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PROJECT REPORT ON:
POLITICAL MARKETING IN INDIA

SUBMITTED BY:
SUNNY RAMESH. SADNANI
ROLL NO: 98
T.Y.B.M.S
PROJECT GUIDE:
MRS. GARGI HINGORANI

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT FOR THE COURSE OF BACHELOR
MANAGEMENT STUDIES (BMS)
UNIVERSITY OF MUMBAI
2011-2012

SMT. MITHIBAI MOTIRAM KUNDNANI COLLEGE OF COMMERCE
& ECONOMICS
BANDRA (W), MUMBAI – 400 050



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DECLARATION
I hereby declare that this Project Report entitled ―POLITICAL
MARKETING IN INDIA‖ submitted in the partial fulfilment of the
requirement for BACHELOR OF MANAGEMENT STUDIES (BMS) is
based on secondary data found solely by me in various books, magazines
and websites & assimilated by me in under guidance of Mrs. Gargi
Hingorani.
I affirm that the content in the project is not at all fabricated and true to the
best of my knowledge.

SUNNY RAMESH. SADNANI
T.Y.B.M.S












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CERTIFICATE
I, Mrs. Gargi Hingorani hereby certify that Sunny Ramesh. Sadnani of
Mithibai Motiram Kundnani College of Commerce & Economics studying
in T.Y.B.M.S has completed the project on “Political Marketing in India” in
the academic year 2011-2012.
The information submitted is true and original to the best of my
knowledge.


Project Guide Principal



External Guide











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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
“Genius makes its observations in short hand; talent writes them out at
length.”
Christian Nevell Bovee
As I sum up the draft of the study, I appreciatively reminisce the
contribution of all those people whose support and help have made this
report take its present form.
I feel great pleasure to express my deep and sincere feelings of gratitude
towards Prof. Gargi Hingorani for her guidance and support at every step
while completing this project.
It also gives me pleasure to acknowledge the contribution of my teacher‟s
collectively; whose timely insights have helped my report a great deal.










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INDEX
FOREWORD
PREFACE
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
MEANING AND CONCEPT OF POLITICAL MARKETING
 Marketing
 Definition of Political Marketing
VOTERS BEHAVIOUR
SOCIO CULTURAL INFLUENCES
MARKETING MIX
 PRODUCT- Political Parties, I deology, Market, Branding
 PRICE
 PROMOTION-Politics & Personalities, Visual Treats, Road Shows &
Personal I nteractions
 PLACE
MODEL CODE OF CONDUCT FOR GUIDANCE OF POLITICAL
PARTIES AND CANDIDATES
 ELECTION COMMISSION OF INDIA
 GENERAL CONDUCT
 MEETINGS
 PROCESSIONS
 POLLING DAY
 OBSERVERS
 PARTY IN POWER
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GENERAL ELECTIONS IN INDIA-2009
 PRIME MINISTERIAL CANDIDATES
 UPA
 NDA
 LEFT FRONT
 CAMPAIGNING
 MEDIA USED- TV, Outdoor Advertisements, Print, Radio, I nternet
MANAGEMENT OF ELECTIONS- A COMPOSITE VIEWPOINT OF
VOTERS, MEDIA PERSONNEL & POLITICAL PARTIES
 NEED FOR MANAGEMENT
 GRAPHICAL INSTANCES
LESSONS & BASIS FOR FUTURE STRATEGIES
 SUGGESTIONS
BIBLIOGRAPHY










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FOREWORD

We are living in a democratic set up-contributed to, nurtured & sustained by political
parties which unfortunately continue to be blamed for the ills of democracy, due to
electoral compulsions. Electoral compulsions may ‗dictate‘ campaign strategies but
those are based upon a great deal of analytical implications & sound management
practices.

In this ever changing world, electioneering may turn more and more into an exercise in
political management. In case political parties are able to save a fraction of their time,
effort and expenses, it would be a great service to the democracy-notwithstanding the
constant and ever-growing share of politicians for all that is not good in the system.


PREFACE

Elections in India arouse the collective passions in people. Against all odds, democracy
has not only survived in India, it has taken so firm roots that any other form of
Government seems impossible. Indian Electioneering is a cauldron of traditional and
modern, a unique platform for the Godman to gadget man, astrologers to psychologists,
ideological swearing and shedding, minutely measured manifestations of religious
rituals, ward robe parades, parroting of voter praises-are some of the apparently
contradictory, comical & yet very well calculated gimmicks at the serious business of
‗capturing power‘.

Political parties continue to deploy techniques which influence the voters behaviour,
these techniques being in the shape of scientific surveys for finding the needs and wants,
for fielding the right candidate, for favourable media reports helpful in promoting the
‗promises‘ dangled out .

For evaluating the techniques associated with political marketing & their extent, this
study is carried out.

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Political parties in any democratic setup strive to gain power.
Elections are a means for the same, in the elections political parties make promises and field
candidates who may be able to carry along with them a large section of voters. The promises
and other solemn assurances are wrapped in the ideology of the party, sold to the voters in
attractive slogans.
The electioneering and to some extent governance has taken from all the fields including
marketing. The process „political marketing‟ has now a universally accepted definition of
being the application of marketing principles and procedures in political campaigns by
various individuals and organizations.
The procedures involved include the analysis, development, execution and management
of strategic campaigns by candidates, political parties, governments, lobbyists and
interest groups that seek to drive public opinion, advance their own ideologies, win
elections and pass legislations and referenda in response to the needs and wants of
selected people and groups in a society.
Political parties with the change in times are also trying to assess the needs and wants of the
voters by resorting to market methods of researches.
Political parties offer their ‗political products‘ for satisfying the ‗needs‘ and ‗wants‘ of
the voters, political-products is the sum total of ideologies, leadership issues, popular
promises, containing the perceived ‗needs‘ and ‗wants‘ of the voters.
Every political party goes by the dictum that electoral politics is firmly rooted in the
interplay of social forces.
The days of one-party dominance in the Indian political scenario came to an end by the
year 1967 and the voters‘ volatility increased. Reforms which do not benefit the
common man or which are a replica of the outside world may not help the political
parties.
Political parties shed their ideology probably on the drop of a hat and the place specific
requirements are met by suitable modifications in their products without any qualms.
Place is where „action actually occurs‟, political parties apart from being accountable for
any breach of promises, do the constructive work also, parties undertake relief week ,
educational activities, etc.
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The politics of exclusiveness is now giving way to the politics of development warranting
emphasis on good governance. Earlier voting patterns exclusively on the basis of
religion, caste and creed which may have been the need of the kinds has now given way
to the fulfilment of aspirations by way of developmental activities and which fully
manifest the ‗wants‘ of the voters.
Era of coalitions has put it an end to the aspirations of political parties exclusive right to
enjoy the fruits of the power and political parties are trying to cope with the ground
realities by taking recourse to scientific means where the returns may be on the
expected lines.

I ndian political parties continue to simultaneously deny the existence of political
marketing and yet leaving no technique of marketing to ensure handsome rewards in the
elections.
















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MEANING AND CONCEPT OF POLITICAL MARKETING

This chapter is about the marketing concepts & their applications in the political arena,
as also discusses Political Marketing under the ‗4Ps‘ with illustrations form Indian political
campaigns.

MARKETING
Marketing is about identifying and meeting human and social needs. One of the shortest good
definitions is “meeting needs profitably”. The American Marketing Association offers the
following formal definition: Marketing is an organizational function and a set of process
for creating, communicating, and delivering value to customers and for managing
customer relationships in ways that benefit the organization and its stakeholders.

The definition presented above reflects the managerial side of marketing. We can distinguish
between a social and a managerial definition of marketing. A social definition shows the role
marketing plays in society.
Here is a social definition that serves our purpose: Marketing is a societal process by
which individuals and groups obtain what they need and want through creating, offering
and freely exchanging products and services of value with others.
Aim of marketing is to make selling superfluous. The aim of marketing is to know and
understand the customer so well that the product or service fits him and sells itself.
Nowadays in various democratic countries, political parties have started adopting marketing
concepts and strategies. Political parties try to market persons (contestants),
organizations (their own parties) and ideas (their philosophies).

POLITICAL MARKETING: A DEFINITION
Harrop (1990) perceives political marketing as being not just about political advertising,
party political broadcasts and electoral speeches but covering the whole area of party
positioning in the electoral market.
Cavanaugh (1995, 1996) sees political marketing as electioneering, i.e. as a set of strategies
and tools to trace and study public opinion before and during an election campaign, to
develop campaign communications and to assess their impact.
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Maarek (1995) conceptualises political marketing as “a complex process, the outcome of a
more global effort implicating all the factors of the politician‟s political communication”
He considers the introduction of marketing in politics as an outcome of “the elaboration of a
policy of political communication, a global strategy of design, rationalisation and
conveyance of modern political communication”.

As a visual aid for his use of terminology, Maarek (1995), provides the following figure



In Maarek‘s view, political marketing has become an integral and vital component of political
communication. In his words: “Political communication…encompasses the entire
marketing process, from preliminary market study to testing and targeting”.

O‘ Cass (1996) uses an exchange model to define political marketing. According to him,
when voters cast their votes, a transaction takes place. In return for their votes, the
party/candidate offers better government and policies after election. This way, O‘ Cass
argues that, marketing can be applied to political processes as it is specifically interested
in how these transactions are created, stimulated and valued.
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VOTERS BEHAVIOUR

Voter is the central and the most important figure in any elections, and as has been
pointed out by Campbell, Converse, Miller and Stokes 1960; Roy 1972 and Palmer 1976,
elections are the chief institutional mechanism of political recruitment, consensus,
legitimating, participation, mobilization, and communication and thus behaviour of the
voters in the electoral process is very important.

Seth 1975 has suggested that the Indian voter manifests a relatively higher degree of party
identification acceptance of the validity of electoral processes, and he evinced an appreciable
amount of understanding of the general framework of a democratic polity, and some degree
of cognitive awareness of his immediate political surroundings.

Greater political mobilization has resulted in the strengthening of Indian democracy
along with the professionalization of Indian politics. Vora and Palshikar (2004) have
stated that the educated middle class and to some extent the traditional elite, initiated
modern political activity in the form of establishing associations and organizations of
Indians.

Post-independence politics was in many ways a continuation of trends which were set in
the colonial period. Democratic institutions and practices came to be more firmly rooted in
Indian politics in the era of periodical elections based on adult franchise. The constitution
made a provision for reserved seats to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes both in
Parliament and state legislatures.

For most people voting is a habit and party loyalties endure .Moreover, children tend to
inherit their parents and grandparents politics, so that mortality and coming of age
makes less difference than might be supposed. Immigrants too, often move to an area
because their new neighbours are similar people and they quickly adopt their political
habits. The area itself usually stays relatively constant, exposed too much to same
problems, the same mass media and the same leaders in election after election. Alam
(2004) brings out the fact ―more people in 1996 believed, close to 60 percent, that their
vote had an effect on how things shape up in the country. Twenty-five years earlier in
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1971 only 48 percent thought so. This is an enormous increase in the trust people have
acquired in the potential and power of their vote. This is also reflected in the fact that
for ordinary people the act of franchise has by now become a carnival of democracy, a
celebration of their power‖.

The voting percentage of OBC, Scheduled Castes, Tribal‘s and Muslims has increased.
In 1996, percentage of illiterate voters to the total eligible illiterate voters was 60.5
percent as compared to 55 percent for the educated voters.

The fall of the V.P.Singh government in1990 symbolize the accentuation of two issues
namely Mandal and Mandir.
According to Mohanty (2004) and Vora and Palshikar (2004), the emergence of backward
class has been associated with decline of the Congress. With the rise of BSP in Uttar
Pradesh, support of the Dalits is no longer a certainty for the Congress.

Kumar (2004) has analysed how the parties and representatives are being evaluated by the
voters. This brings out the volatility of party politics and now the political parties find it
difficult to retain their support base over a long period. The larger issue is the rising
awareness among voters and the inability of political parties to undertake new initiatives.















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B.S.P. LEADER SMT. MAYAWATI DR. V.P SINGH


PROTESTS AGAINST THE MANDAL COMMISSION
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SOCIO –CULTURAL INFLUENCES

India is a composite society consisting of various religions and castes.
Until the year 1967, Congress party had emerged as the consensual party. After 1967 when
it lost the support of a number of sections, regional political parties and other groups
emerged.
By the year 1977, the emergency had united all the political parties and J anta Party
emerged.1984 elections saw the Congress winning on the wave, as a result of I ndira
Gandhi‟s assassination and also on account of Hindu back clash as has been claimed by
Singh and Saxena (1998). The implementation of Mandal Commission and agitation for
Mandir has resulted in realignment of Muslim voters who became disenchanted with the
Congress. The composite culture of the country took a beating and the Congress lost a
major chunk of Muslim votes. According to Lele (2004), three M‟s of Indian politics
Market, Mandal and Mandir correspond to the changing requirements of global and
domestic forces and marginalization of the Congress in the two biggest states of the
country i.e. U.P. and Bihar. This coupled with the fact that the Mandalization of I ndian
Electorates has resulted dalit voters shifting their loyalties to RJ D in Bihar and Bahujan
Samaj Party and Samajwadi Party in U.P. The communalization of I ndian Electorate and
Mandalization of I ndian castes has resulted in a political upheaval for the Congress.

Mohanty (2004) goes on to elaborate the spate of attacks on minorities. A pluralist
democratic society in which minorities are not secure can hardly be described as democratic.
The political parties instead of playing a politics of inclusiveness followed the principal of
exclusiveness and the trend is now being reversed as has been pointed out by Chakrabarty
(2006) that Mayawati‘s popularity is growing in U.P. as she is trying to integrate Brahmins.

In the early years of democracy after independence, the electorate appeared to be less
volatile but the electorate seemed to vote strongly against whichever government was in
power at the state and national levels (with some exceptions) whether this is called
realignment or volatility the behaviour of the voter has become erratic.



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Congress Leader Late Smt. Indira Gandhi


BJP STALWARTS SHRI LAL KRISHNA ADVANI & SHRI ATAL BIHARI
VAJPAYEE




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MARKETING MIX
Fine (1981) has remarked that marketing is often equated with selling, advertising,
packaging, display, promotion, public relations, propaganda and so on; it is erroneous
to say that marketing is any one of these, because marketing is all of them. The
marketing process is incomplete unless all of the functions are performed, functions that
fall under four general headings, product, price, promotion and place, the time
honoured four P‘s model. In turn, each of these four Ps subsumes specific functions; the
discussion has been illustrated freely with examples from the Indian election campaigns.

PRODUCT
Political parties solicit votes and each voter after evaluating the various options available
before him casts his/her vote. Political parties/independent candidates make various options
available to the voter, these very options are the ‗political products‘ and generally consist of
the following.

Political Parties
Bhalla (1973) in his treatise ‗Elections in India‘ quoting Walter Bagehot states „The House
of Commons lives in state of potential perpetual choice: at any moment it can choose a
ruler and dismiss a ruler. And therefore party is inherent in it, is bone of its bone and
breath of its breath ‟.Political parties, the life line of modern politics, constitute an integral
part of any electoral system, for they organize and educate voters, select candidates for filling
various posts and undertake electioneering on their behalf, formulate legislative programmes
and policies, muster parliamentary majority and from government. Article 19 of the
constitution of India accords a general right to citizens to form associations, the
formation and functioning of political parties in India are beyond the orbit of electoral
law.

I deology
Each political party swears by some or the other ideology i.e. Congress swears by
secularism, BJP projected itself as a well wisher of Hindus previously whereas left
parties go by communism.
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Suroor (2006) has made a comment on the political parties treating ideology as some kind
of a baggage. He says, increasingly, ideology is portrayed as something to be despaired of a
hang-up, and a hindrance to progress in a world in search of quick fixes.
But pragmatism without a political vision works in the long run. Thus, for expediency
political parties may „sacrifice‟ even their ideologies but in the ultimate analysis they have
to fall back upon whatever their ideology to
(i) either to consolidate their position
(ii) or to recover the lost ground
(iii) it may bail them out from inconvenient questions mostly associated with
alliance making

Market
Political people are not very enthusiastic about the voters being labelled as ‗Market‘.
Voters in any constituency are a heterogeneous mass of people comprising of men and
women of different age groups, educational background, religions, castes, economic
conditions and having different geographical conditions and requirements. Of this large
heterogeneous segment of people, some people do have allegiance to one or the other
political ideology and this has a bearing on their voting behaviour also.

Political parties field candidates of the majority religion/caste in a particular constituency.
There was a lot of furore over the alleged leakage of Congress party‟s list of candidates for
Bihar Assembly Polls (November 2005). The list indicated the caste of each candidate
while the Congress party swearing by its casteless credentials took the shelter under the
excuse of „the list being intended‟ for internal consumption, in any case this is a pointer
towards the deeply entrenched strange hold of caste upon I ndian elections.

Political parties while designing their election campaigns take into account the issues likely
to be raised in the elections and also counter the campaign of its opponents. „Feel-good‟ or
„Shining India‟ campaigns of NDA were very well countered by Congress‟s-slogan of
Congress Ka Haath Aaam Admi Ke Saath‟. Thus, while „feel-good „type campaign
portrays the general happiness (which definitely cannot be generalized). „Congress Ka
Haath Aaam Admi Ke Saath‟ earned more support and appeared more close to an average
voter.

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―INDIA SHINING‖ CAMPAIGN BANNERS AND POSTERS


CONGRESS RELEASED BANNERS AGAINST THE ‗INDIA SHINING
CAMPAIGN‘
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Branding
While every political party has a distinct name, leaders of various political parties
acquire a large picture, than the political outfits they are leading. Vajpayee became a
brand name for NDA in 2004 Lok Sabha elections. I ndian National Congress has an
adjunct „I‟ signifying Indira i.e. name of Late Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Of late,
elections have stopped to be a contest between political parties and are becoming more
and more a popularity test for the leaders of the political parties and to a large extent
media can be held responsible for the same.

While the 1977 Lok Sabha elections were fought on the plank of anti-I ndira sentiments
(I ndira Hatao-Loktantar Bachao) by the time elections took place in 1980 Congress party
had been split into two, the one headed by Gandhi carried the suffix „I‟ and the 1980
slogan (I ndira Lao-Desh Bachao) was a forerunner as far as the branding of the
leadership is concerned. I n the subsequent elections instead of Congress it was the appeal
in the name of I ndira Gandhi (Na J aat Par Na Paat Par, I ndira J i Ki Baat Par, Mohar
Lagegei Haath Par) which brought votes to the Congress. „Brand Indira‟ not only survived
Indira‟s assassination it became stronger after her death.

After brand Indira it was the turn of NDA to flaunt Atal Bihari Vajpayee as its „brand‟.
Opinion polls before the 2004 Lok Sabha elections projected Vajpayee having a huge lead
over the leader of opposition. I n an era of coalitions a tall leader was required, opined the
media and Vajpayee fulfilled these qualities. NDA‟s „Brand Vajpayee‟ was definitely more
visible during the campaign of 2004, powerful than the political party to which he
belonged promoting Sanghvi (Hindustan Times, 25.4.2004) to question the 2004 Lok
Sabha Elections „Really Vajpayee‟s election?‟. Emergence of such a powerful leader in a
cadre based party like BJ P has something to do with the era of coalition and with the
trends of modern time. For leading a coalitions successfully brand Vajpayee became truly
a powerful brand and when NDA lost Vajpayee talked about penance as elections had been
fought on the name (I ndia Today, 5.7.2004).





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Brand: I ndira Indira Gandhi‘s Funereal


Brand: Vajpayee

(Hindustan Times, 25.4.2004)
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In case of regional political parties, when these were floated, their leaders were well
known names and were charismatic in some sense.
MGR before he split from DMK was the biggest star of Tamil cinema. Shiv Sena in
Maharashtra and its leader Bala Saheb Thakre, who is the guide and his philosophy, is the
philosophy of the party.
Bhartiya Janta Party claims itself to be a „party with difference‟ and this motto was
extrapolated when it was in power at Centre (NDA‟s major constituent). Running a
coalition government was sought to be packaged as a distinct USP of NDA in the Lok
Sabha elections of 2004.

Thus, the political product which political parties flaunt during election campaigns consist of
political ideologies supplemented by distinctive economic policies, promises and a candidate
(mostly from majority caste or caste combination) credentials sought to be reinforced by past
track record and the leadership of the leader towering and shadowing even the political party.
‗Product‘ is ‗packaged‘ in attractive slogans favourably inclined towards a majority of
voters. A political product has everything, which in marketing it ought to have.


















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LATE SHRI.M.G. RAMACHANDRAN (FORMER C.M. OF TAMIL NADU AND
FOUNDER OF AIDMK)


BALASAHEB THACKERAY
(FOUNDER & CHIEF OF SHIV SENA)

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PRICE
Political parties bring out their election agenda in different manners. The most important
political statement made by any political party is to announce its election manifesto. Party
manifesto is a document of a party‘s intention to fulfil the promises made by it to the
electorate; it may brag about its achievements and may exaggerate the alleged failures
of the opponents. The election campaigns are meant to reach as many electorates through
whatever manner. Political parties spend crores of rupees in reaching out to the
electorates, while the final figures which are spent by the political parties and
candidates may be of tremendous interest, it is the price which a ‗voter‘ pays in
exchange for his vote. Of course, political parties would be well served in case it could be
found out as to how the money spent by them could have yielded better result i.e. optimum
utilization of the amount spent may result in savings to the party and may in the ultimate
analysis mean less and less interference of black money.

Voting behaviour and voting patterns now follow no set formulae. Before making up
one‘s voting decision every voter is inundated with the information about the
candidates, political parties and issues at the election, the information is further
supplemented by opinion polls, paid advertisements and suggestive editorials .
In short, voter takes trouble of gathering information from as many sources as is possible
before arriving at any decision. Thus, the voter:
(i) Takes the trouble of visiting various rallies-time and efforts are made-traded for
voting i.e. the exchange transaction.
(ii) Gathers information from all conceivable sources time and money is spent on
these.
(iii)Evaluates the performance/promises made by various political parties.
Expectations fulfilled/aroused-wants to reward, if not upto the mark, to vote
against and to teach a lesson. Does not want to be associated with an outfit
discredited, will vote for the one which is projected as honest to avoid the shame
of having voted for a dishonest candidate/party.
(iv) Candidate is from his religion/caste/identifies with the voter. Vote is exchanged
for the sake of identification, which is the price for exchange.
Voter is bribed. Bribe, is the price for the vote exchange.
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SIKKIM ELECTION MANIFESTO (2009)

SONIA GANDHI AT THE LAUNCH OF THE NATIONAL ELECTION MANIFESTO
(2009)
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NATIONAL ELECTION MANIFESTO OF BJP (2009)

L.K. ADVANI & RAJNATH SINGH AT LAUNCH OF THE ELECTION
MANIFESTO (2009)

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VOTERS TURNOUT AT LUCKNOW ASSEMBLY POLLS (2010)

VOTERS CASTING THEIR VOTES ON EVM

FLEX IMAGE AS A PART OF THE ‗JAAGO RE CAMPAIGN‘
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PROMOTION
 Before the election campaign starts formally, Electoral rolls containing the names of
the eligible voters are published by the election commission and are available for
inspection to the general public.
 The political parties are procuring a copy of the voter list; do door to door campaign
by issuing slips to the voters indicating the serial number (S.N.) at which his/her
named appears in the list along with the symbol of the candidate.
 Once the election schedule is announced, political parties start the process for
finalizing the list of candidates who will be authorized to contest the election on the
party symbol.
 The central election committees of the various political parties finalize the
recommendations for the ticket from the ones received right from the local unit of
the party through the state unit of the party.
 Political parties beforehand do have a fair idea about the suitability of a political
candidate. The internal survey of the party and the central representatives of the
party do undertake an extensive exercise based upon various factors of castes (sub-
castes) and caste (s) of the expected main opposition candidate.
 Breakup of the voters-caste wise, area wise, gender wise or on the basis of any local
factor i.e. major chunk of population is of displaced persons etc. Who are there in
the constituency etc. is done.
 The acceptability of particular candidate to ensure win ability is also assessed.

Political parties do field ‗dummy‘ candidates for denting the vote bank of the
opponent. Since all the ticket aspirants cannot be accommodated, the one who do not
get a ticket may stand against the official candidate and the party may lose in such
an eventuality. Although political parties do have a mechanism in place to meet such
situations, it is the internal sabotage which may result in election defeats.






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Selection of candidates, is also influenced by the media reports, the parties do tend to
take public perception in to account, the selection of the candidate political parties name
it differently but each one swears by the democratic norms that the selection process is
turning more and more into an exercise in marketing, the political parties generally act
on or more of these:
(1) Internal survey of the party/ from observers etc.
(2) Feedback from the party workers/media reports.
(3) Voters profile.

Political parties may not always field candidates for a win; candidates are fielded for
ensuring a defeat of the opponent, for test checking the popularity of the party or
simply to embarrass the opponents by fielding the reject‘s of opponent party.

The over whelming popular impression about Indian politician is that everyone is there for
meeting one‘s selfish interest.
Thus, by broadening the selection process-more involvement of common unattached
voter in the feedback process and making the exercise public-could be a ―small
beginning” in:
(i) Making the volunteers believe that everyone has an equal chance of getting
an authorization
(ii) The waning interest of the party volunteers may be checked with the
constituents.
(iii) Political parties can start this exercise as internal marketing for galvanizing
the volunteers.

I n early 1991, the Hindu revivalist BJ P formally announced that it would bend more often
to electoral compulsion, which meant choosing some candidates because of their
membership in a locally influential caste or their access to resources.





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Parties also frequently choose candidates in order to complicate things for their
opponents. This takes two forms.
First they select particularly formidable candidates to confront especially popular or
effective leaders of other parties, in order to pin down them to their constituencies (the
names must be kept even last minute secret).
Examples:
 I n 1984, Madhav Rao Scindia was fielded against Hemvati Nandan Bahuguna
 I n 1991, Rajesh Khanna, film star fought against L.K.Advani
 I n 1999, Lok Sabha elections Susma Swaraj chased Sonia Gandhi way down in
south, Bellari (Karnataka).
Second, they often arrange for people to stand as ‗independents‘ who are from the same
caste or interest groups as rival candidates, in order to split the vote of the groups that
support these opponents.

Parties indulge in candidate promotion much before the elections are announced.
Many prospective candidates make themselves visible by being in constant touch with
the voters/or in the forefront of some agitation / developmental activities.
Sitting candidates while being in constant touch with their voters try to take credit for
developmental works while those in opposition continue to highlight the difficulties of
the voters (constituents) and may clamour for more funds, may agitate on issues of
public importance.
Each one of these activities get reported in the media, a kind of registration takes with
voters. This subtle promotion is a continuous affair. Sometimes at the local level
whatever a sitting member or a prospective candidate had been pursuing, may become
an election issue, either after being included in the party manifesto or either being
constantly pursued by the opponents.
The viewpoints of various candidates find way into media and the viewpoint, and those
which get a favourable media coverage, is in fact a promotion of the party/candidates.





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MADHAVRAO SCINDIA HEMWATI NANDAN BAHUGUNA


RAJESH KHANNA L.K.ADVANI


SUSHMA SWARAJ SONIA GANDHI
32

Political parties may sometimes organize, agitations, dharna‘s, all these are a kind of
subtle promotional exercises. Political parties also try to commemorate some important
happening which it presumes goes well with the image of the party.

BJ P celebrated one year of successful nuclear blasts on 12.5.1999 to arouse nationalistic
fervour and the party has decided now to organize „Vijay Divas‟ to commemorate India‟s
victory in Kargil, the party promotes (tries to) or reinforces its nationalist agenda, in a way
to counter this.
These right kinds of noises are all a part of promotional strategy.

Promotional efforts are not always made by the political parties, Laloo Prasad Yadav after
becoming the Chief Minister of Bihar in 1990 started staying in the residence of his
brother, a class I V employee in a two room quarter. The antics of Yadav were in the pages
of all the I ndian newspapers.
Laloo, later on went on to become a messiah of poor (Star News dated 22.11.2005).

In India election related advertisements started during the 1984 Lok Sabha elections.
Congress-I had commissioned a professional ad agency, Rediffusion (Mitra, 1998), wove a
series of advertisements around the symbol of the party, hand i.e. „give stability a hand‟,
„give peace a hand‟ and „give efficiency a hand‟ so on and so forth .

The NDA government at the center before going to the polls started a media blitz with
I ndia-Shining and Feel-Good advertisements while parties in power do take credit for the
deeds done during this tenure, the publicity trail is a precursor of the party‟s emphasis
during the actual election campaign.
L.K.Advani is also reported to have said (I ndia Today dated 14.2.2005), “I have done
several Yatras and I am known as a „Rath Yatri‟ but now a days I am known as a
„Helicopter Yatri”.

It can be argued that taking into account the vast majority of electorate who are illiterate,
advertisements in the print material made little sense.
Doordarshan has a fairly good enough reach and the advertisements in visual media were
supposed to be seen by a large number of people (here too one can question it on the sheer
availability of T.V. sets with the electorate).
33







ATAL BIHARI VAJPAYEE AT VIJAY DIVAS (2002)
34


L. K. ADVANI AS ‗RATH YATRI‘

L. K. ADVANI AS ‗HELICOPTER YATRI‘
35

Politics & Personalities
Political parties/candidates organize big rallies with a view to reach out to the maximum
number of electorates.
Crowd pullers like cinema personalities are pressed into service, free-transportation,
money and food is provided for the people attending such rallies. Each party tries to
outdo the other.
For attracting crowds, almost all the political parties engage glamorous film
personalities.

I n south Karunanidhi, MGR, J ayalalita and NTR all have been famous celluloid
personalities.
I ndian Parliament has also seen a galaxy of film stars. BJ P which had mobilized
maximum number of film stars for its campaign in Lok Sabha Elections of 2004 and its
spokesman Muktar Naqvi, while refuting reports that Shah Rukh Khan will be
campaigning for the party, had said, campaigning by film stars makes the electoral process
non-serious (I ndia Today dated 15.11.2003).

While BJ P can boast of Hema Malini, Dharmendra, Vinod Khanna, Vajayanti Mala,
Dara Singh, Shatrughan Sinha (all MP‟s) Suresh Oberoi, Samriti Malhotra, Yukta Mukhi,
Poonam Dhillon and host of other T.V. Personalities, Congress had Sunil Dutt, Dilip
kumar, Govinda, Nagma, Rati Agnihotri, Asrani, Celina J aitley , Shakti Kapoor, Zeenat
Aman.
Samajwadi Party has Amitabh Bacchan, J aya Bacchan, J aya Prada and Raj Babbar who
has now joined Congress. Samajwadi Party had inducted Sanjay Dutt and Manoj Tiwari.

Whether the stars associate themselves with the political parties on account of their
ideology or they charge money for political campaign also, but it is a suspicion, which
prevails.

Although Political heavy weight and SP, MP Raj Babbar, who was a successful actor also,
candidly says, since cine stars get money for advertisements and publicity, hence for
electioneering etc, charging of money is perfectly all right and in the same vein (Outlook
dated 15.4.2004).

36

ACTORS TURNED POLITICIANS

M. KARUNANIDHI (DMK) M.G.R. (AIDMK) JAYALALITHA


VINOD KHANNA (BJP) SMRITI IRANI (BJP) SHATRUGHAN (BJP)

SUNIL DUTT (CONG) DILIP KUMAR (CONG) GOVINDA (CONG)
37


JAYAPRADA (S.P.) RAJ BABBAR (S.P.)


AMITABH BACHAN (S.P.) SANJAY DUTT (S.P.)





38

Writing on films, stars and politics, Sanghvi (2005) narrates an instance of him having
carried out an opinion poll in 1983 in the „Imprint‟ about the North Bombay constituency
according to him „our intention was to see if the sitting MP, Ram Jeth Malani could be
unseated by one of the many actors who lived in the area, because we wanted to make a big
splash, we pitted J ethmalani against the biggest star of the day, Amitabh Bacchan.
The poll said, quite conclusively that J ethmalani would beat any movie star, Amitabh
Bacchan included. While admitting the incorrectness of the poll he goes on to say that very
next year Amitabh stood from Allahabad and won by a landslide and Sunil Dutt defeated
Ram J eth Malani.
According to him, Dilip Kumar campaigned for the Congress in 1977 without much
success.

He further says that the entry of cine stars into politics is ‗devoid‘ of any ideological
content whatsoever. It is no secret that many stars take money to participate in political
campaigns.
Few of them even don‘t know what the party they belong to stands for. For film stars,
politics is just one more option; like a brand endorsement or a music video and it pays
more.
















39

Visual Treat
Colourful posters, hoardings, buntings, accompanied by loud music, sloganeering all
lend Indian elections a distinct identity. Technological advances viz. SMS; E-mail
campaigning have not in the least taken away the colour from Indian campaigns.
In fact, earlier election reporting and assessment about the prospectus of various candidates in
the elections tended to make assessments based upon the number of posters, banners,
buntings and the size of the crowd in the rallies.

Beginning with the first ostensible rath yatra on „Chaitanya Rath‟ which catapulted NTR
to power in Andhra in 1983.

„Yatra‟s‟ (literally meaning travels) in decorated vehicles have found favour with the
political parties. These fully furnished vehicles fitted with latest modern day equipments,
arouse the curiousity of voters (many of whom come only to see these machines).
Now the leaders are making use of helicopters, make shift helipads double as the venue
for the meetings also. Leaders who are generally accompanied by some glamorous
personality, land and straight way grab the mike, address and fly to next destination, the
machine and moll (personality) having succeeded in attracting the crowd.

„Swabhimaan/Gaurav Yatra‟ of Narindra Modi (2002-2003),Vikas/Vishwas Yatra‟ of
Prem Kumar Dhumal (2002-2003), Parivartan Yatra‟ of Vijay Raje Sindhia (2003),
„Nayaya Yatra‟ of Devi Lal (1986-1987), and „Nayaya Yatra‟ of Nitish Kumar (2005), etc
are all promotional activities and each one is meant to persuade the voters for voting in a
particular manner.

Modern modes of communication like recorded voice messages viz. (Main Vajpayee Bol
Raha Hun-Lok Sabha 2004) SMS (jokes on the opponents, informatory like Kya Aap shift
Ho gaye hain), E-mails (Kirt Somayas E-mails to Chartered Accountants) as brought out
by Rawal (2004) have came into play. Singh.
Nihal S. Dubbed the 2004 Lok Sabha Elections as a high-tech election‟ and termed it as an
„end of traditional ways of campaigning‟ and further brand Vajpayee yielded dramatic
results in the first hi-tech election.


40


N.T. RAMARAO‘S CHAITANYA RATH YATRA (Chaitanya Rathnam-1983)


NARENDRA MODI‘S SWABHIMAN GAURAV YATRA (2002-2003)


VIJAY RAJE SCINDIA‘S PARIVARTAN YATRA (2003)

41


ATAL BIHARI VAJPAYEE FLAGGING OFF THE NITISH KUMAR‘S NYAYA
YATRA (2005)

NITISH KUMAR INTERACTING WITH VILLAGERS AND PARTY WOKRERS
DURING HIS Nyaya Yatra.

42

Road Shows & Personal I nteraction
A new strategy ‗road show‘ has been added to election lexicon from the elections of 2004.
Instead of bringing the people to the rallies, people are lined up along the route through
which any VIP is then brought.
Late Pramod Mahajan, the BJ P General Secretary called it a western concept what so are
many other election related issues.
Road shows are definitely going to be a part of election electioneering.
During one of Sonia Gandhi‟s road show, people had been lined on the 370 Kms. Road
show and high decibel slogans like „Lachhar Sarkar ab jayegi, lehar Congress ki aayegi‟
were raised to dispel any “feel good” factor there and followed it with „Gaon-Gaon Main
Uthi Pukar, Sonia Gandhi Bahu Hamar‟. Road shows Sonia Gandhi votes (I ndia Today
dt: 17/1/05,pg 63).

In the Indian context, door to door and person to person contact have historical
importance, there were no communication channels and candidates & party workers used
to call on individual voters requesting him/her for vote and in the process inflating their ego.
This contact is either through the workers of the party or through prominent persons of
a particular community like the village headman (pradhan).

Party workers perform the role of a salesman to perfection and the exchange motivation
is akin to personal sale. In fact, if classical concept of marketing is to be found, it is in the
promotion of the ‗political product‘. Political parties/candidates undertake big public
relationing exercises either to reinforce their images or to change it and for the purpose
they may resort to gimmicks.

A party like BJ P may court Muslim leaders by holding conventions.
I n 2005 Bihar elections, NDA leader Nitish Kumar visited a number of mosques with the
purpose of countering the charge of aligning with the supposedly anti Muslim BJ P and
also to take on Laloo Yadav and Ram Vilas Paswan, who canvassed with a look-alike
Osama Bin Laden (I ndia Today 14/2/05).
The report said that Ram Vilas Paswan had enlisted the support of Maulana Meraj Khalid
Noor, as Osama Bin Laden for liberating Bihar from the Laloo Raj.
This may appear far-fetched but political campaigns using the marketing techniques may
end up a parallel of cola wars.
43


SONIA GANDHI‘S ROAD SHOWS IN DELHI, RAI BAREILY AND RAJASTHAN

NITISH KUMAR CELEBRATING Eid Milan(2010)

NITISH KUMAR AT INAUGRATION OF ―COMPUTER CENTRE‖ IN PATNA FOR
THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY
44

PLACE
A national political party obviously ought to have a national outlook and is generally above
the parochial agenda of regional political parties.
Regional political parties on the other hand have their presence confined to a particular state
or regions. Government both at the central and state level are constituted after elections
and to ensure a win in any election, national parties have also to compete with the
regional political party on the ground level.
For competing with the generally strong regional outfits, the state units of the national
political parties take positions which may not be in strict conformity with the position
taken at the national level by the party, of late regional political parties are becoming
more and more powerful and they have gobbled up the space earlier occupied by the
national parties.
Coalition politics has compelled the political parties to align at one place and to compete
with each other at other place.

Communists supported the Congress led UPA at the center but are the main opponents in
the states of West Bengal and Kerala.

Some political parties or more appropriately the state units of National Political Parties
take diametrically opposite stand on same issues.

State units of Congress party on Cauvery water have a different stands in Karnataka &
Tamil Nadu. These different positions are based upon political interests.

Now for political parties, to fare well, they have to modify their political product as per
the state.
Political product has to be made place specific. This is akin to having different channels
of the distribution. No national party can afford to take a stand in direct confrontation
to the local sentiments.



45

Coalition compulsions have made political parties master craftsmen in abdicating the
ideologies, changing partners and even taking a few body blows. Almost all regional
parties owe their origin to the basic opposition of Congress but as of now these regional
political parties are sharing power with the Congress at center.

Most of the regional political parties have one strongest bond with the voters i.e. sons of the
soil theory, which may be expressed in different phrases viz. Telegu pride of TDP, Mumbai
for Mumbaikar‘s (Shiv-Sena).
Congress plays second fiddle to RJ D in Bihar, and to either of the Dravid parties in Tamil
Nadu and equal partner with NCP in Maharashtra.
How this „sons of soil‟ dogma operates is clear from one example of Shiv-Sena‟s war cry of
“Mumbai for Mumbaikar‟s” (Mumbai is for original inhabitants of Mumbai) and the jobs
are only for Maharashtrians, resulted in polarization of non-Mumbai voters towards the
Congress-I and NCP.

‗Place‘ plays such an important role in product, promotion and price, it becomes clear.
Place is where ‗action actually occurs‘, political parties apart from being held
accountable for any breach of promises, do the constructive work also, parties
undertake relief week, educational activities, sponsoring some events, each activity
generating some good will for the party.

A model depicting the four ‗Ps‘ for political marketing is placed above, which have been
defined in the foregoing chapter, illustrated with a number of examples from the Indian
election campaigns.










46

MODEL CODE OF CONDUCT FOR THE GUIDANCE OF POLITICAL
PARTIES AND CANDIDATES


ELECTION COMMISSION OF INDIA
In India the elections are conducted by the Election Commission of India which is a
permanent body and has a statutory status. There are 3 election commissioners, who are
appointed by the President of India; one of the election commissioners (generally the
senior most) is appointed as the Chief Election Commissioner of India. .
Their removal from the post can take place only by an impeachment in the Parliament.
It used to be a one man election commission and the same was expanded in
1996Publication of electoral rolls, dispatch of Electronic voting machines to each polling
station, acceptance of nomination papers, rejection etc. and for the purpose deployment
of staff along with adequate security everything is ensured by the election commission.
Election Commission also ensures adherence to the statutory provisions of various
election laws. Model code of conduct is promulgated by the commission before the
election process is set in motion.
Although every political party swears by the model code of conduct, yet none is having a
clean record.






47

1. GENERAL CONDUCT
(1) No party or candidate shall include in any activity which may aggravate existing
differences or create mutual hatred or cause tension between different castes and
communities, religious or linguistic.
(2) Criticism of other political parties, when made, shall be confined to their policies
and programme, past record and work.
Parties and Candidates shall refrain from criticism of all aspects of private life, not
connected with the public activities of the leaders or workers of other parties. Criticism
of other parties or their workers based on unverified allegations or distortion shall be
avoided.
(3) There shall be no appeal to caste or communal feelings for securing votes. Mosques,
Churches, Temples or other places of worship shall not be used as forum for election
propaganda.
(4) All parties and candidates shall avoid scrupulously all activities which are ―corrupt
practices‖ and offences under the election law, such as bribing of voters, intimidation of
voters, impersonation of voters, canvassing within 100 meters of polling stations,
holding public meetings during the period of 48 hours ending with the hour fixed for the
close of the poll, and the transport and conveyance of voters to and from polling station.
(5)The right of every individual for peaceful and undisturbed home-life shall be
respected, however much the political parties or candidates may resent his political
opinions or activities.
(6) No political party or candidate shall permit its or his followers to make use of any
individual‘s land, building, compound wall etc., without his permission for erecting
flagstaff‘s, suspending banners, pasting notices, writing slogans etc.
(7) Political parties and candidates shall ensure that their supporters do not create
obstructions in or break up meetings and processions organised by other parties.
Workers or sympathisers of one political party shall not create disturbances at public
meetings organised by another political party by putting questions orally or in writing
or by distributing leaflets of their own party. Processions shall not be taken out by one
party along places at which meetings are held by another party.
Posters issued by one party shall not be removed by workers of another party.


48

II. MEETINGS
(1) The party or candidate shall inform the local police authorities of the venue and time
any proposed meeting well in time so as to enable the police to make necessary
arrangements for controlling traffic and maintaining peace and order.
(2) A Party or candidate shall ascertain in advance if there is any restrictive or
prohibitory order in force in the place proposed for the meeting if such orders exist,
they shall be followed strictly.
(3) If permission or license is to be obtained for the use of loudspeakers or any other
facility in connection with any proposed meeting, the party or candidate shall apply to
the 30
authority concerned well in advance and obtain such permission or license.
(4) Organisers of a meeting shall invariably seek the assistance of the police on duty for
dealing with persons disturbing a meeting or otherwise attempting to create disorder.
Organisers themselves shall not take action against such persons

III. PROCESSION
(1) A Party or candidate organizing a procession shall decide before hand the time and
place of the starting of the procession, the route to be followed and the time and place at
which the procession will terminate.
There shall ordinary be on deviation from the programme.
(2) The organisers shall give advance intimation to the local police authorities of the
programme so as to enable the letter to make necessary arrangement.
(3) The organisers shall ascertain if any restrictive orders are in force in the localities
through which the procession has to pass, and shall comply with the restrictions unless
exempted specially by the competent authority.
Any traffic regulations or restrictions shall also be carefully adhered to.
(4) The organisers shall take steps in advance to arrange for passage of the procession
so that there is no block or hindrance to traffic.
If the procession is very long, it shall be organised in segments of suitable lengths, so
that at convenient intervals, especially at points where the procession has to pass road
junctions, the passage of held up traffic could be allowed by stages thus avoiding heavy
traffic congestion.
49

(5) Processions shall be so regulated as to keep as much to the right of the road as
possible and the direction and advice of the police on duty shall be strictly complied
with.
(7) The political parties or candidates shall exercise control to the maximum extent
possible in the matter of processionists carrying articles which may be put to misuse by
undesirable elements especially in moments of excitement.

IV. POLLING DAY
All Political parties and candidates shall –
(i) Co-operate with the officers on election duty to ensure peaceful and orderly polling
and complete freedom to the voters to exercise their franchise without being subjected
to any annoyance or obstruction.
(ii) Supply to their authorized workers suitable badges or identity cards.
(iii) Agree that the identity slip supplied by them to voter‘s hall be on plain (white)
paper and shall not contain any symbol, name of the candidate or the name of the
party;
(iv) Refrain from serving or distributing liquor on polling day and during the forty
eight hours preceding it
(v) Not allow unnecessary crowd to be collected near the camps set up by the political
parties and candidates near the polling booths so as to avoid confrontation and tension
among workers and sympathizers of the parties and the candidate.
(vi) Ensure that the candidate‘s camps shall be simple .The shall not display any
posters, flags, symbols or any other propaganda material.
No eatable shall be served or crowd allowed at the camps
(vii) Co-operate with the authorities in complying with the restrictions to be imposed on
the plying of vehicles on the polling day and obtain permits for them which should be
displayed prominently on those vehicles.

VI. OBSERVERS
The Election Commission is appointing Observers. If the candidates or their agents
have any specific complaint or problem regarding the conduct of elections they may
bring the same to the notice of the Observer.

50

VII. PARTY IN POWER
The party in power whether at the Centre or in the State or States concerned, shall
ensure that no cause is given for any complaint that it has used its official position for
the purposes of its election campaign and in particular –
(i)
(a) The Ministers shall not combine their official visit with electioneering work and shall
not also make use of official machinery or personnel during the electioneering work.
(b) Government transport including official air-crafts, vehicles, machinery and
personnel shall not be used for furtherance of the interest of the party in power;
(ii) Public places such as maidans etc., for holding election meetings, and use of helipads
for air-flights in connection with elections shall not be monopolized by itself.
Other parties and candidates shall be allowed the use of such places and facilities on the
same terms and conditions on which they are used by the party in power;
(iii) Rest houses, dark bungalows or other Government accommodation shall not be
monopolized by the party in power or its candidates and such accommodation shall be
allowed to be used by other parties and candidates in a fair manner but no party or
candidate shall use or be allowed to use such accommodation (including premises
appertaining thereto) as a campaign office or for holding any public meeting for the
purposes of election propaganda
(iv) Issue of advertisement at the cost of public exchequer in the newspapers and other
media and his misuse of official mass media during the election period for partisan
coverage of political news and publicity regarding achievements with a view to
furthering the prospects of the party in power shall be scrupulously avoided.
(v) Ministers and other authorities shall not sanction grants/payments out of
discretionary funds from the time elections are announced by the Commission; and

Note: The Commission shall announce the date of any election which shall be a date
ordinarily not more than three weeks prior to the date on which the notification is likely
to be issued in respect of such elections.

(vii) Ministers of Central or State Government shall not enter any polling station or
place of counting except in their capacity as a candidate or voter or authorized agent.

51

GENERAL ELECTIONS 2009 IN INDIA

India recently held the general elections—the largest democratic election in the world—to
the 15th Lok Sabha in five phases on April 16, April 22/23, April 30, May 7 and May 13,
2009. The results of the election were announced on May 16, 2009.
According to the Indian Constitution, elections in India for the Lok Sabha (the lower
house) must be held at least every five years under normal circumstances.
With the last elections held in 2004, the term of the 14th Lok Sabha expired on June 1, 2009.
The election is conducted by the Election Commission of India, which estimates an electorate
of 714 million voters, an increase of 43 million over the 2004 election.
During the budget presented in February 2009, Rs.1,120 Crores (€176 million) was
budgeted for election expenses.

PRIME MINISTERIAL CANDIDATES

52

UNITED PROGRESSIVE ALLIANCE
Following the August 2008 confidence vote victory for the current government, a statement
by Indian National Congress President Sonia Gandhi had caused speculation that Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh would be projected as the Prime Ministerial candidate in the next
elections. Nationalist Congress Party leader Sharad Pawar has indicated that he is also a
possible Prime Ministerial candidate post elections.
On January 24, 2009, Manmohan Singh underwent cardiac bypass surgery at All India
Institute of Medical Sciences, New Delhi. Following the surgery, speculation of alternate PM
candidates arose both within the Congress and amongst coalition partners. In an attempt to
quell such speculations, Sonia Gandhi on February 6, 2009, wrote in the Congress party
magazine ―Sandesh” that Manmohan Singh is the UPA coalition's Prime Ministerial
candidate for the 2009 elections.

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE
The main opposition, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its coalition partners in the
National Democratic Alliance, announced on December 11, 2007 that their candidate for
Prime Minister would be BJP party leader Lal Krishna Advani, the Leader of the Opposition.
On January 23, 2008, leaders from BJP and other NDA parties convened to officially elect
him their candidate. No other party or alliance had announced a prime ministerial candidate.

THIRD FRONT
A group of regional parties including Communist parties have formed a third front to counter
the BJP-led and Congress led alliances. The members are the Left Front and the United
National Progressive Alliance.
However the CPI (M) had openly said that they are not against bargaining for alliance with
Congress if they get enough number of seats after the election.
Once again, the media had speculated that Mayawati, the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh,
could potentially be projected as the front's Prime Ministerial candidate, but no official move
had taken place.
If Mayawati's party could win enough seats, she had openly stated that she would be willing
to take the support of the national parties to become Prime Minister.
No other candidate had publicly expressed interest in becoming Prime Minister.

53

PARTIES IN THE UPA ALLIANCE
INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS
NATIONALIST CONGRESS PARTY (MAHARASHTRA)
JHARKHAND VIKAS MORCHA (PRAJATANTRIK)
ALL INDIA TRINAMOOL CONGRESS (WEST BENGAL)
DRAVIDA MUNNETRA KAZHAGAM (TAMIL NADU)
ALL INDIA MAJLIS-E-ITTEHADUL MUSLIMEEN
(HYDERABAD)
INDIAN UNION MUSLIM LEAGUE (KERALA)
54

KERALA CONGRESS (M) (KERALA)
SOCIALIST UNITY CENTRE OF INDIA
(COMMUNIST) (WEST BENGAL)
JAMMU & KASHMIR NATIONAL CONFERENCE
(JAMMU & KASHMIR)



55

PARTIES IN THE NDA ALLIANCE
BHARATIYA JANATA PARTY

JANATA DAL (UNITED) (BIHAR & KARNATAKA)

NAGALAND PEOPLES FRONT (NAGALAND)

ASOMA GANA PARISHAD (ASSAM)

SHIROMANI AKALI DAL (PUNJAB)
SHIV SENA (MAHARASHTRA)
56

TELANGANA RASHTRA SAMITI (A.P.)
UTTARAKHAND KRANTI DAL (UTTARAKHAND)

























57

PARTIES IN THE LEFT FRONT
WEST BENGAL LEFT FRONT
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA
(MARXIST)(CPI (M))
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA
REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST PARTY
ALL INDIA FORWARD BLOC
WEST BENGAL SOCIALIST PARTY
(NOW SAMAJWADI PARTY)
DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST PARTY

58

BIPLOBI BANGLA CONGRESS
REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA
MARXIST FORWARD BLOC
WORKERS PARTY OF INDIA

TRIPURA LEFT FRONT
WEST BENGAL LEFT FRONT
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA
(MARXIST)(CPI (M))
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA
REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST PARTY
ALL INDIA FORWARD BLOC



59

KERALA DEMOCRATIC FRONT
WEST BENGAL LEFT FRONT
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA
(MARXIST)(CPI (M))
COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA
REVOLUTIONARY SOCIALIST PARTY
JANATA DAL (SECULAR)
NATIONALIST CONGRESS PARTY
KERALA CONGRESS

60

CAMPAIGNING

UNITED PROGRESSIVE ALLIANCE
The Congress party has bought the rights for the Oscar winning soundtrack J ai Ho from
the movie Slum dog Millionaire and this song will be used as the official campaign tune by
the party. The song title Jai Ho translates to Let there be victory, and the Congress hopes
that this popular song will galvanize the masses during the almost one month long election
season.
On March 24, 2009, Congress President Sonia Gandhi released the party's manifesto for the
2009 election.
The party's slogan for the election is Aam Admi Ke Badthe Kadam, HarKadam Par Bharat
Buland which roughly translates to The common man moves forward, And with his every
step I ndia prospers.
The manifesto highlights all the achievements of the UPA Government over the last 5 years
in power and identifies improving various policies to favour more rural & under-privileged
sections of the Indian society.
“In 2004 the Internet accounted for less than 1% of the advertising budget of political
parties. Today however, the digital media makes up at least 10% of the budget,” says Atul
Hegde, Chief Executive, Ignitee India Pvt. Ltd., the agency handling digital advertising
for the Congress.
With 40 million Internet users and Internet penetration in urban India at around 9% the
importance of digital media in political campaigns cannot be ignored. Add to that the fact that
100 million youngsters, half of whom live in urban India are expected to cast their voters for
the first time in the Lok Sabha polls next Year, and the Internet emerges as very useful tool to
engage with young people.
“While they(youth) are involved in political affairs, they may not be interested or inclined
to vote, so these digital initiatives aim at interacting with them and getting the message
out.”
Congress has also launched many e-advertisements which appear on most of the popular
sites.
Following a tight pitch against local agency Crayons, Mindshare Delhi snapped the Indian
National Congress (INC) media account estimated to be worth US$15 million.
61

The agency handled the political party‘s electronic media campaign in the run up to the
general elections held from 16th April onwards in stages.
Mindshare focussed primarily on TV and radio – reaching out to the ‗common man‘ - which
constitutes the majority of the voting population in the country.
The account is led by client leadership and will draw heavily on resources from the exchange
teams at Mindshare.



62

NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE
To counter the Congress' selection of Jai Ho as their official anthem, the BJP coined the
phrase Kushal Neta, Nirnayak Sarkaar which translates to Able Leader, Decisive
Government. The BJP hope to benefit from the fact that they have been consistently
projecting one single leader, Advani, as the party's Prime Ministerial candidate for more
than 1 year, while the Congress appears to have dual power centres (party President
Sonia Gandhi and incumbent Prime Minister Manmohan Singh).
The BJP intends to use Advani's name & image as the main focus in these elections.
BJP also launched parody of J ai ho. It is shown in the media as Bhay ho.
On April 3, 2009, BJP released its election manifesto in New Delhi.
The party took on the incumbent UPA Government on the 3 fronts of Good
Governance, Development and Security.
The manifesto highlights all the different NDA policies that the UPA reversed over the
last 5 years. The manifesto lays a lot of importance on requiring strong, POTA-like
anti-terrorism laws and vows to make India a safer place if the BJP is elected.
Having taken on Congress's somewhat triumphalism "Jai ho" campaign through its "Bhay ho"
parody, BJP was looking to marshal statistics and visuals to argue that development
projects have slowed down, farm distress is unmitigated and threat of terrorism
undiminished. BJP will question UPA initiatives like the farm loan waiver which it says
is hardly being referred to by the government itself.

The BJP has tracked US President-elect Barack Obama‘s successful online campaign-
social networking sites such as Facebook, Orkut and MySpace have communities built
around the two parties and individual politicians.
The BJP had launched a website for its prime ministerial candidate L.K Advani. It had
one, too, for V.K Malhotra, its chief ministerial candidate for Delhi.

The attempt to reach voters who usually do not turn up at polling booths is driven by an
estimate that many of them might share BJP‟s vision for a strong Centre and a
"nationalist" approach to security that includes "hard" views on anti-terror laws and
illegal infiltration. These groups could motivate people to shed both their cynicism and
lethargy to actually go to the polling stations.

63


BJP managers claimed that with close to half the voting population connected by mobiles,
this campaign was a must. They agreed that the party was looking forward to a sustained
effort by ―Sangh‖ organisations to reach and motive both the faithful and sympathisers.
The BJP's print campaign focussed on spelling out its programme which was replete with
feel-good offers like targeted schemes for girl children, cheap food grain, lower farm loan
rates and several sops for the urban voter.
Frank Simoes has taken care of the television and print campaign that also includes
outdoor media and Utopia was in charge of the radio campaign. Two companies, Frank
Simoes and Utopia, prepared the campaign advertisements for BJP which were used on
television, FM radio channels and the print media from March 16 onward.
BJP‘s creative and the media buying duties were handled by Frank Simoes, which also
has the ministry of tourism as a client. The agency took care of its print and television
campaign.
The party started its sign-off campaign with the punch-line Mazboot neta, nirnayak sarkar
(Determined Leader, Decisive Government) from March 16.
The party had submitted Rs 42-44 crore budget for the campaign with the election
commission of India.
Considering the budget constrains, the party planned to go big on internet and radio. ―It is not
possible to ignore television and print medium even though they are expensive.
However, we will focus on other media such as internet and radio this time,‖ party
spokesperson said.
The party has tied up with Google to redesign its official website bjp.org to make it
more user-friendly and interactive.
The party has also run its campaign on radio, through private FM channels and All India
Radio because about 288 constituencies today have access to FM which is all the more
reason to use the medium extensively.
It has huge penetration and is not too expensive too.

Political parties are required to report to the EC their expenditure since there are
restrictions on it. Besides, a lot of spending is in the form of direct help from
businessmen that may be in cash or kind and is not included in the figures sent to the
commission, which regulates political parties in the country.

64





A Parody on Congress‘ ―Jai Ho”
Campaign
65

MEDIA USED
During the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, many conventional and non-conventional media were
used by various political parties. The biggest difference in recent and past elections is that all
the parties hired their consultant ad agencies, planned a framework and laid aggressive ad
campaigns.
With political advertising crossing over Rs 600 crore in ad spends in 2009 alone, all
kinds of advertising agencies, big and small, shoved and pushed for a slice of the pie.
Let us discuss all those media types and their advantages.

TELEVISION
Only 15% of the total campaign budgets are spent on TV ads because Advertising
experts believe it is because TV does not give political parties enough bang for the buck.
A 10 second spot can sell for anywhere between Rs. 5,000 on a regional language
channel to at least Rs. 1.5 lakh on a popular channel during prime time, say media
buyers, while other platforms such as radio and outdoor are as effective and cheaper.
“Voter banks are not in big cities but in rural areas where posters, meetings and mobile
vans reach out to more potential voters than a TV ad which costs 10 times the amount,”
says Sumira Roy, founder of Mumbai-based advertising agency Postscript. ―And spending so
much on a political campaign like the BJP did with the India Shining campaign last elections,
can actually backfire and work against the party.‖
―At a time when Indian advertising has become so creative and has set standards
internationally, the quality of political campaigns on TV remains poor and reflects badly on
the industry‖, says a senior advertising agency executive who didn't want to be named.
Adds Emmanuel Upputuru, National Creative Director, Publicis India, “Earlier, political ads
on TV looked like an A/V (audio-visual), so at least now they look like an advertisement as
the production has improved after advertising agencies were hired, but at the end of the
day, the advertising will be just as good or bad as the product, so maybe product is bad.”
However with 400-Plus TV channels, 60-70% of which are regional language channels,
the media does hold potential —if used intelligently.




66

OUTDOOR ADVERTISEMENTS
While door-to-door campaigning and political rallies continue to be the mainstay of election
campaigns, political parties in India are looking at advertising campaigns across media
platforms to reach the elusive voter, especially in urban areas.
Political parties are now more focused in their marketing strategies, and
communication campaigns are going beyond reinforcing the party symbol.
The proportion of poll budgets allocated to advertising has gone up and professional
advertising agencies are being used.
For advertising agencies, too, it has been a learning curve—the target group is diffused and
most ads take the regional language route.
Outdoor media, with its banners, hoardings and pamphlets, is the most obvious choice in
political campaigns, with print ads a close second. The digital media has gained significance
because of its ability to interact with urban voters; radio ads made their debut in the ongoing
assembly elections.
Campaign looks at how political parties are using these mediums to spread the word-and
how effective each is.
Hoarding, bus stands, mobile vans and floats have proved to be most effective forms of
communication and are used extensively by political parties. In fact, the outdoor medium
gets a higher budget than television. According to a media buyers, 20% of the Rs. 400 crore
advertising budget was spent on outdoor, while 15% was spent on television.
―Outdoor advertising is the first indication that elections are coming up because all of a
sudden, streets and parks in cities and villages across the country are filled with banners
and hoardings of politicians, says Sumira Roy of Postscript.
“This platform connects with the rural populations on the best because it talks to them in
the language they understand and is effective in delivering results.”
Adds Gullu Sen of Dentsu India, “We know the leaders of political parties such as Sonia
Gandhi or Manmohan Singh but how many of us know the other politicians standing for
elections in the states? So outdoor advertising helps spread awareness and educate people
on who is who”.
Apart from effectiveness and recall, outdoor media is more cost effective than advertising in
the main stream media.

67

According to a leading outdoor advertising agency in Delhi, hoardings in a city such as
Delhi cost political parties Rs. 2.5-5 lakh for a month depending on the location and can
be as low as Rs. 50,000 a month in smaller towns. The cost of advertising in bus shelters
for a month can be between Rs. 80,000 and Rs. 1.5 lakh for digital print banners.
Compare this to approximately Rs. 1.5 lakh for a 10-second TV spot ad during prime time on
a general entertainment channel or a full-page advertisement across all editions of a national
newspaper that can cost up to Rs. 1.7 crore a day.

PRINT
The lion‘s share has traditionally gone to newspapers, and even though platforms such as
digital and radio have gained significance, loyalties have not shifted yet. According to a
media buying agency, print accounted for 40–50% of the Rs. 400 crore budget in the
latest assembly elections.
“Newspapers account for 50% of our spends because it reaches out to the masses, yet it is a
very localised form of advertising that gets the message across to the lowest local
denominator,” says Ranjan Bargotra, President of Crayons Advertising Ltd., the agency
handling the Congress account.
According to the latest figures of the Registrar of Newspapers in India, or RNI, India had
64,998 registered newspapers as of March 2009, with a total circulation of 190 million.
“A political party can pay anywhere between Rs. 5 lakh and Rs. 45 lakh for one full-page
advertisement in a newspaper, depending on the reach it has”, says a senior media buyer
who did not want to be identified.
Print ads also allow parties to respond to unexpected situations.
Despite all this, experts believe the entire efforts may be a waste. “The Quality of print
Advertisements is still very tacky and seem like a big sham to me, ―says Anil Madan, founder
and creative director, Aqua Communications.
Adds Sen, “They are bad leaflets, not advertisements-all it does is familiarize voters to their
faces, so when someone does go to the poll booth, they might just recall the face and make
a connection."




68






HOARDINGS OF CONGRESS PARTY
69

RADIO
Analysts say the speed with which parties integrated radio into their campaigns is indicative
of the potential it has to reach out locally. “Radio is a localized medium that reaches out to
19 crore listeners (above the age of 12) and unlike print and TV, where there are time and
space restrictions, radio allows parties to actually communicate to listeners in their
language” says Sunil Kumar, Managing Director at Radio Business Consultancy Big River
Radio (India) Pvt. Ltd.
“With the poll panel putting restrictions on the expenditure for campaigns, parties are
looking at less expensive outlets. I t is natural for political parties to use radio channels
which are popular among youngsters”, says BJP spokesperson Rajiv Pratap Rudy.
According to a senior executive from a media buying agency, who did not want to be
identified, Radio accounted for Rs. 20 crore of the Rs. 400 crore political advertising
budgets.
The Congress took six radio spots, the BJP took three. The ads ranged from 10–50
seconds and cost the parties between Rs. 250 and Rs. 1,200.
Reaching out to 23% of the population, radio may be a more effective and cheaper
medium, but experts say political parties will have to learn how to use it to debate and discuss
opposing viewpoints instead of using it as a platform for mud-slinging.
In Delhi where Congress is the ruling party, radio ads highlighted the work done so
far—no promises were made.
But in Rajasthan, where the Congress is in the opposition, the ads looked at the
inefficiency of the government and pointed out what could have been done better.
Similarly, BJP's campaign warned voters about the shortcomings of the government
and rhetorically asked voters if they would make the same mistake.
“These ads were not fancy and did not need much production work as they basically had
voice-overs communicating to voters. So the ads were probably developed in a span of two
days and were all set to air as soon as the government gave the green light”,says Prathap
Suthan, Creative Director of Cheil Communications.
The growing reach of private FM radio is expected to find political expression for the first
time in India as parties tap it for their campaigns, bringing in welcome revenue to the Rs.8.3
billion/$165 million radio industry in the country.


70

INTERNET
“In 2004 the Internet accounted for less than 1% of the advertising budget of political
parties. Today however, the digital media makes up at least 10% of the budget,” says Atul
Hegde, Chief Executive, Ignitee India Pvt. Ltd., the agency handling digital advertising for
the Congress.
o―The focus on digital and mobile media is to engage the urban youth in India who make up a
large voters base,‖ says Hiren Pandit, managing partner of GroupM ESP, the entertainment,
sports and partnerships division of media buyer GroupM. ―While they are involved in
political affairs, they may not be interested or inclined to vote, so these digital initiatives aim
at interacting with them and getting the message out‖
The BJP and congress have tracked US President-elect Barack Obama‘s successful online
campaign-social networking sites such as Facebook, Orkut and MySpace have communities
built around the two parties and individual politicians. On Facebook, for instance, a BJP
group has 275 members who engage in discussions and post information on important dates
and events related to the elections, while Congress Leader Sonia Gandhi and Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh have their own communities built on the site with 358 and 1,310 supporters
respectively. ―It's the success of Obama's campaign we are trying to replicate here,‖ says
Hegde.
In addition, the two parties have engaged voters through videosharing sites such as YouTube
and video ads on popular websites such as MSN and Rediffmail.
The approximate cost for an extensive online campaign can be Rs. 1 crore over a month.
“40% of a typical advertising campaign goes towards contextual search and advertising
networking and 60% is spent on popular websites such as Yahoo, MSN and Rediff, among
others”, says Sidharth Rao, chief Executive and co-founder of Webchutney, a leading digital
marketing company.








71


SHRI L.K. ADVANI AT ALL INDIA RADIO, NEW DELHI





SCREENSHOTS OF L.K. ADVANI‘S INTERACTIVE WEB PORTAL (BLOG)
72

MANAGEMENT OF ELECTIONS-A COMPOSTIE VIEWPOINT OF
VOTERS, MEDIA PERSONNEL AND POLITICAL PARTIES

NEED FOR MANAGEMENT
India is the biggest democracy in the world, people have a say in governance right from the
lowest rung of democracy i.e. Panchayati Raj to the highest forum of legislature i.e. the Lok
Sabha. The classical concept of democracy is put to a strenuous test in the Indian context.
I t is a tribute to I ndian voters, political parties, media and I ndian electoral system that not
only democracy has survived in I ndia but it has taken such strong roots that any other
system of Governance would simply be unthinkable.

Indian elections are a curious mix of history and latest technological inventions, Indian
political parties have imbibed not only all the good things of Indian lifestyles but also have
transplanted electoral practices being practised in other parts of the world. Indian electoral
scene is fast emerging out from the fixed and ‗taken for granted‘ polling trends based on
various combinations. The volatility in the voters has resulted in consequential changes in
the ways by which electioneering is undertaken by the political parties.

Political parties, like business enterprises are chiselling out the political product, which
may appeal to largest number of voters. All the stakeholders in democracy do not readily
admit this metamorphosis of political parties becoming the mother of political products and
voters as consumers, as of now. Notwithstanding, these denials the fact of strategies
borrowed from „marketing‟ cannot be obliterated, in the Indian context no study
exclusively attempting to analyze the „four Ps‟of marketing in political arena has been
conducted, nor the behaviour of the voter to the specific techniques of the political parties
has been studied.
Political parties continue to splash on activities intended to garner votes but in the end may
end up annoying more voters than bringing them into their fold.
A number of questions had been asked either similarly/differently from all the 3 types
of respondents (Voters, Political Managers, Media Personnel) and now in this chapter
the responses have been discussed, comparisons have been made as under:
PLEASE NOTE THAT IN THE FOLLOWING GRAPHS:
X-AXIS: RESPONSES Y-AXIS: PERCENTAGE
73


 Manifestos are an important document in electioneering.
 Political managers have given thumbs up to ideology, voters have responded
with lower percentage.
 Ideology continues to be the bed rock of manifestos, no political managers has
disagreed with this whereas a substantial 20% of voters do not agree with
ideology being at the core of party manifestos.


0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
Agreed Not
Agreed
No
Opinion
76.3
20
3.7
90
0
10
Manifestos are Based Political Ideologies
voters
political
managers
74


 Political managers in great numbers agree with the proposition although the
number is still lower than response of the voters.
 12% of voters still feel that political parties may be fulfilling the promises, not
even a single political manager has disagreed on the dictum that political parties
do not fulfil their promises.

Voters and political managers feel in the same way, manifestos are definitely loosing
importance by the day. While no party manager disagrees with this, a large 30% i.e. did
not opine.
0
20
40
60
80
100
Agreed Not Agreed No Opinion
81.7
12
6.3
70
0
30
Political Parties seldom fulfill Promises
voters
political managers
0
20
40
60
80
Agreed Not Agreed No Opinion
77
16.2
6.1
70
0
30
Manifestos are Losing Importance
Voters
Political Managers
75


 57% of the voters, 76% of the media personnel and 100% of the political
managers admit that opinion/exit polls influence the polling.
 This is very revealing, since ultimately it is the consumer i.e. the voter who is
supposed to be influenced.
 Voters in substantial number (38.6%) followed by a less 14% media personnel
have not agreed.
 No political manager has disagreed with this; this response is an explanation to
8.7 also as to why political parties influence the surveys.
 38.6%, which is a large number of voters do not agree with this as compared to
14% of media personnel.




0
20
40
60
80
100
Agreed Not
Agreed
No
Opinion
56.7
38.6
4.7
100
0 0
76
14
10
Opinion/Exit Polls Influence the Polling
Voters
Political Managers
Media Personnel
76


 This is the unanimous verdict of all the three categories of respondents.
 Restrictions on information can be imposed only as per the provisions of article 19
of the Constitution, that is one of the reasons that despite political parties having
unanimity in demanding ban on exit polls in the staggered poll phases, Supreme
Court did not upheld this request.
 Those either not considering it as a means of information or not agreeing
number around 20% in all the three categories.
 Here also 14% media personnel have not given any information on the
information disseminator role of these polls.
 The most clear-cut verdict is again from the voters who from almost three to one
agree with this generalization.

0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
Agreed Not
Agreed
No
Opinion
74
22.6
4
78
14
8
80
6
14
Opinion/Exit Polls Provide Information to
Voters
Voters
Political
Managers
Media Personnel
77


 Only 44% of the voter respondents opined that the political parties may select
someone as their candidates whose name prominently appears in media.
 On the other hand, 72% media personnel feel that media reporting favorably
about a candidate may inadvertently further his candidature.
 On the other hand, 66% political managers say that the candidature for the
election also depends upon media reports.
 This implies that media attaches very high importance to its reports about the
perspective candidates.
 There is a wide gap in the perceptions of all these three categories of respondents
and the plausible reasons for the same reflect the less importance attached to the
names appearing in media by the voters, a higher importance by the political
managers and the highest by the media personnel.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
Agreed Not
Agreed
No
Opinion
44
43
13
66
26
8
72
20
8
Role of Media in Candidate Selection
Voters
Political
Managers
Media Personnel
78


 Issues which are raised time and again in the media generally become the
election issues.
 Media is a mirror of contemporary times, interestingly media gives a nod
followed by the voters but political managers only respond positively by 50%
and 40% did not opine.


Not surprisingly both the media and the political managers feel the same way but less
media personnel than political managers feel that way.
0
20
40
60
80
100
Agreed Not Agreed No Opinion
81.3
12
6.7
50
10
40
90
6
4
Media Sets agenda in Elections
Voters
Political Managers
Media Personnel
0
20
40
60
80
100
Agreed Not Agreed No Opinion
88
6 6
100
0 0
Professional Media Managers are Employed to
Manage the Media during Elections
Voters
Political Managers
79


 Media spends a lot of money on advertisements, this financial power may be
used by the political parties for compensating the media, which is most favorable
to the party.
 Media personnel and political managers both have been candid in admitting that
‗media gets advertisements in commensurate with the positive coverage a party
gets in that media‘. Political managers even go to the extent of terming such a
media as ‗friendly‘.
 Further both the respondents agree that election time is the best time from
commercial viewpoint of the media.




0
20
40
60
80
100
Agreed Not
Agreed
No
Opinion
94
0
6
68
18
14
Releasing of Advertising
Political
Managers
Media Personnel
80


 The response of the voters is less than 50% in favor of the statements, only 4%
media personnel as compared to 39.7% of the voters disagree with this.
 Media personnel have given, higher credibility than the political parties,‘ a
stupendous 82%.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
Agreed Not
Agreed
No
Opinion
49.6
39.7
4.7
82
4
10
Media Enjoys higher Credibility than the
Politicial Parties
Voters
Media Personnel
81


 86% voters and only 40% political managers agree that political parties make
and revise their strategies going by the media reports.
 50% political managers did not opine.
 10% in both the categories do not agree.
 The perception about media influencing the formation/revision in strategies has
evoked diametrically opposite views from the voters and political managers did
not stick their neck out and choose the safety of ‗no opinion‘.
 Political parties while may not go by media reports on the strategies ,a very high
percentage of ‗no opinion‘ defies any definite conclusions, but it is here where
the ‗utility‘/‘nuisance‘ of media has been evaluated at a higher degree by the
voters as compared to political manager.




0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
Agreed Not Agreed No Opinion
86
10
4
40
10
50
Political Parties Devise/Revise their strategies
going by the Media Reports
Voters
Political
Managers
82

LESSONS AND BASIS FOR FUTURE STRATEGIES
SUGGESTIONS
1. Selection of the candidate is the most important and unanimous opinion of voters,
media personnel and political managers is in the same direction.
2. The candidate should be honest, connected to the masses, transparent in his
working, articulate who is effectively able to raise the issues at relevant platforms
pertaining to his constituents and who is also able to have his works reflected in the
media and the constituents for whose benefit such works have been done should be
made aware of, after becoming the public representatives he should rise above the
parochial considerations.
3. There should be no difference between the promises and the actual executions. As
far as possible, he should not align himself with the fractions. All the constituents
should be treated with the same respect and he should be able to show respect
towards the law of the land.
4. The training of the workers should not be limited only just prior to the elections,
whenever any political party is in power it should made known its policies and
programmes, achievements of the party, bottlenecks in achieving the promises
spelt out in the manifestos so as to enable the workers to feed the public with right
kind of messages and to ensure honest feedback about the working of the party. This
would result in minimizing the distance between the organization and the
government. After identifying the problems of the area, the candidate should work
for minimizing these problems. The issue of corruption, nepotism, unemployment,
which literally concerns each one of the voters and general issues of road, water
and electricity, should be attended upon on priority basis.
5. The candidate should hold a periodical review of the works done by him and
should also inform the constituents about those promises which could be fulfilled and
which may not be possible on account of any reasons.
6. Political parties‘ accord importance to the religion and caste of the candidate, the
viewpoint of the voters is entirely opposite to this, merit and merit alone should be
the criteria for choosing any candidate to fight the elections.
7. Political parties should be consistent in whatever they are pursuing and any drift
and rollback is neither appreciated nor may produce the desired results.
83

8. The politics of ‗exclusiveness‘ i.e. political parties catering to the needs and wants of
specific class/caste has to be replaced by the politics of ‗inclusiveness‘ where the
general welfare of masses is the overriding motto.
9. Promises, which are not likely to be fulfilled, and which are impracticable should
not be made, these prove counterproductive in the longer run and add to what has
come to be known as the anti-incumbency factor.
10. The political product, which any political party flaunts generally, tries to be more
favourable in comparisons with the offerings of its opponents. This means absence of
any innovative (other than populist) programmes.
11. Campaign methods need to be reviewed by the political parties and cost benefit
analysis of the expensive modes of publicity which do not result in commensurate
rewards may have to be given up.
12. Election issues may be reworked out to incorporate the felt needs and to plan for
the future also, voters look forward to the practical solutions which should be in
tune with the changing times.













84

BIBLIOGRAPHY
‗Political Marketing-Arun Kumar ‘
www.google.com
www.philipkotler/marketing/politics.
www.bjp.com
www.inc.com
www.wikipedia.com
www.janchetnayatra.com
www.google-imagesofpoliticians.com