will enable us to build withjn
our own territory a civilisation with a standard of life
so high that the production of modern machinery can be
absorbed in the greatest home market of the world.
It is argued by our opponents that this policy is economic
nationalism, and is bound to lead to war. Fascism claims
and knows that exactly the contrary is the case. This
national or Empire organisation will lead. not to war, but
to peace. To substantiate that argument, let us consider
briefly the present causes of war.
Scrambling for Foreign Markets
In most cases, the causes of war arc of economic origin.
AUnalious to-day are producing far more than they COl/Slime
mId arc scrambling for foreig" markets toJilld U)I outlet for
Iheir srtrplfl s production. A thou:,,1nd who
can find no home market for their wltilln thClr.
countries are looking round for foreign markets .. and
desperately to find an outlet. Universal dumping on f?rClgn
markets foHows from the. of nahon to
sell more than it buys, which IS the declared policy of every
country to-day.
n is evidently a matbematical impossibility for every
country in the world to sell more than it buys, and conse-
quently a cut-throat struggle for foreign !"arkets follows.
The private interests which are struggling for markets
very soon involve their governments in the struggle, and
the armed might of a nation is brought in to support the
chaotic eHorts of private interests to find a market.
A.11 this process provides very explosive material: feelings
are embittered, and passions rise; S?Oner. or later, so':lc
clash of interests leads to an incident 1I1 which the prestIge
of nations is involved; and the struggle of individuals for
the market becomes the struggle of nations, supported by
armed force.
In addition to this struggle for ma.rkets, private
are also struggling for raw matenals. fhe IS
unorganised and chaotic, and rests on the of
.. the devil take the hindmost." Again the clash of pnv31e
interests leads to governments being involved so,oner or
later in the struggle, and some casual spark prOVides I he
force which sends up t-he whole powder-magazme of war.
Competing for Foreign Loans
This is the present system, whieh has grown up under
the internationalism of the last fifty years, and is a
system which again and again bas involved great nations
in struggle and in war.
In addition to the struggle of private interests for raw
materials and for markets, we have in particular lhe struggle
of our great financial interests for foreign markets. The
City of London competes for foreign loans and for foreign
influence against the exchanges of Paris. of Berlin and of
t he rest of t he world.
It does not occur to them at present to use their finance
for the building of industry and of consumption in their
own country.
All intemational financial interests are involved in
a struggle to lend money and to command th
S),st(,IllS and the markets of foreign nations TI e
mtemational in whose hands all the old
agam again to go to
their for forelgll donunatlon and private enrichment
:\Iore than any other force let loose in the chaos of
modern world, they have led to war. This whole systcm or
an.arch)' has grown up under the sacred name or
and even parties such as the Conservative
which are nomlllall): international, by their
to !he great financial mtCIcsts are in fact a purely inter.
national party.
If further proof were wanted, we need only turn to Mr.
Chamberlain's speech in the House of Commons on the
]ul>' Uth, 1933: "We, Qurselves, still remain of the Opillion
wlltcl. wc. have held all a/oug, and this 1".$ that lhe chief troubles
,!, the world is suffering to.tlay are itlternatjollal ill
oncm, and Ihat Ihey elm ouly be solved by illlematiollal
nello" alld aCTeemcllt."
For these reasons, which could be supported at much
greater length than the present limits of tltis article permit,
the international system has led in the past to war
and IS bound to lead to war in the future.
Our Fascist national organisation detaches Great
and the Empire from all the follies and dangers of
this struggle. The Corporate system unifies and con-
solidates both our buying and seJJjng arrangements
abroad. In place ot a thousand private interests. struggling
for markets and for raw materials our industries are
organised to speak with one voice the supervision
of government.
Organised World Trade Contracts
contacts with rest of the world are no longer
chaotlc, but are orgfUlised. from the
for trade outSide our own Empu-e, we automatically
dunllllSh the prosp<!(:ts of war arising from that struggle.
In cases we deal with governments, such as
other FasCISt governments which arc similarly organised,
the prospects of clash are enonnously diminished. Two
Fascist nations dealing with each other will deal th.rough
organised systems under Fascist government. In place of

the hapha7..ard struggle of private interests, we can hav('
peaceful discussion and bargaining between powerful
The international school argues, in effect, that organisa-
tion leads to war; we answer that it is not organisation,
but chaos, that leads to war.
To tum for a moment to an illustration in the dome.:>tic
field, the prospects of industrial peace are always increased
when each side is organised. Similarly in international
affairs, the prospects of peace are increased when each side
is organised. When we have the Corporate organisation
between all the great countries under Fascist government,
it will be possible, for the first time, for nations to discuss
rationally and peacefully the allocation of raw materials
"nd markets.
Tbe leaders of those Fascist countries will be men who
have struggled through the collapse of their political
Systems to the achievement of Fascist government.
They will aU, further. be men who have had the experience
of the Great War of 1914. Can anyone seriously believe
that these men will plunge the world into war rather
than setUe international disputes by tbe peaceful means
which the organisation 01 their Corporate States will
permit them to employ? Further, they will be aware
that world war will result in world Communism, which
they are sworn to destroy.
They will have every interest to keep the peace, and
through the Corporate system, which substitutes organisa-
tion for chaos, they will have the means to secure peace.
Those who challenge the national organisation of our
economic system are in fact arguing thal chaos is safer
than organisation. We believe that lIlan can only extricate
himself from his present difficulty by the power of his
mind and of his will to substitute organisation for chaos.
Our Conservative opponents would rather leave things
alone in the present muddle of the international struggle of
private and predatory interests, while Socialists fix their
eyes on a dreamy Utopia of the future, when all nations
in the world, from Hottentots to Britishers, can be induced
by a sudden spontaneous impulse to march in step.
Let us first set our own house in order, and organise
the system of our own nation and Empire. That achieve-
mell.t will lead to other nations following
and we can then. for the first time, rationalise
of tl;te world under the guiding hand and
SPirit of nntversal Fascism. mSPlrmg
RC'''r;",,,'' from" Tllf Uhlckshirl," .lpr11 I, 1933.
long pas.t. Fascism has fought alone against cuts
111 anti The National Government from
the has been a government of wage cuts. The late
Labour Government led the way with cuts of 56.000,000,
at the expense of the wages and salaries of their own
The Communist Party is only too glad to sec
w.age cuts,. they bring nearer the collapse and
thsastc: winch gl\'C Communist ambitions their chance.
Fa.."Clsm alone has fought steadily and relentlessly against
wage cuts, salary cuts. the bullying of the unemployed and
every effort of the Old Gang to reduce the standard of life.
At the last election, our Leader stood alone among promi-
nent figures in pub.lic life, in opposition to every form of cut.
He put the case til a sentence at Fenton Town Hall on
October 14th, 1931 : " The home market was the power of
the people to buy goods, and every time wages and salaries
went the home market contracted. That had got
to stop. But the electors, under the influence of Old
<!ang government and Old Gang press, decided otherwise.
1 hese facts are on public record and cannot be refuted.

Belated Conversion
however. and strange allies join in the battle
agaillst wage \Ve any supporl in
that c,:,cn If. expenence. we are not Sllre
long It, last. J' or mstance, we welcome. as a
tnbute to propaganda, Lord very
belated conver::;lOlt. In October, 1931 , hIs" Dally Express"
appealed t o the electors to " support a National Government
committed to sound finance." On 22nd. 1933,

he infonus us: .. ( have been fighting for some time
against the cuts which the Government made in 1031."
rn the" Sunday Express" on :\1arch J2th, 1933. he said:
.. Mr. MacDonald gave the signal for the wage-smashing
attack," and " Government do everything
possible to help and encourage the general movement
against salaries and wages in Britain." But, in 1931 ,
when, as he points out, the attack on wages began, he
appealed to the electors to .. Trust the leader that the
Labour movement has given to the nation in its hour of
crisis: Ramsay MacDonald. He will not fail you! He is
the man of destiny! "
Far be it from us to reproach Lord Beavcrbrook with
these short-term oscillations of the star of destiny! We
arc glad that he has recognised that the" sound finance ..
of 1931 has become the" national suicide" of 1933. We
would only ask him to study just a little harder. and then
to" tum again." Ii he applies just a little more thought
to the situation, he will discover that wage reductions can
only in reality be prevented by a new form of national
organisation. It may be a very good press stunt for the
.. Daily Express" to carry headlines against wage reduc-
tions and to persuade trade union leaders to write
platitudinous articles on the subject. This campaign may
even increase the circulation figures of the "Daily
Express" as did the campaign for Empire Crusade a short
time ago. In reality, however, wage reductions will be
resisted. not by press stunt, by sentimental appeal or by
general flapdoodle. but by national reorganisation. We
have asked Lord Beaverbrook before to inloml his public
how wage reductions can be resisted under the present
system .
Employers Undercut
\ Ve repeat that question. Any employer who
wages, let alone raises them. under the present systen; 15
liable to be undercut by some less scrupulous or sensible
rival who cuts wages. are organised to .extent to
protect British labour agamst the cheap competItion of. the
foreign employer who pars low we are
in no way to Bntlsh labour agamst the
cheap competltlon of a British employer who pays low
,lIl"rl'in lit's tl1I.' falhu:y of till' whole Tory school, which
dmg:- ttw Ulll,-won; proll'ctive sy!Stl'm suggested by
Joseph.' tlurty ago. not enough to
hav(' th.c forclgner: tlt'ccssary abo
to haw' orgal1lsnhol\ bchmd the protective ban'ier. At
prest'lll, and come crashing down in a general
:-tnmpt..'<.IC w\nch has b(',(,11 headed by the tmde union leaders.
Tha.t rout will I\ot be arresil'd by headlines in the" Daily
c'xpr('ss," nor by mutton pictures of tr:lc!c union leaders
who have been rallied from the stampede by Lord Beaver-
brook to write a few sentimental articles,
Nothing but solid national organisation c:\n check the
{nIl in the standard of life and proceed to build up a higher
wage system. Nothing in lum but that higher wage
!">ystem can afford the home market which is necessary to
:;\hsorb the inCJ'cased production of British industry.
End Cla lS Wa r
Fascism alone conceives and fights for such a system,
and is organised to build the high wage Stale. Under the
Corporate Slate of Fascism, industry will be divided into
selC-goveming areas, each under an industrial corporation,
on which will be represented employers', workers' and
consumers' interests. Their will not only l>c the
settlement of industrial disputes without recourse to the
barbarous weapons of cJnss war, the strike and the lock-out.
Their greater task will be to raise and
salaries over the whole field of IIldustry as sclencc and
industrial technique the power to producc.
By the regulation of the we shall
overcome the present dilemma that no IIldIVI?Ual elllpl.oycr
can raise wages without beillg put out of buslIless ?Y flvals
who refuse to raise wages, Industry a!'i a whole wiIl
in step to the goal of a higher wage system and a higher
civilisation. Industrialists will not be hampered and
:-.hacklcd by the interference or .the of
their busines"<;. Complete freedom of 1I11tmtlve still be
preserved in industry, provided that initiative assists rather
than impedes national policy :\.s a whole.
A Corporate System
On the other hand, employers will be
make profits by the exploitation of thClr labour.. I hey w"l
have to operate on a high wage system orgamscd by the
('QfJ>or.ltions, This Curporah' !-.ystPln whidl will
Il higher 01 life ('all only c()me fmm the
of )>owl'r (or Fa.sci!-.I1l, A ("orpnratc ran
created, let alone maintail1l'd, by tht' of an Orl!,mi",,-,
and disciplin<'C1 F:u;cist mQVl'llh:nt gripping the
of the country. The of Fasci!,1lI is the building of such
;l mOVCIlll'nt to win power, and subst.'qu(ntiy 10 org.mi", a
new s),st(.'1n and civili!>ation.
Fascism means a steady march through ditliculty. abllS('
and the early adversities which WI' have alft'<lCly OVl'rCOmt'
towards that great objecliw. TIll' fUllIn' will not be WOII
by headlilll'S, by pn:ss stullh, by the ink of newspaper
magnates or by Ihe wind of trade union lcadl.'rs. TIll' futurl'
of Britain can only be won by an org.tniscd and diSCiplined
movement built on solid foundations, and combining it pmt
tiral wilh the high id('al u{ a Brit.lin r('-born.
Rrpr;,,/trJ from" The Ipril 17, 1933.
ASCISM stands (or peace bcc;1lI'>C F:L'tCism .. for
rcality. Every realist
war will threah.'l1 Western Clvllis..lhon Willi d.l' ..
Every Fascist knows that !-.lIch a .wllI I?IW to
Communism and to the forCl'S of disruption till'
opportunity which t1Il'Y have Let by all
ineans overturn the buckets of Mckly sentiment wlllch
made nanseOllS th ... cause of peace in the d('cade. I. h ...
next war will not be avcrt(.'(1 by the flappmg cackhng
of those who so far hnve only been successfulnt personally
the 1a<;t war. World war will be avt'rted by thl'
realism and determination of men who know what war
means and who arc prepared, not to talk, but to
org[Ulisc against a rccurrellCl' of that cits.uter.
Munollnl Peacemaker
l'or ... ... on leaus tlu'. way to world pt.'.\ce.
\"'lll!m, t'lud of rt.>.\ilsts, I,.xsoldll'r and constructive
has ad\"anc.l'd a proposal which aU EuroJll' now
. b tht.> b.."1So1S of (uturl' peace. How short a lime
It .... t.'t:llls ....tnt'l' Itl' was dl'noullced by the Liberal and Socialist
prl:-.,. ... as tltl' chid menace to European peace. How comical
to Sl't' t hat press to-day compelled reluctantly to salute
hun a .... thl,.' chil'{ inspiration of world }X'ace I The real
naturl' o( F:\sci!'.111 is at length being realised; the enemy
pn_'s,.'i draw .breath. for an instant in their camp..,.ign of lies,
and by acndent learn the truth.
lht, simple fact is that Fascism is a realistic creed, and
then.'fore for peace; not with the slop of words and
'l'miml'nt, but with concrete proposals for European
rl"tug;tni ......uion. Thc realism of proposals can
ht.' sl,.'t'n in the with which he bases his plan on the
strength of the great powers, while at the same time he
prt.>:.t.'1"V6 every possible usefulness which the League of
machinery may provide. On the one hand he
avoids tin' error of resting European peace on a polyglot
committee which labours under the absurd delusion that all
nations, great or small, are equal in strength or in reality.
On the other hand, he avoids the aitemative error of wreck-
ing the existing League of Nations machinery for inter-
national organisation merely because it has been misused
by the dreamy idealogues in who!>C hands it has rested for
the last dt.'Cadc. He has pursued true Fascist policy in
adapting existing machinery to new and more realistic ends.
A Political Peace
It )"em.tins to be seen how long he can endure with
patience the vapouring and or the
other elderl)' prima donnas who for long p.."1st have vied
with each other's cracked top notes before the sufIering
udicnce of Europe. To placate the vanities and to
penetrate the intelligences of that faded beauty chorus will
t3...""\: to the utmost even the diplomatic powers of the 1 talian
leader. :\evertheless, he has already shown to the world
the realbtic will of Fascism towards peace, and for that
again we have to thank him. ] t is l"!1uch to hope that he
can win from the present statesmansillp of Europe eVen the
basis of a political peace. Tt is, perhaps, too much to hope
that existing material he can lay the foundation of an
economic peace. Real peace must have an economic
ba*>h;, and before that basis can be achieved,
must .....e some of the economic question.
Prchmlllary conversattons for a world economic confer.
ence are to be held in " ':ashington, to be followed, apparently,
by the full conference III London. The usual" preliminary
statements" to these" preliminary II to a
.. preliminary settlement II are now being issued. They
re-echo most oj the faIJacies which have rendered abortive
all international conferences Jor the last decade. All
attention is concentrated on the relatively minor issue of
debts and tariffs, are important and must be !)Cttled,
but are not the mam problem. There is no indication
whatsoever that any consideration will be given to the c,eat
pTOblem of p,esent Ulo,ld P,oductiOll so lJ'eally exceeding
p,esent wo,ld demand. It i.s idle to ask nations to reduce
their tariff barriers and to admit a flood of foreign goods
at the moment when all countries are compelled to dump
abroad their surplus production because the purchasing
power of their home market is insufficient to absorb the
output of their modem machinery. Any nation whid}
lowers its tariff barriers in such conditions merely becomes
the refuse-heap of the world. Its industria] mechanism is
smashed by universal dumping, with no relation whaL"oOevcr
to the primary cost of production.
National Organisation
The modem industrial problem has gone far beyond the
intellect and the imagination of democratic statesmanship.
The problems which they discuss are not the causes but the
most superficial symptoms, of the present collapse. When
we suggest that a new fonn of national organisation is
necessary to meet the new industrial problem caused by
new developments of science, we are denounced as advocates
of "Economic Nationalism." We are told that economic
nationalism is the cause of the present disaster. But
economic nationalism so far does not exist in the world,
except in the beginnings of organisation in It3;ly.
It is quite true that economiC Isoiah?1l of the .whlch
America has pursued for so long 15 very eVIdent 111 the
world to-day. Economic isolation means that. a
cuts itself off from the rcst of thc world and SIts down 1Il
sUfrl'nd('r to the blows of fat e without an '
ath mpt at the ('conOll11C ONY:lnis..ltion of it s ow fl )
Sud a r . 1 ' 0- n a airs.
\ po ICY IS t vl'ry r;versc of the economic natiOIl-
.lbsm \\ Illch Wl' Economic naf A I '
nIt d't' I' . .. lon'Ul sm, as we
u t l'rs ,1, a. po ICY of sdf-hclp and. of reorganis.'ltion
of ?ur 0" n system as the essentml preliminary to
thl f\'orgams.."ltion of the world industrial system. It '
n.l'('t's. ...... ('ach country by national economic
lion to a home cap..1.ble of absorbing the bulk
of great production wilich modern machinery makes
for advanced countries.
down the simple proposition that before
wOI:ld can be achieved. it is necessary to have
aU,. it is necessary for the
ad'\ natIons to orgamse thclr own countries rathcr
walt for reorganisat ion until every backward
has fallen step. When most great nations are
on FasClSt and on Corporate lines, it will be
possIble to have a rational settlement between nations of
the present economic chaos of the world.
. At present we have intemlinablc conferences upon
mtemational affairs in talk to organise
the whole world by piOUS WIShes. Even when they reach
any form of sett lement, the democratic politicians who
attend these conferences. .. deliver the goods"
because they fear repudlahon by the Parliaments who
command them, and who are completely ignorant of the
fact s which face them. Even if they could implement the
agreements which they reach at conferences on paper by
the of they could not implement
them 10 fact and 10 reality, because they lack the national
organisation which alone enables a nation to negotiate
effcct ively with other nations upon such vexed inter-
national questions as the allocation of raw materials and
of market:; which arc subject to international competition.
World Fascism
In fact, little hope exists of securing the economic
reorganisation of the world until several of the great
count ries have produced Fascist governments. In the first
place, such governments will possess the power to implement
decisions reached at conferences between them. In the
second place, such governments will possess the national
by means of corporate structure which alone
"'.lakes posSible the greater task of international organisa
VIc wish gf?Od to the of the Fascist
thelf efforts to win peace (rom the chaos of
democrat." but believe that peace will not be
won u!1t.1I FasCISm rules 10 most of the great nation3.
has proved that Fascism stands for world peace.
I'orward, then, to \Vorld Fascism!
Rtpri1tltd IrQm .. The Blackshirt, " Jflfft 16, J933.
MAD cow is dangerous. It is a danger to and
to others. This consideration alone impels us to regard
with some interest the recent antics of the Socialist League
in its first Conference at Derby. That Conference disclosed
the first faltering and blundering steps of the orthodox
Labour leaders on the path to revolution. Labour leaders
are not by nature revolutionary. The instruments of
revolution in the hands of cowardly and effeminate
characters are liable to produce no results but anarchy.
Sir Stafford Cripps, for instance, was well content in the
last Labour Government to accept the fat office of Solicitor-
General, and to draw an emolument of nearly 8,000, while
unemployment figures rose by 400,281 and the Government
drifted inertly to the national crisis which knocked them
on the head like tame cattle in a pen.
Sabro Raffling
Since that great betrayal, a demand for revolutionary
action has arisen in the Labour rank-and-file, and Sir
Stafford Cripps, like a good little lawyer, hurriedly adjusts
his mind and his speeches to the new brief. We cannot be
surprised that wig, gown and spectacles are a little dis-
arrayed in the process. We also cannot be surprised that
the more practica.l 'l' Union leaders, in contempla ting
the.:;;e new revoluhonanes whom they are invited to Col1ow
employ h\ngunge rt:'miniscent of the famous observat ion of
the. Duke of \Vellington in reviewing some new scrat ch
regmtents: " 1 do not know what effect they will have
upon the but by God they frighten me! ..
The result of these revolutionary flounderings has been
to produce a pretty controversy between the" intellectual ..
and union components of the Labour Party. The
trade U1uon bosses of Transport House are thundering
threats about" cleaning up the Labour movement " and
the Socialist intelligentsia will either have to come to heel
or alone 01\ revolutionary p,,'\th without funds,
orgamsatlons or the nch Odhams Press which finances the
" Daily Herald" and in its turn depends on the advertise-
ments of big capital.
All this, of course, is very entertaining to opponcnts of
the Labour Party, and serves once again to illust rate how
completely is the machinery of that Party for any
purposes of achon. A deeper lesson, however, underlies
co?troversy. A real demand for revolutionary action
e.'\.,sts Ul the Labour rank-and-file. This demand confronts
the Labour lcaders with the choice of putting themselves
at the head of the revolutionary movement of the Left ,
or of surrendering that movement to Communism. It is the
classic dilemma of Social Democracy which has resulted in
the destruction of its fl abby forces in one after another of
the Continental countries.
Legal Dodging
Sir Staf!ord Cripps hopes to get away with it by a little
legal dodgmg. A few vague threats about getting Socialism
" if possible by democratic means, etc.," are intended to
feed the appetite for revolution with safe and meaningless
words. His only concrete proposal is to advocate an
Emergency Powers Act 0 11 lines which are directly copied
from the evidence which Sir O. Mosley gave before the
Select Committee on Procedure on Public Business in the
sununer of 1931. The vanguard of Labour indeed pro-
gresses when it adopts proposals which are only two years
out of date! Nevert heless, we observe symptoms showing
that the old cow of democratic meadows has picked up an
organism which is only safe and effective in more virile
Uepritllcfl jY(Jm ., The Blackshirt," .lilly 1, 1933.
IHSE in prices without a rise in wages and salaries
will inflict great on everyone who work.:; for
a living, and will cause great injury to .. Yet.every
party in the State to-day advocates a ru.e pnces wlthout
suggesting any system of government for rablllg wages and
salaries. Not only the politicians of this country, but also
the politicians of nearly every country represented at the
\"orld Economic Conference, whether Conservative, Liberal
or Socialist, have at least agreed on this one point, that
prices should be raised. Yet none of them even suggested
any plan, or even discussed the necessity, for rak ing wages
and salaries. Indeed, :\lr. MacDonald said at the
that they could not even " touch upon hours of labour and
rates of wages."
Let us examine this policy, which Fascism
root and branch. Prices are to rise. without any rise in
wages or salaries. This means thal existing tCages atld
salaries wU buy less, because prices are higher. As a result,
the purchasing power of the people be lower, and the
market for which industry produces WIll be less.
COltStIJ"e"tly. !e-.ce, goods trill be prodflud, find less labou,
will be employed to make ti,e goods.
More Unemployment
The net effect of a rise in prices without a rise in wages
will be lower purchasing power. for the people, an ever
smaller market for industry, and m the end more rmonpiO)'-
mellt. The volume of unemployment wil} be greater, 3f!d
the real wages and salaries of those stil l employed will
be less. "b .
So far. this policy is .the only unammotlS conin to
economic thought winch has emerged from the \\ orld
Economic Conference. .
" You misrepresent us," the Old
" \ rise in nrices will create an lIlflahonary boom, and a nse
, U "
in wages will soon fo ow.

" soon will it follow? .. Fascism replies "Y
are stmply leaving the whole question to chan' d
trusting tl t ' . Id ee, an
13 a ulllversa og-fight the workers will be
able to secure illgher wages. In any case, a vcry Ion time-
must ?Ceur before can begin to catch with
l?,nces, which be raised almost over-night by inflat ion
]'urthennorc, \\,lth the volume of unemployment:
man for a nse 10 wage knows that he can be
mstantly dIsmIssed, and his place eagerly taken by a man
The Unions, in their present enfccbled
. cowardly and reactionary leadership, are
no to fight for In fact, you Old
(,ang pllce-ratsers of all parties (mcludmg Socialists) know
well wages will nO,t risc proportion to
pnces, and t.ll1s. 15 your pretty httle trick for reducing
?y an mdlrect attack, now that you have discovered
It 15 dtfllcult to reduce wages by direct attack."
Financing Speculation
Such is the first reply of Fascism to the united front of
a11 the old parties. But the argument goes further than
that. This rise in prices is to be obtaincd by inflation, or
uncontrolled pumping out of new credit. We know {rom
experience what this means. The new credit is employed,
not for the purposes of productivc industry, but to finance
speculation. Already, \Vall Street and the Stock Exchange
arc straining at the leash for an inflationary boom. The
moment that inflation takes place, they will bid up every
kind of shares out of all relation to their real value, and the
banks will finance the operation as before. The speculator
will skim off the cream of profit, and the more nimble of
them will clear out before the ensuing crash which will
knock industry flatter than ever. The result will be to make
those who are rich already even richer t han before, and those
who are poor already even poorer than before, because real
wages and salaries will be reduced. Furthermore. we have
to take into account the disequilibrium of the whole
industrial machine which will be caused by this process.
Making More Machines
,",' hen speculators make money. they are prone to spend
it in one of two ways: (1 ) they invest the proceeds in
capital development, which means that more machinery is

manufactured to supply more goods to a smaller market
which even now can absorb nothing like so many goods as
industry can produce; (2) many speculators
inclined to spend their profits in every kind of luxury which
stimulates artificial and luxury trades, and tcnd ev<:n morc
to tum thc impoverished masses into slaves satisfy the
whims of the plutocratic few. At the same tune. br
of the reduction in real wages. a lesser demand wtll eXISt
for staple products, which are consumed br the of the
people, and the main industries of the nahon which supply
those products will be even more depressed. So the
result of price rise through inflation. without FascLSt
machinery for the raising of wages and salanes, can be
summarised as follows :-
(a) Lower real wages and consequently lower pur-
chasing power.
(b) A lesser market for our main industries, and conse-
quently more unemployment .
(c) More capital development. which will provide .m?re
machinery to produce goods at a moment cXlSbng
machinery is producing too much for the eXLSbng market .
(d) A riot of luxury spending by a few. the rest
of the nation is poorer than ever, and even thiS
spending will for the most part consume goods whIch
come from abroad. such as champagne.
Rcpritllt'd from" Til,' BI(lcks/u'rl" / I I
' " fly 1933.

Mr. Lees-Smith, )linister for Education in the old Labo
Goverl1T!lcnt. speaking at Cardiff on Saturda)f
1933. saId:
." I.s co,,/rol over bankiflg and fillmlu loge/her
fi;llh ,Stu/able mtulla/;ollal Clioll, would make il its pol;
10 raw: pNces Ilearer 'he level 0/1929." cy
Mr. in his opening :;pcech of the World
I'.cononllc Conference, :
" In the view o/.II,,! Delegatioll, therefore, a sollttio'l
0/ Oll r p'resetlt dif/l clI1t1 cs must be /ollnd by memtS 0/ a
reeat't:r)' us 'he pTlce letld."
Sir Stafford CriPPS (House of Commons March 11 th
1932) said. prices
t, gra.dually be brought back over a period 0/ lime
10 s?methwg /the the 1929 Itt/d, by mlJi-dejlatitm policy,
or, if one would prefer to call f't so, a slight injIatio","
Sir . Philip Cunliffe Lister, Secretary for the Colonies,
(reported in the llJa1Jchester
Gllardtall, 12/ 1/33). s.'\id that :
:' olle . of the most importmlt problems of the day tDaS 10
raISe Prtus."
(reported in the" Times," 19/ 1/33) :
l?ur objectwes be, so far as ;1 lies withill the pt1Wer
of thIS 10 ?"jlue1lce the illtcmali01lal price level, /irsl
of (Ill 10 rluse I!ncr;s a long way above the present level,
and 10 matutam them at the level reached with as milch
stabzltty as call be mallagetl."
The .. Times." 31/1/33 :
" 111 with the Export Report 10. which J have
refc"cd, Ihe Government has dedtlred ds 1melllio1l 10
employ all legitimate measures 10 raise wholesale commodity
Mr. Walter Runciman (Liberal), at the World Economic
Conference on 19th June. said he had the object of raising
During the proceedings of the Economic Conference.
SubCommission No. 1 of the )(onefary Commission:
Mr. Neville Chamberlain appealed to banks to raise
commodity levels by advancing che..'lp money.
Professor Alberto Beneducc, Italy, opposed, by saying
that sales prices were influenced by consumers' incomes.
Dr, Vocke. Germany, opposed. saying an anificial raising
of prices would mean new debts and new insolvencies. The
only opposition at the World Conference has come from
Fascist haly and Fascist Germany.
The " Express ' I discovers its own mistakes,
The" Daily Express JJ points out (June 23rd. 1933) that
prices arc rising in the tailoring trade at very moment
that wages in the tailoring irade are !>ems forced
As we have already informed Lord Bea\'erbrook, tlus IS
bound to happen in the absence of a machinery of .go\em-
ment for raising and maintaining wages,
Corporate State of Fascism alone can prOVide, 1 he
" Express" may make a stunt the cry for
high wages, but words are useless wlthoUl actl?n to follow.
In the present system, no and no mdl.lslry can
maintain high wages without hemg undercUl by nvals who
cut wages. Whatever their may .be. those who
oppose the Corporate tate of )' 3SClsm are m support-
ing reductions in wages. The truth of our case.1I1
ment with Bcavcrbrook is being proved by dady mCldents
that are even reported in his own papers
Lord Beaverbrook must think again.
Rt'pr''''t'd from" The Blackshirl," ./ul), J, 193-',
The Man they called a Weakling Beats them All
and the Nazis .have now suppressed both the
, Socmhs.ts and the Nattonalists (Conservatives) whose
pnsoner Huler was .alleged to be. It is interesting now to
r('('all. how came to he was accused in
"hole anti-FaSCISt press of Bntall1 of being the helpless
prt.:>0ncr of the Nationalists and reactionary bosses. In a
s,enes. of he has smashed the reaction, both
of and Left, and has consolidated the power of
FaSCism on unshakeable foundations.
1 t is amusing and i.nstructive to recall at this moment
the denunciations of Hitler by the press, He
was called, not only a fool, but also a weakling, and a
who from action. Now his ability is
uruversally recogmsed, and loud lamentations are heard
concerning his strength and ruthlessness. Hitler knows
how to wait, and he knows how to strike. When he waited
ther called him a co":ard and So."'lid he had missed his
tumt)'; when he strikes, they whine of his brutality,
has ,the of this country looked more foolish
than 111 therr appralSClnent of this singular man. Tn
parallel columns are printed the diverse utterances of the
press. before and after his accession to power. They are a
warnmg to: all against accepting any judgment of our
newspapers, which are swayed by day-to-
daY.lIlcldents and actuated even more by ignorance than by
Laski in the II Herald "
Professor H, J, I aski, the leading Labour pUblicist wrote
in the" Daily Herald" on November 19th, )932 a few
months before Hitler came into power: '
'. The Hitlerile 11wvemmt has passed ts apogee, and f't t's
tmlikely to retain much longer 'he soNdarity t't had a Jew
mOIl'hs ago, " The day 'hey ltlere a tn'tal threat is
gone. " Ht'ller never had mry body oj eohere-llt 1'deas , , ,
lie has 1I0t evw a gIft for aclioll . . ' He hates the eQll,Slill1
liQu, yet does not dflTe to over'hrow It : .. He Ye'f.leals J,,!"self
tU a myth u,ithout permmle"l f0Il1/dal1011, a cheap CQ1ISp"ottlr
ralher ,hatl {ttspired revo/1l1iollory, 1(le creaJure of CITCI.lm
slatlces rather IJ/lIII Ihe of desl.1IY , .. He deulVcd
millions i"to Ihinkillg he was a 1II(Of bom to lead ,. Bftt all
roads fr0111 Muttich led back to his .',eadqu.arlers
Laski. conclllded by sayillg lltat H1t1er would nul IllS carar
ill some Bavaria" village,
Beckles In the .. Herald "
:'Ilr. Gordon Beckles, another pundit of Socialist
journalism, writing in the " Daily Herald:' on 31;-t.
1933 just after Hitler came to power, satd that Hitler \\<L!;
in the pockets of the Nationalist who!'oC
had now disbanded, and would speedily be overthro\\ n b)
the Socialists whose power he has now smashed. He wrote:
" How wiU he faee lhe . oj the Junker
p()Wer? H()W lhe eminelltly salle dt'sapproval of 'l,e worker
whose so141 t's lhe sOld of the GermaIJ 1IaUo,lt? WIll he rIm,
Jail flat Otl his face. brlTst {1Ilo tears as he d1d a lew wU;ks ago
at the Re{chstag? I s he capable of throwwg flu
trappi1lgs of the cto-JJn? .. , NoiJzillg that I ean find, tn the
public Career of little Adolf Hitler, as a girl
VailJ as a maiill-ee idol, {tldt'cales that he tat' escape the fate OJ
his immediate pred.ecessors."
Garvin i n the .. Observer .,
Mr J L Garvin of the" Observer," on February
1933 ' under the headline of " Hitler ,a 1
CI .'" d described Hitler as "a nommal victor w 1.0
in triumph by his captors with on
head and fetters on his feet." To-day the garlan
on the head of Hitler, but the fetters have been transferred
to the feet of the captors.
" Herald" Leading Articles Beforo and! .
or, .. Dailv Herald," just after the accession of Hitler to
lC J , " ,
n' e said in :\ leadmg ar IC e : b .,'
o IIur and his band have U'Oll the electif!'" I,'" :$
II to powu It IS rallcr t,le
hardly they who have rea y come Lj " Thae art'
l a generals of the ou regJ1l1e. - ,
barons. that Hitler has in fact alreal/y wpituiated,
111'01>' 111 1
Ihal Qlutl lid') ftdl",'" Of lne prol!.rallwlC: hart>
be " ahand( nrd. 111.11 the' LeaJ!"r' u ill be thr loyal Sfn'ant
'I tM >," sian nobitl .mJ the bIg financier!:>."
I he le:adtr 01. thl' Pru ...... iJ.n nub). ... ", <mel tin' hig
hnall(,h:rs h no\\ bclllg forcld from olllee, and both his
Iltpht\\:!> Mt' in
'1 he .. Daih' , ...mnmt:nting upon thL-. sad t!vent,
no .... (,l)$(rn-.. (1 June 2:?nd. 1033): .. Tlu Hugttl.
bag and the t,'lm PdPOIS, hat'i,,(: htlpill Har ,!itlu to pwer,
,ff( 10 be th'VlH, ,,!oldt' 10 rumu,"/, "pml the" Jollv. That
dcr uas iIlM'ilablt" -
much {or the powers of human prophecy, when they
all' ... ed on conceit and malice. The final capitulation
of l.ibcral-Sncialbt journalb,m to facts appeared under the
ptn of 'if. Clifford Sharp in the .. -"ro' Siaiesman a"d
Sal;01I .. of June 17th la...;,t :
, Hit/a's ((mquisl nJ Ihe minds (HId hearts of all classes
uf (;amany, largtly siftee lu i1l10 power, is now so
(omplile Ihal rom iJ nil llis Brown Shirts' mid 'Steel
fltlmds ' a?ld rest of his uniformed f ollou:ers were 10 be
lo-morro'l,i.,'. he ti.oltld still be easily the str01lgest mml
I" Gamm,y. mId em allY appeal to Ihe electorate WOflid be
confirmed in pou:tr by a quile majority of
vuttS _ .. Hiller is recog1lised by the of ti,e political
mId official illlellige"lsia as all exceedingly able man-easily
Iht ablest leader aJld spokesman that GermallY has JOfmd-
III least the dealh of Dr. S'resemmJn--ij 1Iot very
much 101lger thall that . ,. It Jollows first of all 'hat Hitler
has' come to slay' for a t'tTy long time, alld that fllltil he falls
0' dies his name tcill be tt't1, mOTt sy"ollymolls wilh word
. GermallY' than Mll ssoli,,;'s is with lhe word 'Ilaly.'''
Here we can leave for a moment a man who a few months
ago they were denouncing as a half wit and a coward. In
the encl. the steel of Fascism cuts through to the light of
Rtprj,./td /rl>m " Tile Bla(kshirt .lilly 814. ) ((U.
E have achieved a great step to Em'p!rc
Fascism. Sir Oswald reprc:;enung the Bnt,L.;h
Union of Fascists. and Colonel Eric Campbell,
the Guard of Australia, have formed an
organisation which will be called .. The ?\ew Emplf(>
mono .
This organisation will a of
Fascist movements of the Empire. In addition to Austra.ha,
Colonel Campbell was empowered to speak for the :\c.
Guard of South Africa, and also for :\"ew Zealand, who wIll
enter the Union.
A Fascist movement is now being formed in Canada, and
is likely to join up. This new organisation represents a
very powerful combination of forces. The Guard of
Australia is reputed to have a memberslllp .of .100,000,
which. in relation to the population of Australia, 15 a very
large membership. It has on one
occasion, been a decisive factor LIl Australian politics.
The object of the Union will develop a oo!"m
Faseist policy throughout the Empue_ Tbe for
sueh a policy is illustrated in the article on "National
Organisation, " published on this page.
).lost great countries are now adop!ing the ..
Britain" policy of insulation, or ?rgamsauon.
As the" Grealer Britain" points out. tillS pohcy onl>,
be fully achieved in our case if the national IS
extended to thc whole Empire. Under orga.m5-1
tion ihe Empire C<'l.n be ell:tirely. seU-,contatned.
Campbell discussed this polley With Slr <? dunng
his recent visit to London, and the matn pnnclples are
al ready agreed. . .
Only Fascism can advanee such a policy. It
the only movement which stands for the Empue; and IS
not subservient to high finance. Other mo!ements.
Conservative and Beaverbrook. cannot come nght out
for the organisation of a .
they lear the loss 01 interest th ed EmpIre, been ...
U1vestments which the' . on. e numerous foreign
has created II II mternational financial po"c
. we stop Argentin b I' u y
Empire. TOry financiers . e ee COm1!IK the
Therefore, official Conserva::" get their mteres!.
content themselves with taxing f . Beaverbrook alike
01 excluding them and " products, instead
field on the Empire pue products a clear
throughout the Em' d .
intcrc<;;ts of the E' plre crllutely places the
our i'fitcrnational in11tercsts. of
countries is cngagoo . . < IS In a
the which high and
for the interests of th J. one In t Empire it fights
and for, the
great policy IS carried through, Britain within
d _ml:ure can morc than make lip the loss of her export
the rest of the world. Far beyond an . such
however, is the great conception YOf an
Empire together, not only by bonds of kinship and
mterest, but .by the great ideal 'of Fascism, which
e tes our generation to the rebuilding of our country
an our race.
RrpritJteti from .. The Blackshirt," J1Uy 15, 1933.
ERR HUGENBERG was a typical product of the
decadent period o( parliamentary democracy. lVe
know the breed of press-lord only too well in Britain- the
. millionaire company promoter-who, by stock
gains control of a group of newspapers. and
proceeds to Impose upon the people the sum of his own
Ig noran.t and. prejudices by methods of mass-
suggestion Wlll Ch , 10 fact, amount to a mental persecution
of the unfortunate man-in-the-strcet. The animal exis ts
in it s most unpleasa nt fonn in America (where all tones are
exaggerated) and marc recently a manufacturer of women' s
perfumes even succeeded in own insigni-
flc.'lnt reactions upon the soplustlcated mhabitants of
These . men are dangerous. No sanely organised
oommuruty would tolerate for one day their insolent
pretensions, No political system ezcept a democracy
rotten in every fibre of its being- would permit their
debauchery of the mind, their cynical ezpioitation of
even: need and and their oorrupt bullying
and lenymandenng of opmlon, to undennine the wbole
fabric of the national life.
Herr Hugenbcrg sharcd with Lord Beaverbrook and
;\Ionsieur Coty the delusion that the people desire to be
as well by press-lords. In the
anarchiC state of politiCS 10 Germany before the National
Socialist Revolution he met with some measure of success.
That combination of jingoism and snobbery which so
frequently characterises the political plutocract, found in
Hugenberg its ultimate expression. He patronised on the
one hand the more discredited section of the House of
Hohen7.ollern, and sought to capitalise, on the other, the
grim agonies of German youth.
To Power without Money
The steel-helmet of the "field-greys " sat ill upon the
calculating bead of tbis elderly millionaire. Wbile all
the massed resources of Hugenberg and his fellow
industrialists sought to revive the tawdry patriotism of
princes and field-marshals, the young men of Germany,
without money and without a press, were fighting their
grim way to power from to sueei, from town to
town, and into the beart of the great cities.
\Vhen he thought that an idea was winning whicl.l he
could not even understand, Hugenhcrg. combining fcarwith
patriotism, covering his presslord's arrogance with his
promoter's cunning, sought an alliance with the rising
power of the Nazi Revolution. But he learnt that the Kazi
Revolution did not end with the suppression of the Com-
munist Party.
He learnt that Fascism is not Tory Reaction in a black
shirt or a brown shirt, but the steel piston of realist
, It Sl'('llwd ttl smash the J dt w' .
\azl I",! 't - Ith the .ud of the
.. , I was l'Vcn ej)", !
gr\'at mac-hinc of ...... I"tal! T 0 smash the
..... < IS.. or)' l"t .. 'actt I .
rt.'pn.'sl'nH'd in <';\'111HI1 t b tl on, w 11th was
Gl'nnan 1\ationalist w Hugcubcrg Pfl'SS and t he
The great institutions the "liberty f th
th.e power of mOlley they pass in a nigh 0t, e
WIthered by the scorching b th I you FascISts,
youth in arms All rea 0 our stern, 8.ngry
. .' power comes to YOW1g 11
m the Nation, all power to break.
, power to rnl through the Fascist Revolution.
from" The Blackshirt." jllly 18. 1933.
HE of. the State, organised as a
self-contained natIonal umt which is "insulated"
the of present world chaos. was first advanced
m .Bntam. This idea of II insulation," or national
orgamsatlon, now sometimes known as "autarchy," has
been adopted by at least hal f t he g reat na tions. The
of Great Bri tain. however- and indeed every
pohtac.:1.1 J>..1.rty in this country--obstina tely adhere t o the
opposite, or internationa.l, t heory.
The policy of national organisation, or autarchy was
first advanced in Sir Oswald Mosley's Speech of Re;igna-
tion from the Labour Government, which he made in the
House of Commons on the 28th May, 1930. Three years
both the German and the American Governments
adopt that idea. and are striving to translate it into
practice in the National Recovery Bill of President
Roosevelt, and in the series of economic measures with
which the Nazi Government are attempting to build a
Italy also has long constit uted the Corporate machincry
by which this policy c.'\tl be carried through, and is now
showing signs of embracing t he policy itsclf as the only
means by which the organised State can escape from thc
present confusion of world economic". J t is a tragedy that
Great Britain, which gave birth to the idea (as it gives birth
to most ideas in economics), should be among the last of t h(,
great nations to resist it in the policy oC Government.
The reasons, o( course, arc not far to seek. do not
carry through vast changes in their economic liCe lInLil
they arc obliged .
Re scued by Fascism
America fumbled on for years with the old economics.
and only adopted the idea of insulation or autarchy when
she had millions unemployed and was on the verge of
revolution. Germany had to be rescued by Fascism from
the brink of Communist revolution before she would adopt
the autarchic idea which, prior to that situation. was
only advanced even by the Nazis in a very shadowy and
undeveloped form.
At the las t election, Britain had not advanced nearly
far enough in crisis to support revolutionary changes. and
the New Party, which alone supported the idea of national
organisation or autarchy, was severely defeated, although
not SO severely defeated as either Italian or Gennan
Fascism jn their early stages. Sincc the Election of 1931,
which gave a blank cheque to a combinaiion of the old
parties who were responsible for the situation of panic,
Great Britain has slipped much further into To
some extent, she has been S.:1.ved, so far by the fact that t he
National Govemment was driven from the Gold tandard
after spending 130,000,000 to stay on it.
The result of our currency depreciation was to give us an
artificial barrier against imports, and a bounty on exports
which afforded us a .. relatively favourable" trade
position. Consequently, although unemployment rose
sharply in Great Britain, it did not rise so much as in other
countries, and Ollr crisis was not so acute.
Our Government Vowed
Now. however. other countries have awakened to the
advantage of a depreciated currency in the present world
situation, exactly as was foreseen again in H The Greater
Britain" ( 77).
\ \Thilc our polit icians talk to the World Economic
Conferencc, Roosevelt has been busy depreciating the dollar
hl'low. tht' pound in ordt'r to give an artificial auvantage to
\m(,rtcan 1l1l1ustr\,.

In fact he is dOing by design what the British Govern.
ment did by aCCIdent, after vowing they would never
consent to such a course.
Tht' .rl':mtt will to depriv(' us of Our favoured position,
and tills prOCt'$S will lx' carried further when other nations
aft.' driven off the Gold tandard. The full effects wilillot
hI..' (dt for timt' to come, but Britain is (aced with a
St'riou:io I)():;.ition, Not only arc other nations now deprcciat.
iug tht'ir currencies in order to compete more successfully
with us; they arc also adopting the policy of national
organisation or autarchy which Great Britain rejected at
the last Election. That policy should be familiar to
Fascist 'opinion, and was set out in detail i ll "The Grealer
Britai"," which, again, was written nearly a year before
Gt'nnany or Americ..1. turned to these ideas for their
]n brief, this conception of the modern State rejects
fundamentally the idea that sixty-odd nations at inter-
national conference can set the world to rights. It places
national organisation before international parley; it aims
at creating a State as nearly as possible self-contained,
whose imports arc rigorously controlled and whose exports
are regulated and supported by the organisation of the
Corporate system. In the present chaos of the world, and
in the break-down of all nonnal mediums of internat ional
exchange, the Corporate system can evolve. somet.hing
approaching to a direct barter method with foreign
for the purchase of neccs&1.ry foodstuffs and raw materials
in exchange for our manufactured goods.. .
Within the insulated or autarchic State Will be built a
high leveJ of self-contained civilisation, with a
power sufficient to absorb the output of the !llodern mdus.
trial system, and to employ in that productIon the Jabour
now unemployed.
Under such a system. goods produced in Britain will be
consumed in Britain rather than be sent abroad to
investments which can never be repaid; and merely proVIde
an annual tribute to our financiers,
This policy is denounced as economic nat ionalism,
as President H.oosevelt has been driven recently to pomt
towards world Peace and order is for
out : the first szfP
own house in order. Accordingly, in
nations setH Ie Bill he has taken power for til('
tI Nalional ecovery : .
regulation of Amenc.'ln mdustry.
g He bas also taken power to force up wages and to
shorlAm hours. .. 0 Id
. { ur' is insulation policy. as Sir :,wa
I\ll Resignation Speech, accord
Mosley ca . . I f It The Greater Bntaln. But
with the pnnclp es 0 America are a long way behind

are finding already an .lm,men creation of a Fascist move.
policy without. the prehmlllary d Liberals shrink. At every
ment, from WhlC!l these frustrated by obstructive
tum they. bemg Street speculators also charge
interests III IIldust1' a t an apple cart of industrv
in with bullish zea, porate methods. Acts of
which is not protect t. more is needed.
Parliament are not enoug 1 ' th t the iron
The modern State be created WI m:u.ment of
grip of Fascism, holdmg f useless without
national life. The letter 0
the spirit. . 't' doubly true in Great
h be true in America, I IS d/Ii It b.
rr tIS. . admittedly more 1 CU . )
Britain, where of our great export trade m a
reason of the m;r!ts, For both 3:"d
world of shrmk';"g I the policv which 15 provmg
America it is to ap'p) in the chaos of the modeI}"l
the only salvatIOn. of nahollS
behind us in economJc
world. a before they work O.Ul
thought, and It wlil so America is without a
and apply the full involved in the
movement, and the f t be secured without Fascism.
of the modern State which created the idea. will
G t BnV10ID
Therefore rea., it through when F agmsm
yet be. the first led in thought: soon we
has triumphed.
will lead in lact.
Nc p,,',l/l''' "'<'In "FJ, HI
. tlck\hirl,".1 11("" 22, I (j.\J
h.. J. KFYNFS is )r b b
. intl'lligl'llcc tilC' " :O;ldo I a 1)' the ablest economic
',I,IS capit ulation to F produced:
Sldl'l'l.bll' Intl..' ........ ( I . aSClst ccononllcs IS of COIl
, .... -.... . n a sene' of . I . -
and Yalio .. .s artie os III the .. Ntu'
.'," .. II, cnhtlcd" N (. I o.
('}tnc)', he goes aU out (or the 1 lona .;x.-Jf-Suffa
N,\tc. which was first I self-contamcd, or insulated
tI a( vocatcd b), . 0 .
\n,,'t;' years ago, and is now the bas' Ir. Mosley Over
(,)( thr Britbh Union of F '., IS of the economic policy
brings fresh a aselsts. He underlines, and in
itl'm of (lur ccon-omie to support each main
advantage of graduaU P He speaks of "the
consumer within the the proc.lucer a nd the
and financial or ni&'1.tion 0 t.e national economic
prove that m' Expenc,!ce accumulates to
pcrfonned . n t production processes can be
t'"qual and climates with almost
intl'mational horc:Jcssfness of. the
at least and I . C WIS I, or the tIme
mental p' SOd ong (asbethe present transitional
en ures, 0 our own masters and (0 be as
rce as we c.'1.n ak I .'
.d I m e ourse ves from the interferences of the
tHI e wor d, "
National v. International
In rcaching conclusions, Keynes dcscr ibes with
great .hls gradual t.ransition Crom a " nincteenth.
cc.ntury to economics which coincide closely
WIth the I'asclst policy oC national organisation,
" It .
. IS a long business to sbuWe out of the mental
habits of the pre-war nineteenth century world but
at least one-third of the way through twentieth
century, we are most of us escaping from the nine
teenth. "
:\1r. Keynes has at any ratc proceeded much further on
the path oC escape than all three political parties now repre
scnted at W(':-.tmill!;ter, each 011<' of which i:-. stilJ committNI
to thc international cona'plion. They all belicve in what
).Ir. dcscribes as "('conomic intc-rnationtlli ... m
emhracing the free movcm(.'nt of capital and of lo.1nablc
funds as well as of traded goods," which he alleges" may
condcmn this country Cor a gcnl'ration to come to a much
lower degree of material prosperity than could be attainNI
under a different system,"
Mr, I<eynes has moved slowly to these conclusions, and
he describes in an interesting way some of the fact ors which
have inhibited his development, and which today arc
similarly influencing many other minds.
He deals at length with the argument that national
organisation must lead to war, a favourite bogey raised
by the Old Gangs against every argument that it is time
for us to set our own bouse in order.
Fa l cl,t Economic s Vindicated
Mr. Keynes comes to the conclusion that present inter
national methods arc liable to lead to war in the future,
as they have done so often in the past, and powerfully
supports our Fascist case that national organisation can
be made the basis of future peace. He denies that a "close
dependence of our own economic life on the fluctuating
economic policies of foreign countries arc safeguards and
assurances of international peace. It is easier, in the light
of cxperience and foresight, to argue quite thc contrary ....
I sympathise, therefore, with those who would minimise
rather than with those who would maximise economic
entanglement between nations."
.. For these strong reasons, therciore, I am inclined to
the belief that after the transition is accomplished. a
greater measure of national sclfsufficicncy and c<:onomic
isolation between countries than existed in 1914 may tend
to serve the cause of peace rather than otherwise."
It would be difficult to pen a more complete vindication
of Fascist policY, or to express sentiments more out.
r ageous to the Liberal.socialist school from which Mr.
Keynes has sprung. It is di fficul t, too, to think of any
policy more directly contradicting Mr. Chamberlain,
the official spokesman of Conservatism, who, in the last
debate on Britain '8 trade position in the House of
COmmOIlB, stated :
.. It'c', flIU.!i.dl'('$ r' '
"-II II I .. f ''''dlll 0' II p"
,I, ,j it II" (mg. IHld th.,/ is tJwl Ih tiMe" la hol
t '(roy. ts sl4fjoi, "t I . (lUI' Iroflb/tS fi ,I(
mid thell Ott" 'c "I "1 o'b' fly IlYe UI!t'rtlllliollal,'11 Ih'o,'" ,./llth
' Oil \, t! sol, d" . ttr ori .
tlgrc','moll .. .' t (' tIIlrnlllticm ,I I' gin,
n 'lit
hag and to' ,:\Ir. Kl'ynl'S has Come
however, from thc..' ranks. He still
,\Ionl' thl'St' l'Conomics be) of govemment by which
sac.l ... tOf\' 01 " 1,' IInp emented "
_. .' f. nt"vnc..'S is a \" ,'ct .' l et the wholt.>
[0: ,1a!'>clsm. On the whole 1\; of thenecessitv
b) Mlhst'qllt.'nt eVents to be . I. eynes has been provc<1
any other economist' since consis,tently correct than
that politician has ever tak ar. HIS .t.rouble has been
. mythtng he until t
the shghtest not ice of
when attern ts ,years a ter he had it As a
'h P laVe been n d t '
\\ leh he has advocated th J a e o. apply policies
,ears out of date. B. the fiattempts .have lIlvariably been
th(' the of and
set 1Il motion b\" the <t,'n1' em?crahc politIcs had been
, , . . .. u us of l11 r Ke 'd
po ICy W Hch he had taught tI . I d yncs S 1 cas, the
obsolete. Britain and the w 11;r. m completely
too rapidly for the Ion roc or f 111
had moved far
to new. ocr b educatmg popular. opinion
tton into practice t.hat
)lr. Kevne.s has in effect d f.: le . e.mocrah c mach me.
past prophecies and a III a of
ignored t
<ft he recof,:"lSes were
tragIc to see him r. as 00 ate. It IS therefore
, . c mgmg to that very machinery 1
go\emment whIch has entirely stultified hIS' e If 0
of the past H . very e ort
in th . .avmg reached completely F ascist conclusions
. e eCOn?mlC sphere of which he is a master, how Ion
\\'1.11 he contmue to shrink from Fascist realities in action ?g

Repri7ltnl /T(1111 .. The Blllckshirt," J141v 29, 1933.
OCIALI ST-COl\l)IUNIST intellectuah. now twitter
with terror of Fascism. They aft!:-;O alarmed that they
arc all writing books about it. Among others, :\lr. Str3che)
has delivered him.seli of a shrill lament. We .. elect thi ...
work {or a few comments, as typical of the Soc
Strachey's methods of contro\'Cn!lY are wry
., simple." He ignores entirely the c.1...-.e of
and proceeds to denounce at intcmlinable length
the present system which Fasci::;m wiU bring to an end.
He dismisses the whole constructive C3.SC of Fasci::;m in
Britain in Olle sentence: ".Already they offer us a whole
stock-ill-trade of solutions of the economic que:stion."
We invite any reader of tbis book to discover a sjngle
other reference in the whole work to the constructive
economic policy with which Fascism will reorganise
Childish Dishonesty
Mr. Strachey refers at length to the Corporate method
of organisation described in "TJu erwin' B,ita;"," and
innocently enquires .' how" it will solw presc.
economic problem. The answer to that questIon
at least two-thirds of .. The Grellter BrItain," but that
answer receives from ) l r. Strachey no more ... nor
criticism than this reference of a single sentencc .
Such chiJcHsh dishonesty in controversy can only deceive
the very simple-minded. and requires no refutation until
be produces a serious attack, not merely on the system
which we propose to destroy, but on the system which we
propose to create.
Mr. Straclley's book, therefore. is only of mild intellectual
interest as a psycho-analysis of a SocialL:>t U;l a
fun k. Before we proceed to Ulat an:UYSls. It IS IOterest mg
nuh' t,lCI rhi ... hllllk bt.'t.'n great I\, " I _ "
11\ . tht.' t .lpH.di ... t Prt."". Yt.' t a much I n -,
th,\1\ this llim ... y distortion
puhh ....Il("l last (rvm till' pt.'n of :\Ir. Str;\chc' wa ..
l\;\ ... wd wuhout nutict.' by the ), and
The is plain : last year the great int_b
afrmd of this year they are
afraid of FasClSlU. In the interval, the leadership 01
revolution bas passed to us.
A Significa nt lapse
fur .'\ httll! analysis of :\Ir. Straclley as 3 SOC.-Com.
nyt' Hl' LS ;.\t gn'3t pains to away his association
with tht' Party, which represented the first serious
towards Fascism in Britain, and met with
WhlCh ,. as )lr. ?trachey admits, were not nearly so over-
as llltll'r's early reverses in Germany (or, as he
added, reverses in Italy at the
fin;t Fa.sctst attempt of 1919), Strachey spends
111 t,'xplallung that he had no idea the New Part v
to Fasci. ... m. but his fluttering pen leads him to
a lap:;e. Very vividly he describes in the
foliowlIlg terms the end of a crucial meeting of the Parlia-
mentary Labour Party in ).[ay. 1930, te" months bejore file
S(U' Part\' 'as Imme/leil .
" 1 recoiled lilt, spectacle oj .1losley sitting silelll aml alolle,
brooding ti"ilh indescribable bitlcmess, as 'he elderly, portly
Trad( Union ojjicials lmd ncrtlQlfS pael/isl intelledlla/oS
jih-d Ollt of II parly meetitlg a/ wln'ch they had demotlstraled
IMir ImdiminisMd c(mjidolce iu .lfr. Ramsay J[acDOlra/d.
A stab of premonition Dashed through lIlY mind. How had
tI,( l/aliall Social DmlOcrats looketl al 'he COl/gress of 'he
[ld/im, Sociaiist party u:/lich expelled the: editor .0/ the
, A.1'll1ft;' J Ii"d 'hev 110/ been sure Ihat they had jwtS/ud
ith 'hat /iusome fillou' ,\{lIsso/illi J" Yet tcn months
after he had experienced this .. stab of premonition" th,at
the life of ;\loslcy would follow the same course. as thc life
of 'Iussolini through pn..>ciscly the. same :\I!.
Strachey joined the New Party any in illS
head that it could possibly havc FaSCist 1 He
informs U:-o that he did not realise the FaSCist character of
the New Party until alter the a year
later than his" fll'St stab of premomhon. In {act the
stab only )X' netrated deeply after thr lin .. t Iwa\'y fl'wrM',
when ).If. Strachcy hurriedl y Idt the Party \"(' do not
Olean by this to imply tha t :\Ir. StraclH'Y wlluld have
remained with us even if in those carly Wt had 1,)4'('n
as strong a:-. we are to-day. after struggling through duo
early whic.h ha ve been in.separable from OIl' !onna-
tion of every FaSCist movement III the world .
Physically, mentally and spiritually, Mr, Strachey is
not the Fascist type, and sooner or later be had to go ;
it turned out to be very soon,
Imaginary Conve rsations
This little lapse throws whatever light is necessary on
Mr. Strachey's trustworthiness as a witness of the period.
ft is at a ny rate sufficient to discredit his imaginary
conversat ions with :\fosley in the best manner of " ).frs.
Gossip" in the columns of the Capitalist Press which now
applauds him so vigorously. He infonn." us that he was
a lways enquiring whether the disciplined organis..'\tion of
Fascism would be used on the side of the workers or of the
employers. ,. Neither," he says was the reply, and could
not understand the answer, {or a power which opcratl's,
not in the interests of a class but in the interesb of the
nation, is beyond his comprehension. "Employers dest'rt
low u'ages a"d IOllg hol/rs: u:orkus d(-sire high m,d
short hours, " argues Mr. trachey. How can thiS .contra-
diction be reconciled by the Corporate Statt' ? he mgcnu-
ously enquires. . . " .
If he had read .. The Greater Br./am
denounces at such length, he would have reccl\'t,'d In ...
answer. Employers, under the prt'SC!lt wam Jow
wages and long hours othen\'lsc they are
by a rival foreign or domestiC. who pa.ys lower and
demands 'longer hours. Tn tht' anarchy of
present competition, s;tandards arc mt'\'ltably rcduet..'d .
Tbe object of the Corporate system is to raise waK:es and
salaries and to shorten hours over whole field ,of
' d try and both by law and by the gnp of the FssCist
to prevent undercutting, either foreign or
But thi!' familiar economic, ;;ct out
in great detail in ,. The Grealer B"lal1l, IS entirely 19nored
h, 'tr. who app,\rcntlv (' 1Il hnd no
Yl'l th(''v of thl' Put,: t' _,.,' anSWl'r to 11
tl I I"' " , 0" net Ie t,,)on.gtd \\
It'. It:-.t p .. , t.' s.ladn\\' of our -(ully dl'vcloPl' I r 'a ..
\ l'(',drd1ll
to his own
lOut, 1(' was ft.-adv to try (or ib ace "" b '
pmn'" "'h"ch I 'I" U . . l , lnCl' Y"l
'-, 1 It' en.. topian <lgTl'clltl'nt" I n r t I'
",uPJl(,rh-d n ... \\ Itt'" W\.' Wal' not n.'volutional)' hut ac, . ;e
(mm Us "hl'l1 we an' Cl'voiutionarr Whe :\'[ _I
wh It h II" d . hi .' n . Us cy, \I,'I tli
(".l.I.S a oura t' fenlh-m," St't about the cn.':uion
of tht' 1',1.SClst mon'llll'nt, without which iron instrument
till' ('.\rrYlIlg of the policy was iml>oss,bl' ' fr t I
I tx . ..... , rae ley
ack to thl' camp of words. We lOert: all right
I. r tdlkt'd: t. t" .ti. all lUOIIg u'e btgall /0 ad.l
I bt,.. <><:cuI?u .. -d In exposing the absurdities and
of thiS httle volume of B11I(: FII,,/'- iJl a Red
( I.', <T. Thl.'), an' and a few more instances
\nll sufficl... )Ir. in some respects, is un fortunate.
that Hitler s power has been used only against
la1l$t$ and Communists, and never against "trust-
and bankers." . He selects Herr Hugenberg as
. the InGGC5./ an.1 mosl of these." ' ''hile the book was
In p.rc.s.s, Herr was driven from every
posItion In the tatc, hiS Party was disb ...mdcd. and his
nephews thrown into gaol.
Hard luck, .. :\Irs. Gossip "-isn't that just too bad ?
Futile Misrepresentation
His efforts to rnisreprc:->cnt the as a party of
rl.'action arc as comical as his efforts to misrepresent" The
Grealu B,i/.,i" .. in the same scnsc. \ Vith this object, he
l'ven goes to the length of quoting from .. The Grealer
Britai,, " a sentence saying that Fascism will deal wi th
. trade union leaders who oppose the interests of the State,
j and of omitting the previous sentence, which sn.ys t ha t
(, F:J......;,cism will deal equally with bankers who oppose the

To what futile depths of elementary misreprre:Seniation
will the intellectuals of a bankrupt Socialism descend P
In frantic efforts to represent Fascism as leading to war,
be dismiss es in a foot-note Hiller' s great speech for Peace
as purely tactical, and QUotes at length, as an instance
of Fascist foreign policy, the utterances of the grotesQue
Conservative, von Papen. whom Hitler so sternly rebuked.
He ignores reccnt speech for peace at Littoria,
thc Four J)owt.' r Pac t , and all his vast labours for peace in
rt..'"ccnt years. I f c gives a few obscure quotations, all before
the year 1027, when was rebuilding the broken
national spir it of Italy in the face of a ring of Social
Dl' mocra tic t: nt.> mies who were denouncing him a!; vieiou!;ly
as they do Hitler t o-day
.. Lflcijer" "as already dealt with Afr. Strachey's alroc;ty-
moncerinc, uilh Ihe observation tlud evelL if his
.mproved evidelJU u'ere /me, 20,000 spatlkillgS in Ihe Gerlno"
rf1Jo/llliolt look very mild beside Ihe lu'o miUioll exulttions 0/
tile RlIssitm revoluliolJ 1IP01l U/u'c/I SlraelJey fawns with a
sycophantic ad111atiolt amou"ting to the religious U'orshiP
which he affects /.0 scorn.
No more need be said except one word in conclusion upon
his constructive proposals for combating Fascism. Fascist
leaders, he tells us, are at any rale prepared to accept
responsibility, and whatever their faults .. they will
Unless they arc combated in a similar manner, " the
of a form of Fascism in Britain is a historical certainty."
His Constructive Policy
'Vhat, then, does Strachey propose to do about it ?
For this infonnation we have to tum to the last chapter,
entitled" The Road to Victory." Here we are led to c-xpect
a clarion-call to clearly dcfined action. But we read tbat
thc workers have to usc .. the weapons of democracy and
frcedom,"-familiar. spacious but meaningless phrase of
the Socialist Democracy he . He goes on to
that .. a. movement for theIr revltallsau on must and will
come from below." For this purpose " there may well
spring up some special for m of organisation." :'Ifr. Strache.y
docs not suggest what the should be, he IS
certainly very far from sugge:stiIlg t hat he should. any
hand in the hard and da ngerous work of orgaOlsmg ,
that must come " from below. " Mr. Strachey Ius
fellow intellect uals, in fact , go onc better than the ordinary
Communist leaders, who a t least have led st reet fights from
No such vulgarities for the valuable. the
Mr Strachey! He will gently call the attention of the
to the "menace" of Fascism fro";1- the
seclusion and the bourgeois comforts of his Sussex villa.
,. Iht'l\' 11M\' Wt'U'prin; Ul .'. '
IIf tlrg.UII atlnn whi,'," ,,." " ,g"" 'I}('nal forlll
... .me WI I', III . f "
n olher "llidi tilt' \\llIk," mil tit rom)t ow.
tht"IIlS4.'!ws, whi't' \11 Sir ',I", juh fhr
'I , II . .tII( II'. ,\\,.,h I t
. I .0 uppl\" thl'llI \'nh'ad\'ice 'U 5 '. vol "l fUll,
I ./\' (I I h h I' unw,
"r. 1\ I C pdl of ,\fr .. \ji'tlc/u-v I" Tt'looilltimll

I']' ,11.", Ix ... n ;\ l'.umrnonplacc that the distinguishing
.\nwr,lcan .and British Capitalism is that
I .. 111(,' mort' 1Iltl'lhgl.:Ilt. .\part (rom the Icchnic.1J
.. of .\mclit.'an owr British business- a fact
willdl ,lilY British t.rnplnycr will concede after his second
gla ... s 01 port tIll' Amcrican capitalist class, being younger
.\IHI tu a gn:atl'r degree..' docs not suf(cr from thc
and inhibitiuns which make the British in
thl' facl' uf l'conumic upheaval, as as a schooi of
purpoi .. l" (aught in a tidal wave,
rt is therefore not surprising that the Americans should
have adopted what is in some respects a Fascist economic
policy to help them through the present crisis in
1I1l' administrations prcfer to attempt to
ruct thl' economiC' and social lifc of America by
... tic mlthocl ... of control and aClion, rather than to drift
111 a' of flUCl ualing exchangl's and fixed idcas between
Cl'ul'va and the Glolugical But it has already
bl'l'll laid down in thl' .. JJhtckshirt," as one of the natural
law:-. uf Fa..-;.ci:-.lIl. that cannot carry through a Fascist
polky without a Fascist party which itself can maintain
thl' di .. t"iplilll' I1lCt:-. ... ary to the working of a
null-d.' ...... First of (tli, Fascism is Revolution,
flO/ /I mdll(ld of !iitlt'il/I: vff i?t't'o/utio1l, To introduce itcms
IIf I'<:\-.('j ... t t'cunomic policy, without carrying through
Ihl' political Rt'volution implicit in the Fascist idca, is to
put tht Caft lx' flirt' Ihe horst, and what is morc, a cart with
nu whl't'ls to il It has alrcadv 1)('('11 pointed out in the
"/JIarhlu"rl." III at while the deprcciation of thc' dollar has
he('n an all.ov<:r n:ductioll lip 1(,
.10 pl'r ccnt. in thl' purchaslIlg power of the wagt
and salary,earm: r'i, recent boom on Wall Stn:cl ha.. ...
'iwcpt the hundreds of millions thus lopped (Iff the !'>mall
man 's carnings into the pockets (If the Wall Street
lators. President Roosevelt has at the samc timc carried
through a spectacular raising o{ wages in certain industries,
This wage inerease bas been estimated by the .. Times"
to average? per cent., so that the workers involved have
now one-quarter less purcbasing power in real money
than they had some weeks ago.
The only difference beiween England and America is
that while the National Govcrnment is managing to
rclievc no class, the Americans havc at Ica."!l achicv<:d a
temporary alleviation of the position of the Amencan
capitalist class.
Bernard Baruch, the professional speculator and big
business planster who has so long been ihc guiding brain
of thc Democratic Party in thc Unitcd States, and whose
fmancial interests arc now so wcll served by a wildly
fluctuating dollar, is marching from strength to
in shaping and controUing the policy of the present
lration. The" EveniJlg SlatUiard," in i,t s diS4'7rcct
column, has already indicatcd the close fnendslup winch has
existed between General Hugh J ohnson, Head of the
Industrial Rccovery Adn:ainistral ion, and .Baruch, a
fricndship which may be uncrpretcd not a
dependencc of the General on the )cw, The JI uk.
a publication which we understand a.nd elf cu
latcd by a group of weUinfonned not :;0
polite in its language. .. General Ht/gh johmx)1I" the>'
" has for years been Oil Bafllc/J's payroll, dOHzg fHlallcra/
(tlld bllShzess odd jobs of olle ki1l1 aI/other. jusl "OW I!e
is entirely I 'll Baruch's pocket, ThIS takes care of Baruch s
positioll 011 the execfl#[,c side of the So as
'he legis/a/jt'e is cOllcerned. he has a
Congressional machhle, of which the most ""porta1lt part IS
Senator p(lt Ham:soll, mc!"ker of lhe Sel.,ate
FillMICe Committee, crltela/l1l debt IIegot!atroll, .Harrl son
knOTt'S not/lillg whatever abollt eeOIlOIllICS. H, s Impor/ant
fi"al/rial are writfell for him ill Baruch's office."
" II ak" Oil tu dl'st'rilx' the activiti> " .
tu ,the- gold marht
t I anKh pn.::--s Hl"\rst aT" 11".1 .,
, t, tl I I t b" . . .. ... VI Y IIttt'f'
l"l n b m () 0 I.un ('fl'lhts to facilitate the unloading f
ca, Ie stock ... , '."'1\('(1 by \ml'rican hig husinc ....... on
,USSt.lll mark('t. ' ..
\\"ithoUI dl ... III antic:ip . 'th thl' (If failur' r
tlll,' pr'.'.;,('llt alnhlhc.H1S, l'Xpl'riltll'nts in America. we
IXHnt OUt Baruch of \\'all Street s}ll'Culaton. i ...
a puor ... {or a dlSnplull'd Fasdst party permeating
.uul l'n-ry organ of the State, and that" bell.
. Johnson, is alr\,'ady ydping p..'\thctically about
l'Iforts ,of tlu.' mdustrialists to obstruct the speculators,
h no sUb:,;tltutc at all for a '[u .. -".solini.
.. Faiiun," s.1.rS thl' Socialist " Nett' Statesman," writing
hdore the slump of the last week, If luki"C shapt
111 the (oll"pst of the presc"t Spt'c,tlativc advance i" prices,
"'Ol,/d fatlll 10 .1I r, Roost:l!di's popularity.- Idu'le
:o;11l'l:tS$, III ust.orw{J a mt.asure 0/ prosperity, ltOlild speedily
lIwkt' ... bIlStIlt'SS U'orltl lar mOfe intolerallt 01 cOlllrol."
Our Fabla.n contemporary has put the matter in a nut-shell.
. And how do they propose to cope with the eqnally
and undiscjplined (and even more bone-headed)
bllsmess world of Great Britain- through a Socialist
Government such as that which capitulated to Mr.
Montagu Norman. or through the sort of Fascist Govern-
ment which in Germany has just deposed Herr Hugenberg
(the Baruch-Hearst 01 Capitalist Germany) and dumped
his two nephews into gaol P
ileprillleti from" The Blackshirt," Septtmbtr 9, 1933.
E have now entered the twentieth year since the
War began, What a diHerent world we live in from
the world that we of the War generation thought we
were lighting to create !
The mcn who rallied to their country nearly twenty
years ago fought to save this country. More than that,
they were detennined to build, on the ruins of the past. a
greater and a nobler Britain. The old world and the old
ways came to an end in 1914. We ou.rsclvcs to
the building of the new world for which our friends and
contemporaries had died ..
What a long way to-day we have drifted jf?". that con.up-
tiolt! Is it to t'emai11 idle drtam? I s lI!e 1dca for a
gC1leratioll was wiped out 1teVtf to be !,wllsed? That IS lhe
quesUon which c<mjt'(mts tx-stmnumaJl. tlcarty tr&t"fy
}'cars after the Great lVar begau.
Promised the Earth
How is it, we must ask Qun;elve:., that the great ideal
has been lost? How is it that the great C.'lUse has been
Why is it that England of 1933 is a worse rather than a
better place than the England of 1914. fact
that thOllsands gave their lives that she mIght live and
might be great? Nearly three mjJIion
thOllsands of ex_servicemen. wh!>. wer:e p.z:omised
earth when they returned. now livmg 10 direst want.
the "homes fit for heroes to live in " still the slums
whieh disgrace our great cities; the o!d men muddled
us into the last war still b.USY ushis1Oto
ar' the war profiteer still turn.Jng over pro ,
still tuming over his dole: what a
betraYal of England, what a of the dead !
How long will you ex.oSeI'Vlcemen tolerate these
Ulings P
\ 011 h.'" l ht( n r.trdull\' :-;.hl' lh. I .
from \\ Inch . IK.liti,"S t':\:cIUd''t! (.rbrant
\ ou h.lh' ht."t:n iliad ... thl' !'oport , 1\' .I,It.: a,t,tlll' sanw lime
who \\ ft gCk)(i nOl1gh to nm tht' ltll": I ht, young Int'n
t\\ nt \ \ .. ar .... her th\.' tu .n not good cnQugh,
J)('.ll'(', I ht' old nkn nnd thl': old In tinll' uf
tnumph to aE;.lin Fv,,\\?):" la\t: bark in
I Ih('r.ll .!nd J hn",,' .
hi uk<.'11 tI It J promls<'" and haw
llOm. It' old polrlialllt'ntarv sy ... t(,111 Ita .. d(,("l' i\, A.1
\ IU .lIl( lt.'1 ra 'U\I . 1.;\.1
. You did something in four years on the field 01 __
m Flanders" th --
tift smce . en they have dOlle nothjng for
een years on the field of talk: in Westminster.
II .' tiJJ/(' tlk" 1M 1000k lIr/ioli fica,,, ,J
e tc" r 'CO" the old pa,lus alld 1M (lh/ me" II fair Iri"l'
lhey nm't' cllmlu and too 10llg (l t,inl. ami the)' lull';
dQIl,' flolh",/:. II ( IUH'( lric'c/ all pa,tit's ill tllm ill a,i 4fo
'0. f;d jrl)tn ""y l'tf Iht.", d policy of actio" .. Ihey hmt all failed
'IS mid bdrdyec/ /lit,' coulliry. Is il 1101 time Ihat 'he ex-sentic(.
"'(11 took &l hand ugai,,?
At la..s-t a.n organisation cxhots in this country in which
("x-sollher may find an outlet lor his desire to serve
Ius .. tht' British Union of Fascists. the ex-
s.;rnct'man wIll lind the spirit ol1914: the spirit o( service.
:'\ 0 m.ort o( the wrangling of party politics, with their
('(unrnttt(.'t' systems of endless talk! In Fascism we have
nuthing but tht' spirit of, and to that end we have
Hcatt-o an urganisation of discipline. solidarit y and action.
Of thl' old partit.'S, by their very nature. are
IIlcap..1.blc of action. Could we have won the last war
with ('onunittet'''' and old women's chatter? To do things
It ,i .... nC'C(' ...-:try tirst to create the instrument by which
t hmgs can he dont'. That instrument. in the modl..'rJl world,
must be a body of devoted men bound together by a volun-
discipline, and inspired by a great ideal to march in
... tt'P tn thl' salvation uf their country.
Fascism has created in Britain an organisation whieh
the politics of this COWltry has never seen before: an
organisation dMigned. Dot for talk, but for action.
Our enemies say that this form of organis.1.t ion and the
I'a.o:;ci:.t idt'a arc imported from abroad; that is not true.
Our Fascism in Britam is British I"'ollgh alld "'rollgh.

The motto to which we march is " Britain First." The
spirit which carries liS forward is the spirit of 1914, which
puts the love and service of our country above every
individual and every faction in the State.
n is true that other countries before us have passed
through their crises, and have found that the old men and
the old parties were drifting to disaster. TIley have fowld
before us that only the new creed of the post-\Var age,
which is Fascism, could save their countries from
So they have turned to new men and Dew methods,
and two of the greatest countries in Euro.P8 have been
saved from collapse by Fascism.
But the fact that other countries have already saved
themselves is not a good reason for Britain refusing La save
herself! Rather is it a reason (or us to exert ourselves,
and to do even better than other countries have done.
We Fascists in Britain are determined to build, bere
in our own land. the greatest Fascist State in the world,
and we are confident of doing it.
\Ve believe that the post-' Var creed of Fascism is more
naturally suited to the British character than to any other
nation in the world. After all, the essence of Fascism is
team-work; the power to puJl all together until the country
is saved. ' ""hat other nation is so capable of producing that
spirit as Britain?
We Noed Your Help
Therefore we know that Fascism in Britain will fmd its
greatest destiny, and will here express it highest
But we need your help. Already our ranks are largely
filled with ex-servicemen. In the first year of our
existenee we have advanced more rapidly than any other
Fascist :novement in the world. are
leading the new generatio? loyalty. to Bing and
country, and in the d.etermination to build an England
worthy of those who died for ber.
,Ve ask you not to stand asidc from this and not
to be sidetracked any longer as the ex-servJceman has
been for the last fIfteen years. Exert you;.;clvcs !
Rally to the great cause, to the same cause wruch set milhons
nearly tWl'l\ty years a o. T '
hug-land from a Corci n en h\;l1 you .marched to
Britain on the ruins of olel bU},ld a greater
that ta. .. k you gloriouslv fulfdled ' tJ' lC trst part of
awaits your ,1e second part still
Pull together with us in Fascism to bwold th
Britain! e greater
R"priUit'd from " The Blackshirt," September 16, 1933.

BRO?\LLEY, speaking at the Trades Union Congress,

IS, reported by two newspapers to have used the
words: "Every Blackshirt who stands in the
street IS a menace not only to the honour of women but
to their disfigurement and maltreatment in the brutal
dungeons they will create to the absolute exclusion of the
slightest respect (or sex." (The " Dat'/y Express." 8th
September, 1933. ) .. Every Blackshirt in our streets to-day
was a menace to their honour, and stood for their disfigure-
ment, brutal u5<, and the exclusion of the slightest respect
for their sex." (The II Daily Herald, " 8th September, 1933.)
These words were used by Mr. Bromley in moving a
composite resolution against Fascism at the Trade Union
We reply that Mr. Bromley is a liar and a scoundrel.
He is a liar because he knows that his statement is ridi-
culOUSly untrue; he is a scoundrel because words such
as these are a deliberate incitement to violence and
It is difficult to imagine any language more nicely
calculated" to produce a breach of the peace." The use
of such language is certainly a breach of the existing law
of Britain. Any man who is accused of the dishonour,
disfigurement and brutal usage of women would be naturally
provoked to give his accuser the sound thrashing which his
lies deserve. Therefor e the law makes it an offence to use
language which is liable to pr?ducc s uch a result. Nothing
but the iron discipline of FasCism prevents such .occurrences
in face of the steady stream of Iymg abuse agamst aU.
car the black shirt which is poured out from Soclahst
Retaliation of the kind which likc
deserve would be greeted with a howl o{ FasCIst out
rage" in n?w united of Socialism and of .the
great capitahst mterests wInch support the Reds agamst
Fascism because thcy fear them less. .
Therefore all such retaliation which l1ught damage the
Fascist cause is forbidden by order within our
Words break no bones, and the very violence and absurdIty
of their statements recoil in ridicule on Socialist heads.
We can afford to laugh at the bombastic nonsense of men
like Bromley, whose terror of Fao;cisill leads them to ever
greater absurdities. . ..
But a more serious aspect of these antIcs a rises o.ur
consideration and preparation: the dupes of
leaders are daily more inflamed by words
Fascism, and are thus deliberately mClted to VIolence
against Blackshirts. The attempts on is?lated gre:'ups of
our men are steadily increasing. This wmter, the
intensive Fascist platform campaign, we may
an increase in organised Red violence, when those who are
called the " Responsible of labour have
language of this character. Thelf foUowe:s. whe:' behe\ e
the statements of men like Bromley, are bemg deliberately
incited. in language which is a breach of the law, to red.ouble
their efforts of physical violence to prevent the vOIce of
Fascism being heard.
The Red Terror
'Ve shall meet and defeat Red force with the cou";t er-
force of Fascism, as we have done when our
have been attacked. It is a far task .for us t?-da).
with our present large membership, than It was 111 the
carly days. We have met and beaten t!le Reds
we were onl y a handful ; the and .diSClp
masses of Fascists to-day will have latle difficult} m
repelling the Red Terror. 'd f
Once a ain, however, we put on record,. 111 a vance 0
that a rising, that it ,,:as not FasCism that
it. The Defence Force of FasCIsm has never been use 10
aggn's.-;ion against the 1l1('l'tin" f .
and it will lx- used dO'r d
l'nCml(':s: It ha\
tht.'lr l: en OUf Il1l'Ctmgs from
The British . h
flee sP88Ch meetings to derODd
has preS'''ed in the pasl and willIS a
hi wbicb Faocilm
B I eMdm.fu_
fom l'y. from a s..1.CC distance . 't ) . .
\rIok'nec; we warn ';is dUI';s' of liS to
:\fr. Bromlc\' has now left fa edger of such achon.
BC3vcrbrook's .. Exproos " . r ana a, we learn from Lord
I .. . ("" In an announcement wort! f
t Ie of a travelling Royalty. Bromlc 's follo
!. 0
rcmam to his statements that Fasci;m threat:::
h,onour <?{ th,Clf WOmen, and to have their (cclin sa
I Casc1!>m mall11amed at fever-heat by the subtler Cganda
o Lord BC3vcrbrook.
await equanimity the attacks of the new
front the one real (orce which exists in
Bntam to-day. ] hat united (ront now stretches the
IC!lgth the Old Gang, from Lord Beaverbrook to
Mr. 1 With the gelatine mass o( the Old Trade Union
leadership m the centre .
. is new or unfamiliar to vascism in this
situation; It is a classic situation as Fascism gathers Be(ore now, both in Italy and in Germany, the
great mterests have joined with Socialjsts and Communists
to Fascism. They do not fear Communism, and they
despLSe the flabby and cowardly leadership o( Socialism.
But they do Fascism, and any instruments are good
e!l0ugh to beat It. In Germany they called their combina-
tion .. Iron Front," and through that iront Fascism
broke as Ii It were brown p..1.pcr J In Britain we might well
it as the" Jelly Front," (or it is composed of every
fad.ure III Old politics. congealed into a shapeless mass no conscIous or coherent purpose except animosity
to l' asclsm.
Occasionally, to keep up the pretence that they arc still
fighting each other, they throw each other a few bouquet s
in such adjectives as .. dangerous." In reality, they arc aU
huddled ever closer together in a comer of the Old Gang
paddock, and arc lowering their mutton horns against the
new force of Fascism, whi ch they fear will drive them
along paths alien to the interests which they serve to the
salvation of the country which they have so long betrayed.
So Lord Beaverbrook boosts the utterances and the
movements of the insignificant Bromley and the leading
Sunday paper refers to .. the sobriety of a Trades Union
Congress" which deliberately incited its followers to
Bromley- Sycophant of Murderers
Bromley, who in 1924 t oured Russia in fawning adulation
of a system which was responsible for two miUion murdeno
and innumerable bestial outrages, is good enough in 1933
lor the capitalist Press to hold on high as the moral censor
o( Fascism. Thus the" Jelly Front" oozes into action!
Well, Fascism is ready for them, and Fascism ",,'ill not
forget. The rank and file of Trade Unionism and the young
and patriotic leaders of Trade Unionism who are.
emerging in Fascism will find a greater scope and miSSion
for their movement within the Corporate State. But the
Old Gang leaders who have betrayed the nation, whether
they be Trade Union official, banker, or
lord, will not succeed in saving their cowardly hides by lies
or slander.
It: m;/..'sll1'rl," September 23-29,
TH,E Socialist and the Capitalist Press t -d -
denunciation of dictatorship. The
of ,their em.pty minds give forth a loud but m . n;ms
\\:hen struck this magi.c word. They
sches.I,n t,he of their thought. Thei r general
IS that I? two great, countries of Europe, )[ussolini
and respectively arc dictating their own will against
of these two They allege that the forty-
h\o the It<l:han people cower in terror before
1I1ussohlll, while the sixty-two mill ions of the German
people tremble beneath the tyrannous yoke of Hitler.
Mussolini's Immense Popularity
The a. self-evident absurdity. How can
one, man IllS ,wtIl on sixty-two millions of people
their will? 10 compare such modern leaders with
the dictators or tyrants of the ancient world is one of the
:;illiest travesties of the truth of which even the Old Gang
Press has been gui lty.
In fact in modern conditions the men who are denounced
as dictators are not dictators, but leaders. Hitler polled
more than 17 million voles at an election. Is it suggested
that all these people voted for him against their will? It
is admitted, even by his opponents, that at an election
to-day he would poll an overwhelming majority of the
Gcmlan people. In fact he is not a d ictator, but a leader
of enthusiastic and determined masses of men and women
bound together by a voluntary discipline to secure the
regeneration of their country.
)russoiini was long represented as a man governing
against the will of the Italian people, with the aid of a few
armed bands who had seized power by a mixture of force
and cunning. Yet in his !'ecent tour of Italy during the
tenth Anlliversary celebraUons of Fascist rule, he was given
a popular reception probably exceeding in enthusiasm any
recept ion given to an individual in the history of the world.
The evidence is available to aU in the record of the cinema
ftlms taken on t his occasion. Tn every great town of
Haly, hundreds of thousands were gathered together to
meet him. Every hat of every man, every scarf of every
woman in those vast assemblies, was waved on high, and
the roar of their cheers was only comparable to the waves
of a sea in a st orm.
What childish nonsense, then, to denounce a man as a
dictator governing against the will of the people, and to
compare him to the tyrants of old! He is, in fact, a leader
of genius who stood fum and founded Fascism when the
old leaders of the old parties and the old sysrem itseli
broke into hopeless confusion. To-day he is supported by
the enthusiastic gratitude of the nation whom he saved.
The masses who support him know that national salvation
can only come by a voluntary discipline. TIle great
execut ive instruments of the world are authority, order,
loyalty, discipline, and without them nothing can be
achieved. Gladly they have cast aside the false forms of
li ber ty, which are simply the liberty of a few professional
windbags to blether while the nation perishes. Willingly
they have adopted discipline in order to enjoy tlie realities
of liberty, which can only be found in the end of economic
chaos. For this purpose they have accepted the Jeadership
of a Fascist movement which in ils tum accepts the
leadership of Jlussolini because it know::> thal in the
absence of authority and decision by those prepared to
shoulder and capable of exercising it, nothing
in this world can be done.
All this, of course, is anathema to the old men and the
old parties.
They fear responsibility and they shrink from it. They
shelter behind anonymoUS committees and the indecision
of talkative parliaments. They hate leadership because
they are incapable of exercising it. and fear it because
they know it will sweep ru:ad the1C system. away.
Every system in its degeneration finally produces Its own
Socialism has reached its fmal reduction to absurdity in
the resolutions on this subject which the National Executive
of the L..'l.bour Party will submit to their forthcoming Party
J I ..... ,t" ,lfl' dt.'si!-:Ill'{l to st.'cur' b .
that no nun nl'C 11').:1\ within tht'; k .l ut on\' thmg
(" l'r hnuhkr n,'spon,ihility or ('um (If I I.:,tl?C
... hall
)lini ... tl'r mu ... t rhl'
ahllH't 11\\h\ rl'fl'r l'\'l'q-thing to th. p. )". .' t, tllt
Vll' l\u:ty must fl.-fl'C
rall sOlon t ongc\.':-.., and tht.' I .abour ParI)' Conf Ie
an t I ' -, . Cft'nCt'
. \. sn (Hl 11/ "'./""Ium in thl' happ\' I)aths of bl'll I'
ulIll ('I'ton . l lee 3tH

.' \\>'11. arl' While 1.abour talks
1 !isllsm \\111 act. l';b.(,lsm bt:hevl's in lcadcn.hip Ct" "
am.l Our discipline in the B;iti",l;
,)"'.(lsis IS ccrtamly \'oluntary. {or Wt' have no power nor
any It'aving us at any moment that
it m';l) Ish to do so. \ et tholL...ands of young Englishmen
together. in.
.kno" that only a disciplined hlScist movement
c n s..l\"\' their country.
Fascist leaders are simply men who go ahead and do
the .. th.e doing of that job, they gather round
10 disciplined organisation others who are deter
to serve this COWltry. The test of their capacity
15 tbm in fonnjng a Fascist movement through
the hard years of struggle. Their authority does nol resl
on c::ommittees, nor on the votes of Old Gang conferences.
Thetr authority rests on their ability to lead and to inspire
others with their determination.
This the origin and principle of Fascism, and before
long thIS shall be the triumph of Fascjsm.
Repritl/ed from II The Blackshirt," September 30, 1933.
(jlV\VE alien problem exists in this country. At a
time when over two million Britons are unemployed.
thousands of aliens are enjoying a good living in our midst.
Worse still, under a slack and indulgent Government.
many more are getting into the country by various routes.
some devious and some direct.
The principle of Fascism is clear. \Vhile Britons are
unemployed not a single alien should be admitted into this
country. )lore than this: while Britons are unemployed.
the aliens who now hold jobs should not be pemtitted to
retain them.
This policy would no doubt create hard cases which would
excite the frenzied agitation of Socialists and sentimental
supporters of the present Government. Nothing on a big
scale can ever be done without creating hard cases. On the
other hand, our opponents should remember that over two
million hard cases exist in Britain to-day among the
British unemployed. If we have to choose between hard
cases (or Britons or hard cases (or foreigners, we simply
choose the latter. Fascist policy, without hesitation or
equivocat ion, is "Britain First."
Open Door to Foreigners
This country suffers more than any other from 3D alien
problem. For years before the War, Liberal and Tory
Governments opened wide our gates to every kind of alien.
many of whom were highly undesirable. The traditional
British policy for years past has been the open door to the
foreigner. Under the stress of post.\Var unemployment,
these facilities have been reduced, but many aliens still
get through the net.
Even if their entry were now stOPped altogether, we
should still be l aced with a great alien problem arising from
the thousands who are now living in the country. Outside
labour exchanges in many areas, the English language is
sc<'\rcely spoken. Hundreds of men queueing up to draw
a hendit provided by Britons, arc in it) .
ilnd C"l'U language, complCh'h' r ,J outlook.
art' and they an' >re fhelr sta.ndards
aitog('thl'r below the Brit"ish otOlit
. wages
tlll'r arc a. threat, 110t anI r to the B .. " e, .\ s a result,
to every Englishman in a at but
pool of 'labour C[.t!at
can draw Its cheap supplies to undcnn' pi a. Ism
low wage stlstem '!'!,e J'r'ee"e Tevcnd the pr,C'iCllt
] "bernr" . .J ' '. ra e system of
.;Ie ';SJll arnd S?Ctahsm, willch was in practice simply
. re('{ om 0 Capital," found this resOurce vc U!>eful to
Cft.'ate the low wages and to produce the chca ry! bo
which it dc I IT' P a ur on
. I .. ppen< . ory protection, which in practice is
y of Capital" and not ol thc worker
thiS ahcn supply very uscful to maintain
prodtechvc system of high profits, coupled with low
an unemployment.
low Wag e ,
1 alien menace, pennittcd and encouraged by the
IS 0!le ol the r:'ain factors in keeping
\\ages lo\\, It 15 a pohcy lor in the end low
wages and low pW'chasing-power mean i,;dustrial stagnat ion,
because they destroy the home market. But our rulers
out Jor. quick profits, de:> not look beyond
unmedlate obJectlve ol low wages, m the creation of which
they find the alien very useful.
. In it is not natural. but right that
the Br:ttlSh worker should feci an mtense resentment against
the allen menace. which. is fostered alike by the National
<?ovemment, which deSires low wages, and by Socialist
wh?SC flabby internationalism always bach
the forclgner agamst the Britisher. Anti-alien feeling in
some quarters of very small sign ificancc is confined i o mere
anti-Semitism. The British Union of Fascists is not anti-
is not only unfair, but is also
and IIlcffective. The low type of J ew who
ha. .. come to thiS country from abroad and should be sent
back whence he comes is Ilot by any mcans the only alien
who threatens our standards of life. Abo tJlere are good
Jews as well as bad Jews, and we refuse to attack a man
merely because he is a Jew without any inquiry whclher he
h;L'" servcd Britain with his blood or ha!:) served her enemies
with his money .. )Iany)cws have fought for this country,
and some of thelr families, through years and centuries,
have proved themselves to be loyal citi7..cns of Britain.
Such men have nothing to fear (rom Fascism.
Oebasing t ho Nat i on
On the othcr hand, the low type of foreign Jew, together
w!th other aliens who arc debasing the life of this nation,
WIll be run out of the country in doublequick time under
Fascism, and if they study their own interests, the better
type of Jew who in the course of years has become
Ihoroughly British in outlook, will be very glad to see
them go.
For aliens are the people who bring discredit upon
the JeWISh race, and arouse fecling against them. These
are the men who are to the fore in eyery crooked financial
deal which damages British interests. These are the men
who have introduced the weapon of the razor and the knife
to our streets in support of the alien interests which
they serve.
\Vc do not care whether the alien be a pillar of inter-
!1ational financc or a member of a razor gang which takes
Its orders from in this matter, as in all others,
we know no class distinction. I.f they are proved to be
disloyal to British interests either in the sphere of high
finance or in the Communist battles of the street, they will
go out of the country neck and crop under Fascism. For
these arc elements which the Fascist State cannot and will
not absorb. They are a c.'lncer in the body politic which
require a surgical operation. In Ule past, this nation has
absorbed many types and many races. We are composed
of more different races than almost any other nation in the
world, and to this fact we owe much of the versatile genius
which has cnabled us to found the greatest Empire in the
world. If we had been merely a pure race type of Nordic
men, we should have achieved no more than Sweden or
Nevertheless, while we are undoubtedly a mixture of
races, ou.r ancestors have been drawn from the very flower
of the races of mankind. To the making of modem Britain,
thc globe has given of its best, and in a varied but brilliant
blending the virile race of British Empire has been born.
Three ccnturies of Roman occupation, a period as long as
101 \\'hil.'h dividl'S tl.") t
'!, ! 1 rl.'St'll d'l' f '
\.l,r l'S I., goa",\,.' to lhis isl d : ) rOm the lime of
.L:lIlUh, laid tht' founda:
,the flOwl'r of the latin
ia\\-s wluch are srmboli. ... cd I of Our customs and Our
found on Our puhllc Fasces to be
rt-'\'olution in I tah" had "_10.<1. . .cen U1les before Fascist
f ! .' IX"'l conceived TI N d'
rom. t lC Scandinavian countr' .' Ie l Or Ie men
contnbuted their quota to 0 Ill. later generations
dtgn.'t' and over a lesser pe' lUI (s .ock, although in lcs..<;
finally Nonnan, ;U .. , The Teuton, and
l'ontnbuhon which the lead' c, Bntlsh blood the finest
otTer. T()-da\" modem B Il?hons of world had to
greatest races of the IS a composite product of
ThereCore while it t
not derivoo Crom an)' olSnc
tObS.'l.Yrrthat the. Englishman is
.. . race ut om a mlxt f
to ,say .that ru'e the
,tock .. accordmgly IS determined that this
iow . liS na Ion shall not be debased by the ve
est t
bf the modem world who have been adm,'ttedry
our S orcs y Old G G
the Polish '. . lang ovenunents. The foreign Jew
the' cnmma, the Lascars who displace Britons
element. sea, will have no place in Britain
gold in of the razor gangs with Red
quick if th ,poe e s WI to out of England very
who has e). are t.o save therr skms. The alien financier
ab d uscg the City of London to finance OUI' competitors
, damage British industry by financial
.in the same vessels as their
;ot.hers-m-arms. Bntam for the British" will be
th(> pnnclple of Fascism while we build the Greater Britain.

Reprif./ed from" Tlte Blackshirt," October 14-20, ]933.
L ABOUR faced with a decision has run away again.
That, in a sentence, is the story of their Hastings
Conference. All decision on the main question of the day
is postponed for another year. The mothers' meeting
which is called a Labour Conference has broken up in shrill
discord. They were faced with the breakdown of Parlia-
mentaI")' Government owing io its endless talk, obstruction
and delay. The omy decision they have SO far registered
is to increase discussion and deJay. In age which
dtll1j.(ltIds the power of a Goverlltllet.t to act, they have decided
to di",illish yet fm/her the pO'weY of a G01'erfWJent to act. In
addition to Parliament being consulted on every issue,
the Conference has decided that the Labour Party caucus
must also be consulted on every major issue. The Prime
Minister must refer everything that matters to ihe Cabinet,
which is io remain a large and talkative commit tee; the
Cabinet must refer it to the Pa.rliamentary Labour Party;
that body in tum must refer it to a Joint Council of the
National Executive of the Labour Party and of the Trades
Union Congress. So all possibility of effective action wiU
be lost in the endless avenucs of futilc discus."ion and
Verbose CommiHees
uch a system, of course, is a haven of rest and delight
to the old leaders of Democracy. The responsibility of
leadership is handed on to scores of verbose committees .
The painful necessity of a decision never rests upon an
individual leader. Even departmental chiefs will be able
to take refuge behi.nd yet more committees whose whole
cOllstituiioll and charactcr inhibit them from reaching
any decision.
Such is the declared policy of the l.abour Party which
emanates from the Hastings Conference. Decision 011 the
biggest issue before them is po$tponed for another year
of lobbying and intrigue in Party caucus and Trades Union
LOIlv-n .. - - . -('I .
o tat IS-";lh,: wa ' .... >d
;tud SIr Stallord Cr' by the Socialist L

which he gave the foU years ago, and
. o:l1mlttcc on Parliamentarv l>ro .l.:'car before the
,\rl;: by that period out of dat I cee tile. fhese proPOsnls
l:t'gardcd as very advanced e. _;;It by they arc
Stafford Cripps mad . I le additions which Sir
a d ' U k. . e to t lem are aJI 1 '
n WI v\:: examined 1 t' .. agel leT vicious
The procedure which
cr ,111, th,lS .artlcle. '
from New Party pol icy has copied
Act under which a GovernmcntO an mcrgcncy Powers
anyone of which can be eh can by Orders,
decision by a
s uggcsted has heel \V ong.mal
obstr uctive devices at the I d a rt<a own wuh vanous
would of course still speed Cripps, but it
cedurc. How much less eff. I'
. . harliamentary pro-
can be . delve It IS t an Fascist polic
this from a brief survey of Fascism's position
Fascist Policy
Fascism would pass im d' t I
complete power f t" me la e y an Acl which conferred
function of l\[ P SO ac Ion upon the Government. The
. . '.' not be to remain at \Vestminster
and IIltnguing in the lobbies and b I .
10 the Chamber tl d ,0 s ructmg
to do und<er th ley 0 at present and would continue
would be t t
The function of M.P.s
o ae as eaders In their own localities in carrvin
through the execut ive work of Fascist G g
\Vhen Parlia ment was ca lled t ogether a<t inte
the work of F . t G rvi.US 0 review
. ovemment, they could then advance
based on practical experience which
wo .. -e t le place of the uninformed and partisan
OP.posltlon of the present Party system.
would have complete power of action
to pcnodl(? by an informed and instructed
opinion. At the end of the liCe of the
Parbame!lt, a new Parliament would be electcd, not on a
gco.graphJcal but Oil an occupational franchisc, undcr
alld women would votc within their own in-
du!:) tnes With a full knowledge of the personnel and subjects
with which lhey wcre dealing, That techni cal assembly,
by its very nature, would for ever aboli sh Parly politiCS
and would give stability to a new and revolutionary con-
ception of Government. Continuity of Government and
system would be assured by the fact that a Government
would no longer be attacked on Parly grounds, but on) \,
on grounds of inefficiency and gross abuse. With tile
technical assistance available in such a Parliament, Fascist
Government could complete the transformation of our
national life. Revollltif:m will be stabilised, atJd wilen (l'e
stabilise ret'01111i01I tte create a tleu' civilisation.
No great understanding of Fascist policy is required to
grasp the profound differences between !:)uch a policy and
the proposals of the Sociali st League, which at their best
are a stale imitation of New Party proposals two years
ago, and which in the new and vicious features added by
Lawyer Cripps are a definite danger to the structure of
the State.
At present , the big bosses of the T.U.C. reject thi s effort
to imitate the fi rs t pale shadow of Fascist policy whi ch
attempted to make more workable the procedure of a
decadent Parliament. Even if it is accepted next year .
the effort is entirely destroyed by the provisions which
the Conference have adopted this year. As already ob-
served, these provisions insist on discussion of every big
item of Labour Party policy within the Party caucus.
0" Ille one IIaud Sir Stafford Cripps proposes 10 curlail
diseussioll itl Parliament; 011 Ille olher lumd Ihe Confercnce
lias dec"-ded to -ill crease discllss"-on "'1 the caflC1lS.
If both proposals are adopled. the tid effect of Labour
Party policy , .... 11 be to tratlsfer disCflssio,1 mId pou:er fr01I1
ParUa11lenl to lite Party eaflCIIS. /tl stel,d of lite 1Ial;01" S
bllsitless beitlg obstrllcted by 11fru hh01l1 IIII' IIa/ion has elected,
as at prese,lI, I/u; tlaNolI's bllsi1l1'ss, fmder Labo"r, lcill be
obstrllcted by mell selected by a ('ie-jolls Parly eatlCfIS. Such
a policy will complde the mit' of Democralic Govertutu:tll.
Sir Stafford Cripps has already stated that his course
would lead . to an immediate conflict, not only with the
Crown . .... \\'c have already dealt on morc than
one occasion with his despicable attemptg to involvc the
Crown in the struggle of interests and of parties. Fru;cism
will take responsibility for its own revolution without
seeking to involve thc Crown, which it re\'crcs and will
hold high aboVl' Party C . .
tht' applil"atiun of his >olic"" furt her that
to fl'volutiun and viol("llci witl

to fOfCteU." ' I \\ HH results It IS 1m.
tl On thf contrary; Wt' can inonn the little lawyer that
ll' n's.u Is arl' .110t at aU " impO&:iible to
a:e- "n.t. III th.c n.'<":nt his.tory of Europe for all
n ... ld. postunng l\.l'rcnsklS of Socialism )reci )t t
a rl',:ulutlou by a policy drnftcd in their
at t.lw h:,nds of slick little lawyers. They pre.
that. lhe take advantage
of It, that Is thr ill::;tnflc and mcv-itable function of Social
])cmocr:\c". <
. Social!sts create revolution, but do not create rcvolu.
N? organisation of disciplined man.
IS bchtnd. I.hem. lhcy.have nothing to call upon in
the. hour of (:nSIS but the fnghtened .ratter of a startled
" For they abh?r leadership,
every executive IIlst rument of li fe by
\\ alone cnsls can be met and results can be achieved.
\\ hen the revolutionary situation arrives which t hey
ha,'c crcated, they disappear with the gentle sigh of a
punctu:cd windbag. Behind them emerges the real
revolutionary force of an organised Communist movement
long prepared and trained for" the day." I n that hOll;
of anarchy and collapse to which Socialism leads Fascism
alone will stand between Britain and disaster. '
Reprinted from" Tile Blackshirt," j llly 15, 1933.
T was with some misgiving that r took my place in the
'plane for Germany. What should r flOd behind the
mists and cloud!:> of political propaganda, and newspaper
sensation that have hidden the real G<-rman landscape from
us? It was six years since J had last been in Gennany.
What would the new Germany be like? The English
papers assured me it was not a new Germany at aU, but
merely the old prewar Germany o( Prus!;ianism, ) lilitarism
and Bureaucracy. " 'ell, I should sec.
At first sight. however. there was little enough of
Hitlerism to see in Germany. everyone seemed to be
going about his business as usual. even the Jewish shops
and large department stores such as Tietz and Wertheim
were trading as usual. The only outward sign of the
great change that has taken place was the number of
black. white. and red flags, and great swastika banners.
with whieh the streets were decorated. and the few.
very few. brown shirts to be seen here and there.
Concentration Camps
As I hail come to see something a little more sensational
than this, I asked my friends to arrange a visit to a con
centration camp, which was immediately done, and after
showing me the knives and revolvers, bombs and dynamite,
used by the Communists again::;.t them, I was driven out to
the local ., Konzentrationslagcr."
The polit ical prisoners are in army huts. slccl?ing
in double tiered anny beds, evcrytlung vcry clean and tidy.
The men themselves were occupied in a
new open air swimming bath. and all looked very fit and
well as if the out..of.doors work agreed with them.
were bandaged or showed signs of bruising or ill
treatment, although several notorious personalities were
pointed out to me, such as the former Lord Mayor o! the
neighbouring city. the former Governor of the Provmce.
ruld the former Chic! of Police.
\11 tht'st.' h;\\'l' Iu work and sl'." ..
-,upporll'rs, whl) ha\'t,' at hst '\I} .. up IIit'il" !nrnlt'r
fe'.d ,lnluaintilllt.' t,'. ,.. npportmuty Clf making
Kept Hi, Parole
I w,\s hl!d tkLt thi:. dose ;l,s,sociati " .
k,llil'fS was ha\'inS its d(l' t't 'I 1 'HIli thCll' fonllrf
fI-"11 .. ' ,,00IHUllucn;o{th'rak 1
It. Illal I.' thl'lf Ill'act.' with th' " : c. n an{
't'l al Ih'n.' for the becll
I ht. al1(1 humanity of t he Nazi ,gll;UpsC of
tk(,ISIOIl was maliC' on th\.' SPOl l 1 .' ea ers, \\hcn the
l' .. 0 n' ease one of the heft'
.ltl{ of tht' Communist Ii hte ICSt
of tht' S()\"Il't agitators He h",1 a r .. I'S.'I a poor dupe
1 1 1 ... u C "lUI Y to support
.1Ol l'll nIn.'ally 1)('1..'1l given short >criod f I I
ab:'ol'Ut.' t' I)<\coll' from which he had re:urned\,?th
punt'.tua. Ity. " 'hen I left the camp a Nazi om . , .
argulIlg matter with the Police who were
to h;.lvl.' tltls dangcrolls IUall oncl..' morc at liberty.
} 1 h:Hl act,uall.r c(lIne to Germany to watch a march past
(f thl. thllu and here I was made to realise that
!!l('rl' W;}S an l'lltlrl.'l), new spirit abroad in the Fatherland
llw pn..'-war German\' had repressed and d' . I' d'
"outh . G ' ISCIP me
. .' aZI .crmany encourages and organises youth.
The Leader of the Hitler Youth for all Germany
von Schirach, is only 26 years old, and is able
appreCIate and understand the enthusiasm and idealism
of the young, ns could 110ne of the old. dry-as-dust
professors and school-masters of the old regime.
like Our Own Scouts
.\S .J watched 50,000 boys aged from 8 to IS come
1)""lSt, I irresistibly reminded of our own
Boy. Scouts.; for the younger .groups (up 10 the age of 14)
rarned the sante pennants with animal symbols; and it
was d.dig.htful to set' the public aU along the street give the
full S<'"llute to these (lags as the boys carried them
past. 1 asked where the official " Pat hfinders "
\n-rl', and was wid that they had been absorbed bodily into
111(' Hitler Youth and were marching with the others.
So much for til(' .. truth " of the supposed suppression of
th(> Boy Scouts in Germany. 1t is scarcely necessary 10
mention that, unlike Ollr own o:r.c.s, none of the Hillcr
Youth arc armcd cven with dummy wcapons, and, up to
ti l(' ilgt. of 14. wear the standard H(,y Srout uniform known
all over t he world.
Only one incongruolls 1'1('ment brok( tilt.' cont inuit y fJf
til(' march thc Scharnlu:mit group, thl' YfJuth 100\"('-
Illent of t he Stahlhelm. These were dn, ... S(d in tll(. old
fil' ldgrey uniform, complete with military cap, and \wre ll'd
by form(' r offi cers. The officer 1c.1.ders came P:lst " g()(Js/'.
steppi ng" in the sliff rcgimt.'nla.1 style of til(' flld army,
whilc t he boys made great efforts to copy them. The' <-Ider
olles madc a pas..';able imitation, but tht ludicrous if not
pa t het ic effect of littlc boys of eight to tcn years of agl'
t rying to .. goose-step," while their uniform caps slipped
further and further over their noses and (.'ars. was almo'it
tOO much for my sense of humour. But, hark. were ther('
not jokes and sniggers passing bctween the :'\'azi
behind me? Has Germany learned to laug-h at !
The reason for the suppression of the Stahl helm, thc gradual
incorporation of its youth int o the Hitl(r Youth, began to
dawn on me. This new )1(1O':i Germany h;l'i no usc for the
old regime; it has now turned to the subjection of the
Right , aftcr having disposed .of the dang('rous
And all our papers call say JS that Hltlcr turns on hI'"
All ies " with an ignorant or wilful lack of comprdumsion
After having seen the officers of the old regime in their
full splendour endeavouring to impress their youthful
conquerors, I' turned to a consideration of the
officers about me. I noticed the comradely manner m
which they called each other by their names
and used the brotherly familiar " Du " and " dieb."
I rememl>cred how we had all eaten together with thc
boys, the s .. tllle soup, the same black bread, at the:. local
slaughterhouse. where alone there was to feed .)OpOO
hungry youths. r how. \\:1..' h,ad
out into thc country III the fast ::otaf( c.ars, the boys and
girls of thc villages had to .the of
road to give us the sal ute. Hed, thtlcr! III their
shrill voices; and I had noticed how thesc same officcn>
had solenUlly returned thc salute ?-S the car by.
1 rcmeml>cred how at the torchhght procession of the
evening before, when Baldur von Schirach took thc s..1.lute
at the open window of his hotel, he allowed a ten-year-?ld
boy, who happened to be in the room, to stand beSide lum.
Surdy this was not the stiff mT '.
days, surely here was a new J I d iSCipline of the old
a new humour ;;' I be t ltllalHty, a new friendliness
thnn I had felt (;1 at home, more at
Het urned to En land rn 1
up may be. summed
nahon. It IS neither the 0 ?a) IS an ent irely new
nOr the Germany of pre-war a post-v':a
human Germany than either It IS a much more
!s the stiff sabre-rattling militaris
pettifoggmg officialdom, replaced by th m. gone the
natured, human spirit of . e rough,
esseIlce of Hitlerism Th comradeship which is the
make mistakes maY a t men be too hasty, may
lessJy, but is a w'd es Be arshly and thought..
COld-blooded officialdo;" e and the
A new humour pervades the
laughing at thenlSCI . country, I have heard

Repri11ted from" The Blackshirt," August 5, 1933.
is over. for the day and the office has
of . the usual discussion of the best way
spending the even mg. 1 he cashier is hurrying off (or
a gall'l:e golf, is going to play tennis,
the IS takmg hIS girl to the cinema, and the
offie?, boy IS stamps at record speed to be in time
th7 dogs. Only young Brown, with the Fascist
. adge plJl".ed t o the lapel of his jacket, docs not seem
IOteres ted In . the great. problem of how best to amuse
oncs:clf. He IS metho{lic..1. 11y packing up his things and
gettmg ready to report for duty.
In a mi".utes is saluting the scutry at H.Q. ;
changes qllJckly lOl o JlIS black shirt and is snatching a meal
down in the canteen before the evening's duties begin.
Before long an officer comcs clattering clcJ\\'ll the stairs
calling for volunteers to steward a m<.'Cting, and Brown,
bolt ing do\\'ll the rest of his sandwiches, hurries upstairs to
join the others in one o{ the vans. To-night it is the old
open Morris van, which has been through more trouble
and has seen morc fighting than anyone member in the
Nobody knows how often the driver's windows have
been broken, dents of i tones and gashes of sticks and
other weapons scar her sides, there is not much paint
JeU on her ; but we aU love the old Morris, and some
day there will be an honoured place for her in the
permanent Fascist Exhibition.
A Mixed Reception
To.night she is pushing her ugly nose through the
'Vest End, and the Blackshirt s aboard are getting rather a
mixed recept ion from the crowded pavements. Here and
there are dark lowering faces, hostile eyes, muttering
voices. Here it is that our paper sellers have been bnltally
attacked and injured.
But to-night we are not interested in the West End;
the Morris keeps pushing on North and East. Soon we
pass the .. Angel " and approach our dcst ina_tion. The
spacious, brightly lighted streets of the J!.n? are far
behind us. We arc in the midst of the squalid, dmg)" but
teeming East End of London.
As we pass catcalls go up from groups gathered outside
the public small boys blow rude (' raspberries " ;
but we are used to all this that we laugh tolerantly.
At last we have arrived and draw up in a side st reet
off the main thoroughfare, where some local Fascists are
waiting for us. Brown off the .van '.vith the
Blackshirts from H.Q. and IS soon chattmg With some of IllS
old friends from the local branch. He learns that last wt.'Ck's
meeting was rowdy and that there is <l: rnmour t.hat
the Communists are going to tum up In force thiS evening.
But that' s all in the day's work. Let co,!,e '.
Attention! The speaker for the evenlllg IS chmbmg on
to the van. already people a rc collecting at the junction of
the side street and the main road, Ihe meeting is ready to
begin. The Blackshirts arc posted in a scmi-circle round
feM of tht van, which act s as I
I ht'Y ha,'c ordt'rs to face the s p for the s]>l'akcr
<1!'(}Wd. " 't, HUlst take the backs to
ht has b<'guTl io 01 11" mg at from behind
H k I lIle aUf policy .
e 'pea ,quietly at first b t th .
enthusiasm rises and hi" I" as e crowd gathers his
d c ear YOWlg yO' .
omg own the street dri ' h Ice 18 SOOn
of Our policy. ,Vll1g ome the salient pOints
., Britain 'i,sl . '.
j' '" rt"Tcamsc tlU/llst ' l
consuming pOll'er o/l,,;c'
But \'I,.'ry SOOn hecklers be' . .
rapidly growing crowd Shollt (rOIll the
['"iolls.;) .. " Il'/wI abo;,/ /' J so) ,. tal f!bollt 'lte Trade
"e t.'tt's. arc raised
Organised Opposition .
Patiently the speake J .
will be given later, but b
,time for
chance to put over Our poJi ' /i qllleft !l,o\\". to give lum
IS relative quiet, then the C,\ minutes
Brown, as an experienced , t ' d egllls all. over agalll.
oPp<?silion has '
the crowd, and glancing over
well in the back g ses several local Communists gathered
this dircctior; It. is from
efforts Ole 1 cc IIlg IS commg and
Our e e to start singing the .. Flag." '
before ras had plenty of this sort of thing
crowd' t
the better part of the
Angry shout s of "Sh t s appeals for fai r play.
away, and the bl
a rt
, the" Red Flag" dies
Then comes question time a e a his address.
lively. TOW the Communist's and thlllgs .get. much more
questions 011 economics' a t
tncky Marxian
can descend to t ley don't like the
Ulcreased to at least three to four crowd has now
arc less than twenty Blackshirts all people. and there
ODe the Communist leaders has turned
from asking questions, and is deliberately ineiting !h
crowd to attack us. e
.. 11 you tile", had filly gftls, )'011 '/lIould sweep
Ihesc Fasclsls ofl Ihe sll'eel$."

A quiet order a nd the Black:-;hirt Stewarde; have turned
to fa.ce the crowd. The Communist leader is away on the
out skirt s beyond our reach; in front of us arc mostly
inoffensive youths and women, but the men at the back
pushing and we arc gradually forced back upon
the van.
Suddenly an empty milk bottle comes sailing over the
heads of the erowd from the Communist ranks and
crashes on the side of the van. Several stones follow.
With a rush a group of our men, headed by Brown,
breaks through the pressing crowd, and dashes at the
Communists. Several of them see us coming and run for
it, but a few are too busy seeking for more missiles and
these we are able to reach.
The Communists Run
Brown singles out one heft}' feUow he remembers ha\'ing
sccn attempting to break up a meeting far in the Wcst of
London. There is a sharp fight, but, IlOW that it is a
question of a mall-to-man fight instead of throwing
from a distance. the Communists are not so keen, and arc
soon foll owing their comrades down the strcct.
Meanwhile the speaker has been calming the rest of the
crowd, and the disturbing elcmelll removed, we go on
with the meeting. dealing with several intelligent
which show that there is a great deal of sympathetic
feeling towards us among the more patriotic section. . \1
last it is getting dark. and the speaker closes the meeting.
As we drive off giving the Fascist salute and singing" L:p
Fascists," there is cheering from the crowd. ;\nother
meeting has been successfuUy concluded; and we have
shown the Communists that we arc not to be attacked with
We have dropped the local Fascists, and the old )Iorris
is puffing her way home again. Young Brown will have a
brand new black eye to explain at the office to-morrow.
Another man has got a nasty cut on hjs cheek, and there
are several other minor injuries; but we have to expect
little things like that in fighting for Fascism.
Fighting the Monaco
So when you see Blackshirts passing on one of our vans,
don' t think they are just " showing off their uniforms,"
soldiers"; they have t
Sttr1.ous bnsmess to do than that. mOre
thetr pleasures. giving up their evenings to up
to fight Ute Communist in vo
where the average Londoner never Shows:
it. All honour. therefore. to the
R, r"'d Jrom .. Tlu Blackshirt," Octoha 7-13, 1933.

.1st I;bt, the fIrst anniversary of the

Brttlsl.l l nlon of .]asclsts. Only a year ago,
was born III Bntain. The only ambition of the small
lxUld launched the fodom hope of that time was to
put hlSCl<;.m on the lllap in the first twelve months. That
in the first few weeks of struggle. The
hrst wltnessc..>d the greatest ndvance of any Fascist
movement m .the world in so short a period, and certainly
the most rapId progress that any new movement in this
country has Even our enemies do not deny it,
and our enemIes are bltteT. Fascism is discussed in
newspaper and on every platform where modern
pohtlcs are debated. The savage denunciation of our foes
IS answert.'(] by lhe fierce enthusiasm of our friends.
O,gani.sed Growth
Yet a year ago Fascism was greeted with a laugh nnd a
shrug of the This change alone is something to
have accomplished in twelve months. But somet hing more
than mere interest in Fascism has been aroused by the
campaign of the British Union of Fascism now
exists in an organis(.'d form right through this country. Not
only docs our memben-hip increase at an unprccedented
spei!d; that increase in membership has been translated
into organised strength. In one year, the colossal task has
becn carried lhrough of building the steel frame of Fascist
organisation. Only those who have been responsible for
that task can conceive the magnitude of the labour.
Built without Money
and every material was lacking; the
buildi ng of Fascist organbation has been accomplbhed
with an expenditure so small that the achievement is
beyond the comprehension of the older parties. The old
world babbled of the vast resources behind us. Those
resources did not exis t. \Vc have built Fascism from
nothing, with our bare hands. Not money, but human
fl esh and blood and the undaunted spirit of our young
manhood, have achieved that result. Blessed has been lhe
poverty and the struggle of our early days, for our founda
tions rcst upon the solid rock of sacrifice. Those who
joined us came to give and not to take, for we had nothing
to give them. The who floal in and out of new
movements could find no rewards in our young Fasci<;m,
for they did not exist. Ollly 'hose i,tspirul by a passiQllate
entlmst'asm Jor ml. epic cause remained with us to huild the
strength of the present day, hecause we had "othing to offer Lo
a"yone hut the call to stUrijice.
Such men as these have built this movement in challenge
to all material things. Against us were arrayed the whole
power of the Press. the strength of the old Party machines
and the weight of the moneybags; we have smashed through
Ihem all. A year ago, both the forces against us and the
result of the struggle were anticipated in "The Grealer
Brita;" ": "The great names of politics, the power of
party machinery and Press, will oppose us with a
trated barrnge of misrepresentation, or with a well-organised
boycott, as they opposed all such movements as this in
every country. But we have on our side forces which have
carried such movements to victory thIoughout the world.
We have ill 1misoll 1" Ollr calise 'he economic facJ.s and Ihe
spiritual tendencies of Ollr age. These are the forces which
in recent history have smashed all the pomp and panoply
of the old politic:t1 systems and have enthroned new
creeds in power."
That has proved no idle belie. \Ve have brought to
Britain something marc than a new economic plan and a
new conception of Government: we have brollglrl to Britai'J
a neeD spirit oj manhood aml of "ational revival. Our grim
and determined ra"ks oj exservicemcn, a '''mdred limes
betrayed, hlllle joi",e(l hands with the ncw )'011111. <ehich s
dedicaled to make aH cnd of folly and of decadcnce. Togelher
IInt't: brought fI!e soul to 'he land for u .. lliclJ o"r
mul compalllous dted. Together they have begun to
exptat e that in a Britain rebom and honoured
among the nations.
Greater Sacri fice and Struggles
This .is the flame that we have lit in Britain, and it is a
fire willch shall not now be put out. It is a flame lit and
nurtured by the 5.1.crifice of patriots. Greater S<1.crifice and
greater struggles await tis. To all who join us now we
make the same appeal that we made a yea.r ago: .. We ask
those who join us to march with us in a great and haz<lIdous
adventwc. \Ve ask them to be prepared to sacrifice all,
but to do so for no small and unworthy ends. \ Ve ask them
to dedicate their lives to building in this country a move.
ment of the modern age, which by its British expression
shall transcend, as often before in our history, every
precursor of the Continent in conception and in the con-
structive achievement.
Abuse and Danger
" \Ve ask them to rewrite the greatest pages of British
history by finding for the spirit of their age its highest
mission in these islands. Neither to our friends nor to the
country do we make any promises ; not wiihout struggle
and ordeal will the future be won. Those who march with
us will certainly face abuse, misunderstanding, bitter
animosity, and possibly the ferocity of struggle and of
danger. ]n return, we can only offer to them the deep
belief that they <lIe fighting that a great land may live."
\Ve know now that thousands have answered that appeal
which is the call of sacrifice. Thousands of young men and
women have sunk every hope and every fear in the con
suming passion of Fascism. Today the small band of
October, 1932, can count its legions. For a moment let us
lay aside our strife to clasp hands, and to whis.per each
other those immortal lines born of England which bnng to
tiS the only consolation that we have ever desired or will
ever seek:
" But we in it shall be remembered,
\Ve few, we happy few, we band of brothers."


King's Rd., Sloane Square
Sloane S. W. 3 7151-6