Only in 'RG': The Military Doctrine in the Third Version: Nikolay Patrushev: The Draft of the New Document, Which

Defines the Country’s Defense Capability, Has Been Prepared Rossiyskaya Gazeta 20 Nov 09 Interview with RF Security Council Secretary Nikolay Platonovich Patrushev by Timofey Borisov Why is Russia's military doctrine being changed? Does this mean that the world has become more dangerous and certain new threats to our security have appeared, from which we are poorly defended? Will there be something in it that can frighten other countries? RF Security Council Secretary Nikolay Patrushev told Rossiyskaya Gazeta about the essence of the new document and the work on it. [Borisov] Nikolay Platonovich, Russia very recently adopted its National Security Strategy. Now we are talking about a new military doctrine. Why is it changing and how are these two documents related? [Patrushev] In May of this year, RF President and Security Council Chairman Dmitriy Anatolyevich Medvedev approved the Russian National Security Strategy until 2020. This is a fundamentally new document. Its distinctive feature consists of the fact that security is provided through the realization of strategic national priorities. Defense and state and public security are defined among them. The Strategy is interrelated with Russia's Long-Term Socioeconomic Development Blueprint until 2020 based upon concept, structure and content. The principle of "security through development" will permit us to improve the security system in close coordination with the measures for the development of the economy and social sphere, and to create a reliable military-economic potential. The Strategy's implementation is envisioned within the framework of the Integrated Plan, in which the needed measures and times periods for the fulfillment of the adopted decisions will be defined in detail. The Military Doctrine must be a direct component of the joint national security support mechanism and, accordingly, changes in the system also affect its components. The situation in the country and the world is changing very rapidly and the document's new version must correspond to the contemporary political, military-strategic and economic realities. [Borisov] If such careful attention is being devoted to the Military Doctrine, does it turn out that it - is not a ritual or symbolic document and, moreover, not a secondary document? And therefore, the threat of war against Russia actually exists? [Patrushev] The results of the analysis of the military-strategic situation in the world and the prospects of its development until 2020 demonstrate that the military dangers and possible military threats for our country have not been eliminated. Although we also note that a shift of emphases has occurred from large-scale military conflicts to local wars and armed conflicts. So, NATO's advance directly to Russia's borders continues and the bloc's military activity is being stepped up. After a decade-long break, U.S. strategic forces exercises have resumed with the rehearsal of the issues of the command and control of the employment of strategic nuclear weapons. The proliferation of nuclear, chemical and biological technologies, the production of weapons of mass destruction, and international terrorism - these are additional factors, which are destabilizing the military-political situation. The conflict potential in the country's border space, including in the Arctic Region, is increasing in the struggle for fuel and energy and other raw material resources. Territorial claims against Russia by individual states, for example, Japan, are escalating. The situation in Iraq and Afghanistan and the conflicts in the Near and Middle East, in a number of countries of South Asia and Africa, and on the Korean Peninsula will have a negative impact on the international situation in the medium term. Domestic military dangers also exist, to which the situation in the North Caucasus attests. There are another entire series of factors, which compel us to extremely attentively track the military-political situation so that we can take adequate steps. We also have to take them into account during the elaboration of state policy in the military sphere. The Military Doctrine is also a key document, which defines it. [Borisov] How is work proceeding on the new doctrine? Who is developing the draft and to what extent is it ready? [Patrushev] An interdepartmental working group has been created on the Security Council staff, which includes representatives of the federal authorities, the State Duma, the Federation Council, the staffs of the president's plenipotentiaries in the federal districts, the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Academy of Military Sciences, and scientific and public organizations. The draft is ready. It has already been discussed during the course of traveling

conferences in all of the federal districts. The heads of regions' very sensible suggestions, which we are analyzing and taking into account, have arrived. [Borisov] Does it turn out that the military doctrine that is currently in force has already become obsolete and does not correspond to contemporary realities and challenges? Then which of its provisions need to be reviewed or, perhaps, even totally eliminated? [Patrushev] This will be the third version of the doctrine in the history of contemporary Russia. There previously were documents, which were dated 1993 and then 2000 - we are living according to it at present. But life forges ahead. By way of illustration, if they proceeded from the fact that military conflicts were excluded in 1993, the further development of the situation in the world has shown - that they, even large-scale military conflicts, are possible. The version that is currently in force is a document of the transition period, which was characteristic for the Russia of the end of the 20th century - it stated that the doctrine has a defensive direction. In particular, it set forth the position of the possibility of Russia's employment of nuclear weapons while repelling aggression with the employment of conventional weapons in a large-scale war. At the same time, a reliable system for preventing domestic and external threats to national security has been formed and has been operating during the last decade. Special attention is being devoted to the development of the Armed Forces - the nucleus of the entire system for providing defense. As we all know, the Russian President approved the new appearance of the Army and Navy for the period until 2020 at the end of last year. The transformations in the Armed Forces are proceeding according to the intended plans even with the presence of objective financial difficulties. In so doing, the structure and composition of the troops and forces is substantially changing. The main priority has been defined - compact, highly mobile Armed Forces, which are equipped with state-ofthe-art models of weapons, military and special equipment, which are capable of effectively reacting to emerging challenges and threats. I must point out that important provisions of the military doctrine that is in force, which have not lost their relevance, have been preserved in the new document. At the same time, it reflects such new military dangers as the struggle for fuel and energy and other resources with the involvement of the Armed Forces, NATO expansion, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons, and international terrorism. We have introduced new subdivisions on the issues of military planning and equipping the Armed Forces and the other troops with weapons and military equipment. We have clarified the provisions on Russia's employment of nuclear weapons while repelling aggression with the employment of conventional weapons. [Borisov] What will be fundamentally new in the prepared draft of the military doctrine? [Patrushev] First of all, I will point out that it has undergone structural changes in contrast to the previous versions. The draft consists of a preface and three chapters. The primary concepts and terms, which are employed in the document, are expanded in the preface. The external and internal dangers and possible military threats are formulated in the first chapter, "Military Dangers and Military Threats", and it also reflects the nature of the military conflicts, in which our country could become involved. In so doing, attention is focused on the use of new weapons - precision-guided munitions, weapons based upon new physical principles, unmanned aerial vehicles and autonomous naval craft, biocybernetic and other systems - during the course of military operations. The second chapter, "Russian Federation Military Policy", defines that Russia considers the prevention and deterrence from initiating any military conflicts to be its most important mission. In so doing, the primary approaches to the accomplishment of that mission are formulated. At the same time, it stresses that Russia considers legitimate the employment of troops to repel aggression against it or its allies, the maintenance or restoration of peace based upon a decision of the UN Security Council and other collective security structures. The provisions, which regulate the employment of the Armed Forces and other troops, are set forth here and the primary missions in peacetime and wartime are formulated. The third chapter, "Military-Economic and Military-Technical Support of Defense", has defined the improvement of the defense-industrial complex as a priority direction. Equipping the Armed Forces and the other troops with state-of-theart weapons, military and special equipment is the material foundation of their combat might. The full-fledged functioning of the defense-industrial complex's enterprises and organizations will not only permit them to accomplish defense tasks but also sustains a serious social function, while permitting us to raise the population's standard of living, first of all in the Russian regions. [Borisov] Are the views on the employment of nuclear weapons also substantially changing? [Patrushev] On the whole, the provisions of the draft military doctrine on the problems of nuclear weapons have been formulated in the spirit of the preservation for Russia of the status of a nuclear power, which is capable of carrying out nuclear deterrence of potential enemies from unleashing aggression against it and its allies. It stipulates the possibility of the employment of nuclear weapons depending on the conditions of the situation and the probable enemy's intentions. The conduct of a nuclear strike against an aggressor, including a preemptive strike, is not ruled out in critical situations for national security. We certainly categorically oppose the resolution of any conflicts using military means, not to mention the possibility of the employment of nuclear weapons. Russia has always been a consistent and reliable partner in the disarmament and nuclear nonproliferation sphere. While the START Treaty has been in force, Russia and the United States have

significantly reduced their existing arsenals. We confirm that we are prepared to progress further, while striving toward the idea of a nuclear-free world. However, to do that, we need not only for Russia and the United States to reject nuclear weapons but for the other countries-participants of the "Nuclear Club", who are straddling the fence for the time being, to follow their example. At the recent UN member-states' summit, President Dmitriy Anatolyevich Medvedev pointed out that "the situation in the nonproliferation sphere is changing more slowly than we would like... traditional threats are not being eliminated and new ones are emerging". For example, it is possible that nuclear components could end up in the hands of terrorists. A separate issue is emerging toward the countries, which do not officially acknowledge that they have nuclear weapons but also do not deny that, and also toward the states, which are striving to illegally obtain "critical" technologies. We also need to assess the interdependence between offensive and defensive types of weapons, including as a result of the buildup of the potential of the American missile defense system. It is important to take into account that our partners are continuously increasing expenditures for military purposes and that the historical precedent of the employment of nuclear weapons has already been created. [Borisov] Will the renewed provisions on Russia's employment of nuclear weapons not become a surprise for the leading nuclear powers? [Patrushev] The presence of nuclear weapons provides the capability to the state, which possesses them, to accomplish several strategic missions. One of the primary missions - is to provide nuclear deterrence from aggression, first of all from states, which have nuclear weapons in the inventory. In so doing, a state - a potential enemy - must recognize the hopelessness of initiating aggression with the employment of not only nuclear but also conventional weapons. The inevitability of retaliation is a sobering factor for any potential aggressor. That understanding is based on the readiness of the nuclear forces to inflict unacceptable damage to the aggressor under any conditions of the situation. I will stress that both the amendments to the Law "On Defense", which stipulate the operational use of the Russian Armed Forces outside the country's territory that were adopted in October, and the new draft version of the Military Doctrine totally correspond to the standards of international law and are based upon the UN Charter. [Borisov] What sources of military danger exist right now and what military dangers could possibly appear in the foreseeable future? [Patrushev] The results of the research in the military security sphere that is being conducted at the present time show that the unleashing of a large-scale or regional war between the existing and developing world power centers is improbable under contemporary conditions and in the foreseeable future. At the same time, the preconditions, which could result in their initiation, exist. First and foremost, we must include among them territorial and ethno-religious conflicts, separatist aspirations, and other contradictions, which are emerging as a result of the struggle for transportation and energy lines of communication and for energy resources on the whole. As a rule, these sources of military dangers are local in nature. For example, the oil dispute between Iraq and Kuwait, which began in 1990, escalated into an international armed conflict: Iraq introduced troops into Kuwait and established administrative control over its territory and petroleum resources, which affected the economic interests of many countries and caused their immediate reaction. In 2003, the U.S. Administration accused the Iraqi leadership of supporting international terrorism and conducted an offensive operation jointly with its allies with the goal of eliminating the alleged existing reserves of weapons of mass destruction. The chemical and biological weapons, which Bush and Cheney looked for on Iraqi territory, have not been found by the present time, which is not surprising. The U.S. intelligence services themselves had also declared that they did not exist. What do we have as a result? The situation in the region remains unstable and is characterized by the high intensity of terrorist acts. One more example concerns the events in the Balkans. An armed conflict broke out in Kosovo - one of the regions of Yugoslavia - at the end of the 1990s. This is a complex region with its cultural-historical and religious distinctive features. Albanians, who constitute the majority of the population, assert that the territory belongs to them based upon the principle of ethnic right. The Serbs base it on historical facts - the nucleus of the Serbian state and its political-economic center were located precisely in Kosovo in the 13th century. In 1999, NATO troops initiated a military operation without UN authorization, and then, the Region's independence was declared and recognized by a series of states in violation of a UN Security Council resolution. As a result, the precedent of the noncompliance with the fundamental principles of international law was created - the inviolability of the borders and territorial integrity of a state, about the danger of which Russia repeatedly warned. At the present time, the military conflict in Afghanistan, which is having an impact on the state of national security, including Russia's, is the most prolonged conflict. This is being expressed first of all in the significant growth of illegal migration in direct proximity of our borders and also in the production and distribution of narcotics that is acquiring threatening scales. Last year, as a consequence of Saakashvili's half-baked policies and grasping ambitions, military operations were initiated in South Ossetia, which directly affected the issues of our citizens' lives and security.

So, all the facts mentioned above have the characteristic signs of international armed conflicts. Furthermore, the coalitions' military operations against Iraq and Yugoslavia had ulterior limited political goals, which have the traits of local wars while taking them into account. With a certain development of events, the previously cited conflicts could have escalated into regional and even large-scale wars. [Borisov] We need to assume that the announced Military Doctrine alone is not enough in order to eliminate these and other possible threats. Here we need to organize the entire system of Russia's mutual relations with other countries, including with the NATO countries. [Patrushev] I will point that a number of experts think: NATO's most serious problem is that the bloc is perceived by many as a vestige of the "Cold War". The confrontation of the powers is long since behind us, however, it is already impossible to guarantee international security without changing the previous architecture. We need to precisely establish in a juridical framework the already existing political promises and assurances. In so doing, not all of the European countries belong to NATO, although they are also geographically located in the north of the Atlantic and therefore their interests must also be taken into account. That is precisely why RF President Dmitriy Anatolyevich Medvedev advanced the initiative on the conclusion of a European Security Treaty in 2008 "as a universal mechanism to resolve the most complex situations" . He called for the establishment of the bases of cooperation among its participants and the insurance of equal security for all states. The treaty must contain a precise confirmation of the basic security principles, which follow from the UN Charter. Russia does not propose to destroy anything that has already been created. We need to juridically consolidate that the maintenance of peace and stability in Europe cannot depend only on one state or on one international organization. We are open to an exchange of opinions and are prepared for equal cooperation with our partners, however, insuring the defense and security of our citizens is a priority task for us.

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