You are on page 1of 30

Stolen Kosovo.

The truth about Kosovo


“ In war, truth is the first casualty ”

The title is not mine, but it captures entirely the idea
that I want to explain. Because the indepence of Kosovo,
declared unilateraly on February 17, against Resolution
1244 of the UN [*], is the final step in the process of
“stealing Kosovo”. I have thought wether to use this title
or another more dramatic, “ The last two serbs in
Kriljevo” [*]; but it wouldn't be so graphical.

Battle of Kosovo, 1389.

Because we speak about one process that began more

than 600 years ago, with the Battle of Kosovo, in 1389
[*],and that will finish very soon in the ethnically clean
Kosovo that the UCK, and other Albanian extremists
before them [*][*], have dreamt; one Kosovo without
serbs obviously, but one Kosovo without romans too [*],
slavic muslims [*], egyptians, jews, turks and any
without any other minority but albanians [*].

In the last times we have seen a lot of documentaries

about Kosovo; about the war and the post-war situation,
including the Milosevic trial; explaining another story,
quite different from the one that we was told by the
mass media.
I will use these documentaries like an leit motiv to
explain some facts about Kosovo that are still little
known. Almost all of these documentaries have been
broadcasted only in their home countries and at least
one of them, has never been broadcasted in TV. It is the
case of the documentary from which the title of this
article is taken from, Stolen Kosovo (Uloupené Kosovo)
[*] from the czech director Vaclav Dvorak; made for the
czech television, it was censored by the governement
after the independence of Kosovo was recognized by the
Foreign Minister Karel Schwarzenberg.

This documentary has been critisized for its partiality,

but there is one thing that nobody can deny; we have all
seen the serbs crimes (even, as we will explain later,
exagereted and sometimes even just imaginary crimes)
so maybe it is moment to see the crimes commited
against the serbs. On the other side, it has many
interesting aspects; for the first time we see images of
the ethnic cleansing against the serbs began by the
albanians in the 80s, images that, I confess, I had never
seen before.

The idea of the Great Albania is not new. In the

beginning of WWII, Bedri Pejani, a militant and
extremist supporter of Greater Albania, wrote to
Reichsfuehrer SS Heinrich Himmler to request his
assistance in establishing a Greater Albania and in
return offered to raise an Albanian fighting force to
work with the German Wehrmacht to achieve this aim.
Himmler agreed to the request and ordered the
formation of two ethnic Albanian Waffen SS Divisions
and sponsored the foundation of the Albanian
nationalist organisation which became the Second
League of Prizren. [*]

During World War II and the Holocaust, Kosovar

Albanians killed 10,000 Kosovo Serbs and expelled
100,000. Kosovo-Metohija was made a part of a Greater
Albania by Adolf Hitler [*]. Meanwhile, under Albanian
and German rule nearly 100,000 Albanians moved into
Kosovo [*]. During the war years Serbs and Montenegrins
in Albanian occupied territory were brutalized by the SS
"Skanderbeg" division which was comprised of Albanian
soldiers under German officers. Albanian village police
units also were involved in these activities directed
against Serbs. After the war, thousands of Serbs and
Montenegrins were prohibited from returning to Kosovo
(by the Government of Tito) , and thousands of
Albanians immigrated into Kosovo [*].


During the Tito dictatorship all nationalisms were

prohibited and prosecuted. In this environment, Alija
Izetbegovic, who became in 1990 the first president of
Bosnia and Herzegovina , published in 1970 a manifesto
entitled The Islamic Declaration, expressing his views on
relationships between Islam, state and society.

During the 80s the attacks against serbs grew

dramatically. New York Times correspondent David
Binder filed a report in 1982 (11/28/82): " In violence
growing out of the Pristina University riots of March
1981, a score of people have been killed and hundreds
injured. There have been almost weekly incidents of
rape, arson, pillage and industrial sabotage, most
seemingly designed to drive Kosovo's remaining
indigenous Slavs--Serbs and Montenegrins--out of the
province. ” [*][*][*]. The nationalists have a two-point
platform," the Times' Marvine Howe quotes a Communist
(and ethnically Albanian) official in Kosovo (7/12/82),
"first to establish what they call an ethnically clean
Albanian republic and then the merger with Albania to
form a greater Albania. "[*] .


In 1989, in these circumstances, and after the

controversial SANU Memorandum [*], Milosevic makes his
famous speech in Kosovo, June 28, 1989 [*]:

"Serbia has never had only Serbs living in it. Today,

more than in the past, members of other peoples and
nationalities also live in it. This is not a disadvantage
for Serbia. I am truly convinced that it is its advantage.
National composition of almost all countries in the
world today, particularly developed ones, has also been
changing in this direction. Citizens of different
nationalities, religions, and races have been living
together more and more frequently and more and more

Equal and harmonious relations among Yugoslav peoples
are a necessary condition for the existence of Yugoslavia
and for it to find its way out of the crisis and, in
particular, they are a necessary condition for its
economic and social prosperity."

In 1990, Milosevic, uses the attacks against serbs as a

pretext to suppress the autonomy of Kosovo.

The war of Bosnia [*], witnesses the creation of the myth

of the malefique serbs. As an example, the case of the
allegedly concentration camp of Trnopolje:

Time creating public opinion

But later it has been proved that these images were a
fabrication, as explained in the documentary "The
pictures that fooled the world" [*].


The origins of the UCK are difficult to establish but it

became famous when in 1996 they killed 21 civilians
accusing them of collaboration with the serbian

Officially they were presented as “freedom fighters”;

their secret goal was the independence of Kosovo, yes,
but only like a step to the achieving of the Great
Albania. And its financial sources are too really dark [*].

And their methods were more than dubious. As several

albanian leaders of that period confess in the BBC
documentary “Moral Combat. NATO at war” [*]
(transcription here), their strategy was to hit the serbs
and wait for their revenge on albanian civilians; this they
thought would make the international community to take
part in their war:

HASIM THACI, KLA LEADER: Any armed action we

undertook would bring retaliation against civilians. We
knew we were endangering a great number of civilian


more civilians were killed, the chances of international
intervention became bigger, and the KLA of course
realised that. There was this foreign diplomat who once
told me 'Look unless you pass the quota of five thousand
deaths you'll never have anybody permanently present
in Kosovo from the foreign diplomacy.

Abuses committed by the UCK have been broadly

documented, e.g. by Human Rights Watch ([*], Page 75)
([*] Page 13).


"And the newspapers, they all went along for the ride."
Bob Dylan & Jacques Levy, "Hurricane"

After the fall of the Soviet Union, as explained in the

BBC documentary "The Power of nightmares. The rise of
the politics of fear", the USA administration was in need
of one enemy, to take the place the collapse of the
Soviet Union had left empty.

Besides t he american administration had big interest in

the balkans. And the serbs were perfect because they
had been traditionally allies of Russian. America wanted
to increase their influence in the area. And like in
Afghanistan , one war was the perfect pretext. After the
war their objective was achived with the building of
Camp Bondsteel .
Camp Bondsteel.

Another relevant point, ignored sistematically by the

western media, is the fact that the American
administration wanted to use the balkans for US-backed
Nabucco project to provide alternative energy sources to
Europe [*].

According to Colonel Robert L. McCure, "Engineering

planning for operations in Kosovo began months before
the first bomb was dropped." [Lenora Foerstel, Global
Research, January 2008].

One of the objectives underlying Camp Bondsteel was to

protect the Albanian-Macedonian-Bulgarian Oil pipeline
project (AMBO), which was to channel Caspian sea oil
from the Bulgarian Black Sea port of Burgas to the
Adriatic .

Coincidentally, two years prior to the invasion, in 1997,

a senior executive of Brown & Root Energy, a subsidiary
of Halliburton, Edward L. (Ted) Ferguson had been
appointed to head AMBO. The feasibility plans for the
AMBO pipeline were also undertaken by Halliburton's
engineering company, Kellog, Brown & Root Ltd.

The AMBO agreement for the 917-km long oil pipeline

from Burgas to Valona , Albania , was signed in 2004 [*].

But why did the western mass media take part in this
farce? Is it so crazy to think that the western media hid
one part of the truth to the public opinion? The point is
that it was not the first time that the western media
took part in a campaign to justify one war in the eyes of
the public opinion.

The war of Bosnia was not the first time that the Mass
Media were used to create the proper feeling among the
voters towards a militar campaign. As explained in the
documentary "Weapons of mass deception" [*].

And even in the case of the first Gulf War "How the
public relations industry sold the Gulf War to the US",
by John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton [Part1][Part2].


"Early in October, NATO approved a plan for bombing

Yugoslavia in the event of Milosevic refusing to comply
with this resolution. Armed with this threat, US
ambassador Richard Holbrooke went to Belgrade
accompanied by US General Short, who was to be in
operational charge of the NATO bombing if it happened.
On 12 October 1998, Holbrooke reached an agreement
with Milosevic for the implementation of Resolution
1199. Later (25 October 1998) General Klaus Naumann
and General Wesley Clark went to Belgrade representing
NATO and it was agreed that the Yugoslav military and
police presence in Kosovo be reduced to pre-war levels.
In addition, 2,000 international inspectors, the Kosovo
Verification Mission (KVM), were to be
allowed in to monitor the ceasefire, under the auspices
of the Organisation for Security Co-operation in Europe
(OSCE), and NATO was to be allowed to make aerial
reconnaissance flights over Kosovo." (David Morrison) [*]

After the Holbrooke agreement in October 1998, in

which Milosevic agreed to a ceasefire in Kosovo and to
reduce his forces there to pre-war levels, in October
1998, William Walker is appointed to be the head of the

William Walker with Javier Solana

The strategy of the UCK was successful, and the UN put

William Walker to lead the KVM. His activity in the
following weeks was controversial: he presented always
an interested point of view of all incidents, always
guided towards creating an image in the public opinion
eyes(e.g. he condemned in the same terms the
murdering of one teenager while he was sitting in one
bar, like the deaths of several members of the UCK
during one fight with the Serbian forces) [*].
Was this the proper man to be chosen to head the KVM?
If we look carefully his CV it doesn't seem so; he is
pointed responsible of covering the murdering of six
catholic priests in El Salvador in 1989. Walker insinuated
that they had been killed by the guerrilla of the FMLN,
when everybody suspected (as later was demostrated)
that the army of El Salvador was behind the crime [*].

During the KVM presence, the KLA operated with

veritable freedom, while the FRY troops were controled
and monitored. It is during this period, under the
protection of the KVM that the KLA flourished [*], as
declared by General Klaus Naumann, on June 7, 2000:

"I think it is fair to say that Milosevic honoured the

commitment which he had made to General Clark and
myself on 25 October 1998. He withdrew the forces and
he withdrew the police. There may have been some
difference as to whether there were 200 or 400
policemen more or less but that really does not matter.
More or less he honoured the commitment. Then the
UJK or KLA filled the void the withdrawn Serb forces
had left and they escalated. I have stated this in the
NATO Council in October and November repeatedly. In
most cases, the escalation came from the Kosovar side,
not from the Serb side." (Robin Cook, at the House of
Commons [*]).

On March 29, 1999, George Robertson declared “up until

Racak [15-16 January 1999] the KLA were responsible for
more deaths in Kosovo than the Yugoslav authorities had
been" (George Robertson, at the House of Commons [*]).

"The killing continues in Kosovo. I regret to report that

most of the killings since the Holbrooke agreement have
been carried out by the Kosovo Liberation Army. Since
the Holbrooke package was signed, 19 members of the
Serbian security forces have been killed. Five Kosovo
Albanians are known to have been killed – all of them in
the full uniform of the Kosovo Liberation Army. I cannot
stress too strongly that a ceasefire will hold only if both
sides cease firing.", Robin Cook, at the House of
Commons [*].

"Despite intensive pressure and repeated mediation, it

still has not been possible to get agreement even on the
composition of the Kosovo negotiating team. The main
obstacle has been the refusal of the Kosovo Liberation
Army to take part in any team that includes Dr. Rugova,
the elected leader of the Kosovo Albanians.", Robin
Cook, at the House of Commons [*].

"On its part, the Kosovo Liberation Army has committed

more breaches of the ceasefire, and until this weekend
was responsible for more deaths than the security
forces. It must stop undermining the ceasefire and
blocking political dialogue." Robin Cook, at the House of
Commons [*].


"Racak became the trigger"

William Stubner, OSCE

William Stubner, OSCE section chief for human rights in

Sarajevo, confessed that "NATO's credibility was at
stake, UN credibility it already been practically
destroyed in the Balkans". This statement is really
important because it implies three points: first, that
NATO was not happy with the lack of proves against the
serbs; second, that during the KVM there was not
remarkable incidents provoked by the serbian forces;
and third, and more important, that they had the
motivation to accept happily any incident they could use
in their interest. Could they be so evil to create the
massacre of Racak even knowing it was a fiarce? This
could be answered by another statement by William
Stubner: "If racak had not occurred, something else like
it would have occurred". Ethically it means that, even if
the Racak Incident was not what they say, morally it was
justified to use it to end the KVM, because something
like that (a massacre by the serbs) would have happen
inevitably. And this is the really scary point, because it
totally anihilates the pressumption of innocence.

William Walker became famous after the Racak Incident

[*], when, without any kind of investigation (just walking
with his hands in his pockets, in the "crime scene"), he
declared that the serbian forces has murdered in cold
blood 45 albanians [*].

We still don't know what really happened on Racak on

January 15, 1999, but we have many witnesses that
declare that the events were quite different from how
the KVM presented them:

“The account by two journalists of Associated Press TV

television (AP TV) who filmed the police operation in
Racak contradicts this tale. When at 10 a.m. they
entered the village in the wake of a police armored
vehicle, the village was nearly deserted. They advanced
through the streets under the fire of the Kosovo
Liberation Army (UCK) fighters lying in ambush in the
woods above the village. The exchange of fire continued
throughout the operation, with more or less intensity.
The main fighting took place in the woods. The
Albanians who had fled the village when the first Serb
shells were fired at dawn tried to escape. There they
ran into Serbian police who had surrounded the village.
The UCK was trapped in between."

The next morning, the press and the KVM came to see
the damage caused by the fighting. It was at this
moment that, guided by the armed KLA fighters who
had recaptured the village, they discovered the ditch
where a score of bodies were piled up, almost
exclusively men. At midday, the chief of the KVM in
person, the American diplomat William Walker, arrived
on the spot and declared his indignation at the
atrocities committed by “the Serb police forces and the
Yugoslav army”.
The account by two journalists of Associated Press TV
television (APTV) who filmed the police operation in
Racak contradicts this tale. When at 10:00 they entered
the village in the wake of a police armoured vehicle,
the village was nearly deserted. They advanced through
the streets under fire from KLA fighters lying in ambush
in the woods above the village. The exchange of fire
continued throughout the operation, with more or less
intensity. The main fighting took place in the woods.
The Albanians who had fled the village when the first
Serb shells were fired at dawn tried to escape. There
they ran into Serbian police who had surrounded the
village. The KLA was trapped in between. (Christophe
Chatelot: "Were the Racak dead really coldly
massacred?", Le Monde, 21st January 1999) [*][*][*][*]

William Walker recognised, privately, as stated by Klaus

Naumann (NATO director at that time) that the majority
of the incident during the the cease of fire were caused
by the UCK. Despite of this, and in consequence to his
conclusions of the analysis of the Racak incidents, the
KVM leaves Kosovo and the future of the region depends
only of the result of the Conference of Rambouillet. This
was confirmed by the words of Robin Cook at the House
of Commons: “A subsequent parliamentary inquiry
revealed the Foreign Secretary Robin Cook had told the
House on January 18 that the KLA had “committed more
breaches of the ceasefire, and until this weekend were
responsible for more deaths than the [Yugoslav] security

According to a January 12, 1999 report compiled by

OSCE/KVM verifiers in Stimlje, the KLA was planning to
fabricate “Serbian crimes” in order to falsely place
blame on the army and police. It is worth noting that
Racak is in the Stimlje municipality, and that January
12th was just three days before the Racak operation. [*]
William Walker investigating at Racak

Already the day after the massacre, Gabriel Keller, the

deputy of William Walker, briefed French journalists that
'there was something wrong' with the apparent massacre

The doubts about what really happened in Racak, or

better to say, the conclussions of the OSCE on the Racak
incident, have grown after the war [*][*][*], when more
and more information was published. But the western
media have totally ignored them.

And during the Milosevic trial, the prosecution failed to

prove that it was a massacre. The prosecution in the
Milosevic trial said there was no shortage of witness
testimony to back its claims, but a trial deadline on the
presentation of evidence meant that it could not give a
full account of the alleged killings in the Kosovo
Albanian village. The prosecution's investigation into
the Racak case examined some 62 witness statements.
At first, it counted on 30 witnesses giving evidence at
The Hague . The number was cut to five. Of these, only
one will testify "in vivo", while the others will give
written statements. They will only come to the tribunal
to be cross-examined by the defendant. [*]

The Rambouillet Agreement [*] was the place where

NATO decided to stage its play of negotiation, its efforts
to avoid the war.

The Rambouillet Agreement included one epigraph that

everybody knew the serbs would/could never accept:

NATO personnel shall enjoy, together with their

vehicles, vessels, aircraft, and equipment, free and
unrestricted passage and unimpeded access throughout
the FRY including associated airspace and territorial
waters. This shall include, but not be limited to, the
right of bivouac, maneuver, billet, and utilization of
any areas or facilities as required for support, training,
and operations.

Rambouillet was only a masquerade. As admitted by

Madeleine Albright on the BBC documentary on "Moral
Combat", she told the Albanian delegation at
Rambouillet that they had to sign the agreement,
because if they signed and the serbian did too, they
would have NATO in Kosovo; and if they signed and the
serbs did not, NATO would have the perfect reason to
bomb Serbia. The proposal made in Rambouillet was so
negative for the Serbian part, that it was even worse
than the agreements made after the bombings of Serbia
(for example, the Rambouillet agreement included NATO
control of Kosovo, while in the agreement made after
the bombings NATO forces were under control of the UN.

The failure of the Rambouillet negotiation was the

excuse that NATO needed to begin its 'Humanitarian

The bombing of Serbia began on March 22, and lasted

until June 11 . HRW concluded that around 500 yugoslav
civilians died during the bombings [*]. Officially the aim
of the campaign, in General Clark's words, " was to halt
or disrupt a systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing ”;
ironically the campaign was the real starter and excuse
for Serbian radicals about the ethnic cleansing. But, as
Noam Chomsky declares [*], “ there were atrocities
after the bombing. The way it's presented is: the
atrocities took place and then we had to bomb to
prevent genocide, just inverted ”.

Which were the real effects of the bombing? Many state

that they were totally negative on the humanitarian
field; not only because it was the real moment of the
beginning of the ethnic cleansing (that did not exist
before the bombing), also because they provoked the
cease of humanitarian help during the 78 days the
bombing lasted, and many other undesired effects [*].

And there were many dark episodes that until today

haven't been explained properly: the bombing of the
Radio and Television of Serbia building [*], the bombing
of the Chinese Embassy [*], use of depleted uranium
Radio and Television of Serbia, after NATO bombing

According to Amnesty International, "Nato's actions were

illegal under Nato's own treaty, which does not permit
it to undertake aggressive military action without a UN
mandate. " Also, about the bombings it says "As the
Amnesty report points out, aspects of the rules of
engagement - specifically the requirement that Nato
aircraft fly above 15,000ft - actually made full
adherence to international humanitarian law virtually
impossible. Direct attacks on civilians, attacks that do
not attempt to distinguish between military and civilian
targets and those with a disproportionate im pact on
civilians are prohibited." [The Guardian] [BBC]

And, in fact, NATO has stated that it bombed the

television facilities because they were being used as a
propaganda tool of the Milosevic government. While
stopping such propaganda may serve to demoralize the
Yugoslav population and undermine the government's
political support, neither purpose offers the "concrete
and direct" military advantage necessary to make them a
legitimate military target. Casualties among civilians
working at these facilities may have been heightened
because of NATO's apparent failure to provide clear
advance warning of the attacks whenever possible, as
required by Article 57(2) of Protocol I.
(...) several civilian factories seem to have been
targeted simply because they were owned or operated
by political cronies or supporters of Milosevic. (...) the
destruction of these objects seems to have offered no
"concrete and direct" military advantage that might have
justified the attacks under humanitarian law.

We also question the decision to attack Serbia 's

electrical transformers in light of the lessons learned
from the devastating consequences to civilians caused by
the destruction of Iraq 's electrical capacity in 1991 and
its consequent damage to Iraq 's water supply,
sanitation, health and agricultural systems. Article 54 of
Protocol I prohibits the destruction of objects that are
indispensable to the survival of a civilian population.

In addition to the above-mentioned rules governing the

definition of a military target, humanitarian law sets
limits on the means of attack that can be used. In a rule
of particular relevance to bombing when aerial
observation makes it difficult to distinguish military
from civilian objects, Article 51 of the Protocol I forbids
attacks "by bombardment by any methods or means
which treats as a single military objective a number of
clearly separated and distinct military objectives
located in a city, town, village or other area containing
a similar concentration of civilians or civilian objects. In
addition, Article 57 requires that, in launching an
attack, all feasible precautions be taken to avoid, or at
least minimize, civilian deaths, injuries and losses,
including the choice of weapons and the time of attack.

These rules raise questions about the conduct of NATO's

bombing in light of its decision to have most of its pilots
fly at high altitudes (above 15,000 feet ) to avoid anti-
aircraft missiles and fire. NATO could appropriately
conclude that, because of its desire to avoid additional
risks to its pilots, it would refrain from attacking
certain targets because it could not adequately verify
that they were appropriate military targets or take
adequate steps to avoid endangering civilians. (...)
Examples include the April 12 bombing of a civilian
passenger train that was crossing a bridge and the April
14 attack on civilian refugee vehicles on the road
between Djakovica and Decani.

The erroneous targeting of the Chinese Embassy in

Belgrade on May 7 must be evaluated in this light. (...)
The May 7 decision to target an airfield in Nis with
cluster bombs that resulted in an attack on a hospital
and marketplace is an example.

Kosovo. Human Rights Watch condemns NATO's use of

cluster bombs in Yugoslavia , given the high proven dud
rate of the submunitions employed, as indiscriminate in
effect and the equivalent of using antipersonnel land

From “Human Rights Watch letter to NATO Secretary

General Javier Solana”, May 13, 1999 [*].

From left to right: Hasim Thaçi, financed the KLA by trafficking with
heroine and cocaine [*], present Prime Minister of Kosovo; Bernard
Kouchner, former French Foreign Affairs Minister [* ], was the
Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head, United
Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), between
1999 and 2001 [*]; General Mike Jackson, who took part in the in the
repression against the catholic community in the Bloody Sunday [*];
Agim Çeku, responsible for war crimes against the serbs of Krajina
[*], including the massacre of Medak; and Wesley Clark [*].
On 10 March 2006 Agim Çeku was elected Prime Minister
of Kosovo by the Kosovo Assembly. After being sworn in,
he declared his support for Kosovo independence (…).
Çeku's appointment was backed by former Prime
Minister Ramush Haradinaj, who resigned in early 2005
after the ICTY had indicted him for war crimes. [*]

According to The New York Times, the International

Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia has
determined that war crimes were indeed committed
during Operation Storm. In a March 21, 1999 article, the
Times revealed an unpublished report produced by the
Tribunal. Among the report's assertions: “During the
course of the military offensive, the Croatian armed
forces and special police committed numerous violations
of international humanitarian law.”

The Medak offensive in 1993, which Jane's credits Ceku

with "masterminding," is also known as the “Medak
massacre.” While the name may not ring a bell for most
readers in the U.S. , it is remembered in Canada as that
nation's largest military action since the Korean War.
According to the book, Tested Mettle, Canadian
peacekeepers in the “Medak Pocket” engaged Croatian
soldiers in a firefight to stop them from terrorizing
Serbian civilians. Four Canadians were wounded in the
battle, which left nearly 30 Croatian soldiers dead [*][*].

Nevertheless in 1995, Ceku, by then trained by U.S.

instructors as a general of artillery, was still at large. In
fact, he was the officer responsible for shelling the
Serbian refugee columns and for targeting the UN-
declared "safe" city of Knin during the Croatian
offensive known as Operation Storm. Some 500 innocent
civilians perished in those merciless barrages, and
senior Canadian officers who witnessed the slaughter
demanded that Ceku be indicted. [*]
Another important actor was Javier Solana, Secretary-
General of NATO, between 1995 and 1999 who, still
nowadays, justifies NATO's intervention [*][*].

Bill Clinton, Javier Solana and Madeleine Albright

Madeleine Albright was the ideological promoter of the

Kosovo Campaign. She is descendent of jewish
prosecuted by the nazis and, as she has declared many
times, she would not allow something like that to
happen again. The problem is that, this respectable
basis, lead her to support and promote the bombing of
Serbia under false accusations.


After the end of the war, the UCK tried to expand the
war to other regions of Serbia and FRYM [*]. Meanwhile
the crimes of the UCK against serbs went on [*][HRW].
On 2005, the Prime Minister and ex-leader of the UCK,
Ramush Haradinaj, was accused of War Crimes.

In June 10, 1999, the United Nations Security Council

Resolution 1244 authorizes civil and military presence in
Kosovo, and establishes the UN Interim Administration
Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK). Two days later the KFOR
(Kosovo Force) becomes the warrant of peace in Kosovo.

Some 200,000-280,000, representing the majority of the

Serb population, left when the Serbian forces left.
There was also some looting of Serb properties and even
violence against some of those Serbs and Roma who
remained. The current number of internally displaced
persons is disputed, with estimates ranging from 65,000
to 250,000. Many displaced Serbs are afraid to return to
their homes, even with UNMIK protection. Around
120,000-150,000 Serbs remain in Kosovo, but are subject
to ongoing harassment and discrimination due to
physical threats for their safety. [*]
Bernard Kouchner was the Special Representative of
Secretary-General of UNMIK. He was awarded an
honorary doctorate by the University of Pristina for his
services to Kosovo [*], maybe for acts like his
declarations after the killings of Milos Petrovic (4), Vojin
Vasic (45) and Tihomir Trifunovic (60):

Kouchner in his statement said that by incidents like the

one in Cernica everyone loses, except for the regime in
Belgrade, adding that such despicable crimes are well
received by those who want to see UNMIK and KFOR
leave Kosovo and who want instability to remain. "This
is not only an intolerable and deplorable crime, but also
an incredibly stupid one, which can seriously harm the
progress of bringing Kosovo towards a positive future,
and towards acceptance by the Western community of
nations, to which Kosovo so desperately aspires," said
Kouchner. [*]

The Resolution 1244 also reaffirmed the territorial

integrity of Yugoslavia. This was going to be proved a


"The ICTY is a political instrument"

Paul de Waart [*]

Transcripts of the Trial [*]

Anyone who read articles about Milosevic's trial was

surprised about the depelopment of the events; not only
the prosectuion failed to prove Milosevic charge of
Genocide [*], but also because he was capable to
discredit the most important witnesses from the
prosecution, as seen in the 2003 Dutch documentary
"The Milosevic Case. Glosses at a trial" [Part 1][Part 2].

From the begining there was one point that could never
be tolerated: any witness who agreeded to testify agains
Milosevic was given inmunity for any crimes he declared
having commited, given a new identity, as declared by
Captain Dragan "They give me this piece of paper that
says that anything that I might said, can not be used
against me. Then I think, Jesus, If I am a war criminal, I
have killed so many people (...) If I declare he made me
do that, they can not use that against me...But that
they would use my statement as an evidence against
Milosevic" [*]; the paper red exactly:
"This is to confirm a commitment of the part of the
prosecutor that any conversation or statement you will
make during the course of your preparation to testify as
a witness in the case of Prosecutor against Milosevic will
not be used against you." [*]

The Magistrate Richard May showed evident hostility

against Milosevic (something really unadequate for a
judge), more related to the fact that he probably felt
that was failing on his mission (getting a credible
conviction for Milosevic) rather than his personal opinion
of the serb former leader. This can be seen in the
episode of the interrogation of UCK leader Sukribuja,
when Milosevic shows the contradiction between his
statements and the one made by other witness Bile Ilal,
about the weapons used by the UCK at Racak. Ignoring
the fact that the Racak Incident was the key reason for
the bombings of Serbia to begin, Richard May comments:
"It's a waste of time" [*]. And after, about the Serbian
Police Report from the Racak Incident Mr.May interrups
the accused with the words "Yes, we can read it! We can
read it. Is there any word of truth in it?"; a really
unappropiate comment for a judge, that gave all credit
to UCK witnesses.

The witness that was more near to implicate Slobodan

Milosevic in war crimes was Radomir Tanic who claimed
to have heard Milosevic speaking about Kosovo in his
office in the presidential palace. Milosevic demostrated
in his cross examination that the witness had never been
in his office (not knowing where it was located), that he
had lied about his status in Nova Demokratija, and also
he declared that some parts of his statement were

Another key witness, Radomir Markovic, supposedly sent

by Milosevic to destroy evidences of ethnic cleansing,
said about the Prosecution: "They explained my difficult
position. They pointed out the consequences which
could occur. And the alternative was that I should
indicate Milosevic as the one who ordered the
punishable fact. That way I wouldn't be prosecuted." [*]
And then, to the question "Did they also offer you a new
identity, a new homeland and money, for you and your
family, for the rest of your life, if you false accused
me?" Radomir Markovic answers "That's correct". [*]
Milosevic continues: "Is it correct that this statement
about the cleaning up of the terrains was drafter by the
same people, and under the supervision of these people,
who have pressured you and have tortured you for a
year and a half now already?" to which Markovic answers
"Yes, that's a conversation with these same people."
Milosevic: "Is this statement put together by the people
you had these conversations with?" Markovic: "That's
correct." After that, Markovic was sentenced to seven
years of imprisonment.

The rights of Milosevic were mistreated in all ways, as

demostrated clarly with the cases of witness K41 and
witness K2, and the percentage of witnesses that
Milosevic doesn't even know the real name, or the
percentage of closed sessions, that the public never will
be able to study.

Only these important facts would lead any trial and the
prosecution to investigation, but nothing of that
happened. Luckily for the prosecution Milosevic died
before the veredict, which made the case close before
end. The trial was set up not to judge Milosevic, but to
condemn him. As the trial went on, it was more and
more evident that the evidences against him were really
weak. That's why Milosevic's death was really convenient
for the Prosecution. Milosevic was an ill man, but it
seems rather strange that a man known to have heart
problems, the most important prisoner of Europe,
probably of the world, and is being treated for his
cardiac problems, dies of a heart attack.

On February 17, 2008, the Assembly of Kosovo, declared
unilaterally the independence. The predictable next step
will be the integration into Albania, to finally form the
Great Albania. This is confirmed by the declaration of
President of the Kosovo Parliament, Jakup Krasniqi, in
his visit to Albania on the fall of 2008 [*].


'Among the calamities of war may be jointly numbered

the diminution of the love of truth,
by the falsehoods which interest dictates and credulity
Samuel Johnston

The main issue about the war of Kosovo is how the public
was misleaded by the politicians and the mass media.
The most evident fact is how the chronology was
adapted to justify the NATO's interests. It is possible to
trace the real order of the events in any newspaper's
library, but when they have summarized the chronology
they have always presented the bombing as a
consequence of the ethnic cleansing, when it is totally
the opposite: the ethnic cleansing was a consequence of
(or at least it was made possible by) NATO's bombing of
Serbia (including Kosovo).

Other issues are how the UN were used intentionally to

justify the invasion of Kosovo, and how its decisions
(Resolution 1244) were ignored. This was the death of
International Right, the death of UN morality.

Kosovo was the point of no return, when the mass media

decided not to broadcast the news, but to manipulate
them and shape them as they thought the public opinion
would like them.
Milosevic Trial represented the prostitution of
International Right. That the most important trial of the
last 50 years was a series of irregularities, demostrates
that not even now, not even in Western Europe, the
right of a Just Trial is guaranteed.