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CUARLES P. HOWLAND OITo H.KAHN RuSSJ;J..l. C. LEFFINGWELL GEORGI! O. MAy WESLEY C. MITCHELL FRANK. L. POu:

WHITNEY H. SHEPARDSON P .. :UL M_ W AlUlUl!.G GEORG.!! W. WICKERSHAM . OWEN D. YOUNG

c .. :I EAST 6~TH STIU!ET NI!WYORK

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6 COUN~iT ON

FOREIGN RELATIONS

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HAllILTON FrSH ARMSTIIONG ISAIAH BOWMAN

PAUL D_ CllAVATH NORMAN H. DAVlS STEPHEN P. DUGGAN

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ALLEN W. DULLES

EDWIN F.GAY

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Dear Reader..i~/~.":·.~, .

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;,~ .. _ .. -. .It you are one ot the grow1ng number of·.c:o·::_:i;:~ people who, regardless of political att1Uationr"-,.--_:_~ realize that int(3rnational understandIng 1e e.:.-.-:.-q.;.&.",":~ necessary ingredient of pes.~e and .prosperity, > fl. ' then you must believe in the urgency of develop- _

4~n a ~ftftnA~aA l~~_tAft_ ~~ __ c ,.~~ .

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But you cannot form en·Intelllgent opin-·>':~]2S . ion of .. hat our own course should be without a.'~:--=:~

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knowledge ot the tradItions and national aspira- :.,-~'0.''';

tlons which aetermine the ioreign policy ot the < ' •• _- ~

Great Powers. apart from :...... almost 1n spiteot ~_.:c:.~~~ special policies· ot the moment •. '·· .,. .>... ..,.;:_ -,

\ "THE PEP-MAllENT BASES o~ FO~I~:N P~LICy'i .. ~-:-.

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\ Under thh title there has just been pub- , ... lished an enlightening book in which tour eminent

end experienced authorities descrIbe the forces .-

tha t guide England. France. Germany and the UnIted .'.'"( .. states. -. . - . -, .>. --_.

The case for each country Is ~resented br a statesman whose lot it has been to direot the

foreign re~ations of his co~~try In momentous times -

Sir Austen Chamberlain, ooei ot the makers of "Loca.rno," long British Secretary of State for Foreign Aftairs.

Jules Cambon. one of the last of that little group at great pre-war French diplomats, long French Ambassador to Germany.

Richard von Kuhlmann, German Minister for Foreign Affairs In 1917-1918.

John W. Davis, formerly AmerIcan Ambassador to Gre~t Britain •

With such authorship, THE PElt\lANENT BASES OJ' FOP.EIG:~ POLICY 15 a book whloh I am sure you >. would find most interesting and l~structive. I shall be glad to present you with a copy if you

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Nine Years of FOREIGN AFFAIRS In Every Field of International Activity Ihe M osl Competent A uthorilies

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THOUSANDS of men and women who feel that they must know, not the news of the day only, but something about the reasons back of the news of the day, find FOREIGN AFFAIRS indispensable. Whether the discussion turns on some immediate crisis in international politics, or on its underlying causes, they are sure of finding in FOREIGN AFFAIRS the viewa of the most competent authority on that particular subject,

They trust, too, in iu editorial integrity. They know that it does not plead any cause, however worthy. In its nine years of life it has welcomed to its pages every honest and intelligent point of view regarding the great pivotal questions of our time.

N. one instance of the manner in which FOItElGN AFFAIRS deals with international questions, consider its unique record in presenting conflicting aspects of the vast problem of Reparations, War Debts and American Foreign Loans. As spokesmen for France, it has called upon RaymonJ Poi1UtJri, EJoU8rJ Herrios, Louis LQUCheur, JOJeph CaiJlawr and AnJrl 'f arJieu; as spokesmen for Germany, 6;It-ChancelJor Luther, the late GusttICI StreJemann, Carl Bergmann, Wilhelm Mar# and Karl KautsRy.

N. American contributions on this subject it has printed thoughtful articles by 'f hOmaJ W. Lamont, Roland W. Boyden, Dr. Edwin F. Gay, John FOJln Dull~s, WqMer D. Hines and Prof. Allyn A. rOUtsg.

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FOREIGN-AFFAIRS

AN AWBRICAN QUAJtTERLY RBVlltW

HAMILTON FISH AlUlSTRONG. lUiuw

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IIALUI BoWMAN STEPHEN P. DUOOAJ!' .;

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Alberl RMhlion,'1 Irtide on our War Loans has been eslled the best thing written on the $ubject. The, " artides by Georg' P. Auld, under the pen name Alpna, were cited by General Dawes as coming "like the sound of a clear bell in a fog." The operations of the Bank of International Settlements were described by Slutard Morgan.

.¥ OJlEtCN AFPAUU has made like contributions toward

• better understanding of all the fundamental problenu of American foreign pOlicy. Leaden holding u clifferent views as COIOfUI E. M. Howe, the late 8erutOt' Lodge. George W. WickersMm, Henry L. SIlm.JDn, NOf'mMI. H. Daois, Og4m L. Milb, Sen/liar Capper and FnmUin D. Roosefleil have ,,11 been given • heating.

· FOJlEtON AlrVAlRS gives oonatant attention to matters of concern to American bU$ineu men. Wide interest has been shown in its authoritative 8urveys of Jeey com.modities which are likely cauaea of international dispute-iron and steel, coal, copper, gold, silver. oil, rubber, cotton, sugar and wheat.

"Who Buys Foreign Bonds?" written by DwiglU W. M~ jUJt before he became Ambassador to Mexico, was quoted and reprinted all over the country. The organization and operation of international cartels have been described by Julius KIllin and Leo Detmeratdy. Henry M. RobimDn, of the Dawes Commi8S.ion, answered questions involved in the title "Are American Loans Abroad Safe?» Georg' O. May took up the thorny subject of double taxation. F. W. TmJ,uig discussed the new American tariff bill, and A'fIIlre SiegjrieJ. told of its repercussions in Europe,

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While not advocating any particular program,

• EOllEraN AFFAIRS often gives space to explanations of the worJe of the League of Nations and the World Court by such writers as Elihu Root, A. lAwrence Lowell, Vilcount Cecil, John Dewey and Sir Arthur Saller, EJouarJ BefUS contributed a classic analysis of

. the Locamo Pact,

The problems of the British Commonwealth haVe been thoroughly explored by men like Sir JOJlan Slamp, H. A. L. FishN, Sir Bmil BI4&lett, and LorJ Lothian. John W. /)arJis and At/en W. Duties madeexpert examinations of the Ang1!)- American naval problem. Ireland has been dealt with by Sir Horee« Plunkett and the beloved "A. E." There have been articles regularly On Canada, India, and Australia.

During the London naval conference Viscount G", chose FOllEIGN AFFAIRS as the most snitable place in which to publish one of his rare and weighty pronouncements, this time on the fundamental problem of "The Freedom of the Seas." After the conference was over its work was appraised from different points of view by Woiter Lippmann. Allen W. Dulles, and Antlre Giroud ("Per/~'). Looking to future developments, Admiral Sir Hlrroert RknmonJ warned expert and layman alike of certain neglected but highly important aspects of the naval disarmament question.

America's able representative on the Supreme War Council, General rr asker H. Bliss, ex-Chief of Sulf. first told in FOREJCN AFFAIRS the true story of the formation of the Supreme Unified Command, and he also contributed a highly suggestive paper on Diearmament. Other articles of interest to military and naval men have been S~1UIIor de Kergueze&"'i presen-

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· ution '0£ French naval aims, EJfJ)arJ P. l¥.INUr'S

· criticiam of proposed plalll for the limitation of * - armaments, and General Sir FreierkA: Maurice's sur-

· ver of ~e military strength of the European powers.

Soviet Russia, now looming large in world economia and politics, is frequently examined by writers with experience and understanding of the inner workings of the Soviet system. Among the many notable studies on Russia ought to be mentioned: Paul HtletUel', ar-

.. tide on "Labor Under the Soviets;" Professor Liuhi,moVs exposition of Soviet policy toward foreign conccuiolllj Bruee Hopper's economic survey; and the lifting of the pros and COIU of Soviet recognition by PtIUl D. Cr«JiJSh and PtIUl SclJe!fir.

Every COURtry of Europe receives attention. African questions, from Morocco to the Cape, come in regu-

· larly for expert comment. The changing East it discussed by foreign specialists, as well as by repreecntatives of the varioUl Asiatic peoples. The difficult relations between Arab, Jew snd Mandatory in Palestine arc: not neglected. Latin America, whether quiet or in revolution, is treated by the best experts.

The policy of including general articles of lasting importance is exemplified by the discussions of war guilt by Premier Poincare of France, ClJtJncellor M Mit of Germany, and President Ml»aryA: of Czechoslovakia. Others have been "A Requisite for the Success of Popular Diplomacy," by Elihu Root; "Ten Years o£ Socialism in Europe," by Emile VanJertlelJe; "The Sarajevo Murder," by.R. W. Seton-l¥.Itson; "The Philosophy of Fascism," by G. Gentile; and the thrilling account of a romantic episode told by Sir Percy Sykes under the title "The British Flag on the Caspian."

There are frequent articles, too, of literary distine-

• tion_uch as H.oIJ Nkolson's elassic essay on hit former ~hief, Lord Cunan j V ktor C bernw's estimate of his former friend and later enemy, Lenin; l¥.I/ur Lippmann's ltudy of Senator Borah; the appreciation of Foch by his former colleague on the Supreme War Council, General 'l' asA:er H. Blus, and Paul Scluffor's

scrutiny of that enigmatic colossus) Stalin. ".

And so the story goes. In every field of international activity the most competent authorities. No wonder Charles E. Hugbm praised FOREIGN AFFAIIlS as "olle of the mOlt helpful contributions to a better understanding of our foreign relations eYer made by private enterprise!'

Besides its leading articles, FOREIGN APPAl .. provides in each issue a bibliography of new books, frequent maps, and a department of treatiee and trade agreements, helpful to students, lawyen, and businesa men.

It should be: added that FOREIGN APPAllU ia printed in large clear type, on rag paper for permanence. Due to the special binding, each copy openJ flat and is pleasant to handle.

In brief FOREICN APFAIRS offen a complete and accurate record of events in the international ficldpolitical, economic, financial-together with thoughtful and reliable opinion regarding their underlying

causes,

The issues now being planned will be j ust as authoritative, just as interesting, just as useful as those which have established this review as the luiing publkalion of its kind in the worlJ.

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What factors determine the fate of nations ~ apart from-almost in spite of-specia,l

policies of the moment? •

Four eminent authorities answer for Great Britain, France, Germany and the United Scates •

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This b~ .;.: ,.' .:e bought •

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By

SIR AUSTEN ~ERLAIN JULES CAMBON

RICHARD VON KUHIMANN

JOHN W. DAVIS

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EVEN 't6 ilicise who are ~c11~~for~e~ 'ilie~ ~ ~,~ day-oy-day dealings of governments 'With~

each other ofreo appear rather mysterious. Ir is' 01 never possible to know precisely whar goes on in

the guarded precincts of the foreign offices. But

the underlying f»Ctors which determine the broad

lines of policyare subject to analysis.

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U ni/ea Stale 1

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In THE }>ERMANENT BASES OF FOREIGN POLICY four statesmen of experience and authority , , make this analysis. They describe, interestingly and concisely, the national aspirations of France,

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Germany, Great Britain and the United States,

and explain how those aspirations are put into

Jobn W. Davis Ambassador al Ihe Court of 51.

·!ames'J, 1918-21, former Soli .. ilor General of the Uniled Slales, Democratic .andidate for President in 1924.

Sir Austen Chamberlain Secretary of State [orForeign Affairs, 1924-29, former Chancellor of the Excbeque«, one 0/ the principal aut hors of tb« Locarno Pacts,

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The concern of these distinguished statesmen has been to describe those policies which are permanent, which persist through the years and despite cabinet and patty changes. Their long ex-

perience in conducting the foreign relations of

• their countries and their extraordinary knowledge of the world scene give this book a unique 'value.

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Jules Cambon Ambassador 10 German, from 1907 10 Ihe olltbreak o] war, former 5e"eI4,,·Gene',11 of the French Foreign Office, Ambessador al Washin"ton and Presiden: of tbe Conjerence 0/ Am.

baJJaJorJ. - .

Richard von KUhlmann Setrelary 0/ Stale for Poreign Adairs, 1917-18, allthor ol tb« Treaty of B,eil,LiloVIk, jormer Counsellor al London, MiniIler al The Hague and AmbaJJador tzt Constantinople.

This important and interesting volume will i l : equip you to see more clearly what lies behind the actions of the foreign offices and to discover . the real significance of the news of the day.

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. 'I ~ _ . '-T"_ JOHN W. DAVIS -...... ~ CHAIIlMA.·~~:~~~:!?~

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Five years ago the Council On Foreign Relations established ~-.-;~ the quarterly review. FOREIGN AFFAIRS.- We now send you this joint ,,", letter on behalf of the Council to ask that you read with some .•...... :ii::f:rj

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~.~==...:.-.:.:'- . TO LE".DE·RS OFAMERIC/I.li OPINION:

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c." _ •• _ ••••• c , •• _._~"'__ __ , -r--r-r: __ .. 0'_ •• _.

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Yours very truly.

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INFORMATION CONTAINED ~

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-=~'-",~~;.:~-: rou are invited to become a ;{':-.-' su}scriberto FOREIGN AFFAIRS, "=:,;--,, . 1M new American review published ...--=~:" quarterly by the Council on Foreign

, Relations, of which Mr. Elihu Root is Honorary President and Mr. John W. Davis is President.

The Editor of FOREIGN AF~, ' . FAIRS is Archibald Cary Coolidge,

"~_ .. _o/ I{ arvard_ University. . ... ~,,-

, ' ",.--- --, The contributors to the issues :. rflready published are listed wilhin.

, \i;..'A special introductory subscription

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6AMIL"I'ON 1186 ARM8"I'IONG MANAGING J;D1f'OlC

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FOREIGN AFFAIRS _,.

AN AMERICAN Q",UARTl!JtLY Rl!VUlW '-

'f1v:·~Z~C:;:::~t;:a::;;=~::~~~~.~~'~~~~~~ e- ~

Taa: Turrr ~ AM.,...CAlf 1'a.u>a: ••...•••.. oscss W. UND1I!fOOD

To: Wou.o On. Sm) .. '1'1_ ., ' C. BEDFORD

I'lll: UlflnIl) SrUIa ~1I a.... noh ALLYN A. YOUNG

fu.u,; "'ICD B SIR VALENTINE CHIROL

GEIIlUN I'tnILiC. On~oN TOOAT: : ...•..•• RICHA.RD EDWARDS

Ma. Lwn GIIOaQa:'. PDLlC'I' .. , RT, HON. B. A. L. FISHER.

ETlUCII ~ In>:BNATJoN.oL llI:w.'I'I0N •.•.•••.•.••••.•• JOHN DEWEY CD',l1I,l .un> FOkDGN POLIer ....................• J. A: STEVENSON

ifnI.,.,. PaOIlLD.O , ,. T. ESQUIVEL OBREGON

Io.u.w. till 19t3. Mu 4.NJ> STA"l'IIlTICII LAWRENCE JldRTI.V

Ta:a: N_ Rt1MUJt EcoNOIollC Fouer ARTHUR BULLARD

SoIlQ: ~ BOOI<II ON InU1UTJONAL ATP'>.1JUJ .. HARR.Y E. BARNES

Sol)Jlcz lL."'u.w. DENyS P. MYERS

The first two issues, dated September IS .. cember 15, 1922, contained leading articles Root, Gen. Tasker H. Bliss, Prime Ministtr Bene»; Yo.uph Cail/aux, Andre Terdieu, Charle] W. Eliot. John Foster Dulle!, Karl KaUlsk.y, Charlf'S H. Haskins, and other international authorities .

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tertcan retueto published

the Council on Foreign r which Mr. Elihu Root President and Mr. John President.

;'/or . of FOREIGN .a: rC~/balt! Cary Coolidge, J~tvffSt/y.

z:ributors to the issues zshed are listed within. 'lroductory subscription

!nnounced. ..

Il.JMILTON 'IIB 4XM'TR'~NG MAN4GING ISDIt'ox

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Five Years of FOREIGN AFFAIRS ··~-:'~:·"---·In every Field of International u':lctiviiy T/~e u~ost Competent -L4utlJorities

-"'-~ - ... ~;__----"-----------------------

Its Important Field

A MERICAN policy is constantly in action all around

. the world in a manner which directly affects your prosperity and which must concern your peace of mind as a responsible citizen of a great democracy. You have

to know, not the news of the day only, but something:,:,~'::

about the reasons back of the news of the day. ' _.

The men \vhe are making the history of our times- ~- ..

«<"I;"" the world's leading economists) statesmen and financiers . .

Et.rmr ROOT -are the men to telJ you the facts and the reasons back .;

of the facts. t

Its Authoritll

If ERE is the achievement of FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Whether the discussion turns on some immediate crisis in international politics, or on its deeper underlying causes, in every case the most competent authority on that particular su bject is soon found giving his views in

its pages. .

The Departrnen t of State, the Foreign Offices of some thirty fovernments in Europe, Asia and South America,

K~"/~

DWICHT W. Moun", most 0 the Ambassadors, Ministers and Consuls of the

United States, have recognized the value of FOREIGN AFFAIRS by subscribing to it. Its appeal to men dealing constantly with the actual problems of international relations is evidence of its importance and interest.

CIi",li.,1

Gltx. TAsua H. BLISS

Its Aim

FOREIGN AFFAIRS was founded five years ago by a

group of pu blic-spiri ted American ci tizens who agreed that it was urgentiy important to provide the meansotherwise unavailable-for developing an informedpublie opinion regarding American foreign policy. Their

All INFORMATION COrHAlNEIl

HERE~ J'S 1J~CjJ.SSI!JE{\i B1l.1I~ DATE V) ?;b.li]_ag· -

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v·ie.wsl~~Uld' .n6t bl.t be'~ter:t'~iJ~ in t1~e w~rds 'use; ~ Elihu Root in an article In the very first issue U the review:

"When forc:ign affairs were ruled by autocracies or oligarchies" wro~e Mr. Root, "the danger of war was in sinister purpose. Wh;n fo~clgn affal~s are ~uled by democracies the danger of war will be in nllsta~en beliefs. 1 he world will be the gainer by the change, for, while ~here IS no human way to prevent It king from having a bad heart, there IS a human. way to p~vent a people from having an erroneous opinion. That ~ay IS !o furnish the whole people, as II part of their ordinary education, With co.rr~ct .lDformation about their relations to other peoples, about the limitations upon their own rights. about their duties !o r~s~t the r,lghts of others, about what has happened and is happenrng In International affairs, and about the effects upon national life of the things that are ~one or refused as between nations; so that the people themselves Will have the menns to test misinformation and appeals to prejudice and passion based upon error."

In pursuit of its aim FOREIGN AFFAIRS in the course of five years has built up a list of over twelve· ~

thousand subscribers, distributed all over the world. "1

It. 'Nonpartisan PoliclI

FOREI~~ AFFAIRS has met with such success be-

, cause. It IS free from partisanship. I t does not plead t

any: particular cause, however worthy. In its five years

. of l!fe It has welcomed to its pages every honest and intelligent P0ln.t of view regarding the great pivotal ques-

nons of our time.

An Example Drawn from Reparation. and War Debts

AS AN instance of t~e ~anner in which F9REIGN

.' ~FFA~RS deals with international questions, conSider Its unique record in presenting different aspects of the complex problem of Reparations, War Debts and American Foreign Loans. As spokesmen for France, it has called upon Edouar~ Herriot, Louis Loucheur, Jo.seph Caillau«, dndre Tardieu and Jean Parmentier; as spokesmen for Germany, Ex-Chancel/or Luther, Gusta» Strese-

. mann, R.R. Kuczynski and Karl Kautsky.

I,' As American contributions toward the solution of this " problem, FOREIGN AFFAIRS has printed thoughtful

articles by Roland W. Boyden, Dr. Edwin F. Gay, John , . Foster Dulles, Prof. Charles H. Haskins, Walker D. Hines . ,and Prof, dllyn d. Young. Alberl Rathbone's article on ,': our War Loans has been called the best thing written on

the subject. The articles by George P, rluld, for three

'ye·ars Accountant-General of tV Reparation Commission, which arpeared under the pen name dlpha, were cited by Genera Dawes as "like the sound of a clear bell in a fog,"

American Foreign Policy

FOREIGN AFFAIRS has made similar contributions

towards a better understanding of the international relations of the United States. For example, in the effort to develop a well-rounded interest in our own foreign policy as a basis of a reasoned public opinion, the Editors have turned to American leaders holding as different views as Colonel Edward M. House, the late Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, George W. Wickersham, Norman H. Davis, Senator Capper, the late Charles W. Eliot and Representatiue Theodore E. Burton.

Articles on special phases of our foreign relations have included David Hunter Miller's diSCUSSIOn of "Political Rights in the Arctic," Walter Lippmann's analysis of the course of Senator Borah as Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, Gen. Harbord's statement of our

. radio communications problem, Stanley K. Hornbeck's

. answer to the query "Has the United States a Chinese Policy?" and the comprehensive studies of the future of the Philippines, by Dr. Stephen P. Duggan, Col. Henry L. Stimson and Moorfield Storey.

Militarll and Naval Criticism

A MERICA'S able representative on the Supreme War

Council, General Tasker H. Bliss, formerly Chief of Staff, chose FOREIGN AFFAIRS as the place in which to tell the first true story of the formation of the Supreme Unified Command, and also for a highly suggestive paper on Disarmament. Another article pointing out current misconceptions about disarmament problems was written by Allen W. Dulles on the eve of his departure for Geneva as one of the American experts at the naval parley .

Other contributions of interest to military and naval men have been Senator de Kerguezec's presentation of French Naval Aims, Edward P. Warner's criticism of proposed plans for limitation of air armaments, General lion Kuhl's description of the unsuccessful attempt to unify the command among the Central Powers, MajorGeneral Sir Frederick Maurice's survey of the military strength of the European powers today, and the same

1

K.rYFt"",

ART II UR CAPPER

V.'~l'lIIrwJ

ROLAIID'V. nOYDE

K",sJO' • .,

GIW. W. W1C':ERSII

If1Jir.mt

EDW ..... D M. HOUI

. ~.

.,. :1, ;

.a. . ,l! ".,

.:": author's detailed _ism of Winston ChurchiU'slast . ; .• volumes. Mention must not be omitted of drthth- H . . " Pollen's smashing article on "Three Lessons of the Naval .' War," nor of his bold attack on the usefulness of the .; submarine.

•• ~.'." .~

A

1 The League, The Court, Locarno

';"~' WHILE keeping free from theadvocac}' of any par-

l , : ticular program, the Editors of FOREIGN AF-

t'M"A ":'; FAIRS have given space from time to time to cO.mpetent

" Slit FnnU1ClC MAUlll~': explanations of the work of the League of Nations and

the World Court. Among the writers dealing wi th these and related subjects have been Elihu Root, President d.

. Lawrence Lowell, of Harvard, Prof. Manley O. Hudson, ',: Alfred E. Zimmern, Nicolas Politis, William E. Rappard, I John Dewey, Dr. L. f. Jac~s} and SIr Arthur Sall~; . Ecuard Benes, Foreign Minister of Czechoslovakia,

.' analyzed the meaning of the Locarno treaties.

t-:

Fureilln Trade and Finance ,;J AMERICAN business men, have been interested in the

. _- . .!. surveys of key commodities which are or may be-

(",1m .," come causes of international dispute. Prof. Charles K.

A. L.o.W~>;NC1t T.OW>;LL '.' Leith wrote on iron and steel, Waller S. Tower, then Com-

'. mercial Attache in London, on coal, Josiah E. Spurr on gold and steel alloys, J. R. Finlay on copper, Franz Schneider, Jr., on sugar, john d. Todd on cotton, H. T. , Warshaw on tin, and flarry A. Curtis, Theodore D.

: ~. Hamman and Harry N.Wh;tjord, all experts attached to ~".~'. ~ •. the Department of Commerce, on fertilizers, wheat and T rubber.

. Dwight W. Morrow, a partner in the firm of J. P. Morgan & Co., contributed an article entitled "Who Buys Foreign Bonds?" that was very widely reprinted. The problem of governmental control over American loans abroad was discussed frankly by John Foster Dulles. Henry M. Robinson, of the Dawes Commission, answered

"'_'.''-o'Ol.,: questions involved in the title "Are American Loans ~ i'Abroad Safe?" George O. May took up the thorny sub-

;Jject of double taxation. . .

" Other articles useful to those who find their business

. aife<;:ted by conditions abroad have been: "The New Steel ~"~' ;' ' Cartel," by W. S. Tower; "The Tariff as a Factor in

. '. American Trade," b~ Senalor Oscar W. Underwood;

'J.Jn""",4 ' 17'

. . Hvca GIIIOM . "{ . "Monopolies of Raw aterials," by Prof. 'Jacob r mer;

Te,,-datll'

EDUARU BIIKES

Europe

P f . K'YIJO'"

RACTICALLY every country 0 Europe has received COUKT nETIlLEN

. attention. There have been contributions by Senator

de Jouvene/, Louis dubert and Andre Geraud ("Pertinax") on France, by ex-Premier Georges Theunis on Belgium, by Georg Brandes on the Scandinavian states, by Ramiro de Mamu on Spain, by Counr Bethlen, Premier of Hungary, by Prof. josef Redlich, the well-known Austrian historian, by Charles P. How/and, Chairman of the Greek Refugee Commission, and by Hugh Gibson, then Minister to Switzerland. Italy's problems, and the case for and against Fascism, have been set forth by Count Sforza, Roberto Cantalupo (as authorized spokesman for Mus- H"'i'·f:"'i,,~

solini), Prof. Saloemini and Francesco Coppola. Russia's DORIS BAlCJUIETEH

foreign policy has been outlined by Christian f?_akovsky, Soviet Ambassador to France, and her multiplex internal problems by Victor Chernoo, VladiftJ;r Zenzinou, Malcolm W. Davis, Boris Bakhmetejf. former Russian Ambassador at Washington, and Harold J. Laski.

,~ ~

.1Wor14 Food Resources," br dlon~ Taylor; and "The

Export of American Capita," by Herbert Feis. .

The British Commonuealtti

T HE' problems of Great Britain have been treated in

articles by Sir Josiah C. Stamp on the coal mining deadlock, by H. A. L. Fisher on Lloyd George's foreign policy, and by Philip Kerr and Prof, W. G. S. Adams, Gladstone Professor of Poli tics at Oxford. d. G. Gardiner has written frankly on "The Prospects of Anglo-American Friendship." Contributions on Canada have come from 1 . .d. Stevenson and Henry Lawrence, the latter writing good humoredly but plainly on the waterways problems of the Canadian border. Ireland has been dealt with, among others, by Sir Horace Plunkett, Stephen Gwynn and Ernest Boyd, India by Sir Frederick Whyte and G. Findlay Shirras, Australia by E. L. Piesse, and Palestine br Leonard Stein.

H. A. L. l'1SJ1 Ell

EgliPt to Cape Town

A FRICAN questions have been discussed by. such' . authorities as Sir Frederick D. Lugard, formerly Governor-General of Nigeria, Evans Lewin, Librarian of

K..,dcmf

the Royal Colonial Institute, Sir Harry H.1ohnston, dean COI1I1l SrolU.

I

P ~" "'1-,">" '~')'T; J!. '

r: • :;~f'African scientislrof. Henri ~au~) If the Sor~on~~~ Carlo Schanzer, former Italian Foreign Minister, Judge Pierre Crabites, of Cairo, and W. E. B. Dubois, the American Negro leader.

"t, . ' •

~. .

cess of Popular Democracy," by E Root; "Reflections on War Guilt;' by President Masary]: of Czechoslovakia; "Ten Years of Socialism in Europe," by Emile Pander- . uelde; "The Sarajevo Murder," by R. W. Seton-Watson;

. "July, 1914," by Bernadotte Schmitt, and various articles on air transport, shipping, opium, etc.

..

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The Near East

W· ITH the historic changes in the Levant and the

Balkans, FOREIGN AFFAIRS has dealt particularly successfully. Its contributors have included two foremost authorities on Turkey-Sir Valentine Chiro], for years Foreign Editor of the London "Times," and Prof. Snouck Hurgranje, the eminent student of Mohammedan history. Others have been David G. Hogarth, Arnold J. Toynbee, Dr. Isaiah Bowman, Prof. Philip Marshall Brown, Sir Percy Sykes, A. Rustem Bey, and Auguste Geuoai», who was as critical of French activities in the Near East as of the activities of other Powers.

An EstabliBhed Reputation

AND so the story goes. In every field of international

activity the most competent authorities. No wonder Charlcs E. Hughes praised FORElGN AFFAIRS as "one of the most helpful contributions to a better understanding of our foreign relations ever made by private en terprise. "

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pRESIDENT CALLES of Mexico caused comment by

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Permanent lllstorical Contributions

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The Struggle in Africa : ·:, RaymonJ Leslie BueU'=;;;;

A Year of M. Poincare.. ·,··· 1. A. M. de Sancha~:~~:.<;.~

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Imperialistic Russia in China., · Count Carlo SjOf%ll, .:.:'

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Exploitation and World Progress · C• K. Leith· .. "->

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Topeka, Kansas June 28, 1927

Unless my memory serves me wrong, you have completed, w irh your July issue, five years of service to the people of the United States and the world.

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From the American Editor oj (he Encyclopedia Britannica.'

April H. 1927

Gentlemen:

I read every article in evcrv i~~ue Df FnRF.lr.~ .~H/IotRS, and [hat is somerhinz J cun'r sav of any other magazine.

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DIRECTORS

lLuln:roN FIsH Anl:STI.ONQ . ISAlAH BOWW:AN

PAUL D. UtAVATH NORMAN H. DAVIS

STEPHEN P. DUGGAN .Au EN W. DULLES ItlWINF.GAY CHAIlLES P. HOWLAND

OrroH.1CAHN RUSSELL C. LEFFING'Il'"IILL GI!OAGE O. MAy WlLSLEY C. MITCHELL F.RANJ.: L POu.:

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: each other often appear ramer mysterious. It is never possible to know precisely what goes on in the guarded precincts of the foreign offices. But

; ; : the underlying faaors which determine the broad

: " lines or policy are subject to analysis.

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In THE PEll.MANENT 8J.sEs OP FO&EJGN P9L-

ICY four statesmen of experience and authority , ; make this analysis. They describe, imerestingly ",-and concisely, the national aspirations of France, . "Gertmny, Great Britain and the United States,

and explain how those aspirations are put into practice.

The concern of these distinguished statesmen has been to describe those policies which are permanear, which persist through the years and despite cabinet and party ch.<nges. Their long experience" in conducting the foreign relations of their wunuies and their extraordinary knowledge of the world scene give this book a unique

value,

':,This important and interesting volume will <equip you to see more dearly what lies behind , the actions of the foreign offices and (0 discover " I the real significance of the: news of the day.

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AMERICAN policy is constantly in action

.ll.round the world in • manner which directly .ffects your prosperity and which must concern your peace of mind as a responsible citizen of • grCJt domocr.cy. You ·have to know, no! the news of the d.y only, but something about the reasons back of the news

of the do)'. .

The men ,,"~o are m' Ur.g the h lstory of our times-v the world's leading economists, statesmen and fin~nciers~.are the men to tell you the facts and the reasons back of the facts,

ANOTHER reason why FOREIGN

AFFAIRS has met with succ ess is because it i. f rce from partisanship. It does not plead .ny particular cause, however worthy. In ito five ye.,.. of IiI e it has welcomed to its =s= ",'cry honest and intelligent point of view reg ar ding the gre.t pivotal questions of our time,

BESIDES its leading articles, FOREIGN

AFFAIRS provides in each issue a bibliography of usef ul new book" f requcnt m.ps and notes on recent territorial changes. and .. special department of treati es a nd trade agre ... menta, helpful to students, 1''''Yero and busine55 men, .

[-][ERE is the achievement of FOREIGN

. A F FA I RS. Whether the discussion turns on some immediate .CflSlS in internsticnal politics, or on its deeper underlying CilUSC!-; in e·;ery LIIi::!if t~c:: m os t competent suthoritv On that particular subject is soon found gil'ing hi. views in its p.g es.

IN OTHER words, FOREIGN AFFAIRS

ofle rs as complete and accurate a record as possible of events in the intern.tion.al field, and thoughtful and rel iable opinion regard. ing their underlying C.D'''o .

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Nine Years of FOREIGN AFFAIRS

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Ewry SeNcn.s mdmt of i"I"'_ '~,fJ",,1 ,.ttlalia"., must tNt'" to Jh6 f'mgue sIor6 of poliliul, hisloriul, eCDnomic, IIna jinllll,i.tli m#ltrriilJ [0.",4 in 1"6 poges of FOItEIGN AFFAIR.&.

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In Ewry Field of InJ8rtI4Ii0fJ41 Ac/Mty the Most Cfnnpttl_ Af'lhcrilie,

nOUSANDS of mea. and WQDJen who feel tb.t

thq ml:i:tt .bow. DDt the II-ewt of the day 0lI1r. but lOt.II;ethi.a,g .boat the reaoru bad: of the new:

of the enr, find POUlCN Arp/Uu iDd.~"-Wh'l!:the:r the dilCuaiD1'l twDI on tome immec!i.atc crilil in inte~tiouU pollha, or .on in nndcrl,TinJ auset., they are 1'W"t!: of :&nd~ng .:D. FOII.JUGtI APPAl ..

the .-iewl Df lb. molt competent .Iuthoritr 0211 that pnticWar Abject.

They tnDt, too, jD 5b editorial integrity. 'J'1..q lnow thllt it dOI!:$ = plead m,. ClIltC. hO'oftft[" won.hy. In it. nine yean of Hfe it has welcomed to ib pas:e- "t:T1 honest .aDd intdlig~nt point of ... icw nprdlog the vat pi'PI)Ul ~'ltettIOl'ls of OI;lr time. ~

A:. ODe irutanCC' of the manner in which FORmcw AFFAlQ deals "ith t:alernational qooet;tiow, CDRlidc-r in o.niqtle reecrd in prefenting confiictlnr ~D of the .,..ut problem or RC'pa:ratio~1 Wlr !>ebb and Anu:o:ricm Foreign Lom.. As 'poke:w:.ea. for F~ it h.u called lilpon R"YMaPui Poin.t:«l EJo-J HerritJJ~ LouiJ 1Aw1Mw-, JtJl41" CttillaJr ~d ~fl4r1 'I."~i IL:I lpokenne:n for Germany, s:z.-ClwrsuJJar ~""~ the late Gt.JUII Struem4lJnJ CM"1 BYgmMM~ WilA,J"" M." and K .. I KIIfIJIIJ.

AI AmeriQln contftbot10nl on thil lobject it .. prtnted thoughtful .a:rtid~ by 'f'Ai7m41 W. L4m0rrJ. Ro/MU W. lJr:11hM, D,.. E.wm F. CiIY, lat." FasIW lhJJ .. , WoJ.I.,. D. Hih« •• d Prof AJJ,~ A. r .... ,.

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While nat .dorocatiD.1 anT pntil:"1lIln prolram.

FOH:lc:N An-.aID oftC11 ;g1"ft:11 IpKC" to aplanlitiOnt of the work of the Leape .of NatiOM! .ad the World Coart by 'lind.. "r1tc:o ;N Elilw RDOJ, A. z...r..u LOfInIlI YUCOVIIt C#NI1 J(J/Jte D~ .and $;" ... rt ....... &II •• EJClM4rJ IJnwJ toDuihuted a clwic ana.l.,m of tLoLocuooPoct.

The prvblcu:a- or the Beitiu. Commonwedrh N:n: ben thoroqghly -uplortd by mea Hke: Sir JOnM S_" H . .I. L. lu!ur, S;, B.,;J BI""1.u,.,,d Lar.l Lo •• ;... I."" W. D_ ODd AU", W. Dull .. made czpcrt uamiD&tKm. of the AlIJlo-Am"~ nanl probl ..... Ir<I>.d hao been deal • ..;th by $;' H", ... P/fmull.and the belcted "A. E}'·Tbere han: beea .articlcs rcgw.ul,. on Cma.d.a~ India,. &:cI.d Auun-li ...

DorioB the Loodo'l"l lU-n] eeeferenee Vi.r~ Or_' rhc.c- Ji'uutCH A.l'JrAJIU IS the mOlt luiuble place in which 10 pFolbliw onl! Qf his rare and weighty pror.OUnctme:nta, thil rime on the (Dndlmmtll proM.£m of "The Freedotll of the see," After the tord;trcna:

Yo iU. -cr.-I;.;" its WOtk. 'I'i".J:! IPl'ranc-J from .d;~!'It poirm of view by H:Jler L;t'['md'l'~s All",. W. D,JJ~I, and ..4 ,uri GJ~~ ("p"n't......-"). Looking to fUture deeelop1DCtlb, AJ_J $,1'" H#'fI#f'1 Ri.&~J. WltDiI!d 1:1:pert Ind layman .li.lt" ot eeruillL nq].cacd but hi.hIy important ~~ of the P..I..,..al diuniU.lD~1 q'Dcn;on.

ADI'I=ri(i~. able l'I£prae:ntlti~ on the SOpttmC Wit Council. G~.J 'f'~1:n H. BJus, u-Cbie:f of Stall;. fint mid io Foam:c'M AP'P"AmI the 'tfDC *loty of the f'ormil,i01'.l ot the Sopreme Unified Command, and he .. 110 cantribata::l. a hilhly lugtmiw: ,PIP'!'r on Di.armament. Other .'tide. of int-c.nsI co .. ~l~ury .. nd :ftj •• l IDC"Il ha,,'£- hc-en S~ U r"~J prat"_

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."_ ution ot Fn::neh DJ.nl lims. lJtHf"J P. W"""""s eriricism DC prcpceed plan. far the limiurt.ioll of .lie .II.rmame-ab, and G_~#l Sir F,.dn-i&i M_,m,,'J ,.un! of ~ military rtre:a.gtb: of the European powen.

Soriet RmaiJ., flOW' )QQID.inB large .:Do wwid ecooomia and politic:::t. is fr-eqll-cntl,. UJaLined by ,.ntcn with exeerienee and DDdcnUll.ding of the inna- work.inr o{ th~ Sowi-et I)'"It~m. Amoag the many Double tmdjct an ll ... ia ollsh. to be mIl!'B,i01'l~: P-.l H....,J's .t .. ticl-r or. "'1..1100; Under the Sovlcb;,~' hofelKlf" IMI/Ii~J e:IpOIitiCl:d. or Smie~ polier towud foreign CD"Dceai-onJ i BtvU HOI"" economic ',urt'"qj .nd. the lift;:.: .f).r eM F"" Jnd: rn%Il of Scnie~' re<:ogIll1iou by P...I D. C, ... d •• d PM Sdujfor;

Every CDl:Intl"y ot Elltopc reui"a .neonoa.. Afric:m qLlcs'i')ILJ.~ro.m MOIOCOO to the C.l.pt:, cnme in regulIrly f.;)f upcrt comment. The changing Em it dito"'1J'MC'd b:r fo~if'1 ~.lim, .. well .. by rcpn::~o~:iTea ... ! the ,'.uiOl:lt Al.iatic peoples. The difficult le!;ltio:rl berween Anbt JII':W end Mandatory in P.alcstine lin" DoL Dc!leckd. I..tJn Ame:rica" wbether quiet " r in. a~·li\lol:;cn. i.I trutcd by the bal c.IpCrtL

The policy of .ncllildiDI rmern ..nkl. of Jati1lJ . importance .u uelDpli&ed by the dilK: .. iom of WIt J"uilc by Pr~ PCIDu .. ,J of France, CII.m&~/ar M.,.. or G. ..... " ond p..,u_ M_"J of C_bool ... ... d:illi. Wen. IuYe been ·'A Requil:tte fur the SIlC«M of Popular D"iplomKJI)" by ElilJu Root; "Ten Year. of Soci.alilm in Europe ... • by Emu#- V~,_j~,IJ .. ~ "The Sanje-ro MllirdC'r/' by.R. W • .s .. t""..W..:.tofII. "The pb.a~hy of F....::ism/' by G. G~i and the thrillina .-cma.at 'Or • tGIIWIflti-c epitodC' told try Sir P".cy SyuTlltLderthc: titk "Th~ Britith FIl,on theCMpi..an.:n

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"Who BIIJ'I Forden Bond.lt~ written by DJDi,II W. M(JfTT1D1 jDII: before hll!' became Alnbuudor to Me..:ri~ w;u ~ and n:printed all O't'u the COIIlAtry. ne otpD.lz.ltion J2Ld ope:ntion of inte.:natioul .."ot. "' .. beea d<>en'bod br Jill"" KI .... and ,_ D ..... ~. H_' M, R~, .£ tho 1>0_ Commi ... ion, .D.JW~d. querr..iom iu.YOlnd iu the: tid. 41An: Amuican Loam Ab.road Safe:?" G~l.. O. MIJ took llf 'the tAomy Albj~ of double UDtion. F. W. TMlIJi, diJcmsed th~ nellr Ame:riau Utili bin, _Ii .01",,1 Si#dn..t .. ld or itl rcporcoa'''''' iD E""'J'C-

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There Ire frequent Inie1~ ~ or 1itf'my dwtioc-ti~n---t~ u H.-aI .. NiuJJ${)rJ..~~ dale e:.:uy 0tI. AD former chle:t Lrm::I Canon I Ykl'CIr C,,*nK.1cf', atima:tl! fl.! fir.: former mend and Iater enemy, Lenin: W.Jur LJtt,_,,,,'J Itud.y of &m.ro.r Borah j the .pp:m..tiQQ of FO('h br hit former oolJugae on the! Sap~ WarCouncil. G~ -rr~Ur H. BUll. and P_l Sclujf;r, tttutiny of that l!:Il.iPU1ic colOl&~ StaJ.l::a..

And ID the .. tory ,roes. In en::ry Geld of intcmatioa..aJ acti .. ity the: mOlt ecmpetent authoritict.. No wonder ClMrw E. H"KIuJ praixd FOII:ElGH u-.,uu:a '"oa.e or the, mole hc:lpfU! ror.rttihutM:tu to .I better un&:rwndiag of Our lorej,gn ~I .. tioP1. eeer tnade by private enterpr~"

Besidc:tl ]0 Jeading aMieJa, Foun::,. MPAI .. f"I'" rida: in each issue I bib!i-ognph,-of new boob., &e-qtl:c:nl m.f!$.. and .. department cf ue.:Ities Ind trsde.. greemenn, helpful tc odenb_. hwyen; and bosiBell;

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la bti:c:£ FOIll:ICN AP,.",u -cdTen .I eeeeplete u.d eeeurate record of en:nb La the intenu.ri-anaI 6eld-politial, eeeneeeie, lli.nancial---tD£Cthcr with ~\t .. fpJ .nd fll!I:i.able opinion fEPMiine thl!ir uudcrlrizar

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·AN AMERICAN QUARTERLY REVIEW

. What factors determine the fate of' nations apart from-almost in spite of-special policies of the moment?

Four eminent authorities answer for Great Britain, France, Germany and the United States,

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SPECIAL OFFER

A Copy of This Book Will L~ Be Giv,~n, Without Charge, With a New Subscription to

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THE PERMANENT BASES OF FOREIGN POLICY

SIR AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN JULES CAMBON RICHARD VON KUHLMANN JOHN W.DAVIS

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ALL INFORMATION CONTAINED~' HEREIN IS UNCLASSIFIED, ')/ '"

DATE 11 -/ .2. - 'i'o BY=-~,--es_~s:;..;;:,

Hon. Norman H. Davis, President

Council on Foreign Relations

45 East 65th Street

New York, N. Y.

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Ron. Norman H. Davis, President Council on Foreign Relations

45 East 65th Street, New York

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This issue typifies the invariably high standard of FOREIGN AFFAIRS:

Hitler Could Not Stop Hermann Rauschnlng

Europe Without the League Marcel Hoden

American Isolation: Propaganda Pro and Con .. John Crosby Brown

l20,(lC)Q American Ambassadors WalterTFanyp·

Pacific Airways , '. " D

The Prairie Provinces and Canadian Foreign Policy

George V. Ferguson

American Labor in Another War Leo Wolman

Cardenas of Mexico , Waldo Frank

Czechs and SIo\'aks Since Munich Jose] Han,

Australia's Defense Problem Tyler Dennitt

The Future in Retrospect: The Germany of Treitschke

Raymond 'l- Sontag

Aims of Recent Bdgian Foreign Policy Paul van Zeeland

The Spanish Phalanx and Latin America H. Rutledge Southworth

The Italian Constitution Under Fascism Egidi« Reale

Recent Books on International Relations. '" . Robert Gale Woo/bert

Source Material , Denys P. Myers

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THE COuNCIL~ ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

. is a non-commercial and non-political organization.

, . . It studies American foreign relations in an impartial

and scholarly spirit. In addition to its program of re~ search,:i t publishes the quarterly review, Foreign Affairs; ~ the annual survey "The United States in World Af,,.;fairs;", 'the annual "Political Handbook of the World;" and volumes by specialists dealing with specific problems affecting American interests and foreign policy.

OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS

\.

NORMAN H. DAVIS Presidml

ALLEN W. DULLES

... "siirtlQri - ." . ""~"'!"

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./ . WHITNEY H. SHEPAR.DSON

TrtlUurer

WALTER. H. MALLOR.Y &eculirJI Director

FUNK ALTSCHU L H.u.tILTON FlSM AJU.l:STR.ONO . 0 isAIAH BOWMAN .

. . PAUL D. CRAVATH

JOHN W. DAVIS fuR.OLD WILLIS DODDS STEPHEN P. DUGGAN " '

LEON FRASER.

PHILIP C. JESSUP RUSSELL C. LEFFINGWELL GEORGE O. MAY

FRANK. L. POLK.

JOHN H. WILLIAMS

OWEN D. YOUNG

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"FOREIGN AFFAIRS"

Foreign Affairs devotes itself to providing unmistakably expert opinion regarding the problems of American foreign policy, and regarding the political, social and economic currents which affect men's thought and action all over the world.

It stands alone in its field, without rival either in the United States or abroad. Its prestige and authority are such that it secures as contributors the leaders of opinion everywhere, the most eminent statesmen and scholars and men of affairs, those who rarely if ever find occasion to wri te in any periodical.

Foreign Affairs is taken by the Heads of Governments and by Foreign Ministers; it is read in the offices of business men, manufacturers and bankers, and in the professor's study; it is used in the class rooms of great universities and in libraries; it is quoted endlessly in the newspapers, and referred to in scholarly journals and in debates in Congress and in foreign parliaments.

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To the thousands of men and women who feel that they must know, not the news of the day only but the reasons back of the news, Foreign Affairs is indispensable. They trust its editorial integrity. They know that it does not itself plead any cause however worthy, that it welcomes to its pages all honest and intelligent points of view regarding the pivotal questions of our time .

Besides its leading articles, Foreign Affairs provides in each issue frequent maps and notes, a very full yet critical bibliography of new books here and abroad, and a guide to official publications.

In brief, Foreign Affairs offers a complete record and interpretation of events in the international field, and thoughtful opinion regarding the underlying causes. Forthcoming issues will be just as distinguished, just as interesting, as those which for seventeen years have made it the leading publication of its kind in the world.

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\AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY IN A NATIONALISTIC WORLD

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By WILLIAM: E. tBORAH United States Senator from Idaho

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With IntroductOry~?-e~rks by NORMAN H DAVIS

and Concluding ... ' emarks by

(I0HN WfAVI'

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SPECIAL SUPPLEMENT TO VOL. 12, No.2

ALL INFORHATION CONTAINED ~

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The address delivered by the Honorable William E.

FEB: S19l1oWtth, United States Senator from Idaho, before the Council on Foreign Relations in New York on January 8, I934, is here reprinted as a supplement to the January I934 issue of FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Also included are the introductory remarks oj the Honorable Norman H. Davis, American Ambassador-aI-Large, Pice-President oj Ihe Council on Foreign Relations, and the concluding remarks of the Honorable John W. Davis.

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Additional copies may be had, at Iwenty-jive cents each, by addressing the Business Manager, FOREIGN AFFAIRS, . 45 East 65th Street, New York.

Ct93" Council on Foreign RdatiolW. lPc.

PRINTED IN 11 ••• &.

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FOREIGN AFFAIRS

Vol. l~

SPECIAL SUPPLEMENT

No. !!

On lhe occasion of 1M addMS DJ 1M HonqrlilDlr William E. Bord. Unitrd Stairs Smalor from Idaho. DrJorr 16-Council on Frmign &lalions. Nr1» yqri.1flnuary 8,19.11.

By Norman H. Davis

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IHIS age in which we are living is more remarkable and more interesting in many respects than any preceding period of history. Never before has e been such progress in science and industry, such a vast increase in material w"'.<Ilth; or such a high levd of general education. And yet; in spite of this, the world is today in an exceedingly unsettled condition economically, socially, psychologically and politically. The depression, which began over three years ago, and from which there are now promising evidences of recovery, was international in origin and no nation escaped from its effects. It brought home to us the fact that the nations have become so interdependent that what happens in one or more countries affects the others. Since many of the troubles in various nations today are mainly international in origin and scope, and since the interdependence of nations has become so complete that isolation is no longer possible or desirable, it is somewhat difficult to account for the wave of intense nationalism that has been sweeping the world.

Fear is, of course, the chief cause of extreme nationalism and the chief obstacle to a solution of some of the difficulties that now confront us. All nations are seeking security, not only of life but of livelihood. As a result there _ is a growing tendency on the part of every country to divorce itself from external ties and influences and to seek its salvation independently of its neighbors if not, indeed; at their expense. If this tendency continues to grow as at present; it will, I fear, not only create new problems but make more difficult the solution of some of the old ones.

In facing the situation that exists today; it does us no good to look back regretfully and long for the good old days. The development of communication, of trade, and of means of attack on land, on sea, under the sea, and from the air, has changed our environment. We are on this earth today. Our children will be on it tomorrow. What can we do to make our lot and theirs safer and happier than that of the generation which knew the horrors of the Great War?

Of one thing we may be certain. The American people want peace. They do not want to be drawn into another war and they are opposed to any agreements which would commit them to go to war. How best to avoid war is not. however, such a simple matter. We may recall that the United States did not have any entangling alliances or commitments with any European power in 1914. and I trust we never will have any such entanglements. Nevertheless,

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our [reedo~ 'from any eommltments and our effort t~ maintain ~ Position of .... neutrality did not prevent us from being forced in 1917 to abandon neutrality ~:-.~

and enter the war that was then raging in Europe. . .'

The fact that we were drawn into the World War, although we had no entangling alliances and aithough we had proclaimed OUi' ne-utrality, must be kept in the forefront of our mindS in considering our present policy in the light of past experience and in the light of changed physical conditions.

In my opinion it should be possible for the United States, which has a vital interest in world peace and stability, to cooperate in an endeavor to promote peace and solve such questions of international concern as can 0.'111 be dealt mth effectively by concerted effort, and to do this without sacrificing our

independence of judgment and our freedom of action. . - ' .. ,'-,... .'

Within the modest limits of my ability I have been endeavoring, in furtherance of the aims of the President, to help mitigate prevailing fears and to

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nne more rattonaf ways 0 promoting secunry L ... an ..,y pl ... lng up a~Slve

armaments, which create political tension between neighboring nations and impose an undue burden on world economy. I continue to hope that definite prOP.Te8S caD: be made. Indeed. the growing pressure of nationalism has begun to force the issue in making plain to the peoples most vitally concerned the alternatives which they (ace of either preparing to destroy each other by conflict or of endeavoring tosave themselves by cooperation. I agree wholeheartedly with President Roosevelt that the vast majority of the peoples are in favor of disarmament and a peaceful settlement of international controversies.

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lems for those who conduct the foreign relations of the United States. It is) therefore, a great satisfaction to the Council on Foreign Relations to have this opportunity to hear the views of a statesman like Senator Borah on this question. As former Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate. and at present the ranking Republican member of that Committee, he has for many years had much to do with questions relating to our foreign policy. He represents a section of the country and of public opinion that we in the East ought to know much more about. Those who may not always find themselves in accord with the views of Senator Borah cannot but admire his ability, his courage and his independence of thought= .

Since this is the first time we have had the honor to greet Senator Borah as our guest) I should like, as Chairman this evening, to say a word to him about ourselves. The Council on Foreign Relations is a non-partisan body of American citizens of many professions and interests. We are bound together by our desire to study. without passion or prejudice, the position of the United States in world affairs, in the hope of contributing toward a reasoned American foreign policy. We believe in enlightenment, but not in propagating any particular point of view. Hence we like to hear all points of view. That is the

. policy which is followed by our quarterly review, FOREIGN AFFAIR.S. The public, both here and abroad, has sensed this policy and has come to regard that review as the leading publication of its kind in the world. Independence and sincerity are the hallmark of real research, and we like to feel that it is imprinted on all our work.

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AM ERI CAN FO REI G N PO LI CY ~~~-:L:'.:;;~~.-:-.~~.- .::. _:.:~:.'~"~J.

IN .A . NATIONALISTIC WORLD . ~:·f_;·?~. - . '''~;'1~~;£~

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By William F.. Borah'

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. I AGREE entirely with the views expressed by the Chairman as to th~obj~ct8

and services of this association. 'Those of us who have not had the opportunity of being your guest, and thus coming in closer contact with you. nevertheless know of your work. We greatly respect it. I think the Chairman is quite correct in saying that your publication is looked upon by all men as the highest and best expression of opinions on all sides of the questions which touch foreign affairs. I t is both a pleasure and an honor to be your guest this evening. I express ~y appreciation of the remarks of the Chairman, whom I have known for many years and whose ability and disinterestedness I deeply

respect. '.-" . - .

the strong tendency of all revolutions is to break entirely with the past. A new world is to be created. A new start must be made. What men have thought before is unimportant, perhaps harmful. The efforts they have put forth, the sacrifices they have made, are to be regarded as without value. Traditions and policies which have become interwoven with the moral and intellectual fibre of a people, the habits, customs, and mode of living, the institutions they have reared at great cost of money and blood, are in revolutionary times sought to be rejected and forever put aside. Books and symbols are burned or in some way destroyed. This is the revolutionary ideal. But fortunately, it is never realized. Fortunately, the wealth - materiai, morai, inteiiectuaigathered through centuries of effort, cannot be destroyed. No revolutionary movement can wholly escape the living past. Tradition, after all, does not yield to revolutionary decrees. Experience will have a hearing. ReBection and the inexorable nexus of things bring men back to take up the broken threads, mend them if possible, preserve that which is best, separate things which are fugitive from things which are permanent, and then go forward with that patient building which is the true and dependable method of permanent advancement.

Washington, .in his immortal. farewe~I ad~s, said: :'The great rule .of conduct for us in regard to forelgn nations, Is,ln extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible .••• Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none, or a very remote, relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns •••. Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivals hip, interests, humor, or caprice?" Thomas Jefferson stated the same principle with greater brevity, declaring: "Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations - entangling alliances with none," .

This eolicv tItus announced remained the unchallenaed and revered oollev of this nation for one hundred and twenty-odd years. "'Wht;ver diffe~ceS of view may have arisen in most recent years, none were found, and none will be

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found, I venture to believe, to question the wisdom of this policy at the time ', .;~~~V:1J it was announced or for more than a century thereafter. Without it, the Re- "" - .. -."--.~ public could not in all probability have wit..hstood t..he ordeal of those formative

years. It was an indispensable part of the scheme of free government. To- _

gether with the declaration of independence, the treaty of peace, and the Con-"o " _0 "~o" stitution of the United States, this policy made up the title deeds to our 1i~--" "-:_~-."-:.-_

and the guarantees of our independence •. " - - - - . - '::0"';'

There were giants in the land in those cia Y8. men of deep insi2ht into 1!.ovem- -- "" - - ~".-. .:

ment, of profound convictions, for which cOnvictions they were always~wi11ing - --~,~to contend and for which they did contend. But in all their contentions, upon __ ""'=-_,..

this first great announcement as to our foreign policy there was no division. -

And down through the fierce years of political warfare in which men fought

with the relentless ardor of great souls over almost every conceivable question

of statecraft or politics, upon this policy they were united. Behind it for more than a century was the combined support and loyalty of this masterly group of men, the only body of men in all history who successfully organized, set up,

and maintained a real representative Republic. . . , ,. -.~~~;---

It w~s un~e~ this ,FOlic>; ~hat we ~w in, ~tren&th and influence, set~ed ou~ -"' ·"'~Pt.

domestic ~roolems, orougnt prospenty ana nappmess to our own people, and'~'t'''-'"

dwon ~nd feld thel~especdt of ~lJ n.atedio~s. UWnder this pod1ithCY wMe annouDnced ~e.: ""

octrine a neutra Ity an maintain It. e announce e onroe octrine "r

and saw to it that it was respected. In the midst of civil war, we sternly re- '

.buked those who would interfere in our domestic affairs and our position was tremendously strengthened by the policy of non-interference with their affairs

which we had always unwaveringly maintained. The influence of this Republic

was felt throughout the world, not because of armies or navies. but rather

through the force of example - we lived up to our creed, peace, commerce and

friendship with all nations. We were not hated. we were not reviled because

we had not done morc. and, though alone, we were not afraid." .

The World War brought about for the first time a wide difference of opinion touching the foreign policy of the United States. Since that time it has been' earnestly and ably contended that our foreign policy, so long a part of our national life, was no longer applicable to conditions brought about by that 2reat conflict. and that it should be abandoned once and for all. With this program wasto go that part of international law relating to neutrality. We were to assume a position in world affairs the very reverse of that which we had held from the beginning of the government. We were not only to accept full part and responsibility in the adjustment of all questions of international import - and they were practically all of that nature - which should arise in Europe or in the Orient, but even in the remotest regions of the earth. We were never to assume the .. immoral" position of neutrals. Na tionalism and devotion to one's country were to be reduced to a minimum. Internationalism was to be the supreme, dominating force among the peoples of the world. Like other revolutions, it sought to break with all the past, its traditions, its policies, and the views and teachings of its mighty leaders.

In this revolutionary movement were two groups of individuals - working to the same end but in quite different ways. There were those who sincerely believed that the new course was the high and honorable and most beneficial

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course to p~rsue. They entertained the hope, if not the' belief, that the Great _ ~. _. '~.' T·_,ij:

War had wrought deep and lasting changes in the minds and hearts of the'!.~~--:_ -.o>~

people of the world and that they were now readyto accept a wholly new _._ .. _ ::::_::u

theory of nationalism. It seemed to be their theory that war had brought all :;_. -:~,::~

peoples into a more kindly, brotherly relat;ionship - that in this awfuL .. "_~:"'<'~,:0 baptism of blood peoples had found a new life and were henceforth to be' - :

guided by a new spirit. That those views were, and perhaps still are, sincerely _.: ..

entertained by many people no one can doubt._' . , ""--- .:: ' .. :_ ...' _.. .,

There was another group of individuals having a large part in this program, _ not admirable in many respects, willing to surrender our foreign policy but . not quite willing, in the face of what seemed an unsettled public opinion, to say .

so outright. . - __ .... - -:.... . ,. . . .'_- .. : ::': .~_.:>

. __ .Hence, began that shambling, equivocal policy which found expression in a mutrituae of reservations and all kinds of explanations, none of which nor all of which would have preserved the foreign policy which, like Peter of old, they professed to love but would not own in the hour of crucifixion. Following the

period of reservations and the consolations which seemed to flow therefrom

there came into international affairs a strange figure known as the "unofficial

observer," always gentlemen of high character, but always, by reason

of their commission from their government, required to act as a kind of inter-

-d ... ~i'-'llii~ ~rY' going about over the continents listening in on other peoples'

business. say" other peoples' business," because had it been our business, we

should have been there in the person of a duly appointed and authorized agent of the government assuming full responsibility with all other participants. Th:3 1-"o1..:~ke brought discredit to our government, impeached before the world our sincerity, and had a> tendency at least to degrade the revered policy of Washington to the level of the fugitive discretion or whims of an international interloper. Whatever happens in the future, let's be rid once and for all of this uri-American and humiliating policy, if you may call that a policy, which policy has none. Wherever we go or wherever we disclose an interest, let us go as full participants and assume full responsibility with the other participants in the conference. One may personally respect, though he differs with.;' those who insist that our long-established policy has become obsolete and give their reasons in support thereof, although one may be permitted, I trust, to recall Chancellor Thurlow's remark in reference to the reasons given by his friend. Scott. But this shuffling, uncertain, apologetic attitude toward our American policy and toward the other peoples of the earth and nations of the world can excite nothing less than derision, if not the contempt, of all true Americans and all sincere and candid men everywhere.

The hopes entertained that the war was to give us a new world have in no sense been realized. One of the ablest of those who entertained this hope, noted for his breadth of mind and candor of thought, has recently declared: .. During the 1920'S I held the conviction firmly that the world was to experience a period of great international cooperation in every Jield. • • • Looking at the world today one may still hope but certainlr must question the soundness of that vision of the 19lO's:' No less illuminating are the words of Mr. Ramsay MacDonald; spoken only a short time ago. He declared that he was "looking upon a stage with something moving immediately behind the footlights,"-

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Uan ominous background full of shadows and uncertainties," and that confidence between nations was more lacking than ever. There is something moving behind the footlights - it is the inevitable forces of national life which often elude detection until they have begun to write their decrees.

In respect to international matteiS, the world has not changed) the Orient has not changed, Europe has not changed. The nations were never so heavily armed in peace times as in the fifteenth year after the signing of the Armistice. N early five billion dollars are annually extorted from impoverished peoples in preparation (or another war. National frontiers in many mstances are in effect battle-fronts. The issues between certain leading Powers are as inexplicable and irreconcilable as they were before the conflict began. The old system of the balance of power is again coming to dominate the European continent. Diplomatic moves bend to its delusive assurances. The Corridor, the City of Danzig, Upper Silesia, the problem of the minorities, Manchuria in the Orient, the vindictive iudaments of the neace treaties. the inecualirv of nations. now the cornerston~ of international 'law in Europe, all th~e problems, tru~lent and inexorable, serve to keep Europe armed and vigilant, and to warn us again and again that the reign of internationalism has not yet arrived. They are European problems arising out of conditions centuries old. The outside world cannot reach these problems. To make an attempt to do so would

ignite the powder mine. .

The answer to nationalism, it is insisted, is the nearness of all peoples by reason of modern invention and improved methods of transportation. Europe is now at our door, it is claimed, and Asia just around the corner. We therefore cannot be indifferent to their problems. We must have a part in alJ that concerns them, nearness makes their affairs our affairs. This matter of nearness seems to play strange pranks sometimes. It has certainly run counter to the expectations of many in the last twenty years, although we might have been well advised, since it had been doing the same things in crowded Europe for a thousand years. Nearness has riot begotten there a common interest or a com:. mon purpose or even friendly relations. It has not melJowed the individuality of nations or fostered and strengthened the spirit of cooperation. It has not induced the belief that because of nearness there should be less of the national spirit. It has not put an end to war or rendered it less likely to occur.

On my father's farm, with no other dwelling nearer than two miles, and in some directions nearer than twenty, the doors to our home were never locked. If there was a key on the place, I never saw it. In our great apartments of today, with a multitude of families within easy reach, we have locks which lock themselves, and it is my feeling that even if these families were Japanese, Chinese, Italian, French, or Russian, instead of America)ls, we would still keep the self-locking locks on the doors. Familiarity does not necessarily breed respect and propinquity does not ordinarily beget confidence. Europe is as far away today, likewise the Orient. in everything which makes for the community spirit, for social understanding, for political accord, as it was when the greatest of political philosophers, the most profound student of Europe this country has ever L'lOwn s joined with. the wisest of political leaders In warning the

American people against entangling alliances of any kind. .

It is one of the crowning glories of the world that we have d.i.fferent peoples

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and different nations and different civilizations and different political concepb::-,,;·~. ,-,~:-:_~.~ -q Sta~d~rdization ?lay be all right for cat~e and sh.eer and .swine of all kin~i:,_-:_.'_'7:-';~~:'2;.:_i:~

but It IS not applicable to peoples. or nations. and It IS not m accordance WIth . .._::...=

the divine economy of things., . ~ . - .. , ' '::..:-:-:::c-:g

Another revolution, therefore, has failed. It had to fail. It could not escape _',>:

the living past. It did not weigh sufficiently the inertia of human nature, it .._ .. ,,;

underestimated the strength of those ancient prejudices and fears, as well as . c. :<>:

those ancient faiths and beliefs, the intellectual and moral paths over which .. '

men and women had trodden for centuries. The fight against nationalism h.a.a

lost. It was bound to lose. It was a fight against the strongest and noblest

passion. outside of those which spring from man's relation to his God, that

moves or controls the impulses of the human heart. Without it civilization

would wane and utterly decay. Men would sink to the level of savages. In-

dividuality in persons is the product of the most persistent and universal law

of nature. It is woven of millions of subtle and tireless forces. No power can

change this law or frustrate its operation. This is equally true of nations. In';

ternationalisrn, if it means anything more than the friendly cooperation be-

tween separate, distinct, and wholly independent nations. rests upon a false

foundation. And when undertaken, it will fail as in the name of progress and

humanity it should fail.

Out yonder in the sad bean fields of Manchuria. empty formula met reality. internationalism encountered nationalism, and the pathetic results are recorded in the great disappointment of many wise men. In an old Greek tragedy you will find this line: Of Alas I How dreadful to have wisdom where it profits not the wise."

Nationalism, pride and love of country, is a passion, peculiar to no people,' indispensable to the welfare of all. To undertake its destruction is madness. To foster it, cultivate it, direct its finer qualities along high and honorable and peaceful lines, as exemplified in the precepts and examples of Washington,

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come into your memory, is the highest mission, the noblest calling, in which men and women associated with public affairs can engage and to which a free people can devote their aims and consecrate their energies.

Its maintenance has cost blood. So has religion. It has entailed suffering beyond the power of words to paint. So have all the creeds and faiths of men. But it is worth all it has cost. Ask the Polish people, taking a single instance from the crowded pages of history. Frederick the Great, in his old age writing to Voltaire, said: "Now that Poland has been settled with a little ink and a pen, the 'Encyclopedia' cannot declaim against mercenary brigands." That was when they divided Poland. But Poland had not been settled bv a little ink and a pen. Physically dismembered. her national spirit lived on.~Homeless, as it were, it appeared upon every battlefield for liberty and fought for the oppressed in every land under the heavens. Without a couQtry of its own. this Polish spirit of nationalism made the land of the downtrodden among all peoples its home. When the World War came. near two hundred years had intervened since the crime was committed. But there was no stronger feeling of nationalism anywhere to be found than in this dismembered country. And like a ghost of retribution, it pursued those who had inflicted what was sup-

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posed to be a mortal wound to their utter undo"mg;-ShaU we hope to ~chieve':::'F~,.~t::"~'~:.:-~j

for the world what the despoilers sought to do with Poland? Even though we '~"~

e.i'TIploy oceans of ink and minions of peris U'e cannot destroy nationalism; our .: -)

effort will be just as futile as was theirs. War may spread its ruin, you may ... _.J1

wreck the fundamental law and uproot the institutions of your country'_c':~2;;: these are but the fruits of man's efforts. But a higher power has planted in the "'::~-:H human breast devotion to country, and all permanent progress must rest upon

that basic fact. ,~ .. ,- , "'... ' .... - , ,

With these intimations of my views, here I might stop. But the subject'

assigned to me by your spokesman cans for a more specific word ... American Foreign Policy in a Nationalistic World" was the tOpIC assigned to me for this

evening. '

It is a nationalistic world, intensely so. There can be no doubt about thai.

Everywhere the national spirit is evoked, fostered and religiously maintained. Vvnatever we may think as to some of its policies and tendencies, we must admit that under its welding, cementing, driving power, different peoples have been lifted into a region of exertion and consecration nothing less than amazing. In countries where there was debility, incompetency, and utter demoralization among the masses, in this spirit of nationalism there is now strength and vigor and hope. Trampling under foot the false and feeble philosophy which would disparage the healing, uplifting power of patriotism, they sacrifice, suffer and endure and find their highest compensation in the increasing vigor, prestige and honor of their country. These conditions and these sentiments are not likely to

change in the near future. .

If a foreign policy should be offered to these nationalistic nations, which would net fit into, serve and augment their nationalism, it would be rejected. Such a policy was offered to Japan. It was rejected. Where would a foreign r~!icy, based upon internationalism find reception in Eur?pe o~ in the Orient? LIKe tne dove from the Ark, there would be no plaCe for it to light. \Vhen tile Security Committee of the League several years ago sought of Great Britain her views upon the terms of the Covenant, the Committee was plainly informed that Great Britain would determine for herself whether there was a breach in the Covenant and would determine for herself what, if any, action she would take in regard to the breach if it occurred. That was na.tjong_l;sm~ Who would expect Great Britain to do anything different? And who would long respect her if she did do anything different? The invasion of the Ruhr, Corfu, the seizure of Manchuria, these things indicate rather strongly that all schemes of international cooperation must fit into national realization. Judging the future by the past, it will always be so. Europe has not changed in this respect, and I venture to say, in the interest of civilization, it is well that she has not changed. Europe, with her developing nationalism, may throw many dark shadows upon the future. But Europe, without the national spirit, would be hopeless beyond redemption. Nationalism does not necessarily of itself mean militarism or war, as shown by our own history. But whatever it means, any~ thing is preferable to suffocation in the fetid atmosphere of national decay.

National decay begins where nationalism ends. . -.

I am far more concerned about our domestic problems than I am about our foreign affairs, although our foreign policy will greatly help or hinder the nation

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i'~_:"_'::-:>""~ in dealing with our doinestic problems. It will be i IQng time, I -v~~re to __ +.",,,,,~,:.:, - ~:; believe, before there will be any necessity or any justification fOT the United ,:'~c'""~rfX "'_-"loa States engaging in a foreign war. But the questions at home are imminent, they-"-- .r~:~. :-,.~,:~ are upon us, not only those which have to do with the depression, but many

which are even of a graver and more permanent nature, problems which have their roots deep down in our whole social and political structure. You would not expect a discussion of these questions this evening. It is sufficient for the purposes of the evening to merely indicate some of them. Our stupendous debt burden, public and private, some two hundred and twenty billion dol-

lars, our constantly increasing tax burden, city. county, state and national, the

chronic waste of public money, the utilities problem, conservation and proper .

use of our natural resources, the banking question, the money question, the _

question of the more equitable distribution of wealth. These, and many more

problems, push now for consideration. No scheme on earth can give us penna.

nent contentment or permanent prosperity until they are solved. Indeed, they .. were contributing causes of the depression., ' _. .c. _ •

The guarantee of our national efficiency, prestige and strength, notwithstanding the many problems with which we must deal, and certain tendencies which seem to threaten our institutions. is to he (onneL not a.Jon"" in wise If'.anen:

but even more ina~nit;d ~~d--;~~;'p~~p!~=-=--~~~~-~;-~;;jy-by-~o~stib;:

tional forms and one Bag, but united in spirit and exaltation of purpose. After all, the source of power in this country under our government is the people. If at that source there is wanting poise and judgment and devotion and wisdom," this will inevitably be reflected in unstable policies and unwise laws - the people "must nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth:' Our foreign policy therefore should be one best calculated to unite our own people, morally, spiritually and economically, to inspire them with a sense of national

fidelity and personal responsibility. . . ..

This country has within her boundary people from almost every land under the sun, still conscious under certain conditions of the "mystic chords of memory." Every civilization has made its contribution to the American civilization. How easy to transfer the racial antipathies and political views and controversies of the Old World into our very midst. Once abandon our policy of aloofness from European controversies, and we bring these European controversies into the American home and into our national life. We are constantly warned how persistently that transfer even now takes place. Only recently the bitterness, the intensity, of a European controversy, nerved the arm and guided

. the hand which grasped the dagger of the assassin, not only in our very midst but under the most sacred and solemn surroundings.

Eschewing policies, therefore, which tend to keep alive former attaclunents and the political controversies of the Old World, we should exert to our utmost the healing, cementing power of patriotism and mold one hundred and twenty million people into one invincible, intellectual, economic and political force for the enactment and administration of just and' equal laWs.

In the years immediately ahead, believing that I was laying the foundation for the adjustment of all our problems, believing that I was engaged not only in saving government but in saving souls, not only preserving institutions but preserving human liberty, like Peter the Hermit with his tongue of fire, I

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would preach united national aims and ideals, I would instill anew the great truth that democratic institutions are the only hope for the personal worth, the dignity, and the individual liberty of the citizen. I would frame aUlawI and shape all policies, foreign and domestic, with that great end in view. In no other way can we hope for contentment and unity at home and respect and

power abroad. ..... •. . , .. .' .... '. ", . ~. . ' .' .

In conclusion, permit me to say that I believe in the foreign policy which offers peace to all nations, trade and commerce with aU nations, honest friendshlp with all nations, political commitments,express or implied, with none"",,":, the policy whlch not only in fact feSl?ects the rights and sovereignties of other states and nations without distinction of great and small, and particularly upon this Continent, but which would also refrain from words or acts that would seem to challenge those rights. As an evidence of that faith, I would at the present time abandon what is known as the Platt Amendment as irritating and humiliating to Cuba and as imposing upon the United States an impossible task. Under the shelter and the inspiration of such a foreign policy I would foster and' strengthen that brand of Americanism which believes in the worth, the efficiency, and grandeur of constitutional democracy, in the vigilant pres. ervation of the personal liberty and the individual privileges of the citizen, realizing that our institutions and the whole vast scheme of democratic government depend upon our ability here on this western continent to harmonize the rapacious economic forces of the modern world with the political freedom and economic rights of the individual. Thus, armed with a sense of justice toward other nations on the one hand and a sense of duty toward our own people on the other, this nation will remain at peace with all nations who want peace, and if there be those who do not, and will not, have peace, we under such circumstances need have no fear. . '

There is no creed or faith, no political principle or form of government, hut must at some time or other undergo attacks - and this seems to be one of the periods of chalJenge and general assailment. We read of a movement lately initiated in one of the leading countries of Europe to delete the Ten Commandments, presumably that part which says: Thou shalt not kill; to edit the Lord's prayer, since that perfect supplication encompasses all men regardless of race or creed; to abolish Christianity, and conform the teachings of the Nazarene to the practices and principles of their political leader. This wicked and blasphemous exhibition of diseased minds seems only a little more impious and no less vain and impotent than the persistent attacks everywhere encountered upon popular government, the right and capacity of the people to direct and manage their own political affairs. Here in this country and elsewhere, either by those who in their own land have destroyed the last vestige of personal liberty, sending to prison and to the torture chamber men and women because of race, religion or political opinions and sacrificing alJ rights of the people to the gratification of personal power, or by those in our own land who consult appearances rather than realities and mistake surface indications for the deep currents which move below, we hear the solemn pronouncement that popular government has failed and constitutional democracy is dead.

We need not be dismayed but we cannot be unconcerned. The right to worship according to the dictates of one's conscience, the right to freedom from

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gether' with free speech, a free press, the right of assemblage) and those guaran."" 'c.~~::"";7~"~~~ tees the sum total of which make up the inestimable blessings of personal .-:::}:;~~;:;':'::~ liberty, are the things for which democracy stands. They are the things -for " . "_-;,;. which we stand. And I venture to believe that we will not fail to preserve them,

Looking backward and looking forward, proud of our past and confident o( our

future, we shall find our highest service, not only to our own people) but to

mankind and to the peace of the world, in transmitting these principles un-' impaired to succeeding generations. This is our supreme duty. I believe that the foreign policv of Washins:tton and Jefferson and Lincoln will best enable us to meet- and discharge that duty. I am, therefore, at all times) in periods of turbulence or in periods of calm, and without apology and without com-

promise, committed to the support of that foreign policy.

This, it will be said, is isolation. It is not isolation, it is freedom of action.

It is independence of judgment. It is not isolation, it is free governmentthere can be no such thing as free government if the people thereof are not free . to remain aloof or to take part in foreign wars. People who have bartered away or surrendered their right to remain neutral in war have surrendered their right· to govern. In matters of trade and commerce we have never been isolationists and never will be. In matters of finance, unfortunately, we have not been isolationists, and probably never will be. When earthquake and famine, or whatever brings human suffering, visit any part of the human race, we have not been isolationists, and never will be. In all those matters and things in which a free and independent and enlightened people may have a part, looking toward amity, toward peace, and the lessening of human suffering, we have never been isolationists, and never will be. But in all matters political, in all commitments of any nature or kind, which encroach in the slightest upon the free and unembarrassed action of our people, or which circumscribe their discretion and judgment, we have been free, we have been independent, we have been isolationists. And this, I trust, we shall ever be. If there be any

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your foreign policies to the demands or in the interest of other nations at the peril of your own security. is to invite contempt, and it seldom fails to earn a more substantial punishment.

In recent years much has been said, especially from abroad, about the provincial American. Those who discuss this and kindred matters modestly pay tribute to their own worth by speaking of world vision and of a wider human sympathy. One need hardly linger to discuss the subject. Regardless of what may be said by those whose purposes are apparent, let us hold fast to those political principles and foreign policies which others call provincialism but which we call Americanism. It has served us well. It fits in with our scheme of democracy. It has built a civilization whose capstone is personal liberty. It may have its faults, as what earthly scheme has not? But all the world will have to testify that in great emergencies, in sublime moments, when civilization hangs in the balance, it is wanting neither in sympathy nor in courage, and whatever faults it may possess are buried in the depth of a great unselfish and heroic purpose. It has no taste, no aptitude, for the hazardous enterprise of

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uncovering aggressors or chastising national renegades. Here in its Godordained home between two oceans, watchful of its own interests and vigilant in the defense of its rights, it covets nothing of others save the peace and friendshif of all. It does not, and it never has, shrunk from its duty to civilization. It wil not disown any obligation which human liberty and human justice impose upon a free people. But it does propose, I venture to prophesy, to determine for itself when civilization is threatened, when there may be a breach of human . rights and human liberty sufficient to warrant action, and it proposes also to . determine for itself when to act and in what manner it shall discharge the obligations which time and circumstances impose.

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I know the Senator will not think me 'owr-eritical and certainly not dis- ,~,:'~,L~_:2j courteous if I say frankly that lam not entirely clear in my own mind as to.-:~;:'?£~· -._7:~ the definition he himself would give to such terms as "internationalism," ".<·~i,'~::'~ "isolation," or even that well-worn word "commitment," I take for granted' ;"::;:->~i7

that all of us, according to our lights and circumstances, are nationalists and .. -.-

internationalists. isolationists and contra-isolationists, and as for "commit- __ ._ .• ~

ment,' the life of men and nations is made up of commitments - and com- ""',.

mitments, too, that bind our discretion and our judgment. Every time the' ,-:_'.':.-:::~

United States settles a boundary line, it makes a commitment. Every treaty - .:....,:~~

of amitv and commerce is a commitment, We went to war with Germanv nVl'!r " .. : - .. -,'

what w'e claimed was a commitment, to wit: the la';' o(nati~~; gi;i~g~ t~ '~ii;"'-"'~~ neutrals the right to sail their ships upon the open seas. For my part, I would . , .. ,- .. - be willing to write that law on paper and sign the name of America to it, if

every nation in the world would do the same. I cannot be frightened away

from a treaty that I think is to the advantage of my country simply because

it involves i commitment. or restrains the contracting parties front violating

the letter and spirit of their bond. .'. ,'" " '. ,

I confess without apology that I was one of those who at the end of the Great

War believed that the world had learned a lesson in the futility of appeal to' .-'~'-~ arms, and I thought that with the roar of the vain cannons still sounding in

their ears the time had come when mankind was ready to exalt reason instead

of force as the arbiter of international disputes. Perhaps that was ,premature. When one looks around the world today, of which the Senator's picture is in. no wa y overdrawn. it is difficult to be of a contrary opinion. Perhaps that effort would have succeeded better if the United States had been more free in its

cooperation. Vv'ho knows? Men will be debating that question one hundred

years from now without agreeing upon the true answer. But the dream, if it was

a dream. was inspired. The effort was not ignoble. And the ideal is one to which

the tired world will return again and yet again, until, by toil and strain, and if

need be by further sacrifice, the end is achieved. ' .

Senator, you have been truly told by our Chairman that this assemblage and this association is made up of many men of many minds. I think there must be before you many who' are ready to agree with the word and letter of all that you have said. But I warn you that I see others here who are already preparing

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too glad to take it out of both of us. But on one point I beg you to believe that there is no difference of opinion. All of us have listened with great pleasure to your most interesting and illuminating speech. and all of us have a sense of gratitude for the great honor that you have done us by adding the distinction

of your presence to this assemblage. .

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I RISE with great pleasure to propose a vote of thanks to Senator Borah for the honor he has done us by his presence, and for the powerful and illumi-, nating address to which we have just listened. He has stated, with an eloquence which challenges the ears of his hearers arid at the same time arouses their envy, his views on the policy of the United States in its foreign contacts. And speaking, Senator, only for myself - because this is not a representative assembly - I wish to 'say that as an humble member of the audience here I agree textually with most of what you have said, and if I might be permitted to put my own interpretation on your statement, and might rely on the fact that dissent begins where interpretation starts, I would find it difficult to withhold my assent from it aii. . ... _, .. - .....,

You maintain that the warning of Jefferson, following Washington. against entangling alliances is still valid. So do I. You deprecate the use of that poor and unworthy diplomatic subterfuge, the unofficial observer, and I heartily join you in that sentiment. You think that nationalism still has a great part to play in the world, and that real and genuine patriotism is still one of the loftiest emotions that stirs the human breast. For myself, I would be the last to dissent from either statement. You declare that any internationalism which is not founded on the friendly cooperation of free and independent nations rests on an unsound foundation, and that the cardinal aim of our foreign policy is net isolation, but peace and commeice and friendship with all the nations of the world. That is one of the best and soundest of American traditions. let who will deny. Finally, you hold up to us the ideal of constitutional government, jealous of its own position in the world, jealous no less of the individual liberty and personal rights and privileges of its fel1ow-citizens. I say there never was a time when such preachment was more needed than it is needed in the United States today. It is good to listen to such things. to be called back to the fundamentals.

I think if the time should come when the views of myself and the Senator should diverge, it would be more in conclusion than in premise, and more perhaps in method than in aim. I find it difficult. for instance. to think of the fureigit and domestic policies of this country as '~o ~~p~;~te' ~; ~d~pendent things. They are not; they are but interdependent parts of one great political whole. Whether those who are charged with power by their fellow-citizens are moving in the foreign or in the domestic field, they dare not permit any consideration to deflect them from the pursuit of what is best for the peace and the welfare and the happiness of the nation they serve. I do not mean that they must be blind to what is going on around them, fora man walking on a crowded street makes slow progress if he pays no attention to his fellow-travellers; and a foreign policy of having no policy is the worst foreign policy of all.

The longer I live the more I become persuaded that many of the differences between men arise out of the imperfections of our common speech. I think it was Lord Bacon who said that" the greatest sophism of all sophisms is equivocation or ambiguity of words."

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In vitnf of the' above infOrmaiiin"SUfi! additicm- ~f

e.l investigation in thl.s matter w1ll be conducted by the ,

New York Field Division concerning FOREIGN AFFAIRS in... .: . :: __ --.~: .. --_~.-

the absence of Bureau instructions to the contrar)".' ,. ~;':~: - ._ -."

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cc - New Orleans

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OIRECTOR-. __ .. _:_'

JOHN EDGAR HOOVER

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Information has been received from an unknown outside source dated June 6, 1941 at New York, New York to the efreet that ,the Council on Foreign Relations, a sister organization to the .'

1fnstitute of International Af"rairs" in London, was formed in 1922. gembership in this organization is limited to men only •. It has 500 members, most of r.hom come from New York although there are some coming from other par~s or the country.

This organization holds small meetings or study groups and also holds one or two lar3e meetings during the year, the last or which was at the Ritz carlton Hotel in horior or Lord Halifax. Another large meeting was held in honor of Ambassador ~enjes.

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Thie organization publishes a magazine called~reign Ai'fairs". It also does research work and has a library bn.inter-

na tional affairs. ' -.

Respectfully,

'We ~~c_.~;

0. C. Buckbee - '.:, -. .

]llX -14~ RECORDED Th"DEXED

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Unitrb itairs mrpartmrnt of !Justire~ ,::.:';"-:-.:-.

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JOHN EDGAR HOOVER

DIRECTOR

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September 23, 1941.,

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MEMORANDUM FOB llR •

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After checking the files, I back, advising -

tha.t the Council on Foreign Relations grew tute or

Internat.ional Affairs, which was founded 1n London some years ago, ,being apparently comprised of sincere students of international. affairs and foreign relations. She was told that the Council on Foreign Relat.ions

publishes a publication entitle oreigo Affairs," which deals with the

general subject of internati relations in a scholarly, object-ive ;

fashion; further, that {,Root is chainnan of the council, which

includes many other pr ant members, among them being .rohn W. Davis;

that available information indicates the council does not take a

partisan position, 8S an organization, one wq or another With regard

to the question of American participation in the present conflict, being neither isolationist nor interventionist, although the various members and officials probably have their own opinions, which ~ be expressed on way or another.

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munication from the ounci_~..9!lJ.Qr.ei_gp,_~J-_a~.i2!l.!' 44 East 65th Street, New York City I and. before making any replJr' desired a check M ... - --made ii o----det ermine whether this organization was subversive orpnti-

\4("" Amerio •• i: :o:~that .0 WON notpe~m1t~~ to ~v.· ' ...

~ ._". - out any information ~ht have regarding a.ny- particular

.~, organiz.s.tion, without. the express approval of the Attorney General., but that I would be glad to check our tiles to see what we had, and be or any assistance possible • .-wasked that if. possible this

information be forthcoming ~ -;_. .-

C. H. Carson

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4-7SO(Rcv_ 4-17-85)

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XXXXXX XXXXXX XXXXXX

FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION FOIPA DELETED PAGE INFORMATION SHEET

Pagets) withheld entirely at this location in the file. One or more of the following statements, where

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mUICtlWU, expram uus nerenon.

J25. Deleted under exemptionts) ----'.(\;),...=...f-J.C__:D-I-_~ with no segregable

material available for release to you.

o Information pertained only to a third party with no reference to you or the subject of your request.

D Information pertained only to a third party. Your name is listed in the title only.

o Documents originated with another Government agency(ies). These documents were referred to that agency(ies) for review and direct response to you,

Pages contain information furnished by another Government agency(ies)_ You will be advised by the FBI as to the releasability of this information following our consultation with the other agencyiies),

Pagers) withheld for the following reasonts):

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For your information:

The following number is to be used for reference regarding these pages:

6Z-SZ.0v--S

xxxxxx XXXXXX

xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx X DELETED PAGE(S) X ~ NO DUPLICATION FEE ~ X FOR THiS PAGE X XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX

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Dear Mr. Hoover-' c. -

The enclosed form I received

and although it may be perfectly OK matter I ne?erthe1ess, to me this is no time for any firm to ask United States citizens to buy books that deal with post-war, when we have NOW got to put every dollar we have to gelp win it t&rst berore taking up matters that are tent'tlve. I teel sure we ~ll win this war, but. this sort

i, ·ot thing not only clogs the mails but, diverts funds to a fund Which is in the indefinite ruture. I believe in going after the winning ot the war RIGHT NOW on" all fours" --post-war

is a bit previous. Every citizen should be doing pr~sent day work towards victory, not spendlns;

his or ber time. in post-war boo~. selling. tf. -

- ~V!. 7-IF-r ~ - ~lease if you ~o anything~/§ brl in my name. This is Just ~

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ALL nrro2,HA'l'ION CON'T

IS I

tld the letter back with notations as you see them, but, thought

~~ better of my Plan~~nd send lett~r to you.

~V'~ir"urwi~I.TfO dared to S~~~~B t?,.me when I have

~/~ • NS seCi/O"," erful son ~t '\.~f)Jl""'''·'..1~

,\y~~ L E ~b£ d war-mothers eIre ",.Jut post-war?

~-;., JVl 2 0 1~4w.2e wan to expedite thing... .i n this war. and l":/\ k _. get 0 r precious BODS back--whi1e these sort

'\.)'Y . FJ:O(~Al BUREAU OF I~ Of~e pl,e of America who no doubt na ve no

.c~ It,S)m. '~nn /(S,t)~~d kin involved spend their tilOO selling .. ,

.. f JU l~ror tion on what conditions wil:bpbe atter it

~1 I • As 0 me I would send them all to war--NOU.

, _ ~ In .. 1(\ltfm sorry I tore up folder bef~re ".1 .. ~ec~~

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, ..re authoritatively " : With encyclopedic lna'ivled.£e

t1ic author tells in . . rately than has ~" . '., i'~doD&I lit traDIport " ·He d.eah ~vd,

. cal and economicthe war bad to be latirli: these tetvicei.

cussea the ewn more q.nJ~ex

. ., Unitedhta~ .. '. to face in fittiaa air trafdPOrt ." . ftOlnItrUCtion plam.'

:~:nu." & book AM

.fJIorouah . .

detailed iaclc:x it iiPw1uable for penua-

. ~ n.e·~eofcontentali~~

~..'JlIgelIe _de mow. ita .: fdt II:Qpe. ~

496 tlJI" } /1..00. 10lt free

. COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS

.. .5...." 65TH t" NOW YO>K

of'~'~;tb "Utemi.e bibliopphr

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XVII. Conclusions .Appendix. Statistics

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~u INFORMATION CON rAJN£Q

HER£I~ .lS UNCLASSlmu. /.

OATElO/Jl!1_ BY ~JI.gBI\j ~

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Washington, ' D.' c.

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COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS. I-e.

45EA.ST 65TH STREET

NEW YORK CITY

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just published by the by Oliver J. L18si Foreword by and now a

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Director

Federal Bureau of Investigation Washington, D. C.

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RE: "FOREIGN AFFAIRS"J INTERNAL SECURITI -'-0

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Dear Sua

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Reference is made to Bureau letter dated November 7 ( 1942 in the above-entit1ed matter (Bure&tl

file 66-27). -

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In accordance with this letter, a subscription has been entered tor the publication styled "FOREIGN AFFAIRS", and as issues are received by this office, they vill be fol"Wal'ded to the Bureau in the custoD:l8.r)" procedure.

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Yours truq.

P. E. FOXWO Assistant Director

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COPI£3 DESTROYED. rxcf /~ .:t f.-,/io 1..~

CTORY .' ,

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f5,lDEC111

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1942

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ALL INFO~'iA T-O 11 ,......

HEESIN lit' . / N CONTAINED • l

DJ..TE tJ .v z: ~r:£L.ASSIFIED-'~

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Council On Foreign Relations

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Hon. Norman H. Davis, President

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Council on Foreign Relations

4S East 65th Street

New York, N. Y. 21

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£NCI.OSURE .

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Special Introductory Offer

25th AnIJ.iversary Number Free to New Subscribers The 2S0-pge 25th Anniverauy Nwnber of FOIUUGH APFAJItJ canuining the articlCl listed below will .be sent FREE to new .uhlJcriben Ilsing the IUbscription form on rCVCl1e .ide.

,The Challenge to Americans ..•.•••.••.•••.. /fmr, L. Stimso" Britain and the Modern World •••••••••••••••.• Anthony Eden Can France Again Be a Great Powerl •••.••.••••• AnJrJ Glrt1td The Cris'i. in Our Civilization ••••••••.••••••• H Qf'0J./ I. LatRi TurningPoina of the War

The Great Milita.ry Deciaiolli •.•••.••••••.• Ioh" I. McCloy

'Political Problems of a Coalition Wu/~ L. u"ger

Otll' Economic Contribution to Victory ••.• Wi"jieU W. Riefler India: Two Hundred Yem ....•.••••••••. The EiIf'l 01 HlZlif(lJ( Intervention and InterventioN ••.•••..•••.•••... Sumner Welles Economic Lessons of Two World War •..•.•••. John H. Willi41!ls The Open Door in China: A Reappraisal. •.••• Walter H. MlZllory New Aid for New Europe

,. Percy W. Bidwell and WUl~ Die/JoU. Jr.

The Present Point in History ••...•..•.•.•. ArnoU J. Toynbee The European Territorid Settlement (with 6 mapa)

John ~·Jltl11lP.~~~/6fp .. t7

Thi, offef' i. 800<1 oDIT •• 10DI' .t the limited lupplT ft.u-"?.. .\~ "'" ~ ,

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