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The Mitrovica Forum welcomes you to the Inaugural

Conference of the Forum for Cities in Transition
 
The  Mitrovica  Forum  is  the  steering  committee  for  the  Inaugural 
Conference  of  the  Forum  for  Cities  in  Transition.  Its  members  were 
elected at a conference in Struga, Macedonia, in June 2009, organised by 
the Ministry of Local Government Administration and with the support of 
the  Centre  for  Civil  Society  Development  and  CommunityͲBuilding 
Mitrovica, and through subsequent agreements to serve in the Forum by 
the  citizens  of  Mitrovicë/Kosovska  Mitrovica.  The  members  consist  of 
representatives of local authorities, NGOs, media and business. 
 
The  election  of  members  to  the    Mitrovica’s  Forum  completed 
Mitrovicë/Kosovska  Mitrovica’s  requirements  to  become  a  member  in 
good  standing  of  the  Forum  for  Cities  in  Transition,  of  which 
Mitrovicë/Kosovska  Mitrovica  is  a  founding  city  member  following  its 
participation  in  the  founding  conference  at  the  University  of 
Massachusetts Boston, Massachusetts in April 2009. 
 
The  Mitrovica  Forum  members  have  committed  to  the  following 
principles: 
x We will at all times show respect for each other and for members 
of the member cities; 
x We will at all times act in good faith towards each other and our 
colleagues from member cities; 
x We will share information where appropriate with each other; 
x We will make decisions by twoͲthirds majority (i.e. six out of nine 
members’ votes); 
x We will work for the well being of the citizens of 
Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica. 
Chair of the Mitrovica Forum
Minister Sadri Ferati 
Technical CoͲordinators of the Mitrovica Forum
Momēilo Arlov, Centre for Civil Society Development 
Valdete Idrizi, CommunityͲBuilding Mitrovica 
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Principles of working of the Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica Delegation to the
Inaugural Conference of the Forum for Cities in Transition

The members of the Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica (from hereon in “our city”) Delegation
are organizing the Inaugural annual Conference of the Forum for Cities in Transition, which
will take place in our city, in Kosovo from 24-28 May 2010, and agree the following
statement: The delegates signed below agree between themselves to co-operate and
commit to respecting all ethnic communities living together along the following principles:

1) Undertaking activities in a spirit of good will to regain normality in the interest of all
the citizens of our city.

2) Rebuilding trust between us and cooperation between democratically elected local
authorities, to secure efficient leadership and provision of public services, and taking
care of the environment for all communities.
3) Promoting successful return of internally displaced persons in all areas of our city, no
matter what ethnicity, according to principles in the manual of regulations for
returns.
4) Creating conditions for free movement of people, values and services in all areas of
our city.
5) Building communication links and raising multiethnic dialogue, through organizing
multiethnic activities with all stakeholders and emphasizing the participation of young
women and business groups from all communities.
6) Promoting economic development and reducing unemployment for all citizens of our
city.
7) Advocating for economic development and the revitalization of our city through
cooperation between representatives all communities, industries and other relevant
actors.

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Padraig O’Malley
Director
University of
Massachusetts Boston
617 291 1845
pomalley0@gmail.com
Mia Marzouk
Programme Coordinator
Mitrovicë/
Kosovska Mitrovica
377 44 763 067
mia.marzouk@citiesintransition.net

Forum
for
Cities in
Transition

Founding Cities
Derry/Londonderry
Kirkuk
Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica
Nicosia




Forum for Cities in Transition

The Forum for Cities in Transition is an initiative of the John Joseph
Moakley Chair of Peace and Reconciliation at the McCormack Graduate
School of Policy Studies at University of Massachusetts Boston. It was
founded at a conference in Boston 16 to 19 April 2009. The founding
cities are Derry/Londonderry, Nicosia (the Greek Cypriot community
and the Turkish Cypriot community), Kirkuk, and Mitrovica. They
signed a founding document, the Call to Action.

Director, Professor Padraig O’Malley (pomalley0@gmail.com)
www.mccormack.umb.edu/chair/chair.php.
Cosecretariat, Allan Leonard, Director Northern Ireland Foundation
(director@nifoundation.net)
Nancy Riordan and Pat Peterson, Moakley Staff (lee.nancy7@gmail.com,
Patricia.peterson@umb.edu)









Padraig O’Malley is the John Joseph
Moakley Distinguished Professor of
Peace and Reconciliation,
McCormack Graduate School of
Policy Studies at the University of
Massachusetts Boston and author of
several books on divided societies.
O’Malley directs the Forum for
Cities in Transition.
Allan Leonard is director of the
Northern Ireland Bureau. He heads
up the Cosecretariat for the Forum
for Cities in Transition designed and
runs the Forum’s Web site at
www.citiesintransition.net


Nancy Riordan heads up the UMass
Secretariat of the Iraq-Helsinki
Project, is a staff member of the
Moakley Professorship, and a
member of the cosecretariat for the
FCT at UMass.

Patricia Peterson is a member of the
Iraq-Helsinki Project, staff member
of the Moakley Professorship, and a
member of the cosecretariat for the
FCT at UMass.


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MONDAY, 24 MAY 2010
Breakfast in Hotel Palace, Hotel Lux, and Hotel North City:
0700-0830 Wake-up calls and breakfast
0900-1045 Opening Plenary (Cultural Center)
Co-chairs:
Ms. Valdete Idrizi
Mr. Momcilo Arlov
Welcome by Mitrovica Forum representatives:
Mr. Avni Kastrati
Mr. Dragan Spasojevic
Mr. Sadri Ferati
Mr. Oliver Ivanovic
Mr. Bajram Rexhepi

Special Guests:
Ms. Ulrike Lunacek, EU Rapporteur rep for Kosovo by video
Ms. Osnat Lubrani, Resident Representative for the United Nations Development
Programme and the United Nations Development Co-ordinator

Conference agenda, goals and aims (FCT):
Professor Padraig O’Malley, Director of the Forum for Cities in Transition

Introduction of delegates: Valdete Idrizi and Momcilo Arlov

1045-1100 COFFEE BREAK AND TRAVEL TO SITE
1115-1300 Site Visit 1: Water Infrastructure
Delegates organized into two groups, to inspect water pipeline infrastructure, from
both north and south (Each group appoints a reporter)
Two local speakers familiar with the site will give same presentation to each group
1315-1400 Lunch
1400-1430 Site Discussion
Delegates break away in city specific groups to discuss lessons from site visit
1430-1500 Plenary site discussion with reports from visits (Chair: Professor Emanuela Del Re)
1500-1545 Coffee break
1545-1645 Panel: Municipal Services
“Delivering public services in transitional societies”
A panel discussion on the challenges that various municipalities face in their duties
to deliver public services in an environment of societal divisions
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Chair
Richard Kobayashi (Edward J. Collins Centre, University of Massachusetts Boston)
Panelists
Rasim Veseli, Director of Infrastructure and Development, Mitrovica Municipality
Dragan Spasojevic, Director of Urban Development, UNMIK Administration,
Mitrovica
Bernd Burwitz, OSCE Regional Head, Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica

1700-1715 Coffee Break
1715-1800 Concurrent Sessions
City Presentations: Nicosia, Haifa 45 min each
1900-2100 Dinner
Banjska Monastery, tour and meal
The Mitrovica Forum reps and FCT reps and City reps meet each evening to review the day and see
what changes they would like to see in the program the next day.

TUESDAY, 25 MAY 2010
Breakfast in Hotel Palace, Hotel Lux, and Hotel North City
0700-0815 Breakfast
0845-0900 Travel to site
0900-1045 Site Visit 2: Schools
Small groups of delegates will visit schools to interact with pupils, as well as to learn
how the school system works in both the north and the south.
1100-1115 Coffee Break
1115-1145 Site Discussion
Delegates break away in groups to discuss lessons from site visit
1145-1215 Plenary site discussion with reports from visits (Chair: Professor Emanuela Del Re)
0900-1200 Business Round Table
By invitation, the Mitrovica Forum is hosting a business roundtable discussion at the
Palace Hotel, Chaired by Yannick Du Pont, SPARK. Presentation by Andre Stein,
Monitor Group.
0900-1200 A side meeting will also take place in the north where Mark Hamilton and Chris
Yates will meet with members of the local police force.
1215-1300 Lunch at Hotel North City
1300-1445 Concurrent Sessions

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1300-1445 City Presentations: Kirkuk, Kaduna 45 min each, with coffee break
1300-1445 Mariska Kappmeier, University of Hamburg, “More than Words: How to Establish
Sustainability Out of Group Discussions”
1445-1500 Coffee Break
1500-1730 Panel: Housing “Property rights and housing in urban environments”
Chair
Adrian Ouvry, Danish Refugee Council
Panelists
Scott Bowen, Executive Director, Kosovo Property Agency
Michael Giffoni, Italian Ambassador to Kosovo and EU Coordinator for North
Kosovo
Jennifer Hawthorne, Northern Ireland Housing Executive
Neophytos Loizides, Queen’s University Belfast
1800-1900 Reception: SPARK “Hard Hat” Cocktail
Keynote speech, Yannick Du Pont (Director, SPARK) and brief remarks by Emanuela
Del Re
Venue: Site foundation of SPARK’s new international business school
Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica in the Bosniak Mahala neighborhood
1900-2100 Dinner
Hotel North City: Song Club at same venue
The Mitrovica Forum reps and FCT reps and City reps meet each evening to review the day and see
what changes they would like to see in the program the next day.

WEDNESDAY, 26 MAY 2010
0700- 815 Breakfast, participants in North travel to South
1000-1100 Website Tutorial
Allan Leonard, FCT Website Video conferencing and website tutorial
A side meeting will also take place in the south, where Mark Hamilton and Chris
Yates will meet with members of the local police force.
1100-1300 Site Visit 3: CRYM Coalition of NGOs by Momcilo Arlov & Valdete Idrizi
Visit to the headquarters of the coalition of civil society and organisations based in
north Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica
1300-1400 Lunch
1400-1430 Site Discussion
Delegates break away in groups to discuss lessons from site visit

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1430-1500 Plenary site discussion with reports from visits (Chair: Professor Emanuela Del Re)
1500-1515 Coffee Break
1515-1700 Panel: Sustainable Development & Civic Engagement
“Civic Leadership & Community Development”
Chair
Vukosava Crnjanski, President, LINET
Panelists
Momcilo Arlov, Programme Director of the Center for Civil Society Development
Valdete Idrizi, Executive Director of Community-Building Mitrovica
Bert Koenders, Former Minister of International Development Co-operation of the
Kingdom of the Netherlands
Haki Abazi, Western Balkans Director, Rockefeller Brothers Fund
1700-1715 Coffee Break
1715-1800 Concurrent Sessions
City Presentations: Derry/Londonderry, Mostar 45 mins each
1800-1900 Reception Hotel Palace
Cocktails
1930-2200 Formal Dinner at Palace Hotel
Facilitated by Momcilo Arlov & Valdete Idrizi
Special guests will address the audience
Jazz accompaniment from North City Jazz Festival
The Mitrovica Forum reps and FCT reps and City reps meet each evening to review the day and see
what changes they would like to see in the program the next day.

THURSDAY, 27 MAY 2010
0700- 0815 Breakfast in Hotel Palace, Hotel Lux, and Hotel North City
0815-0900 Travel to site
0900-1100 Site Visit 4: Business Advisory Centres (BAC)
Delegates organized into three groups visit one of three business advisory centers,
north and south
1100-1115 Coffee Break
1115-1145 Site Discussion
Delegates break away in groups to discuss lessons from site visit
Parallel sessions with Mariska Kappmeier, Peace Psychologist
1145-1215 Plenary site discussion with reports from visits (Chair: Professor Emanuela Del Re)
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1215-1400 Lunch
Picnic lunch along the River Ibër/Ibar
Walking tours accompanied by conference youth volunteer team
1400-16400 Panel: Policing
“Maintaining cohesion with community-based policing”
A panel discussion on development of Kosovo Police and the Police Service of
Northern Ireland (PSNI)
Chair
Quintin Oliver, International Political Strategist, Stratagem
Panelists
Lt. Colonel Ergin Medic, Deputy Regional Director of Operations of Kosovo Police
Lt. Colonel Naim Rexha, Director of Department for Public Security, Kosovo Police
Captain Milija Milosevic, Station Commander, Mitrovica North, Kosovo Police
Captain Bashkim Spahiu, Station Commander, Mitrovica South, Kosovo Police
Chris Yates, PSNI, Foyle District
Mark Hamilton, PSNI, North & West Belfast
David Hamilton, Resident Twinning Advisor, Twinning Project–Kosovo Police
1600-1615 Coffee Break
1615-1745 Concurrent Sessions: City Project Workshops
Delegates break away in own city groups, to discuss and agree a city-based project
to be delivered by next year’s annual Forum conference.
Session with non-member cities (Beirut, Belfast, Haifa, Jerusalem, Mostar) on future
participation in the FCT (Chair: Professor Padraig O’Malley and Secretariat of FCT)
1815-2015 Dinner and then TALENT SHOW at Cultural Center
BBQ/grill dinner at Hotel Palace
The Mitrovica Forum reps and FCT reps and City reps meet each evening to review the day and see
what changes they would like to see in the program the next day.

FRIDAY, 28 MAY 2010
0700-0815 Breakfast in Hotel Palace, Hotel Lux, and Hotel North City
0900-1100 Mitrovica Forum Plenary
Chair
Andre Stein
Presentation of local business development plan for Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica
Jeton Ujkani, Business Forum Representative from Mitrovica Forum
Zoran Golubovic, Business Forum Representative from Mitrovica Forum

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Response by Derry/Londonderry, Nicosia, and Kirkuk, including discussion of job creation at the
municipal level
1100-1115 Coffee Break
1115-1400 Plenary: Conference Outcomes
Chairs: Momcilo Arlov and Valdete Idrizi
> City declarations of specific, small-scale projects to be delivered for the Forum
Annual Conference 2011 (each city nominates one delegate to make declaration)
> Selection of host city for the Forum Annual Conference 2011
> Discussion of a peer-monitoring system by each city
> Other outcomes
Savoury snacks served during break
1400-1430 Concluding Comments: Valdete Idrizi, Momcilo Arlov, Professor Padraig O’Malley
1430-1830 Lunch & Walkabout
Informal lunch in city of Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica, sightseeing in both
communities – optional tours (such as to the Crystal Museum, guided walk to
Zveēan/Zveqan fortress, 14th century Roman Catholic Church, Serbian Orthodox
Church, Zallie Mosque-Xhamia e Zallit), free time
1515-1600 Concurrent Session: Jerusalem City Presentation & Walkabout
1700-1800 FCT Business Meeting
Applicable delegates and Forum staff meeting, to discuss next actions
1830-2030 Dinner
Koshtova/Košutovo (Qetësia restaurant)
2100-2200 Concert
Mitrovica Rock School provides concert to Forum delegates and guests

SATURDAY, 29 MAY 2010
International delegates depart via Pristina Airport

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The Forum for Cities in Transition (FCT)
Mission Statement

The John Joseph Moakley Chair of Peace and Reconciliation
McCormack Graduate School of Policy Studies
University of Massachusetts Boston

The significant problems we face cannot be solved at the same level of thinking we
were at when we created them.
— Albert Einstein

Since WW II, most wars have been intrastate wars, wars within a country where one or more
groups have fought others who control the levers of power, either to overthrow them and
establish their own hegemony or to force them into some governance arrangement under
which they, the out-groups would have a share of power or even equal power. The
distribution of that power would be reflected not only in the new forms of government
agreed on, but in all sectors of society in terms of allocating resources, redressing imbalances
of the past, providing equality under the law, assuring equal opportunity for employment,
abolishing past discriminatory practices, recognizing cultural parity, and in some cases
where the out-groups professed allegiance to a different national identity, giving parity of
recognition to all identities. Invariably, these conflicts involved issues of religion, ethnicity,
race, culture, language, and national identity. Countries in which this occurs are labeled
“divided societies.”

Among some of the countries torn apart by cleavages that have resulted in widespread and
indiscriminate violence, as different factions sought to advance their claims by forming
paramilitary organizations (or the armed forces of a neighboring country proclaiming the
right to protect an ethnically related minority) are Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Lebanon, the
Balkans (when Yugoslavia imploded after the collapse of Communism), Iraq (where the
Kurds carved out their own enclave, Kurdistan, under American protection after the first
Gulf War), and Nigeria.

In most of these countries, violence has now ceased or been brought to manageable levels
and forms of governance have been adopted that sufficiently address the out-groups’
grievances (thus ensuring their participation in government), paramilitary groups have
either disbanded or gone silent and in some cases (most notably Northern Ireland), a process
called “decommissioning of arms” has culminated in the verifiable destruction of most
paramilitary arms caches.

Each of these societies is in a different stage of transition to “normalcy,” although it might be
better to think of them as societies in “recovery.” If they do not continually address the
causes of the conflict, if the grievances of war remain unaddressed or inadequately
addressed, if processes to nurture reconciliation are not promoted (especially at community
level), if disparities in wealth and income continue to grow among competing groups
despite legislation aimed at closing such gaps, if an agreed history of the past cannot be
reconciled, if the root causes of what resulted in the conflict cannot be acknowledged by all,
then the residual causes of conflict and perceived grievance linger and fester and risk the
slow accumulation to a critical mass that sees the outbreak of conflict again. Thus, there is a
need to put in place mechanisms that minimize this risk.
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The premise that underlies the work described hereunder is simple: people from divided
societies are in the best position to help people in other divided societies; that former protagonists,
often former purveyors of violence and death who abandoned violence to resolve their
differences, are best equipped to share their often tentative and difficult journeys to
recognizing the necessity to abandon violence as the instrument to achieve their political
aims and open the gateways to recovery, reconstruction, and reconciliation; that peoples from
divided societies share behavioral, political, social, and psychological traits, not seen in people in more
“normal” societies, traits that predispose them to see things through a prism that is different than the
prism through which you and I would perceive the same events.

Among them:
• Uniqueness: beliefs that “our” conflict is “special.”
• “We all used to live peacefully together before all this.”
• “There has never been a conflict like ours.”
• “No one but ourselves can ever understand it.”
• Minority/majority dichotomies: either a majority holds all the instruments of power
and is unwilling to share with a “different” minority, a minority that does not share
similar religion / nationality / ethnicity / culture / race / language etc.
• “Othering” — to deny attributes or characteristics generally shared by human beings
in order to suggest that the individual or group is another kind, an “other.”
• More than / less than syndrome; the belief that no matter what change is made or
formula is put forward to lessen divisions, inbred psychological predispositions
trigger thinking on the part of one group that any change will always benefit the
other party to the conflict and leave it worse off. “The narcissism of small
differences” — the more objectively alike opposing groups are, the more they
magnify their pseudo-differences.
• Zero sum analytical frames: if you appear to win, even if there is no overt evidence
of it, I must be losing.
• A recurring dynamic: doing the same things over and over again and expecting a
different outcome; i.e., believing no matter what happens that ”we are going to win”;
repeating acts of violence and expecting a different result.
• Holding tight to perceived grievances / resentments, being unable to let go.
• Kin is everything i.e., close communal and family ties.
• Never letting go of the past; “Never! No surrender! Not an inch! ”
• Every side sees events through different perceptual prisms.
• Every side has different historical starting points, narratives, and interpretations of
the same events.
• Any small incident can escalate into a major eruption; a killing, even an accidental
one, can result in widespread violence.
• Anything can become the spark that suddenly awakens dormant grievances or
ignites festering grievances.

This thesis does not suggest that all intrastate conflicts in divided societies are the same; it
does posit, however, that there are sufficient points of possible identification — a
convergence in the behaviors of groups that engage in such conflicts — to merit
examination. There is much to be gained by everyone: groups from the countries who hear
the narratives of conflict and emergence from conflict — shakily in some, more firmly rooted
in others — and the groups from narrating countries.

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All gain from such interactions, but especially those groups who are still in conflict who
have reached a point where they are searching for a way out of what has seemed to them an
intractable conflict. The fact that groups now in transition to shared governance would
describe their conflicts as once appearing to be intractable to groups still convinced that
theirs are intractable creates bonding between the two in ways not quite explicable to
societies that never had to undergo similar experiences. While divided societies may indeed
be dissimilar, they are quite the same in many respects.

The Forum for Cities in Transition (FCT) is premised on a similarly based thesis. Just as
divided societies are in the best position to assist other divided societies in a way more
“normal” societies or international institutions can’t, so too are cities that are or were at the
epicenter of the conflicts in their countries in a special position to assist each other because
they harbor the same behavioral characteristics. They are also divided along racial, ethnic,
nationalist, religious, cultural, or linguistic lines with enclaves of different population
groups “guarded” by their indigenous militias or serving as the breeding ground for militias
that launch attacks on members of other enclaves. They are often the micro-representation of
their society’s fault lines, the focus of forms of “ethnic cleansing,” that is, violence that
ensures that within an enclave, the minority belonging to the “other” who do not share the
majority’s political dispositions, are methodically targeted for murder or driven by fear from
their homes.

Cities are compact, and in the period before some spark became the transformative agent of
violence, places where it was not unusual for members of both out-groups and in-groups to
live as minorities in each other’s enclaves. Nevertheless, the onset of conflict invariably
becomes an instrument of “othering.” The next door neighbor is no longer a neighbor with
whom you had shared many ordinary day-to-day living experiences, but an “enemy,”
someone to be expelled as a threat to security or suddenly “different.”

Concepts of humanness are malleable; they transmute with perceived threat. Retaliation
killings become routine; kidnapping and disappearances random, torture often precedes
murder, mutilation often follows; the compulsion to dehumanize the “other” becomes
pervasive; cemeteries are transformed into recruitment centers for mobilizing against the
“other.”

Cities become citadels of danger. The state’s security forces are predominantly based in
cities. Governments are invariably on the side of the in-groups, their armory is directed at
the enclaves of the out-groups, ostensibly at their militias, but indiscriminately enough to
ensure that civilians are those mainly affected. Militias target each other’s populations but
rarely each other. Cities witness carnage and mayhem in disproportionate measure.
Members of one group never enter the territory of the other; as the layers of perceived
responsibility are unfolded with each group accusing the other. Members of all groups
become increasingly sensitive to the idiosyncrasies and subtle variations in gesture, pitch of
voice or laughter — variations entirely imperceptible to an outsider — that appear to
distinguish them but become instead tools in their survival kits. The “mixed” areas that
remain after population movements (either to the safer haven of their own communities,
displacement, or abandonment) and areas where enclaves that abut each other become the
interstices that continue to remind all groups that sometimes raw emotions, often expressed
in hideous ways, obfuscate the causes of the conflict itself.

Checkpoints become normal; intricate patterns of movement and transportation are
deployed in whatever remains of central business areas; stores check handbags and
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briefcases; body checks are normal and parking is prohibited. Arbitrary detention without
trial becomes standard judicial practice; security forces close off streets as they go door-to-
door searching houses for weapons, aggravating grievances into rage and rage into closer
relationships with and support of paramilitaries. Demonstrations within boundaries of
secure enclaves evolve into outlets for the expression of fear, paranoia, and regurgitation of
alleged atrocities against members of their group in other enclaves; memory becomes the
repository for as much that is false as is true; people pray for peace but rarely condemn the
violence of their own.

This sweeping panorama of cities that are the centrifuges of the larger conflict that engulfs
them is painted on a broad canvas with careful strokes, artfully depicting the neighborhoods
and streets where maximum destruction can be accomplished. Targets here are easiest to
find, clandestine connections can be made and youth recruited to paramilitary structures;
here informants are most productive and infiltration easiest; here poverty is most acute and
class differences most glaring. By pitting the working class of the in-group against that of
the out-group, the former asserts its marginal advantage through its affinity with the in-
group and willingness to fight and kill and be killed to preserve a perceived superiority.

And, of course, cities are most often the places in which the media (local, national and
international) can converge; they usually have some or all of the infrastructure the media
needs: hotels, Internet, fax machines, land lines and cell phones, drivers for hire — all the
paraphernalia that the television requires to record the footage that maintains viewers’
interest in the conflict. Interest, however, is predicated on footage of gruesome violence:
refugees fleeing their homes, abandoning their possessions, frightened children and raped
women. The electronic media, by the act of recording, alter the form of the events they cover
and thus the content of what they transmit. In-groups, out-groups and their affiliated
military arms become extremely adept at using the media to advance their agendas. It is for
this reason, for example, the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) prevented the global media from
access to Gaza in January 2008, since the imagery of its assault would undoubtedly have
redounded to its disadvantage.

In April 2009, five cities — Derry/Londonderry, Belfast, Nicosia (Greek Cypriot community
and Turkish Cypriot community), Kirkuk, and Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica — were
invited to a conference at the University of Massachusetts, hosted by the Moakley Chair of
Peace and Reconciliation. The purpose of the conference was to have the cities explore, after
listening to the narratives of each other’s conflict, whether they had sufficient common
attributes, experiences and collective identification that they should form a collaborative
where they would share their differences and similarities in a more formal and ongoing
way, in the hope that learning from each other would strengthen the social/political fabric
of their respective cities. They drew up a founding document, “A Call to Action” and
became the founding cities of the Forum for Cities in Transition.

These founding cities had experienced many of the characteristics — human toll, burnt or
bombed out neighborhoods, devastated housing damage, destruction of infrastructure,
demographic reconfigurations, proliferation of militias, laboratory-like experiments by the
security forces to control the flow of people and vehicles, entry to, passage through and exit
of particular areas, policing that is abhorrent to out-groups, and gross violation of human
rights, etc.

But even at the depth of their conflicts, these cities managed to provide a modicum of basic
services; although in some, adequate services had never been available to members of the
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outǦgroups. The sense of territorial entrapment can also generate a concomitant sense of
communal pride — unwillingness on the part of groups to let things fall apart in their own
communities and a pride that sustains loss. Thus, perceptions of poverty, access to amenities
such as electricity and drinking water, and water itself, schooling, housing, health,
transportation, and most important, perceptions of policing — unwelcome intrusions to one
group, and a welcome presence to the other — are seen through different prisms that refract
the distortions of how people cope with war rather than reflecting the metrics of relative
deprivation.

Our concern is with the city of the “other,” especially with the “othering” that is pervasive
in the societies of which these cities are part — the cities that are at the epicenter of divided
societies, the cities that define and epitomize the nature of the societal divisions and
cleavages that are the pervasive and permanent characteristics of some nationǦstates or
regions. These are the cities of the “old” terrorisms.

The cities invited to the Boston conference shared a set of internal and external
characteristics. The internal characteristics related to the routes they took to arrive at internal
power-sharing or consensual governance protocols; the external characteristics related to
members of some groups professing different loyalties, oppositional senses of belonging and
affirmations of antithetical identities. Some cities are situated in a country within the
territorial boundaries of the state specific to one group, and some straddle the boundaries of
nation-states where the boundaries themselves are the issue.

Thus in Derry/Londonderry — referred to by many residents as simply Stroke City —
perhaps up to 70 percent of the population, who regard themselves as being Irish, aspire to
becoming part of a united Ireland, and the 30 percent who regard themselves as being
British want to remain part of the United Kingdom. In Belfast a similar division pertains,
although the percentages are probably 50/50.

In Mitrovica, the declaration of independence by Kosovo in February 2008 that was
recognized by the United States and twenty-two of twenty-seven European Union members
was not recognized by Serbia or the UN and was vehemently rejected by Serbs on the
northern side of the Ibar River. Here, Serbs maintain allegiance to the Serbian government in
Belgrade. Serbia does not accept the partition of Serbia that created the state of Kosovo.
Kosovar Albanians on the southern bank of the Ibar River (Mitrovicë) recognize the Kosovar
government in Pristina and the Kosovo government regards the northern municipality of
Kosovska Mitrovica as illegitimate: Mitrovica on the north side of the Ibar River is claimed
as part of the Kosovo state.

In Kirkuk, Kurds want Kirkuk to be become part of Kurdistan, an autonomous region of
Iraq, while Turkmen, Arabs, and Assyrians strenuously object to such an arrangement. They
want to remain under the control of the central government in Baghdad, to remain in
“Arab” Iraq. A referendum that supposedly would have resolved the issue should have
taken place by 31

December 2007 but was postponed until it can be determined who is a
legitimate resident of Kirkuk. Since Saddam’s ousting, some 400,000 Kurds have made their
way to Kirkuk. Many have legitimate claims on properties. Some don’t. Determining which
Kurds are legitimate residents of Kirkuk is a matter on which Arabs and Turkmen will give
little ground to the Kurds.

In Nicosia, the two-thirds of the population who are Greek Cypriots generally want the
unification of the Island into a federal state emphasizing the unity and continuity of the
14
state. The Republic of Cyprus is a member of the EU. Its boundaries encompass the whole of
the island of Cyprus. The one-third of the population that is Turkish Cypriot generally
prefers a loose federal system within a new state and a closer relationship to Turkey. The
self-acclaimed Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) is only recognized by Turkey
and otherwise has no international legal standing. Nicosia is divided: Greek Cypriots on one
side of the UN buffer zone; Turkish Cypriots on the other. To enter the Turkish Cypriot
sector of Nicosia, one has to go through the buffer zone and police controls at the Turkish
boundary.

In three — Kirkuk, Nicosia, and Mitrovica — there are property rights issues: in each,
population movements took place as groups sought the refuge of their own, and moved to
secure enclaves, leaving behind their homes and possessions. These movements flowed in
both directions.

In Mitrovica, Serbs live in properties to which Kosovar Albanians have legal title, and
Kosovars live in properties to which Serbs have legal claim; and in Kirkuk, as part of his
policy to bring the Kurds under his dominion, Saddam Hussein removed tens of thousands
of Kurds from Kirkuk, dispersed them throughout the rest of Iraq, and moved Sunni Arabs
into their homes. The Iraqi government is now trying to placate returning Kurds who want
to live in their old homes. Arabs in possession of these properties refuse to simply hand
them over.

Derry/Londonderry has undergone a different kind of migration. Almost all the Protestants
(in favor of continuing the union with Britain) who once lived in Cityside (which has a
predominance of Catholic residents) have left, reducing their presence to the mere
hundreds.

In three cities, rivers are natural dividers. In Mitrovica, Serbs live on the northern side of the
Ibar, Albanian Kosovars on the southern side; in Derry/Londonderry, Catholics live on the
western side of the Foyle, Protestants on the eastern side; in Belfast, Catholics live on the
western side of the Lagan, Protestants on the eastern side.

The centerpiece of the Forum’s activities is an annual conference where each city, in turn,
invites its sister cities to a conference on its home turf. Such conferences include municipal
representatives, NGOs that have earned the trust of the political players over the years,
grassroots community organizations, and academic institutions from across the divides, to
engage in a process that exposes them to each other through sharing their respective
narratives of conflict and post conflict transitions.

The aim of these conferences is not to provide an opportunity to talk shop. These
conferences are action oriented. They engage practitioners with the on-the-ground
experiences of delivery of basic services that are efficient, encompass the entire municipality,
are equitable in the sense that one community does not feel that it is getting less than a fair
share of the city’s resources. They explore how relationships are negotiated and maintained
between and among communities, how to set standards of transparency that will increase
their populations’ trust in their efficacy, and how to undertake “city projects,” collectively or
individually, which the participating cities will design during the conference and complete
before the following year’s host conference. The cities themselves will act as monitors of
these projects, and if possibilities present themselves, cities can engage in joint projects or
collective ones.

15
It is the hope of the FCT that cities at the conferences will learn from each other and create among
themselves the dynamics that become a catalyst for change, that by sharing the travails of sorting out
complex, intricate, and very complicated problems at the local level, from the grass roots up, rather
than the other way around, they will discover and test new ways of dealing with old problems, that
their collective voices can gain them access to international and national donor meetings in order to
impress upon them that the collectivity of the cities’ engagement transcends individual needs, that all
looking out for each other means that increasing prosperity in one becomes the lynchpin for increasing
prosperity in all.

Sharing the experiences of “on-the-ground” engagements will expose participants to ways of
dealing with similar, although different, problems the specific details of which will create an
expanding pool of knowledge and support from which all can draw.

Mitrovicë/ Kosovska Mitrovica is hosting the inaugural conference of the Forum for
Cities in Transition. It is their conference, a reflection of how the two communities,
Albanian and Serb, have risen above the differences that provide the context for their
conflict and created a vibrant program that will open to participating cities to the day-to-
day experiences of Mitrovicans on both sides of the Ibar River — how they have found
ways to transcend the multiple issues that drive division, the solutions to which are in the
hands of their respective governments and the international community. The failure to
resolve has a direct impact on their daily lives. In the end, no matter how their conflict is
resolved, they are the people who have to live with its consequences.

The Forum for Cities in Transition is an initiative of the John Joseph Moakley Chair of Peace
and Reconciliation at the University of Massachusetts Boston. The Secretariat is shared by
the Northern Ireland Foundation and the Moakley Chair. The purpose of the Secretariat is to
provide and carry out the administrative tasks associated with conferences of increasing
magnitude and to provide assistance to the cities or the committee organizing a conference
on behalf of the host city.

The Forum’s Web site is maintained by the Northern Ireland Foundation and can be found
at www.citiesintransition.net

The ownership of the Forum belongs to the cities themselves and they collectively are the decision
makers.

Padraig O’Malley
Director
16
Forum for Cities in Transition
CALL TO ACTION
April 14 – 16
th
, 2009
The Forum for Cities in Transition – whose members comprise four Cities (Derry /
Londonderry, Kirkuk, Kosovska Mitrovica and Mitrovica (south), Nicosia) – meeting in
Boston, 14-16 April 2009, affirmed its commitment to promoting understanding between
member cities with the aim of encouraging mutual learning, dialogue and the resolution
of conflict through non-violent methods.
Even though we face different problems, challenges, and contexts, cities in transition
can both learn from, and offer lessons to, each other. We believe that this learning
should be shared, so that cities in transition can use the resources and knowledge of
others to address these challenges.
People from societies in transition are in the best position to help people in other
societies in transition
Basic Principles
The Forum identified basic principles upon which such positive outcomes can be
achieved. We call on leaders to uphold and apply these principles in policymaking and
service delivery, and to measure progress against them.
1) Respect for the dignity of every individual
2) Respect for the value of leadership in building trust and confidence across and
within communities
3) Respect for human rights, equality, fairness and adherence to the rule of law,
including fair treatment of minorities
4) Respect for the value of dialogue between conflicting parties according to context
Agreement
The participating cities affirmed:
1) That City to City workshops of this sort are effective, productive and valuable
2) That learning from each other’s successes and challenges is immensely
empowering
3) That some external actors can act as an obstacle and a barrier to promoting joint
working and problem solving
4) That they create a Forum for Cities in Transition, with those present becoming
founding members
5) That the Forum’s purpose shall be to address common problems through
expanding the pool of knowledge from which to draw practical lessons
6) To develop and maintain an active network of individuals and cities present for
mutual benefit
7) To deepen and broaden the network by taking ownership of the Forum’s future,
the individuals signing here agree to take steps to explore how each of the cities
involved can plan to host future Forum annual events in their own territories in
conjunction with civil society and educational institutions
8) That the Secretariat for the Forum shall initially be provided by the Moakley Chair
and the Northern Ireland Foundation.
17
18
19
20
21
22
Delegates by City

23
Forum for Cities in Transition
Delegates by City

Beirut (Purple)
1. Samer Abdallah, General Coordinator of Nahwa Al Muwatiniya
2. Zeina Mezher, Women’s Rights Activist who has worked with Lebanese women on the
Foreground in times of war.

Belfast (Grey)
3. Mark Hamilton, District Commander of North & West Belfast, Police Service of Northern
Ireland
4. Jennifer Hawthorne, Head of Community Cohesion Unit, Housing Executive, Northern Ireland
5. Neophytos Loizides, Lecturer, International Politics and Ethnic Conflict, Queen's University
Belfast

Derry/Londonderry (Light Blue)
6. Angela Teresa Askin, Community Relations Officer, Derry/Londonderry City Council
7. Gerard Diver, Derry/Londonderry City Council
8. Michael Doherty, Director, Peace & Reconciliation Group
9. Brian Dougherty, Director, St. Columbs Park House
10. Willie Lamrock, General Secretary YMCA Londonderry
11. Maeve McLaughlin, Councillor (Sinn Fein), Derry/Londonderry City Council
12. Jim Roddy, City Centre Initiatives, Derry/Londonderry
13. Chris Yates, Police Service of Northern Ireland, Foyle

Haifa (Brown)
14. Stav Chaim Avraham, Chief Operational Officer of Mey Carmel, Ltd.
15. Rula Deeb, Executive Director of Kayan
16. Fathi Marshood, Director of Shatil Haifa office, New Israel Fund’s
17. Ariella Vraneski, Research Associate at the Center of Urban and Regional Studies at the
Technion , Israeli Institute of Technology
18. Edna Zaretzky-Toledano, Counselor and Social Worker

Jerusalem (Orange)
19. Fuad Abu-Hamed, Businessman, Social and Civil Rights Activist
20. Aharon Ben-Noun, Director, Public Building Department, Municipality of Jerusalem
21. Bony Goldberg, Director, Community Services Administration, Municipality of Jerusalem
22. Elias Daoud Khoury, Real-estate and Planning Law Expert
23. Tal Kligman, Group Facilitator and Program Manager Jerusalem Inter-Cultural Center

Kaduna (Red)
24. Adam Lawal, Member of the National Assembly, Kaduna
25. John Joseph Hayab, State Secretary of Christian Association of Nigeria
26. Ahmed Makarfi, Senator of Kaduna North
27. Tahir Umar Tahir, Special Advisor to the Governor of Kaduna on Pilgrims and Islamic Affairs
28. John Woje Bagu, Director, Private Schools Board

24
Kirkuk (Yellow)
29. Awad Mohamad Ameen, Member of Kirkuk Provincial Council, Kurdistan Toilers Party
30. Abdullah Sami Assi, Member of Kirkuk Provincial Council, Independent
31. Mohammad Kudur Kharab, Member of Kirkuk Provincial Council, Independent
32. Sherzad Adil Khorsheed, Member of Kirkuk Provincial Council, Kurdistan Democratic Party
of Iraq
33. Silvana Boya Nasir, Member of Kirkuk Provincial Council, Assyrian National Party
34. Hasan Turan Bahaulddin Saeed, Deputy Chairman of Al-Adalah Turkemani Party and
Member of the Kirkuk Provincial Council
35. Tahsin Mohammed Ali Wali, Member of Kirkuk City Council

Mitrovica (Green)
36. Arban Abrashi, Support to the Ministry of Local Government Administration, Republic of
Kosovo
37. Momilo Arlov, Programme Director, Center for Civil Society Development
38. Sadri Ferati, Minster of Local Government Administration, Government of Kosovo
39. Valdete Idrizi, Director, Community Building Mitrovica
40. Oliver Ivanovi, State Secretary of the Ministry for Kosovo and Metohija, Government of the
Republic of Serbia.
41. Ljubia Petrovi, Deputy President of the Kosovska Mitrovica Municipal Assembly
42. Bajram Rexhepi, Minister of Internal Affairs, Government of Kosovo
Dragan Spasojevi, President, Citizens Movement for Kosovska Mitrovicë 
 
Mostar (Beige)
44. Anja Bogojevi, Project Coordinator and Curator for Abart, Abraevi Youth Cultural Center
45. Senita olakovi , Advisor to Business Education, Department for Social Affairs of the
Secretariat for Education, Education, Youth and Sports, Mostar City Administration
46. Sabina Memi, Senior Independent Officer for the Cooperation with NGO’s and Religious
Communities, Mostar City Administration
47. Anita imunovi, Higher Professional Assistant for the Non-Governmental and Youth
Organizations, Mostar City Administration
48. Mela Zuljevi, Project Coordinator and Designer for Abart, Abraevi Youth Cultural Center

Nicosia (Olive)
49. Mustafa Akinci, Former Mayor, Turkish Municipality of Nicosia
50. Tolga Cagakan, Councillor, Turkish Municipality of Nicosia
51. Lellos Demetriades, Former Mayor, Nicosia Municipality
52. Mehmet Harmanci, Project Coordinator, The Management Centre of the Mediterranean
53. Panos Hartsiotis, Board Member, NGO Support Centre
54. Kostas Mavrides, Councillor, Leader of the Democratic Party Nicosia City Council Team
55. Katerina Papadopoulou, Researcher, Cyprus 2015
25
ͳ
Delegate Biographies

26
Forum for Cities in Transition
Delegate Biographies

Beirut

Samer ABDALLAH
Sir Samer H. Abdallah is the General Coordinator of Nahwa Al Muwatiniya, a nonprofit
organization that promotes citizenship education, citizen participation, and policy reform.
He has also served as projects officer and logistics officer of the Danish refugee Council, an
international NGO that has been operating in Lebanon since 2004. He received a B.A. degree
in Graphic Design from the American University of Beirut and is studying for a B.S. degree
in Information Technology and Computing at the Arab Open University.

Zeina MEZHER
Zeina Mezher is an activist for women’s rights. She has experience working in the
community and she has participated in many projects. She worked with Lebanese Women
on the Foreground in Times of War. Women played a key role in the crisis management and
during the reconstruction phase, either directly or through their participation with NGOs.
Apart from this experience, the women from South Beirut and from Beirut’s suburbs were,
and still are, left outside of the decision-making process — as are all Lebanese women.


Belfast

Mark HAMILTON
Mark Hamilton joined the Royal Ulster Constabulary in 1994 where he
developed extensive experience in policing serious public disorder. As
Senior Public Order Commander for Belfast, he took active command at
public order incidents across the city. In March of 2009, he became Chief
Superintendent and took over the role of District Commander, “A” District,
North and West Belfast. He is responsible for leading approximately 700
staff, including sworn officers and civilian employees. He has a B.A. (Hons) degree in
French; an M.A. in Social Science in Criminology and Criminal Justice; an M.A. in Science in
Police Leadership and Management; and an M.A. in Human Rights Law.

Jennifer HAWTHORNE
Jennifer Hawthorne is the Head of the Northern Ireland Housing
Executive's Community Cohesion Unit and is responsible for the delivery
of the Housing Executive's Good Relations Strategy, which incorporates
shared housing, race relations, interfaces and flags, emblems, and sectional
symbols. The Northern Ireland Housing Executive is one of the largest
social housing landlords in Europe, with over 100,000 properties and 600
estates across Northern Ireland. Prior to this, Jennifer managed the Housing Executive’s
Public Relations Department in Belfast.



27
Neophytos LOIZIDES
Neophytos Loizides received his Ph.D. in Political Science at the University
of Toronto in May 2005. He is currently a lecturer in International Politics
and Ethnic Conflict at Queen’s University Belfast. He has previously been a
research fellow at the Belfer Center at the Kennedy School of Government,
Harvard University, and he has taught at Princeton University. He studies
negotiations and conflict resolution in deeply divided societies, and he is
currently completing a British Academy funded project titled “Doves against hawks in the
framing of peace policies and nationalist mobilization.” His research projects focus on
human rights and conflict resolution models for conflicts between “settler” vs. “indigenous”
people as well as strategies of using direct democracy (referendums) in peace processes. He
has published in Journal of Peace Research, Parliamentary Affairs, Electoral Studies and
Parliamentary Affairs.


Derry/Londonderry

Angela ASKIN
Angela Askin is a Community Relations Officer with Derry City Council
and one of three Community Relations Officers responsible for the
implementation and delivery of the Council’s Good Relations Strategy,
which incorporates Good Relations training, identity and inclusion, youth,
ethnic minorities/anti-racism, shared space, and hard issues. The Good
Relations program in Derry City Council is funded through the Community
Relations Unit in the Office of First Minister and deputy First Minister. Angela and her
colleagues work with a range of statutory, community, and voluntary sector organizations
to address community relations issues through projects, education programs, publicity and
publications, and advisory assistance.

Gerard DIVER
Gerard Diver is a history and politics graduate of the University of Ulster.
He is the former mayor of the Derry City Council (SDLP) and was first
elected to the Council in June 2001. He is also a member of Waterside
Neighborhood Partnership Board. Aside from politics, he has worked in the
community and volunteer sector. His most recent position has been in the
area of community relations with St Columb’s Park House Centre for
Reconciliation. He is a member of the Honourable, the Irish Society Advisory Committee.

Michael DOHERTY
Michael Doherty initiated the first ever Community Relations Action
Learning Programme in the early 1990s and has designed Open College
Network Programmes on exploring Diversity — Facilitating Community
Relations Work; Group Work and Facilitation Skills as well as Introduction
to Conflict Resolution and Mediation Skills. Michael’s development of
specialized training programs in Community Relations and Conflict
Resolution work has enabled the Peace and Reconciliation Group, of which Michael is the
director, to maintain its ability to successfully work in the field of Community Relations.


28
Brian DOUGHERTY
Brian Dougherty is director of St Columb’s Park House in L’Derry. He is
also currently Chairperson of the Waterside Area Partnership and Trustee
member of the Community Foundation Northern Ireland and North and
West Housing. He is a former Independent member of the Northern Ireland
Policing Board and community development representative on the
Northern Ireland Civic Forum. In January 2007, he was awarded an MBE
for services to the community in Northern Ireland. He holds an MBE Bsc (Hons) and has
M.A. in Town Planning.
an
club.
ad

tor
ctor in

Willie LAMROCK
Willie Lamrock is General Secretary of the YMCA Londonderry, which
works with disadvantaged and/or disaffected young people. The
Londonderry YMCA is lead partner in an important project to encourage
the participation of the Protestant community by promoting a shared sense
of belonging, addressing issues of marginalisation and tackling attitudes to
racism and sectarianism. Willie serves on many boards and spends his
spare time organising the YMCA rugby

Maeve MCLAUGHLIN
Maeve McLaughlin represents the Northlands ward in the city, where she
works as Manager of Glen Development Initiative (GDI) — a community
development organization. First elected to Derry City Council in 2001,
Maeve is the Sinn Féin party leader on the council. Maeve became involved
in Republican politics at an early age and received a B.A. honours degree in
Sociology, History, and Politics and was active in politics during her time
at University College Galway. Maeve has recently been appointed Sinn Féin spokesperson
for Tourism and has been nominated to the Derry District Policing Partnership. She is le
spokesperson on North West Region Cross Border Group.

Jim RODDY
Jim Roddy is Chief Executive of City Centre Initiatives (CCI) Derry. The
CCI Board is made up of senior representatives from Derry City Council,
the Department for Social Development, Ilex, and other private-sec
companies. Jim grew up in Derry in the 1960s and 1970s, left the city at age
seventeen because of the Troubles, but soon returned, becoming a fire
fighter in 1979, serving for nearly twenty years. Jim got involved with the
Derry City Football Club in 1993, where he also served in positions of Chief Executive and
Chairman.

Chris YATES
Chris Yates joined the Metropolitan Police Service in 1991 and spent
twelve years policing London, where he served as a Response Inspe
Haringey DCU (Tottenham), a busy London Borough with its fair share of
gun crime, vice, and drug problems. In June 2002, he transferred to the
Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI). He became Chief Inspector in
2006 and was posted to Foyle. Chris is responsible for the day-to-day
policing of the City of Derry/Londonderry. Since taking the post he has led the engagement
process with both Loyalist and Republican communities, previously hostile to police. This
29
process has brought communities and the police closer together. Chris also sits on a number
of strategic partnerships that are working for change in the City of Derry/Londonderry.


Haifa

Stav Chaim AVRAHAM
Stav Avraham is the Chief Operational Officer of Mey Carmel Ltd. From 2006 to 2009, he
was head of the water, sewage, and draining division of the Haifa Municipality and
previously served as head of the Industrial Engineering and Energy Division of Tahal
Consulting Engineers Ltd. He received a B.Sc. in Water and Soil Engineering from the
Technion Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa. He teaches the Local Authorities Directors
Course at the University of Haifa.

Rula DEEB
Rula Deeb is Executive Director of Kayan, a feminist organization working in the Arab
Israeli community. Kayan, which means “Being” in Arabic, was established by and for Arab
women living in Israel. The founders of Kayan came together through their shared
experience as women who are minority citizens of Israel and members of an often
patriarchal Arab society. Kayan works on two levels — reaching out to individuals to
change attitudes about women and intervening at the community and institutional levels to
change conditions for Palestinian women and girls.

Fathi MARSHOOD
Fathi Marshood is Director of Shatil Haifa, New Israel Fund’s capacity-
building arm. He specializes in organizational consultation in general and
Israeli Palestinian affairs in particular. The New Israel Fund’s
Empowerment and Training Center for Social Change Organizations in
Israel was established in 1982 to provide NGOs with consulting and
training in organizational development, advocacy, media and public
relations, coalition building, and resource development. With headquarters in Jerusalem
and branches in Beer Sheva, Haifa, and the Triangle, Shatil promotes community organizing
as a primary strategy for social change.

Ariella VRANESKI
Ariella Vraneski is a research associate at the Center of Urban and Regional Studies at the
Technion, Israeli Institute of Technology. Her research interests include alternative dispute
resolution, citizen participation, and environmental planning. She wrote the thesis, “Public
Participation and the Israeli Planning and Building Law” in 1985 with A. Churchman as co-
supervisor. She received the Mifal HaPaiis grant.

Edna ZARETZKY-TOLEDANO
Edna Zeretsky-Toledano, a Jewish counselor and social worker in Haifa,
has made Arab-Jewish relations her career. She has been working for over
twenty years as a consultant on intragroup relations, including work with
such groups such as Beit HaGeffen: The Jewish-Arab Cultural Center in
Haifa. Zeretsky-Toledano holds an M.A. in Sociology from Haifa
University and a B.A. in Education, Sociology, and Anthropology. She
teaches on issues of multiculturalism, Jewish–Arab relations, and gender equality. As an
30
active feminist she developed empowerment programs for women and has served as Chair
of Isha L'isha-Feminist Center of Haifa. Since 2003 she has been a member of Haifa City
Council.


Jerusalem

Fuad ABU-HAMED
Fuad Abu-Hamed, a resident of Tsur Baher, is the chairperson of the
Alquds Dialog Center and a businessman and a social activist. The Dialog
Center Jerusalem (a nongovernmental and nonprofit association) is a
Palestinian Jerusalem-based organization that works to persuade the
establishment that collaborative efforts with the residents will assist the
provision of services. On the other hand, for the residents, they help clarify
the distinction between collaborative efforts and accepting the occupation and cooper
with its me

ating
ssages.

Aharon BEN-NOUN
Aharon Ben-Noun is the Director of the Municipality of Jerusalem's Public
Building Department and one of the Jerusalem Inter-Cultural Center's
founders. Aharon holds a B.A. in Education and Geography. He is married
and the father of three.




Bony GOLDBERG
Bony Goldberg has served as the director of the Community Services Administration of
Jerusalem since January 2005. Prior to the formation of the CSA, she served as the director of
the Social Services Department. There are about 900 workers in the four departments
providing a wide range of services to some 57,000 families. Mrs. Goldberg oversees an
annual budget of 570 million Israeli Shekels (~$152 million). Given the unique characteristics
of Jerusalem, the CSA actively works to provide appropriate services to all the various
cultural and religious populations in the city and to improve their standard of living. She
holds a MSW degree from Hebrew University, a Masters degree in Criminology from
Hebrew University, a B.A. in French and Sociology, and a teaching certificate in French from
Ben Gurion University.

Elias Daoud KHOURY
Elias Daoud Khoury is a Jerusalem-based Arab-Israeli lawyer. He
specializes in real property law. Elias made appeals several times to the
Supreme Court of Israel and has had Palestinian politicians among his
clients in Israeli courts. He is the father and son of terrorism victims. Elias
gained fame in the 1970s when he led a legal battle against the Israeli
settlers of Sebastia and Elon Moreh. Elias Khoury was born in the Galilee.
His father lost the family land to Israel in the 1948 war, took citizenship in Israel, and
believed he could work patiently through Israeli law to get the land back. Elias studied law
at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and lived in the Beit Hanina and Shuafat
neighborhoods of Jerusalem. He has a practice in Jerusalem.
31
Tal KLIGMAN
Tal Kligman is a group facilitator and a project office director. She
specializes in the fields of dialogue, multi-cultural communication,
participatory democracy, coalition building, and conflict management. She
runs workshops and training in East and West Jerusalem for professionals
and residents from diverse sociological and cultural backgrounds. She is
working in the Jerusalem Inter-Cultural Center, Merchavim –The Institute
for Advancement and Shared Citizenship and the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Tal has a
degree in Special Education and Education Policy and Management from the Hebrew
University and a group facilitator diploma from the Zippori Center in Jerusalem.


Kaduna

Adam LAWAL
Imam Adam Lawal was born Adam Abubakar Lawal in 1958 at the town of Soba in Zaria of
Kaduna State, Nigeria. A devout Muslim, he started his Islamic school at the age of five and
after graduation, commenced primary school education at the age of fifteen. Imam Adam
Lawal is a civil servant and a political office holder on secondment with the state. He is
Hausa by tribe and speaks English. Imam Lawal is married with children. His hobbies
include hunting and swimming.

John Joseph HAYAB
Reverend John Joseph Hayab is the State Secretary of the Christian
Association of Nigeria. He played a critical role in the resolution of the
ethno-religious crisis experienced in the past in the state. He is also
currently the Chief Executive Officer of Christian Awareness Initiative of
Nigeria (CHAIN).




Ahmed MAKARFI
His Excellency Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi was elected governor of
Kaduna State in 1999 and won a second four-year term in 2003. He is
currently a Senator in the Nigerian Senate representing Kaduna North
Senatorial District. He became a member of the Board of Trustees at the
Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution in Abuja as well as its Director of
Finance and Administration. He is a member of the ruling People's
Democratic Party (PDP). Makarfi started his working career at the Nigeria
Universal Bank, where he rose to the rank of Assistant General Manager. In 1994, he was
appointed to the Kaduna State Executive Council as Honorable Commissioner of Financ
and Economic Planning before returning to the
e
er of five children.
private sector. He holds a B.S. degree in
Accounting and an M.S. degree in Accounting and Finance from Ahmadu Bello University
in Zaria. Makarfi is married and the fath

32
Umar Tahir TAHIR
Tahir Umar Tahir, born 1970, hails from Zaria L.G. of Kaduna State,
Nigeria. He graduated from Barewa College Zariain and obtained a
diploma in Sharia and Civil Law and an advanced diploma in Business
Management and a B.A. with the Houdegbe North American University
Benin. He is currently undertaking a Law degree with ABU Zaria. Tah
served as Special Assistant (2003-04) and Senior Special Assistant (2004-
to the Executive Governor of Kaduna State. He is presently a special adviser
to the Governor of Kaduna State on Pilgrims and Islamic Matters. Tahir has
served in various capacities on Hajj Operation and Islamic Committees at the local and state
levels (1996-2010). He has earned several national and international awards and
,
ir
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ommendations.
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n
,
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currently holds the office of National President of the Catholic Laity
ouncil of Nigeria.
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organized by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation held
Amman, Jordan, December 2008.
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incial
kuk organized by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation
eld in Amman, Jordan, in December 2008.
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John Woje BA U
Sir John Woje Bagu, born in 1953 in Kaduna State, is married with six
children and is a Catholic Christian by faith. He holds a B.A. in Education
and an M.A. in Education in Administration and Planning. He has been a
educationist with the State as teacher, senior master, vice principal, and
principal. He was posted to the Zonal Headquarters in 1992 and held the
positions of assistant director, deputy director, and zonal director. In 2006
he became pioneer Director/Chief Executive of the State Private Schoo
Board. In May 2009, he was appointed Permanent Secretary. Sir John is a Knight of the
Catholic Church and
C


Kirkuk

Awad Moham d Mohamad AMEEN
Awad M. Mohamad Ameen was born in Kirkuk in 1962. He is a member
the leadership committee of the Kurdistan Toilers Party, and his current
position is as a member of the Kirkuk Provincial Council. He has a B.A. in
English and his languages are Kurdish, Arabic, Persian, and English. His
activities include: Conference of Iraqi Local Leadership organized by the
UN in Turkey in 2005; training courses on strategic planning organize
the Research Triangle Institute (RTI) in 2007; workshop on the Kirkuk dispute held in
Amman in May 2008 organized by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation; workshop on
governance arrangements in Kirkuk
in

ASSI
Abdullah Sami Assi was born in Kirkuk in 1964. He was educated at a
military science college. His language is Arabic. His political affiliation is
independent. His current position is as a member of the Kirkuk Prov
Council. His activities include: conference of Iraqi Local Leadership
organized by UN in Turkey in 2005; workshop on governance
arrangements in Kir
Abdullah Sam
h
33

Mohammed Ku
ion
nd Higher Education Committee. His political party is Independent.

K
s;
rrigation. His political party is KDP.

a
on strategic planning organized by Research Triangle Institute (RTI) in
n
Naumann Foundation;
workshop on Governance arrangements in Kirkuk also organized by Friedrich Naumann
, Jordan December 2008.
m
d is
cial
He serves on the Hiring and DeBaathification committee. His
l affiliation is with the Islamic Union for Iraqi Turkmen.




dur KHARAB
Mohammed Kudur Kharab graduated with a B.A. degree in Military
Science. He is a member of the Kirkuk Provincial Council, KPC Block. He
serves on the Hiring and De-Baathification Committee and the Educat
a


HORSHEED
Sherzad Adil Khorsheed graduated from the Teachers Institute. He is a
member of the Kirkuk Provincial Council, KPC Block. He serves on the
following committees: Article 58 and the Victims of Policies and Processe
Sherzad Adil
Ethnic Cleansing; Agriculture and I


Silvana Boya NASIR
Silvana Boya Nasir was born in Kirkuk in 1968. She graduated from the
College of Economy and Administration of the University of Baghdad in
1988. Her languages are Chaldean, Assyrian, Arabic, and English. She is
member of the Assyrian National Party and her current position is as a
member of Kirkuk Provincial Council. Activities include training courses
2007.

Hasan Turan Bahaulddin SAEED
Hasan Turan Bahaulddin Saeed was born in Kirkuk in 1962. He attended
the College of Agriculture. His languages are Turkmani, Arabic, and
Kurdish. He is deputy chairman of Al-Adalah Turkmani Party, and he
holds a position as a member of the Kirkuk Provincial Council. His
activities include: Conference of Iraqi Local Leadership organized by UN i
Turkey in 2005; Kirkuk conference in Turkey in 2007; workshop on Kirkuk
dispute held in Amman in May 2008 organized by Friedrich
Foundation held in the Dead Sea

Tahsin Moha med Ali WALI
Tahsin Mohammed Ali Wali has a diploma in Electrical Engineering an
currently a student of Law. He is a member of the Kirkuk Provin
Council.
politica
34
Mitrovica

Arban ABRASHI
Arban Abrashi works with the World Bank, offering support to the Ministry
of Local Government Administration, Pristina, where he works on public
and community relations. He has also served as project manager —
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kosovo Public Administration International,
offering support to the Office of the Prime Minister. He received an
Contemporary European Studies from the University of Sussex and a B.A.
in Political Sciences and Public Administration from the University of Pristina. His
languages include spoken and written English, Albanian, and Serbian.

M.A. in
etworks, and platforms.
V
the

Momèilo ARLOV
Momcilo Arlov was born in Glina, Republic of Croatia. He is a student of
social work and social policy, University of Mitrovica north, and he is
enrolled at the London School of Economics and Political Sciences. Since
July 1999 he has been a resident of Mitrovica north. He has worked with the
Norwegian Church Aid (NCA) responsible for administration and
distribution of humanitarian aid, and he managed communications and
assistance to the soȬcalled “enclave settlements” within Mitrovica. From March 2000 to
August 2006, Arlov was a programmer officer with the United Nations Children’s Fund
(UNICEF) Kosovo Office.

Sadri FERATI
Sadri Ferati was born in Mitrovica in 1957. He graduated from the
University of Pristina. In 1997, he was elected a member of Parliament in
Kosovo. In 2004, he was appointed director of the Cultural Center “Rexhep
Mitrovica.” Ferati was elected CEO of the municipality of Mitrovica in 2005.
In the elections of the Assembly of the Democratic League of Kosovo held in
January 2007, he was elected vice president of the LDK branch in Mitrovica.
In 2008, he was appointed Minister of Local Government Administration in the Government
of Kosovo. Minister Ferati speaks Albanian, Serbian, and English.

Valdete IDRIZI
Valdete Idrizi is director of the multiethnic nongovernmental organization
Community Building Mitrovica (CBM), a local NGO that seeks to bridge
the divide between the different communities living in the Mitrovica
region. In 2008, she won the International Women of Courage Award for
Europe for her work and dedication to the people and peace in Mitrovica.
She is also a member of the Citizens’ Pact for Southeast Europe,
Foundation for Democratic Initiative, Kosovo ProȬPeace Coalition, Kosovo Initiative
Program, and AntiȬCorruption Movement COHU, and various other organizations,
n

I)
Oliver Ivanovi° has held the position of State Secretary in the Ministry for
Kosovo and Metohija, Government of the Republic of Serbia since 2008. He
was a member of the Provisional Commission for Kosovo established by
Serbian Parliament following elections in October 2000. Since 2001, Mr.
Oliver IVANO
35
Ivanovi° has been a member of the Coordination Center for Kosovo and Metohija
established by the Government of the Republic of Serbia and the State Union of Serbia
Montenegro. He has been a member of the Kosovo Parliament, elected in November 2001
the first parliamentary elections; member of the Presidency of Kosovo Parliament; member
of Commission for Foreign Cooperation; member of Social Democratic Party (SDP), and Vice
President of the party. He graduated from the advanced technical school in Mitro
and
in

vica and
om the Faculty of Economics at University of Pristina.
O

°
active member of Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), one of the largest opposition
arties in Serbia.
E
s
a
al Assembly. In the 2001 and 2004 elections he was elected
s a Kosovo Assembly Member.
O
vica
ry
al
bly.
unicipal coalition and serves as a mediator between political parties at the local level.
fr

Ljubiša PETR VI)
Ljubiša Petrovi° was born in 1960 in Mitrovica. He studied Law and
Administration at the University of Pristina. Mr. Petrovi° has been Director
of General and Legal Affairs in the SIMEX Company in Srbica/Skënderaj
and Executive Director of DIJAMANT Company in Mitrovica, one of the
largest exportȬimport service companies in Kosovo. As a community worker
and promoter of positive social values, Mr. Petrovi° is a member of the
Board of “Association of Musicians of Kosovo and Metohija UNIJAM.” He is the founding
member of the International Jazz & Blues Festival in Mitrovica. Since June 2008, Mr. Petrovi
has held the position of Deputy President of the Kosovska Mitrovica Municipal Assembly.
He is an
p

Bajram REXH PI
Bajram Rexhepi is the Minister of Internal Affairs for the government of the
Republic of Kosovo. He was previously the mayor of Mitrovica, and he wa
the first elected postwar Prime Minister of Kosovo. He is a member of the
largest political party in Kosovo, the Democratic Party of Kosovo (PDK). He
received his medical degree from the University of Pristina and worked as
doctor for many years. During wartime he joined the Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA) as a field doctor. In the first local elections in October 2000, he was elected as a
member of the Mitrovica Municip
a

Dragan SPAS JEVI)
Dragan Spasojevi° graduated from the University of Pristina as a civil
engineer. From 2000 to 2008 he was a civil engineer for Kosovska Mitro
Municipality. From 2008 to the present, he has been head of the Urban
Planning Department. Since 2003 he has been a member of the Adviso
Board for Mitrovica — a body established by United Nations Kosovo
Administration (UNMIK) to establish a link between the separate municip
authorities. In 2008 he initiated the Citizens Movement for Kosovska Mitrovica — a local
political party with a focus on improving the quality of life of citizens in Mitrovica. In the
election in May 2008, the Movement won two out of thirty seats at the municipal assem
With its two delegates, the Movement contributed to the establishment of an existing
m




36
Mostar
O

o at the
rative literature and History of Art. Anja grew up in Mostar.
V
,

aculty of Economics in Mostar in 1984. ÿolakoviþ is a

M
r for the Cooperation with NGO’s and Religious Communities of the


e received her degree from the Faculty of Journalism at the University

E

Fine
arajevo in 2010, Department of Product Design, where she won two awards. Mela is
a native of Mostar.

JEVIý
Anja Bogojeviþ is a project manager and curartor for the Abart art production
that functions within the Abraševiþ Youth Cultural Center. The main project
that they are currently working on is called “Art in Divided Cities,“ and it is
implemented in cooperation with organizations Studio Beirut from Beirut and
Community Development Centre from Kosovska Mitrovica. She recently
finished her studies at the Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajev
Anja BOG
Departments of Compa


Senita ÿolakoviþ is employed by the Mostar City Administration in the
Department for Social Affairs of the Secretariat for Education, Education
Youth, and Sports as an advisor to business education. She received her
egree from the F
Senita ÿOLAKO
d
native of Mostar


Professor Sabina Memiþ has been an employee of the Mostar City
Administration since 1996. She holds the position of Senior Independent
ffice
Sabina ME
O
Mostar City.


Anita ŠIMUNOVIý
Anita Šimunoviþ is employed by the Mostar City Administration. She holds the position of
Higher Professional Assistant for the Non-Governmental and Youth Organizations issues of
he city of Mostar. Sh t
of Mostar in 2001.

Mela ZULJ VIý
Mela Zuljeviþ is a co-founder of the Abart art production that functions within
the Abraševiþ Youth Cultural Center. Mela works as the project coordinator
and designer for the program. The main project that they are currently working
on is called “Art in Divided Cities,“ which involves theoretical research on the
phenomenon of divided city and the production of artistic practices that deal
with divisions in urban public space. This project is carried out in cooperation
with partner organizations from Kosovska Mitrovica and Beirut, as well as
with a group of artists and activists from Berlin. She graduated from the Academy of
Arts in S
37
Nicosia

Mustafa AKINCI
Mustafa Ak×nc× was born in Limassol, Cyprus, in 1947. He is an architect by
profession. At the age of twenty-four he was elected to the Constituent
Assembly of Turkish Cypriots, which was established after the events of
1974. At twenty-eight, he was elected Mayor of Nicosia (North) by the
Turkish Cypriot residents of the northern half of Nicosia. He was reelected
twice and served for fourteen years. Between 1999 and 2001 he was Deputy
Prime Minister and Minister for Tourism in the Turkish Cypriot Government. He has been a
member of the Turkish Cypriot Parliament for the last fifteen years.

Tolga CAGAKAN
Tolga Cagakan is Municipal Councilor of Nicosia Turkish Municipality and
is also the Assistant General Manager of Cyprus Vak×f Bank Ltd. He was a
member of the Board of Directors of Cyprus Turkish Banks Association
(2006-2008) and a member of Board of Directors of TMSF (FDIC of N.
Cyprus) from 2006 to 2008. Cagakan was born in Nicosia in 1967. He holds
an M.A. in Business Administration.
nd

d was an

Lellos DEMETRIADES
Lellos Demetriades was the Mayor of Nicosia for thirty years from 1971 to
2001. From 1960 to 1970 he was a member of the House of Representatives
of the Republic of Cyprus and served as Clerk of the House and chairman
of a number of committees. From 1966 to 1970 he was the floor leader (in
the House) of the Government majority party — the Patriotic Front — a
served as the Greek Cypriot member in the Joint Committee. During 1961
and 1963 he participated in the sessions of the Consultative Assembly. Up to 2001, he was a
member of the Permanent Conference (now called the Congress) of Local and Regional
Authorities of the Council of Europe and served as the Chairman of its Cultural Committee
for four years; he is now an honorary member of the Congress.

Mehmet HARMANCI
Mehmet Harmanc× is the co-Project Manager of Engage–Do Your Part for Peace
project at the Management Centre in North Cyprus. He is responsible for
directing all internal control reviews and special projects in the civil society and
reconciliation program. He works closely with UNDP advisors and writes
weekly columns as part of the project for the Halkin Sesi newspaper. Harmanc×
graduated from Liverpool John Moores University in 2001 with an M.A. in
European Studies and Politics. He is a member of the Social Democratic Party an
Undersecretary General of the party from 2008-2010 and is currently president of the
Nicosia district.

Panos HARTSIOTIS
Panos Hartsiotis has been a board member of the NGO Support Center since its
creation in 1999. He has a B.A. general degree and a Masters in Public Service
Management. He is trained in conflict resolution techniques and transformative
38
mediation. He is a retired civil servant having reached the position of Senior
Customs and Excise Officer.

Kostas MAVRIDES
Kostas Mavrides was born and raised in Nicosia. Mavrides studied accounting and worked
as an accountant in big firms in Cyprus for ten years until he established his own trading
company. During that time he was involved in Cyprus Politics. After the Turkish Invasion
in Cyprus in 1974, he was even more actively involved in the politics of his country as one of
the senior officers of the governing party in Cyprus at that time (Democratic Party). Since
1996 he has served in the City Council of Nicosia. This is his third consecutive term as a city
councilor and as the leader of the Democratic Party’s Nicosia Council Team.

Katerina PAPADOPOULOU
Katerina Papadopoulou is a Researcher for Cyprus 2015, a dialogue and public opinion
research initiative implemented by the Joint Programme Unit for United Nations –
Interpeace Initiatives (JPU), and supported by UNDP-Action for Cooperation and Trust and
the European Commission Representation in Cyprus. Katerina has facilitated meetings with
Greek Cypriot displaced persons, which discussed issues of property restitution and return.
She has also co-facilitated bi-communal stakeholder panels, promoting dialogue between
stakeholders from both communities about their views on solving security, governance, and
property issues. She also worked for Politis, a Greek language newspaper in Cyprus. She
grew up in Nicosia.

39
ͳ
City Profiles

40
City Profile
BELFAST

Belfast is the capital of and the largest city in Northern Ireland, with a population of about
267,500. Belfast is a center for industry, the arts, higher education, business, and law in
Northern Ireland. The city suffered greatly during the period of disruption, conflict, and
destruction called the Troubles, but more recently has undergone a sustained period of
calm, free from the intense political violence of former years, and substantial economic and
commercial growth.
The colonization of Ireland, a predominantly Catholic country, began in the 1640s when
Anglo-Protestants and Scotch Presbyterians began to settle in what is today much of
Northern Ireland. Belfast became a substantial settlement in the 17th century during the
time of the Plantation of Ulster.
In the 18th and 19th centuries, Belfast was one of the cities at the coalface of the Industrial
Revolution and emerged as Ireland’s preeminent industrial city. Industries thrived,
including linen, rope-making, tobacco, heavy engineering, and shipbuilding, and at the end
of the 19th century, Belfast briefly overtook Dublin as the largest city in Ireland.
The Titanic was built in Belfast in 1912 at the Harland and Wolff shipyards, which became
one of the largest shipbuilders in the world, employing up to 35,000 workers in its heyday.
But employment was highly discriminatory, with few Catholics employed in the industrial
sector. After World War II, Shorts airplane manufacturer set up a plant in Belfast, adjacent
to the shipyards and the same discriminatory practices prevailed.
Belfast is a city in which segregation of Catholics, who mostly aspire to become part of a
united Ireland, and Protestants, who mostly want to stay in the United Kingdom (UK),
became the determining factor in the city’s social, geographical, and political landscape —
all reasons contributing to Belfast’s long history of sectarian rioting.
After Ireland was partitioned in 1921, Belfast became the capital of Northern Ireland, a self-
governing province of the UK. Communal differences became more exacerbated, and bouts
of sectarian violence more frequent. Catholics were discriminated against in various sectors
of employment and in housing and were denied opportunities for advancement in both the
public and private sectors, as they were considered disloyal to Northern Ireland and loyal to
the Irish state on its southern borders.
Between 1921 and 1969, all organs of government and policing remained firmly within the
control of the Protestant Unionist majority. Former Northern Ireland prime minister Sir
James Craig famously called it “a Protestant Parliament and a Protestant state” (in response
to Irish Prime Minister Eamon de Valera describing Ireland as a Catholic nation).
Some unionists argue that discrimination was not just caused by religious or political
bigotry, but also was the result of more complex socioeconomic, sociopolitical, and
geographical factors. Whatever the cause, the existence of pervasive discrimination and the
manner in which the resultant nationalist anger was handled were major contributing
factors to the Troubles. In the latter part of the 1960s, Catholics, under the umbrella of the
Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), organized mass demonstrations
demanding their full rights as citizens of the UK. These demonstrations became the trigger
that unleashed violent political unrest, which was at its worst between 1968 and 1994.
41
In the 1970s, Belfast was the scene of bombings at public places, and bore the brunt of the
killings in the following decades. In mixed areas, Catholics fled from those predominantly
Protestant-populated, and Protestants from those predominantly Catholic-populated. At the
time, it amounted to the largest internal displacement of a civilian population since World
War II. At present, West Belfast is almost entirely Catholic; East Belfast, adjacent to the
industrial centers, is almost entirely Protestant; North Belfast remains mixed.
In 1969, when communal violence was at its worst, the British government sent in the army
ostensibly to “save” Catholics from what appeared an imminent Protestant perpetrated
pogrom. A “peace wall” was erected by the British Army, cutting streets in two and
stretching across fourteen neighborhoods.
Besides physical separation, the two communities continue to be divided by separate school
systems, sports, languages, cultures, and national aspirations.
Paramilitary groups also proliferated. On the republican side, the presence of the British
Army resuscitated a nascent Irish Republican Army (IRA). On the Unionist/Loyalist side,
the Ulster Defense Association (UDA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) were formed or
revived to “protect” Protestant communities from the IRA.
The IRA and Loyalist paramilitary ceasefires of 1994, the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement of
1998, and the St. Andrews Agreement of 2006 all brought a form of peace to Northern
Ireland, a devolved Northern Ireland Assembly with 108 members, and a cross-party
Executive. Both Irish and British identities are accorded parity of esteem: citizens may
choose their national identity. Binding decisions require concurrent majorities of Unionists
and Nationalists. Cross-border bodies handle issues common to both the Republic of Ireland
and Northern Ireland. Human rights and equality are underpinned by robust legislation and
strong agencies.
Thus, the minority Catholic population gained a share of political power in Northern
Ireland, and the Republic of Ireland gained a voice in Northern Irish affairs. In return,
Catholics agreed that a united Ireland would require that a majority of Northern Ireland
voters give their consent. In a dual referendum held on 22 May 1998, Northern Ireland
approved the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement by a vote of 71 percent to 29 percent, and the
Irish Republic by a vote of 94 percent. Since then, Northern Ireland has experienced a period
of sustained economic growth and large-scale redevelopment of the city center and the
waterfront.
Northern Ireland has a population of 1.75 million people. In the late 1960s, the Protestant
proportion was 60 percent and the Catholic proportion 40 percent, but in a 2001 census, the
Protestant proportion was 53.1 percent and the Catholic proportion was 43.8 percent.
Belfast has witnessed a similar hemorrhaging of Protestants. The city of Belfast has a
population of 276,459 and lies at the heart of metropolitan Belfast, which has a population of
approximately 800,000. In 1961, the Protestant population of Belfast was 63 percent; it has
fallen in every census since. The Catholic community now makes up the majority of Belfast's
population, with many Protestants having moved away.
In 1997, Unionists lost overall control of the Belfast City Council for the first time, with the
balance of power held by cross-community Alliance Party ever since. There have been four
Nationalist Lord Mayors of Belfast, two from the Social Democratic and Labour Party
(SDLP) and two from Sinn Féin. Alex Maskey, an avowed Republican and senior member of
Sinn Féin —- then regarded as being the political arm of the IRA — was elected Lord Mayor
42
in 2002. He was the first Catholic elected to the office. The political tumult that it incited took
several years of collective political psychotherapy to arrest.
After ten years of peace, Belfast is more segregated than ever. Since the Good Friday/Belfast
Agreement, more peace walls have been erected, now numbering 82 across the city. None
are coming down. Much hatred remains.
In January 2010, the Consultative Group on the Past, a commission set up in 2007, published
the Eames Bradley Report on best ways of dealing with the past. Among its
recommendations is a Legacy Commission, which would sit for five years and be headed by
an international commissioner. Its remit would cover (a) helping society toward a shared
and reconciled future through a process of engagement with community issues arising from
the conflict through the Reconciliation Forum; (b) reviewing and investigating historical
cases; (c) conducting a process of information recovery; and (d) examining cases linked to or
thematic cases emerging from the conflict. On 12 April 2010, the Westminster government
formally devolved policing and justice powers to the Northern Ireland Assembly.

43
City Profile
BEIRUT

Beirut is the capital and largest city of Lebanon with a population of over 2.1 million as of
2007. The population of Beirut holds 75 percent of the urban population of Lebanon. Located
on a peninsula at the midpoint of Lebanon's coastline with the Mediterranean Sea, Beirut
serves as the country's largest and main seaport and also forms the Beirut Metropolitan
Area, which consists of the city and its suburbs. The first mention of this metropolis is found
in the ancient Egyptian Tell el Amarna letters, dating to the 14th century BCE, and the city
has been continuously inhabited since.
There are wide-ranging estimates of Beirut's population from as low as 938,940 people to as
high as 2,012,000. No population census has been taken in Lebanon since 1932. Best
estimates on religious groups suggest: Muslim 59.7 percent (Shia, Sunni, Druze, Isma'ilite,
Alawite or Nusayri), Christian 39 percent (Maronite Catholic, Greek Orthodox, Melkite
Catholic, Armenian Orthodox, Syrian Catholic, Armenian Catholic, Syrian Orthodox,
Roman Catholic, Chaldean, Assyrian, Copt, Protestant); other 10.3 percent.
Beirut is the most religiously diverse city of the Middle East with Christians, and Muslims
both having a significant presence. Lebanon’s President is always a Christian (Maronite
Christian), the Prime Minister is always a Sunni Muslim, and the Speaker of the Parliament
is always a Shiite Muslim. Family matters such as marriage, divorce and inheritance are still
handled by the religious authorities representing a person's faith. Calls for civil marriage are
unanimously rejected by the religious authorities but civil marriages held in another country
are recognized by Lebanese civil authorities. Until the mid-20th century, Beirut was also
home to a Jewish community, in the Wadi Abu Jamil neighborhood.
Before the civil war broke out in 1975, neighborhoods of Beirut were fairly heterogeneous,
but they have become largely segregated by religion since the conflict. East Beirut is
characterized by a largely Christian population with a small Sunni Muslim minority.
Meanwhile, West Beirut is categorized by a Muslim majority, primarily Sunni, with small
communities of Shiites, Druze, and Christians. Since the end of the civil war in 1990, East
and West Beirut have begun to see an increase in Sunni Muslims and Christians moving into
each half. Beirut's southern suburbs are largely populated by Shiite Muslims, while Beirut's
Eastern suburbs are largely Christian. Northern Beirut has had and continues to have a large
Lebanese Protestant community since the 19th century.
Beirut is Lebanon's seat of government and plays a central role in the Lebanese economy
with its city center-, Hamra-, Verdun-, and Ashrafieh-based corporate firms and banks. The
city is the focal point of the region's cultural life, renowned for its press, theatres, cultural
activities, and nightlife.
By the second half of the 19th century, Beirut was in the process of developing close
commercial and political ties with European imperial powers, France in particular.
European interests in Lebanese silk and other export products transformed the city into a
major port and commercial center. Meanwhile, Ottoman power in the region continued to
decline. Sectarian and religious conflicts, power vacuums, and changes in the political
dynamics of the region culminated in the 1860 Lebanon conflict. Beirut became a destination
for Maronite Christian refugees fleeing from the worst areas of the fighting on Mount
Lebanon and in Damascus. This influx altered the ethnic composition of Beirut, sowing the
44
seeds of future ethnic and religious troubles there and in greater Lebanon. Beirut was able to
prosper as a result of European intervention and a general realization among the city's
residents that commerce, trade, and prosperity depended on domestic stability.
In 1888, Beirut was made capital of a vilayet, or “province,” in Syria. By this time, Beirut had
grown to be a cosmopolitan city with close links to Europe and the United States. Beirut also
became a center of missionary activity that spawned impressive educational institutions,
such as the American University of Beirut. French influence in the area soon exceeded that
of any other European power. In 1911, the population mix was reported in the Encyclopedia
Britannica as Muslims, 36,000; Christians, 77,000; Jews, 2,500; Druze, 400; foreigners, 4,100.
After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire following World War I, Beirut, along with the rest
of Lebanon, was placed under the French Mandate. After Lebanon achieved independence
in 1943, Beirut became its capital city. It remained an intellectual capital of the Arab world
and quickly became a financial center for much of the Arab world and a major tourist
destination.
This era of relative prosperity ended in 1975 when the Lebanese Civil War broke out. During
most of the war, Beirut was divided between the Muslim west and the Christian east. The
downtown area, previously the home of much of the city's commercial and cultural
activities, became a no-man's land known as the “Green Line.” Many inhabitants fled to
other countries. Thousands of others were killed throughout the war, and much of the city
was devastated. A particularly destructive period was the 1982 Israeli invasion, during
which most of West Beirut was under siege by Israeli troops. Subsequently, southern
Lebanon was occupied by the Israeli Defense Force until 2000 when Israel unilaterally
withdrew. Simultaneously, Syria maintained a military force of 3,000 troops.
Since the end of the war in 1990, the people of Lebanon have been rebuilding Beirut. During
the 2006 Israeli-Lebanese war, southern Beirut, home to most of the city’s Shia population,
came under heavy bombardment, and much of Beirut’s infrastructure was destroyed.
Reconstruction of downtown Beirut has been largely driven by Solidere, a development
company established in 1994 by the late Rafik Hariri.
The 2005 assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri near the Saint George
Bay in Beirut shook the entire country. A month after the death of Hariri, approximately one
million people gathered in Beirut for an opposition rally against Syrian presence that came
to be known as the Cedar Revolution — the largest rally in Lebanon’s history at that time.
The last Syrian troops withdrew from Beirut on 26 April 2005. The two countries established
diplomatic relations on 15 October 2008.
In June 2009, Lebanon held national elections for Parliament and in November, it formed a
national unity government. The new government includes Hezbollah, which heads the
March 8 Alliance. The March 14 Alliance’s leader, Saad Hariri is Prime Minister, and the
Independent candidate Michel Suleiman is President.

45
City Profile
DERRY/LONDONDERRY

Derry/Londonderry is a city in the northwest part of the province of Northern Ireland that
is divided by the River Foyle. The west bank Cityside is majority Catholic and the east bank
Waterside is majority Protestant. The population of the city was 83,652 in the 2001 census
and was majority Catholic. It is the second largest city in Northern Ireland.
The name of the city is itself a source of division among its inhabitants. The name Derry is
derived from a Gaelic word doíre, which means “oak grove;” an oak leaf is incorporated in
the city's official emblem. In 1613, Derry was lengthened to Londonderry due to the role that
the Corporation of London had in the Protestant settlement of the city. In 1984, Nationalists
in the city council voted successfully to change their body’s official name from Londonderry
City Council to Derry City Council. Unionists were infuriated and insisted on Londonderry
as the prefix to the council’s name. Despite the actions of the Nationalists, Londonderry is
the city’s and county’s official and legal name. It would require an Act of Parliament at
Westminster to change either.
On radio and TV, to avoid offence, the term “Derry-stroke-Londonderry” is commonly
used. This is sometimes shortened to “Stroke City.” Road signs in the Republic of Ireland
use the name Derry. Londonderry is used on road signs in Northern Ireland; however, the
“London” part of the word is often defaced. Alternatively, you will see the term “L'Derry”
used on Northern Ireland road signs.
Derry/Londonderry is one of the oldest continuously inhabited places in Ireland. The
earliest historical references date to the sixth century, when a monastery was founded there
by Saint Columba.
Planters, or settlers, who were mostly Scotch Presbyterians and Anglican or English
Protestants arrived in the 1600s as part of the plantation of Ulster. They built the walled city
of Londonderry to settle Ulster with a population supportive of the Crown.
Derry/Londonderry is the last remaining city in the British Isles to be surrounded by
defensive walls and has the most complete series of city walls in the islands.
In December 1688, the gates of the city were shut against the advancing Catholic army of
King James II. This was the beginning of the Siege of Derry. In April 1689, King James came
to the city and called upon it to surrender. The King was rebuffed and the siege lasted until
the end of July 1689. Ever since, this episode has been used by Protestants as a historical
threat that the people might again be incorporated into a Catholic Ireland.
In 1921, following the Anglo-Irish Treaty and the partition of Ireland, Londonderry became
a border city. Even though Catholics were a majority of the population, politicians and
business people employed systemic gerrymandering of electoral boundaries and business
voting rights in local elections, which enabled the Protestants to retain control of the city
council and local administration.
This was a major cause of Catholic grievances and went unaddressed for several decades.
Catholics were discriminated against throughout Northern Ireland, with
Derry/Londonderry becoming a flashpoint of disputes.
Civil rights campaigns began in the mid-1960s as an attempt to draw attention to grievances
felt by Catholics across Northern Ireland. This became a mass movement when public
46
demonstrations were organized by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA).
Initial demonstrations happened without violence, but were opposed by Protestant loyalists
who felt the campaign was a cover for Irish republicans who wanted to integrate the
Northern Ireland state into the Republic of Ireland rather than to reform it. Nonviolent
protest was met with opposition that was increasingly violent.
A march organized for 5 October 1968 was banned in advance. When 400 people tried to
proceed in defiance of the ban, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), the overwhelmingly
Protestant police force, used batons to break up the march. The scenes were recorded by
television cameras, and the subsequent news coverage sparked rioting in the city. Many
people consider this event as the starting date of the Northern Ireland conflict: the
“Troubles.”
From 1–4 January 1969, a group called People's Democracy marched from Belfast to
Derry/Londonderry. On each day of the march, loyalists confronted, jostled, and physically
attacked the marchers. The RUC made no effort to prevent the attacks, one of which
occurred in the Waterside area of Derry/Londonderry. Later that evening, members of the
RUC attacked people and property in the Catholic nationalist Bogside area of the city, which
sparked several days of serious rioting.
The way in which the police handled the march confirmed the opinion of many Catholics
that the RUC could not be trusted to provide impartial policing in Northern Ireland and
further alienated Catholics from the Northern Ireland state itself.
Civil unrest reached a peak in the summer of 1969. The annual loyalist marching season
sparked riots in Derry/Londonderry, but the worst rioting occurred in August, following an
Apprentice Boys parade commemorating the Siege of Derry. After three days of Catholic
rioting against the police, which became known as the Battle of the Bogside, the British
Government at Westminster agreed that British Army troops would be deployed on the
streets in Northern Ireland.
Many Catholic nationalists initially welcomed the British Army troops as a safeguard
against their fears of Protestant pogroms. Meanwhile, many Unionist politicians resented
the interference by the British Government in the affairs of Northern Ireland. Indeed, the
introduction of British troops proved to be a significant development towards the
establishment of direct rule of Northern Ireland by Westminster.
Internment without trial of people suspected of being members of illegal paramilitary
groups was reintroduced to Northern Ireland in August 1971. From 1971 to 1975, a total of
1,981 people were detained: 1,874 were Catholic/Republican, while 107 were
Protestant/Loyalist. Internment united Catholics in their opposition to the presence of
British Army troops and paved the way for resurgence of support for the Irish Republican
Army (IRA). Until then, the IRA had been mostly dormant since the 1920s, with little
popular support.
Bloody Sunday refers to events that took place on Sunday, 30 January 1972. A march was
organized by NICRA to protest the policy of internment. Approximately 15,000 people took
part in the march. British Army troops prevented the march from moving into the city
center. The main body of the march then moved to “Free Derry Corner” in the Bogside for a
rally. Some young men began throwing stones at soldiers nearby. Soldiers moved in to make
arrests, and in thirty minutes thirteen men had been shot dead and another died of his
injuries.
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The events of Bloody Sunday caused much shock and revulsion internationally. They also
resulted in a further dramatic increase in support for the IRA. The IRA was very much in the
ascent in some Catholic communities, particularly in Derry/Londonderry, Belfast, and
border counties adjacent to the Republic of Ireland.
There was a formal inquiry by the British Government immediately after the killings. This
Widgery Tribunal found no fault on the part of the soldiers, but stated that there was a
“strong suspicion” that some of those killed “had been firing weapons or handling bombs.”
Those involved in the march provided evidence to the contrary.
The Bloody Sunday Inquiry established in 1998 began hearings in 2000 and did not conclude
until 2005. It is one of the longest and most expensive inquiries in British legal history. The
inquiry's final report was scheduled for a 22 March 2010 date of release, but currently
remains in government hands for revisions.
Recently, concerns have been raised by Protestants about the city's divisions. Between 1971
and 1991 within the Derry District Council Area, the Protestant population declined by 31
percent, while the Catholic population increased by 36 percent. Fewer than 500 Protestants
now live in the Cityside, compared to 18,000 in 1969. The demographics suggest that the city
is well on its way to becoming permanently divided.
But concerted efforts are being made by local community, church, and political leaders from
both traditions to redress the problem. There is a consensus that much work remains.

48
City Profile
HAIFA

Located in northwestern Israel along the Bay of Haifa, the city of Haifa is situated between
the Mediterranean Sea and Mount Carmel. It is 95 kilometers from Tel Aviv and 126
kilometers from Beirut, Lebanon. Haifa is the third largest city in Israel and is the country’s
main port. Although Judaism is by far the majority religion in Haifa (80 percent), the city’s
population of 267,000 is also made up of Palestinian Muslims (approximately 4 percent),
Palestinian Christians (approximately 6 percent), with other faiths including Druze and
Baha’i and with individuals who categorize themselves as nonreligious making up the other
10 percent of the population.
Haifa’s history dates back to pre-Greek and pre-Roman times, with archaeological evidence
indicating that a thriving port city existed in the area perhaps as early as the 6th century
BCE. Biblical and Talmudic references are made to the site. Because of its strategic
importance as a port city, the city was subjected to a series of conquests by the Byzantine
Empire, Arab-Muslims, European Crusaders, Mamluks, Ottoman Turks, and Mandate-era
British. Haifa’s development depended on the strategic goals imposed by these successive
rulers. The 7th century Arab-Muslim conquest of the Byzantines brought a wave of
development to Haifa. The 9th century saw the expansion of the shipyards and the
establishment of sea trade with Egypt. By the 10th and 11th centuries, the area experienced
both economic and cultural growth. At this time, both Arab Muslims and Jews contributed
to the growing prosperity, with Jews involved in trade, commercial enterprises, and running
the shipyards and Muslims managing the government and administration of the city.
This era of prosperity and co-existence ended in 1100 when the Crusades brought
destruction to Palestine. The city's inhabitants fought the invaders, but the shipyards were
destroyed, and the citizens massacred. The Crusades returned Haifa to its earlier status as a
tiny fishing and farming village. Although Crusaders eventually allowed Haifa to re-
establish itself as a secondary port to Acre, in 1265, the Mamluks conquered Haifa and
destroyed the port city to protect against future Crusader conquest. It was not until 1516,
when the Ottomans defeated the Mamluks that Haifa began to reemerge as the center of
shipping in the region.
During the four hundred years of Ottoman rule, religious tolerance was practiced in Haifa.
A Christian group known as the Carmelites built a monastery, possibly during the 12th
century, on Mount Carmel. Their influence was great, particularly in the area of medicine
and education. Bedouins and Egyptians as well as Napoleon had, at various times, political
influence over Haifa during the Ottoman Era, and all allowed non-Muslim to settle in the
region. By the 1860s, Haifa had reemerged as a center for commerce, and the German
Templars immigrated to Haifa and established a colony at the base of Mount Carmel. Like
the Carmelites, the Templars had a large impact on the port city. They advanced
transportation and encouraged a thriving business community. Additionally, the influence
of the Baha’i helped forge modern Haifa. The Baha’i religion emphasizes tolerance and
peace. Today, Haifa remains the center of the Baha’i faith. The last major contribution of the
Ottoman era was the building of a major railway and modernized dock. This set the stage
for Haifa to emerge as a technological and industrial center in the 20th century. Ottoman
rule ended with the defeat of the empire by allied forces in World War One, at which time
the British Mandate period began.
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Under the British, Haifa’s economy flourished as the port was expanded and oil refineries
were built. The existence of the new port encouraged mass migration of both Palestinians
and Jews to the city. Prior to World War I, the city’s population was predominately Muslim
and Christian Arabs, with only 15 percent being Jewish. By 1944, as World War II drew to a
close, the Jewish population had steadily increased to 52 percent of a population that now
numbered 128,000. Initially, Haifa’s economic interests had an insulating effect, protecting
the city from the growing tensions taking place throughout the rest of Palestine This effect
did not last, however, as Haifa’s Jewish population became increasingly politically active.
Residential neighborhoods became more segregated, with the Arabs being crowded into the
poorer areas of the city. With this segregation, acts of violence escalated and eventually
turned into outright warfare between Palestinians and Jews.
The United Nations passed the Partition Plan for Palestine in 1947, and in the war that
erupted following this decision, the Jewish Haganah defeated the Arab forces and took
control of Haifa in April 1948. When the fighting was over, only 5,000 of the 75,000
Palestinians who lived in the city prior to the war were left in Haifa. The rest had become
refugees, fleeing the area (according to the formal Israeli version) or being deported
(according to the Palestinian version). Haifa's old city was destroyed in an effort to prevent
the return of its Arab residents, and most of the Palestinian properties were confiscated by
the state. In the aftermath of the war, the State of Israel was born, and much of Haifa’s land
that was owned by the Arabs who had fled or been deported was redistributed by the state
to an influx of new Jewish immigrants.
Of the five mixed cities in Israel today, Haifa is the most cohesive. While most residential
neighborhoods are segregated between Arabs and Jews, some apartment buildings are
shared between the two groups. Arab businesses are patronized by Israeli Jews, and social
interaction between the two groups appears to be improving. For instance, in December, the
city hosts the “Festival of Festivals,” which celebrates Hanukkah, Christmas, and Ramadan.
During this festival, thousands of people travel to Haifa to participate in the celebration and
walk along the “Co-existence Walk,” which passes through the city’s old neighborhoods.
In spite of this foundation of good will, numerous issues remain today. Jewish and Arab
schools in Haifa are largely segregated, and Christians have a separate private school system
with higher educational achievement levels than Arab public schools. Because of this, Jews
and Christians have higher student populations at the university level. Where the
Palestinian Christian population has been able to achieve a broad representation in the
middle class, Palestinian Muslims are mostly limited to the working class. In general,
Palestinians live in poorer neighborhoods and have limited access to upward mobility.
Although Haifa enjoys greater internal stability than other mixed cities, it falls short of
providing equality amongst the factions that call the city their home. Palestinians are
socially and economically disadvantaged in comparison to their Jewish counterparts. Few
own their own land, and although the city’s diverse economy has provided ample jobs, the
cost of living is high and makes prosperity an illusive dream for the vast majority of the
Arab population.
50
City Profile
JERUSALEM

Jerusalem, according to the Torah/Old Testament, was the capital of Israel some 3,000 years
ago. Jerusalem is a city steeped in antiquity, having been destroyed and rebuilt on
numerous occasions. Conquered and re-conquered many times, Pompey’s conquest in 63
BCE ushered in the period of Roman and Byzantine rule that lasted until the Muslim
conquest in 636–638 CE. In the 16th century, Jerusalem and the rest of Palestine was
absorbed into the Ottoman Empire. During the last decades of the 19th century, the
demographics of Palestine began to change. The first clashes between Arab Muslims and
Jews occurred after an increase in Russian and Eastern European Jewish immigration to
Palestine that began in the 1880s. After the defeat of the Ottomans in World War I, the
British were given a mandate over Palestine in 1922. The Mandate Era applied the principles
of the Balfour Declaration, which promised a Jewish homeland in Palestine while
maintaining the rights of non-Jewish communities. At the time of the Mandate, the
population of Palestine consisted of 590,890 Muslims, 83,794 Jews, and 82,498 Christians,
while the population of Jerusalem consisted of 10,600 Muslims, 31,000 Jews, and 11,663
Christians.
In 1947, the UN proposed a partition of Palestine into two states. The Jewish state was
allocated 55 percent of the land for less 33 percent of the population and the Palestinian state
was allocated 45 percent of the land for approximately 66 percent of the population.
Jerusalem would become an “international city.” The Zionists accepted the partition, while
Palestinians and the Arab states rejected it. On 14 May 1948, the British Mandate was
terminated; Israel declared its independence, and the first Arab-Israeli war broke out. The
Zionists prevailed and claimed an additional 23 percent of the land. Jerusalem was divided:
West Jerusalem became part of Israel, while East Jerusalem came under the jurisdiction of
Jordan. In the Arab-Israeli war of 1967, Israel subsequently gained control of East Jerusalem
and declared Jerusalem the capital of Israel. The international community has never
accepted the legality of this annexation.
Since 1967, there have been numerous Arab-Israeli conflicts and numerous efforts to make
peace, including the present efforts being spearheaded by President Obama’s Special Envoy
to the Middle East, Senator George Mitchell. The peace efforts of the past have failed to
reconcile the differences between all parties, and bitterness and hatred on both sides persist.
Palestinian citizens within the city maintain little interaction with municipal authorities, and
services in Palestinian neighborhoods in East Jerusalem are not on par with services in
predominantly Jewish neighborhoods. The borders of Jerusalem remain a topic of great
contention between Jews and Palestinians, with the question of who controls East Jerusalem
being a fundamental issue.
The Old City of Jerusalem is divided into Muslim, Jewish, Christian, and Armenian
quarters. It is unique in that it is sacred to all three Abrahamic faiths. The Temple Mount, or
Al Haram-al-Sharif, houses several holy sites revered by the three religions. The Western
(Wailing) Wall, or the Kotel, which runs the length of the western side of Temple Mount, is
the remaining wall of Solomon’s Temple, which was destroyed by the Babylonians. It is
Judaism’s most sacred site. Al Haram-al-Sharif is the sanctuary that contains both the al-
Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock and is Islam’s third most sacred site. The al-Aqsa
Mosque was constructed in the 7th century over the ruins of the Jewish Temple that was
destroyed by the Romans in 70 CE, while the Dome of the Rock was built over the site from
51
which Muhammad is said to have ascended to Heaven. Just a short walk away is the Church
of the Holy Sepulcher, sacred to Christians because it houses both the place of Jesus’s
Crucifixion and the tomb in which he was buried. Members of all three faiths from around
the world travel to the Old City to visit these sites for religious observation; however,
Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza cannot easily get to the Temple Mount.
Starting in 2002, Israel built a separation wall that cuts a line along the outer rim of
Jerusalem. The wall encloses Palestinians within the West Bank and makes access to
Jerusalem extremely difficult for Palestinians who are not residents of the city or who have
work permits. In 2008, Jerusalem had a population of approximately 760,800, with
approximately 429,000 Jews and 268,000 Arab. Religiously, 64 percent of the population is
Jewish, 33 percent is Muslim, and 2.3 percent is Christian. Clashes, war, and contestation
between Palestinians and Jews have been the hallmarks of the city’s history for ninety years
and show no sign of abating or decreasing in intensity. On the contrary, the status of
Jerusalem will be a key and contentious issue in future negotiations on the Palestinian-
Israeli conflict. Compounding these immense problems facing the city in the context of a
peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians are the Jewish settlements that now
extend from Jerusalem into areas of the West Bank and the question of residential
construction in East Jerusalem.
52
City Profile
KADUNA

Kaduna is the capital of Kaduna State, Nigeria with a population of about 1.5 million people.
Languages include English, Hausa, and several local languages. The northern part of the
state is predominantly Muslim, while the southern part is predominantly Christian. The area
of Kaduna is 7,626.20 square kilometres.
The United Kingdom formally colonized the country of Nigeria by 1914. The British
administered the colony by dividing it into two regions: the North, which was allowed to
maintain its religious-based administration, and the South, which was home to Christian
missionaries. Currently, the country is divided into six zones and political positions are
rotated among these zones — three in the North and three in the South — to assure an
ethnic balance. The president and governors are limited to two terms of four years each.
Kaduna is situated on the Kaduna River, the main tributary of the Niger River and home to
many crocodiles. The city’s name derives from the Hausa word kada for crocodiles. Kaduna,
“the City of Crocodiles,” is 300 kilometers north of Abuja. The city was founded by the
British as the capital of Northern Nigeria in 1917 and was recognized as the commercial,
industrial, and political center of Northern Nigeria.
Of the 6 million people who live in Kaduna State today, 1.5 million people live in the city of
Kaduna, which is roughly split 50/50 between Christians and Muslims. By design, the
colonial authorities created a settlement pattern that segregated the two faiths; however the
local population resisted this and moved liberally throughout the city. In general, a majority
of Christians inhabit the southern side of the city, and a majority of Muslims live in the
northern side. Unlike other cities in Nigeria, Kaduna is characterized by its considerable
urbanization and does not have the typical “settler” versus “indigenous” population
tension. This is largely because Kaduna is an economic center and many people move there
for work.
Kaduna once had a flourishing textile industry; however, most of the factories closed due to
economic policy neglect during military rule, and more recently, competition from Chinese
imports. Currently, the economy of Kaduna is supported mainly through trade in cotton-
textiles and beverages and through furniture factories. A pipeline delivers oil from the Niger
Delta to the oil refinery and petrochemical plant, an important employer in a city with high
unemployment. A 2009 World Bank study shows that one out of every five adults in Nigeria
is unemployed. Kaduna is listed as one of the six cities with the highest unemployment in
Nigeria. Kaduna state is the home of many important institutes of higher education
including the Nigerian Military Training College, Kaduna Polytechnic, Ahmadu Bello
University, Kaduna State University, Nigerian College of Aviation Technology, and the
Nigerian Institute for Trypanosomiasis Research. The Nigerian Military Training College is
the only military institute that trains Nigerian officers in the Army, Air Force, and Navy.
In 2000, the city of Kaduna made international headlines when a violent conflict between
Muslims and Christians in the city left 2,000 dead and over 10,000 injured in a clash that
lasted from February to May of that year. Over 2,000 properties were destroyed, including
170 churches and mosques, and between 60,000 and 65,000 people were internally displaced.
The violence was sparked during a protest by Christian groups in response to the
introduction of the criminal code of Islamic Sharia law in Kaduna state. In 2002, Kaduna was
53
once more rocked by violence over what is known as the “Miss World Riots,” in which 250
people were killed in three days.
As a result of these bouts of violence, the Kaduna state government under Governor Ahmed
Makarfi instituted several important reforms known as the “Kaduna Compromise,” which
has provided a model for other Nigerian states. Under the Compromise, the Sharia criminal
code was implemented only in Muslim-majority local governments in the state and with
clear assurances that it would only be applied to Muslims. Thus, there is a dual court system
of secular and Sharia courts. The state government in recent years has also increased the
presence of security agencies across the state.
Religious and traditional leaders still have great influence in the community and often assist
in mediation efforts. One source of conflict, however, was the power vested by the British to
the Emir of Zaria as the head of traditional leaders in the colonial state. Under the Kaduna
Compromise, Governor Makarfi granted additional chiefdoms to various local governments
of the state, such that Christians now have state-recognized traditional leaders among their
constituencies.
With these changes, very little public unrest has been seen since the incidents of 2000 and
2002, and Kaduna remains a model to which other Nigerian states along the ethnic and
religious divides look for solutions to their own conflicts. Nonetheless, tensions among the
communities remain, especially amid protracted unemployment, as Kaduna’s last textile
mill shut its doors in 2009 and the presence of security forces remains high. Nigeria
continues to fare poorly on Transparency International’s Corruption Survey.
54
City Profile
KIRKUK

The population of Iraq is estimated at 28 million, although 2.5 million have fled the country
to escape sectarian violence, which is one of the greatest sources of refugees since 2005.
Another 2.8 million have been displaced internally. Best estimates for ethnic groups are 75 to
80 percent Arab and 15 to 20 percent Kurds. Significant minority ethnic groups together
constitute about 5 percent of the population. These include Turkmen, Assyrians, and
Chaldeans. Best estimates of religious affiliation show that 97 percent of the population is
Muslim. Of this, 60 to 65 percent is Shia and 32 to 37 percent is Sunni. Christians make up 3
percent.
Kurdistan has been an autonomous region of Iraq since 1991, when the international
community established a no-fly zone after the first Gulf War.
Kirkuk lies about 240 kilometers north of Baghdad. The name Kirkuk is derived from the
Assyrian name Karkha D-Bet Slokh, which means “the city besieged by a wall.” The present
city of Kirkuk stands on the site of the ancient Assyrian city called Arrapha, which existed in
the 5th millennium BCE and The city reached great prominence in the 11th and 10th
centuries BCE under Assyrian rule. The oldest part of the city is clustered around a citadel
built on an ancient mount.
Kirkuk contains oilfields accounting for 13 percent of Iraq’s proven reserves. The region
around Kirkuk accounts for as much as 40 percent of Iraq's oil production and 70 percent of
its natural-gas production, factors that contribute to making “ownership” of Kirkuk a matter
of contention.
Kirkuk is the most ethnically diverse city in Iraq. Kurds stake a historical claim dating back
to the late 19th century, when, they assert, Kurds made up three-quarters of the population
of Kirkuk province. A 1957 census showed, however, that Turkmen predominated, making
up 37 percent of the population, while Kurds made up 33 percent, Arabs 22 percent, and
Christians 1 percent inside the city of Kirkuk. That census revealed that in the Kirkuk
province, the population proportions were as follows: Kurds at 48 percent, Turkmen at 21
percent, Arabs at 28 percent, and Christians at less than 1 percent. It should be noted that
some sources suggest that the 1957 census showed that Kurds were the majority. However,
between the 1970s and 2003, the regime of Saddam Hussein uprooted more than 100,000
Kurds (some estimates say 200,000) in his efforts to “Arabize” the city.
Statistics in Iraq and the usages to which they are put are highly controversial and different
censuses have generated different results and are highly politicized. Sunni Arabs cite a 1997
census that showed Arabs — both Shiite and Sunni — made up 58 percent of the city's
population. Some experts say the data is faulty because under the "Ethnic Correction
Policy,” many Kurds and Turkmen unwillingly changed their Iraqi National Identification
Card to be regarded as Arabs, so they would not risk being expelled from their houses to
other provinces.
Since the toppling of the Hussein regime in 2003, hundreds of thousands of internally
displaced Kurds — perhaps up to 350,000 — and Turkmen returned to Kirkuk to reclaim
their lost properties or to reside in camps on the eastern fringe of the city. Some experts say
their motivation was to rebalance the city's population in preparation for the December 2007
55
referendum. Most experts say Kurds now make up a clear majority. After a ruling allowing
around 70,000 displaced Kurds to vote, Kurds now control most of the city's important
political posts. The Turkmen, once the foundation of the city’s urban elite, have been most
affected as a result of continuous ethnic violence.
Article 140 of the Iraq Constitution stipulated that a province-wide referendum to determine
the status of Kirkuk would take place before 31 December 2007. However, citing security
concerns, the government failed to conduct the referendum. Turkmen in particular are
opposed to a Kirkuk ruled by Kurds because they see it as the first step to incorporate
Kirkuk into Kurdistan. Turkmen complain of being scapegoated by Kurds, subject to attack
and discrimination. Other ethnic groups harbor similar complaints in the face of aggressive
moves on the part of the Kurds who have taken majority control of Kirkuk province,
allowing them to place Kurdish loyalists in key positions in the civil service, intelligence
services, and police service, while Kurdish Peshmerga, the army of Kurdistan, patrol the
streets.
Turkey fears that a Kurdistan with Kirkuk as its capital and sitting atop such oil abundance
would constitute a move by Kurdistan toward creating an independent Kurdish state.
Ankara's primary concern is that such a move by the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG)
to seek greater autonomy could spill over into its own borders and spark unrest among
Turkey's own 12 million Kurds. Iraq's Sunni and Shiite nationalists, fearing an eventual
division of Iraq, say Kirkuk is home to Arabs as well as Kurds and thus should not be
incorporated into Iraq's autonomous region of Kurdistan. They accuse Kurds of forcibly
driving Sunni and Shiite Arabs out of their homes, of overstating their claim to Kirkuk, and
of "reverse ethnic cleansing" by displacing some of the city's Arab residents. But to most
Kurds, Kirkuk is their “Jerusalem,” linked by centuries of history and culture.
Although provincial elections were held throughout Iraq on 31 January 2009, no elections
were held in Kirkuk because of disagreement regarding the size of the city’s population. As
part of the Provincial Election Law, the UN issued Article 23, a special proposal related to
Kirkuk that stipulates a temporary power-sharing agreement or joint administration on an
equally proportionate basis: 32 percent representation each for Kurds, Arabs and Turkmen
and 4 percent for minorities. This proposal has been adopted by the Kirkuk Provincial
Council (KPC).
Kirkuk is Iraq’s tinderbox of conflict, with the potential of all-out war between the
Peshmerga and Iraqi security forces as well as internecine ethno/sectarian violence among
Turkmen, Kurds, and Shia Arabs.
Iraqi national elections held in March 2010 had a 55 percent turnout. Nationwide results
show that Ayad Allawi’s Iraqiya list, which includes the largest Sunni blocks as well as
secular Sunni parties, won with a marginal lead over Nouri al-Maliki’s State of Law
coalition. It may take some time for Iraq to form a new government. The issue of the future
status of Kirkuk will be a matter of negotiation among the competing parties.
56
City Profile
Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica

Kosovo was the last part of Yugoslavia to proclaim independence, in a move recognized by
69 countries (out of 192 UN members) to date but not by Serbia. The final status of Kosovo
therefore remains contested.
Following the NATO-led campaign in 1999, which resulted in the retreat of the Yugoslav
Army and Serbian Police Forces from Kosovo, the “Kumanovo Military-technical
Agreement” and UN Security Council Resolution 1244, established the basis for the United
Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNIMK) to become the administrative authority and the
NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR), the chief security authority.
Of Kosovo’s approximately 2.1 million people, it is estimated that Albanians comprise at
least 88 percent and Serbs at most 7 percent of the population. After years of trying to reach
some accommodation between the Belgrade government and Kosovo Albanians, the United
Nations-appointed mediator Martti Ahtisaari put forward a plan calling for supervised
Kosovo independence. The United States and the European Union embraced the plan, but
the United Nations did not; Russia, which sided with the Serbs on the issue, withheld its
vote in the Security Council. In February 2008, Kosovo’s Albanian-majority Provisional
Institutions of Self-Government declared independence from Serbia, again with recognition
from many Western countries and the United States, but not the United Nations. After
agreement from the United Nations General Assembly, the Serbian government requested
an opinion on the legality of the independence declaration from the International Court of
Justice, a process that is ongoing.
The municipality of Mitrovica/Kosovska Mitrovica lies about 40 km north of Pristina. It
consists of one town and forty-nine villages. Since 1999, the town has been divided roughly
along the Ibër/Ibar River. Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica has a history of communal
violence. With the war’s end, a severe outbreak of violence in 2004 and the declaration of
independence, the population moved in two directions: Serbs who were living on the
southern side of the river moved to the northern side and Albanians on the north side to the
south. The northern part of the municipality has a Serb majority and the southern part an
Albanian majority.
The northern part is administered both by the United Nations Administration-Mitrovica and
by its own municipality, which is ultimately run by Belgrade. The southern part is governed
by municipal institutions, which regard the northern municipality authorities as illegal and
de jure claim jurisdiction over the whole municipal territory. Broadly speaking, Kosovo
Albanians fear partition of the city and that the Serbian government will attempt to sever
the northern Serbian-majority municipalities of Kosovo and have them integrated into
Serbia. Kosovo Serbs fear being reintegrated into a Kosovo-Albanian controlled town, a
small, marginalized group in an independent Kosovo, risking intimidation and the slow
emasculation of their culture and language.
Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica city itself is less than three square kilometers in size with a
population of approximately 85,000. On the northern side of the river, Kosovo Serbs account
for an estimated 16,000 people and on the southern side there are an estimated 66,000
Kosovo Albanians. There are also several other ethnic communities living in the city and its
surrounding villages. For all practical purposes, the two largest ethnic communities live in
different systems (with different languages, currencies, mobile telecommunications
57
provision, electricity supply, and so on). An estimated 18 percent of all Serbs in Kosovo live
in north Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica.
The EU’s rule of law mission, EULEX, which is neutral on the status of Kosovo, provides
mentoring, monitoring and advising of policing throughout Kosovo, including
Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica. KFOR also maintains a security presence. The International
Civilian Office, a body set up by states recognizing Kosovo’s independence, also has an
office in Mitrovicë/Kosovska Mitrovica. One of the ICO’s tasks includes implementing
Ahtisaari’s decentralization proposals, which would see the current Mitrovicë/Kosovska
Mitrovica municipality split into two, governed by a joint commission.
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City Profile
Mostar

Current day Mostar is the fifth-largest city in Bosnia-Herzegovina and is considered the
unofficial capital of Herzegovina. The city has a long history dating back to the twelfth
century in which a wooden suspension bridge set across the Neretva River was the focal
point of the settlement. The early fifteenth century, with the introduction of the Ottoman
Empire into the region, saw the development of the settlement into the more modern city of
Mostar and the renovation of the bridge into the beautiful single-span masonry arch that
came to be known as “Stari Most” or the Old Bridge. From this bridge the name of the city
Mostar is derived, which means “bridge keeper.”
Under the Tito regime, Mostar had a thriving economy based around the metal-working
factory, cotton textile mills, and an aluminum plant. Most of these industries were destroyed
during the war; however, the city of Mostar rebounded and now relies on production of
aluminum and other metal industries, agricultural, stone manufacturing, and tourism. Three
hydro-plants situated along the Neretva River provide energy to the surrounding
countryside. Mostar is also home to the two leading universities in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
University of Mostar and Džemal Bijediþ University educating about 6,000 students
annually.
An official census has not occurred in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1991, however, as of
2005 it is estimated that about 127,066 people call Mostar home. The city is almost equally
divided between Catholic Croats and Muslim Bosniaks, with the Croats having a slight
numerical edge. A negligible number of Serbs live in the city. Mostar was a key city in the
war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the early 1990s, with much of the city, including the
iconic Stari Most, being destroyed by constant shelling from all sides. It was reconstructed in
2004 and the bridge and its immediate surroundings are now on the UNESCO World
Heritage List.
The reopening of the bridge has not brought Croats and Bosniaks together, and the city
remains divided. The Croats live on the western side of the river and the Bosniaks reside on
the eastern side. Politically, the Croats and the Bosniaks share power at the municipal level,
but practically, the citizens of the two largest communities rarely mix.
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City Profile
NICOSIA

Cyprus is an island in the northeastern corner of the Mediterranean Sea, at a distance of 300
kilometers north of Egypt, 90 kilometers west of Syria, 360 kilometers from Greece, and 60
kilometers south of Turkey, at the geographical crossroads of three continents. The
population of Cyprus is estimated at 796,000 with approximately 77 percent Greek Cypriots,
18 percent Turkish Cypriots, and 5 percent “other.” Religious affiliation follows similar
patterns between Greek Orthodox and Muslim.
Cypriot history revolves around three empires: the Byzantine Empire for almost nine
centuries beginning in 285 CE that created the basis of a lasting Greek Orthodox Christian
identity; the Ottoman Empire for three centuries beginning in 1571 that brought Turkish
migrants to the island; and the British Empire for nearly a century beginning in 1878 that
established Cyprus as a central British colony.
Politically, the concept of enosis, or “union” with the Greek motherland, became important
to Greek Cypriots when Greece gained independence from the Ottomans in the Greek War
of Liberation from 1821 to 1829. Many Greek Cypriots had supported the Greek
independence effort, leading to severe reprisals by the Ottoman Empire.
Ottoman rule came to an end when the British Empire took possession of the island in 1878
and then annexed it in 1914. Government was devolved along ethnic lines. The religious
divide was reinforced by nationalist ideologies emanating from Europe, which created the
basis for two distinct nationalities. In 1923, under the Treaty of Lausanne, the nascent
Turkish republic relinquished any claim to Cyprus.
In 1955, Greek Cypriots began a guerrilla war against British rule for the unification of
Cyprus with Greece. Turkish Cypriots opposed enosis and demanded either unification
with Turkey or partition. In 1960, Cyprus gained independence after Greek and Turkish
communities reached a compromise agreement on a constitution that required power
sharing.
The Constitution of Cyprus originally provided for shared governmental powers between
the island's Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. Within Nicosia, the capital of the
Republic of Cyprus, the Constitution divided the Nicosia Municipality into Greek and
Turkish sectors with a mayor and a set of city councilors for each sector. But deep divisions
and mistrust between the two groups led to violent clashes in the 1960s. Tensions between
the Greek Cypriot majority and Turkish Cypriot minority came to a head in December 1963
when violence broke out in Nicosia and Turkish Cypriots stopped participating in the
government. In 1964, when it appeared that Turkey might invade Cyprus to protect the
minority Turkish Cypriot community, the government brought the matter before the UN.
The UN established, with the consent of the government, the UN Peacekeeping Force on
Cyprus (UNFICYP), whose original mandate was “to use its best efforts to prevent a
recurrence of fighting and, as necessary, to contribute to the maintenance and restoration of
law and order and a return to normal conditions.”
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On 20 July 1974, Turkey invaded Cyprus in response to a coup against President Makarios
that was instigated by the Greek military junta intent on establishing enosis. Turkey
ultimately and occupied 36 percent of the sovereign territory of Cyprus. Some 180,000 Greek
Cypriots were forcibly expelled from or fled their homes. In the non-Turkish controlled part
of the island, some 50,000 Turkish Cypriots fled in the opposite direction. The UN and the
international community condemned Turkey’s actions. After widespread fighting, a cease-
fire was declared in August, and the island became divided into separate Greek and Turkish
Cypriot sections. Despite international pressure, Turkey refused to withdraw.
In 1983, Turkish Cypriots made a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in the face
of international condemnation and established the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus
(TRNC) in the northern part of the island. The TRNC is recognized only by Turkey. The
naming and recognition of the TRNC is a controversial issue among Greek Cypriots, and
they frequently use the term "so-called TRNC." Others use the term "self-declared.” The EU
uses the phrase "areas not under the effective control of the Republic of Cyprus." The
Turkish Cypriots are heavily dependent on transfers from the Turkish Government. Ankara
directly finances around one-third of the TRNC's budget. In 2008, approximately 40,000
Turkish army troops were still stationed in the Turkish Cypriot part of Cyprus.
The Republic of Cyprus, internationally recognized as encompassing all of the island of
Cyprus, is unable to exercise its mandate in the area of Cyprus under control of Turkish
Cypriots. Only Turkey does not recognize the Republic of Cyprus as the legal government of
the entire island.
Divided Nicosia — called Lefkosia by the Greek Cypriots and Lefkosha by Turkish Cypriots
— is the capital in both sections. In the area of Nicosia under effective control of the
Republic of Cyprus, the Greek Cypriot population is 280,000, while the area of Nicosia
claimed by athe TRNC has a population of about 85,000 Turkish Cypriots. Many Cypriots
lost their homes and possessions or emigrated during the decades of conflict. In the UK
alone, there are estimated over 200,000 Greek Cypriot emigrants and approximately 100,000
Turkish Cypriots. It is also estimated that 100,000 Turkish settlers have settled in the self-
declared TRNC. Of the 20,000 Greek Cypriots who originally chose to stay in the TRNC
area, fewer than 500 remain.
The Republic of Cyprus was admitted to the EU on 1 May 2004, officially representing the
entire island; however, the acquis communautaire, the sum total of EU law, does not apply in
the northern part of the island. Turkish Cypriots have or can obtain citizenship of the
Republic of Cyprus, which entitles them to travel and work in Europe. However, the
northern part of the island cannot initiate direct trade and flights.
Although numerous efforts have been made to bring about the reunification of Cyprus, all
have failed. The right of displaced owners to their properties has been confirmed by the
European Commission on Human Rights (ECHR).Turkey’s unresolved membership
application to the European Union is also predicated on the island’s unification.
In recent years, both sides have pursued confidence-building measures to that end. In 2003,
restrictions on the movement through crossings between the two parts of the island were
lifted, and in March 2007, the barricade structures on Ledra Street in Nicosia were
demolished in an effort to facilitate the eight crossing points along the UN ceasefire line.
More recently, Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders launched intensive negotiations aimed at
ending the division of the island.
61

1. Hotel Number One
ÿika Jouina 3, 38220 Kosovska Mitrovica – telephone: 028 424 903 or 064 64073 22
2. Cultural Centre
3. Community Building Mitrovica (CBM) –
4. Center for Community Social Development (CCSD) – KTA Building, Filipa Višnjiþa Street No. 04
5. Hotel Palace – Shupkovc Mitrovicë – telephone: 381 28 31 180
6. Hotel Lux -
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Experts

63
Forum for Cities in Transition
Experts
Haki Abazi, Western Balkans Director, Rockefeller Brothers Fund
Mom²ilo Arlov, Director of the Centre for Civil Society Development
Daniel Ben Horin, CoȬCEO, TechSoup Global
Scott Bowen, Executive Director, Kosovo Property Agency
Bernd Burwitz, Director of Urban Development, Mitrovica North
Vukosava Crnjanski, CoȬFounder of the Center for Human Resource Studies and President of LINET
Emanuela Del Re, University of Rome “Sapienza,”expert in geopolitics and security issues, Balkan
specialist
Michael Giffoni, Italian Ambassador to Kosovo and EU Coordinator for North Kosovo
Zoran Golubovi°, Mitrovican Business Council
David Hamilton, Resident Twinning Advisor, Twinning Project – Kosovo Police
Mark Hamilton, Chief Superintendent of Police Service of Northern Ireland, North & West Belfast
Jennifer Hawthorne, Northern Ireland Housing Executive
Valdete Idrizi, Executive Director of CommunityȬBuilding Mitrovica
Mariska Kappmeier, University of Hamburg
Richard Kobayashi, Senior Consultant, Edward J. Collins Jr. Center for Public Management,
University of Massachusetts Boston
Tetsuo Kondo, UNDP Kosovo Deputy Director
Bert Koenders, Former Minister for Development Cooperation of the Kingdom of the Netherlands
Allan Leonard, Director, Northern Ireland Foundation
Neophytos Loizides, Ph. D., Lecturer, Queen’s University Belfast
Osnat Lubrani, Resident Representative for the United Nations Development Programme and UN
Development Coordinator
Lt. Colonel Ergin Medic, deputy regional director of Operations, Mitrovica RHQ
Captain Milija Millosevi°, station commander, Mitrovica north
Quintin Oliver, International Political Strategist, Founder, and Director: Strategem
Adrian Ouvry, Danish Refugee Council
Lt. Colonel Naim Rexha, Director of Department for Public Security, Kosovo Police
Captain Bashkim Spahiu, station commander, Mitrovica south
Dragan Spasojevi°, Director of Urban Development, Mitrovica North
Andre Stein, Executive, Monitor Group
Jeton Ujkani, Mitrovican Business Council
Dion Van den Berg, Senior Policy Advisor, IKV Pax Christi
Rasim Veseli, Director of Infrastructure and Development, Mitrovica Municipality
William Wechsler, Lecturer, American University in Kosovo
Chris Yates, Police Service of Northern Ireland, Foyle District
64
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Donors

65
The Balkan Trust for
Democracy (BTD) is a 10-
year, $35-million
grantmaking initiative
that supports good governance in Southeastern Europe. In 2003, the German Marshall of
the United States, the United States Agency for international Development, and the Charles
Stewart Mott Foundation joined together to create this unique public-private partnership.
Subsequently, European partners have joined this effort to strengthen transatlantic
cooperation in the Balkans. BTD awards grants to civic groups, indigenous NGOs, media,
think tanks, governments and educational institutions to strengthen democratic structures in
Southeastern Europe through two principal programs: Lining Citizens to Governments and
Regional Cooperation and Collaboration. BTD makes grants in and between Albania, Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Romania,
and Serbia.

Cultural Heritage without Borders is an international relief organization
working to preserve cultural monuments endangered in various ways.
The aim is to integrate the preservation and development of cultural
properties into Swedish and international emergency aid and
development cooperation. Working with cultural heritage can help
vulnerable groups recover their sense of dignity and empowerment,
which in turn can increase the possibilities for reconciliation and fight against poverty.

IKV Pax Christi is active on many fronts in the Netherlands and
internationally. We start up and support local peace efforts in conflict areas.
These can differ greatly from one another, but their purpose is always to
build bridges, to nurture mutual understanding and to improve disrupted
relations between groups. We use means of communication and various
activities to draw public and political attention at home to hotbeds of
conflict in the world and to raise funds to finance projects and programs abroad.

In addition to this, since 2006 IKV Pax Christi has examined the tensions between the
various population groups in Dutch society. We wish to contribute to ending antipathy and
exclusionary sentiments. Our activities target debate, critically monitoring policymakers and
spokespersons and an exchange program for pupils and teachers in the Netherlands and
Turkey. We support other organizations' local, regional and national projects to strengthen
their call for a more inclusive society.

The Kosovar Civil Society Foundation - KCSF is an
independent, not-for-profit organization focused in
supporting local civil initiatives leading to a strong civil
society movement that will promote a democratic culture
and will be responsive to the socio-economic needs of
Kosovo.


The European Integration perspective for Kosovo has brought KCSF to a strong focus into
issues related to the EU’s framework for the Western Balkans known as the Stabilization and
Association Process. Through the newly established European Integration Initiative (EII),
KCSF is committed to support the EU integration process and contribute to make it work.

The Kosovo Foundation for Open Society is a local non-
governmental organization and part of the international
network of philanthropic foundations financed by George
66
Soros. The Foundation works with government and civil society to strengthen capacities
improve implementation of existing policies and develop new strategic directions. It does so
both through developing and implementing its own projects, and by supporting Kosovar
organizations that require both financial and operational assistance.

Active as an independent Foundation since 1999, it is engaged in a number of programs,
including: European integration, civil society, minority and Roma.

Mitrovica is one of the oldest settlements in Kosovo.
The strategic position between two rivers, Ibër/Ibar and
Sitnicë/Sitnica with economic motives enabled
Mitrovicë/Mitrovica territory to be populated since prehistoric
era. In the ancient ages until medievalism it was known as
Albanik (Monte Argentarum), an abundant place with silver and
lead. A notable development Mitrovica experienced during the XIX century, with the
discovery of minerals and ore, that turned it to the most developed industrial city in Kosovo.
Municipality of Mitrovicë/Mitrovica is situated in the northern Kosovo in an approximate
distance of 40 km way from Prishtinë/Prishtina, with the surface of 326 km which means
3.25 percent of territory of Kosovo.

Municipality of Mitrovicë/Mitrovica has 46 settlements. It expands on the scale of 42.53
geographical north wide scale and in 25.52 length of east scale. Elevation scale of
Mitrovicë/Mitrovica is 508 - 510 meters. Based on the latest data of the official registration,
made during the year 1981, and later from the data of Statistics Office of Kosovo, registration
of the years 1991, 1998 etc.,it is calculated that Mitrovicë/Mitrovica Municipality has
approximately 126, 000 inhabitants, where 110,000 live in the southern part of the town with
a composition of Albanians, other minorities such as Bosniaks, Turks, Roma and Askali.

The Northern Ireland Foundation is a small,
non-profit organisation that develops
programmes around a shared and better future
in Northern Ireland (community relations), the
exchange of international best practices (conflict transformation), and local community
activism (rural/urban regeneration). The Northern Ireland Foundation works for a
progressive and outward-looking Northern Ireland society, in a setting of tolerance and
reconciliation.

The OSCE Mission has helped to create democratic
institutions in Kosovo. Now the Mission continues to support and strengthen these
institutions, and monitors their work for compliance with human rights standards. Without
prejudice to the status of Kosovo, people need and deserve functioning institutions that
follow democratic principles and adhere to practices of good governance. The goal of the
Mission is that the human rights of all people living in Kosovo are respected. The Mission
promotes mutual respect and tolerance among all ethnic groups and the establishment of a
viable multi-ethnic society.

Rotary Club of Hingham, Hull and Scituate Massachusetts USA. Rotary
International is the world's first service club organization, with more than
1.2 million members in 33,000 clubs worldwide. Rotary club members are
volunteers who work locally, regionally, and internationally to combat
hunger, improve health and sanitation, provide education and job training,
promote peace, and eradicate polio under the motto Service above Self. The
67
mission of Rotary International is to provide service to others, promote integrity, and
advance world understanding, goodwill, and peace through its fellowship of business,
professional, and community leaders.

UNKT Area Based Development Programme in
Mitrovicë/a North/South and Zvecan/Zveçan
Area Based Development Programme is a joint
United Nations Kosovo Team program
implemented in Mitrovicë/a, and Zvecan/Zveçan
municipality by six UN Agencies: UNDP/UNV,
UNICEF, WHO, UNFPA and OHCHR and its implementing partners.

This program works closely with local authorities and civil society through a multi-
dimensional approach contributing to the development of municipal policies, planning and
delivering of health, education and social services, promoting economic development and
human rights, by building the capacities of local institutions and empowering local
stakeholders to plan and deliver services that fully meet the needs of all communities.

The University of Massachusetts Boston includes peace and reconciliation
among its strongly held values, as reflected in the establishment and support
of the Moakley Professorship of Peace and Reconciliation, and in our campus
vision statement which calls for the university to contribute to “the cultural,
social, and economic development of the Commonwealth and the global
community.” The University of Massachusetts Boston’s John W. McCormack
Graduate School of Policy Studies is a world class academic and research center, dedicated
to creating opportunities for students, faculty, researchers and graduates from across a
broad spectrum of backgrounds to explore policy and the complex economic, social and
political issues which increasingly shape diverse urban communities.

The John Joseph Moakley Chair for Peace and Reconciliation at the University of
Massachusetts Boston was endowed to honor the memory of Congressman John
Joseph Moakley by academic study and practical intervention in the processes of
reconciling divided peoples, communities, and societies. The focus of this work
is inspired by Congressman Moakley’s unrelenting commitment to ending the
war in Central America and his impassioned investigation of the murder of six
Jesuits in El Salvador opened the way to a peaceful settlement between the rebels and the
Salvadoran Government.
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Personnel

69
Volunteers

Katie Adams, Boston
Kenan Beqiri, Mitrovica South
Arta Ibishi Citaku, Mitrovica South
Teodora Cvejovic, Mitrovica North
Milos Damjanovic, Mitrovica North
Tara Desisto, Boston
Ivana Dobric, Mitrovica North
Aleksandra Djilas, Mitrovica North
Cassidy Evans, Boston
Lulzim Hakaj, Mitrovcia South
Zejnepe Haxhimehmeti, Mitrovica South
Arben Isufi, Mitrovica South
Kujtim Isa, Mitrovica South
Brenda Maguire, Belfast
Rima Mahmoud, Boston
Ivana Mitov, Mitrovica North
Gabriel O’Malley, Boston
Jelena Orlovic, Mitrovica North
Maja Radomirovic, Mitrovica North
Jeffrey Range, Boston
Jelena Simic. Mitrovica North
Britt Sloan, Boston
Besnik Uka, Mitrovica South
Miljana Vikanic, Mitrovica North
Milan Vuckovic, Mitrovica North
Edona Zhuri, Mitrovica South


Translators

Abdulrazak Almayahi
Nebojsa Arsic
Julija Ivanovic
Doris Ossan Mutanen
Fatmir Pelaj
Ilir Selmanmusaj
Azzam Shukri Sultan Tamimi




Staff, Mitrovica

Mia Marzouk, Programme Coordinator
Forum for Cities in Transition
Inge Baanders, Pristina
Miloš Golubovi°, Mitrovica
Ardiana Osmani, Mitrovica

Staff, FCT

Padraig O’Malley, Moakley Professor of
Peace and Reconciliation, UMass Boston
Allan Leonard, Director, Northern Ireland
Foundation, Belfast
Nancy Riordan, Boston
Patricia Peterson, Boston

Observers

Meral Akinci, Nicosia
Xhevat Azemi, Kosovo Property Agency
Stephen P. Crosby, University of
Massachusetts Boston
Ja

mes Holmes, Belfast
Official FCT Documentary

Jim Demo
Mike Hechanova
Sarah Levy
John Mulrooney
D

esmond O’Reilly
Other Documentarians

THE GUEST BOOK PROJECT
J
P

ames Taylor
etra Taylor
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