You are on page 1of 18

Middle passage neg

Indigenous middle passage turn

1nc natives
Their silence is strategicfailure to discuss the indigenous Middle Passage makes
them complicit in squo, racist educational systems
Aquallo 13 (Lechusza, Prof of Am. Indian Studies @ Palomar College, Indians in the Middle Passage(s),

The essay Representations quoted the American cultural historian James Clifford. His critical diagnosis
of traveling was elaborated upon as a theoretical location of culture(s). Traveling, and the act of
diasporic motion, both required to be interrogated further in order to uncover the socio-political
contexts of an ever-expanding global society. Clifford presented a complex yet seemingly simple display
of how cultures and races around the globe engage the notion of travel (100). These intersections
broadcast as much about the ever-growing process of globalization which functions under the current
pseudo name the 21st century as it does about the widening space(s) between first and third world
countries. This brought to mind the forced migration(s) that Native Peoples have had to endure within
the Western hemisphere. History has shown that Native/Indigenous Peoples throughout the West have
had to bear the burden of relocation. From traditional territories, through the reservations era, and
eventually into the urban centers, Native Peoples have been subject to a complex diaspora. The
American Education system has employed a recycled apology to all Native Peoples by way of the
Cherokee Trail of Tears. The viewpoint of the American Education system is such that if an incident of
horrific nature applied to Native Americans is presented, albeit however trite and often down-played for
audience approval, then, all Native Americans will be satisfied with this acknowledgment. The result is
that no further discussion is necessary about Native Peoples within the U.S. Is it not common knowledge
in the 20th/21st century that all Native Americans are presently either deceased, drunk, or living on a
reservation making a healthy monthly income provided by their casino to the point that they no longer
need to be recognized by contemporary non-Native society? It is this encounter, the unscrupulous
posturing dictated as an apology to Native Peoples through the historic stereotype of the Trail of
Tears, which has disturbed my research regarding this Middle Passage(s) for Native/Indigenous
Peoples. In fact, it goes without saying, but must be articulated nonetheless, that all Native Peoples,
regardless of tribal affiliation, have had to undergo some form of forced relocation. Each tribe within
North America has some form or another of their own Trail of Tears. Native Peoples have had to
endure unspeakable diasporic activities in order to survive. These actions are fixtures within tribal histories and
are still being taught within tribal educational circles. The focused attention to these specific histories, and their subsequent
limited expose to non-Natives, does not excuse the American Education system from discussing the atrocities that underscore
American Indian history. However, Native Peoples are not subject to hang their histories or identities upon the literary
implementation of the hyphen. It may be that due to the lack of this literary qualifier, the American Education system
has placed itself unilaterally in a hegemonic position of cultural power when it comes to
Native/Indigenous Peoples. Unlike other cultures that were brought to the Western hemisphere, Native Peoples are
indigenous to these locations. This knowledge is traditionally seated, taught, maintained, and, historically fought for
preservation. At their core, their land and territories define Native cultures. America applied the stigmata of a hyphen to those
alien cultures that were forcibly brought to the West. African People were transposed into African-Americans and Japanese
became Japanese-Americans. Native/Indigenous Peoples of the Western hemisphere did not need this literary binder. What
was applied to these indigenous cultures was a labyrinth of extensive termination policies dictated physically, socio-politically,
and emotionally. The Middle Passage(s) for Native/Indigenous Peoples, therefore, coincided with these
legal structures of termination similar in scope as those of their developing and future marginalized
cultural cousins. Native/Indigenous Peoples have, and continue, to occupy a forced sense of location.
Urban and reservation Natives alike contain the knowledge that the U.S. government has at one time or
another challenged their traditional territories. These challenges expand beyond the avenues of the
urban ghettos or the borders of the reservation into the social minds of non-Natives as stereotypes and
the racist history (his-story) books of the American Education system. In an attempt to amend this
literary punishment, the American Education system outlined the apology toward its Native/Indigenous
inhabitants. This apology was designed to be the perfect pan-Indian patch that would also function as
the strategic apparatus to discuss Native Peoples in the past tense. Since the Middle Passage(s) of
Native/Indigenous Peoples took place upon traditional lands currently occupied by cities and other
environments of presumed higher culture, there is, therefore, no need to speak of or qualify a Native
holocaust. It is precisely this point in modern time where we find the youth of today (2013) contacting
Native/Indigenous Peoples, as relics or shards of a time long gone. Will Americas his-story books ever take a higher road and
note the importance of the Middle Passage(s) that nearly removed Native cultures from the Western hemisphere? That time
may well be a footnote in the future. But, given the technologically advances today, the time may come when we can purchase
an app for such knowledge to review upon our smartphones or tablets. Who would generate such an app to shed a proverbial
light upon the tragic histories of Native/Indigenous Peoples? Tribal entrepreneurs are certainly hard at work bridging traditional
histories with technological reality for sale to the largest market available, the non-Native community.
The 1acs understanding of the events of the Middle Passage is an active exclusion of
its founding in the indigenous slave trademust begin our histories with the native
makes colonialism inevitable
Flint 9 (Kate, Provost Professor of English and Art History at USC, The Transatlantic Indian, 1776-1930,
Princeton University Press, pages 23-25)//mm

Nineteenth-century transatlantic studies are a huge and complex terrain, and their importance is
increasingly being acknowledged, despite the disciplinary binarization that takes place on both sides of
the Atlantic. Too frequently, the internal organization of our national academies has meant that British
and American studies have been regarded as separate entities, failing to enter into sufficient dialogue
with one another. This book adds to the calls that have already been made by Joseph Roach to pay full
attention to the "amplitude of circum-Atlantic relations,"51 and by Paul Giles to acknowledge how
"conceptions of national identity on both sides of the Atlantic emerged through engagement with - and,
often, deliberate exclusion of - transatlantic imaginary."52 Focusing on the figure of the Native
American in this context brings a number of advantages with it. In the first place, it grants Indians a part
not previously fully acknowledged in relation to the field.53 They have the important roles as subjects
of fascination, as figures of dread, and as symbol of a difference that is complicated and sometimes
contradictory amalgam of national and racial components. From a British point of view, the fact that
narratives made them particularly malleable figures. As this book seeks to show, the national Indian
could be readily adapted, in a number of disparate contexts, to demonstrate a great range of clichs,
presuppositions, considered analyses, and hypotheses about the nature both of the United States and
the Americas more broadly. Most frequently, the Indian served the role of an ahistorical Other against
which various narratives of modernity could readily be written. But examining transatlantic relations
from the single forms only part of my project, for Indians had a varied and significant presence in Britain
and were analytical, commentating voices in their own right. They not only provided a particular slant,
or slants, on British society, but were living proof that, in their capacity to react and respond to modern
life, they refused to be cosigned to the role of the mythical and prehistorical that was so frequently
assigned them. Despite the frequent and familiar need of the modern to erect ideas of the temporal
Other against which it could define itself, this Other was also undergoing a process of transformation. Of
course, this is, in broad terms, a point made very familiar through contemporary histories of
postcoloniality. But there are some significant differences. Native American contacts with British culture
in the Victorian period demonstrate not only transformation on the part of the Indians, but also well-
articulated resistance to the process of appropriation and assimilation that equate with cultural
genocide. These Indians are quite definitely not allowing themselves to be cosigned to oblivion, nor to
occupy the mythical status of the time-less, but see themselves as members of a race that has every
intention of surviving. Engagement in this transatlantic contact zone is unequivocally a two-way process,
unfolding in a way that disrupts those apparently neat binaries of "traditional" and "modern" on which
conventional narratives of national progress have depended. Paul Gilroy in The Black Atlantic,54
explores how at a slightly later date, in the context of African American culture, we see modernities
evolving on several fronts simultaneously and at several, nonsynchronic speeds.55 Looking at the
Victorian period, we see how in what we may call the space of the Red Atlantic, the process is already
well underway.
2nc impact genocide
Forgetting is genocide
Smith 3 (Andrea, Not an Indian Tradition: The Sexual Colonization of Native Peoples, Hypatia, Volume
18.2, Spring 2003, pgs 70-85)//mm

Ann Stoler argues that racism, far from being a reaction to crisis in which racial others are scapegoated for social
ills, is a permanent part of the social fabric. *R+acism is not an effect but a tactic in the internal fission of
society into binary opposition, a means of creating biologized internal enemies, against whom society
must defend itself (1997, 59). She notes that in the modern state, the constant purification and
elimination of racialized enemies within that state ensures the growth of the national body. Racism does
not merely arise in moments of crisis, in sporadic cleansings. It is internal to the biopolitical state, woven into
the web of the social body, threaded through its fabric (1997, 59). Similarly, Kate Shanley notes that Native
peoples are a permanent present absence in the U.S. colonial imagination, an absence that
reinforces at every turn the conviction that Native peoples are indeed vanishing and that the conquest
of Native lands is justified. Ella Shoat and Robert Stam describe this absence as an ambivalently repressive
mechanism [that] dispels the anxiety in the face of the Indian, whose very presence is a reminder of the
initially precarious grounding of the American nation-state itself . . . In a temporal paradox, living Indians
were induced to play dead, as it were, in order to perform a narrative of manifest destiny in which their
role, ultimately, was to disappear (1994, 11819). This absence is effected through the metaphorical
transformation of Native bodies into a pollution of which the colonial body must purify itself. As white
Californians described in the 1860s, Native people were the dirtiest lot of human beings on earth. They wear filthy rags,
with their persons unwashed, hair uncombed and swarming with vermin (Rawls 1984, 195). The following 1885
Proctor & Gamble ad for Ivory Soap also illustrates this equation between Indian bodies and dirt: We were once factious, fierce
and wild, In peaceful arts unreconciled Our blankets smeared with grease and stains From buffalo meat and settlers veins.
Through summers dust and heat content From moon to moon unwashed we went, But IVORY SOAP came like a ray Of light
across our darkened way And now were civil, kind and good And keep the laws as people should, We wear our linen, lawn and
lace As well as folks with paler face And now I take, wherever we go This cake of IVORY SOAP to show What civilized my squaw
and me And made us clean and fair to see. (Lopez n.d, 119) In the colonial imagination, Native bodies are also
immanently polluted with sexual sin. Alexander Whitaker, a minister in Virginia, wrote in 1613: They live
naked in bodies, as if their shame of their sinne deserved no covering: Their names are as naked as their
bodies: They esteem it a virtue to lie, deceive and steale as their master the divell teacheth them (Berkhofer
1978, 19). Furthermore, according to Bernardino de Minaya: Their *the Indians+ marriages are not a
sacrament but a sacrilege. They are idolatrous, libidinous, and commit sodomy. Their chief desire is to eat, drink,
worship heathen idols, and commit bestial obscenities (cited in Stannard 1992, 211). Stolers analysis of racism in
which Native peoples are likened to a pollution that threatens U. S. security is indicated in the
comments of one doctor in his attempt to rationalize the mass sterilization of Native women in the 1970s: People
pollute, and too many people crowded too close together cause many of our social and economic problems. These
in turn are aggravated by involuntary and irresponsible parenthood . . . We also have obligations to the society of
which we are part. The welfare mess, as it has been called, cries out for solutions, one of which is fertility control
(Oklahoma 1989, 11). Herbert Aptheker describes the logical consequences of this sterilization movement: The
ultimate logic of this is crematoria; people are themselves constituting the pollution and inferior people
in particular, then crematoria become really vast sewerage projects. Only so may one understand those
who attend the ovens and concocted and conducted the entire enterprise; those wastedto use U. S. army
jargon reserved for colonial hostilitiesare not really, not fully people (1987, 144). Because Indian bodies
are dirty, they are considered sexually violable and rapable. That is, in patriarchal thinking, only a body
that is pure can be violated. The rape of bodies that are considered inherently impure or dirty simply
does not count. For instance, prostitutes have almost an impossible time being believed if they are raped because the
dominant society considers the prostitutes body undeserving of integrity and violable at all times. Similarly, the history of
mutilation of Indian bodies, both living and dead, makes it clear to Indian people that they are not entitled to bodily
integrity, as these examples suggest: I saw the body of White Antelope with the privates cut off, and I heard a soldier say he
was going to make a tobacco-pouch out of them. (cited in Wrone and Nelson 1982, 113) Each of the braves was shot down and
scalped by the wild volunteers, who out with their knives and cutting two parallel gashes down their backs, would strip the skin
from the quivering [ esh to make razor straps of. (cited in Wrone and Nelson 1982, 90) One more dexterous than the rest,
proceeded to * ay the chiefs *Tecumsehs+ body; then, cutting the skin in narrow strips . . . at once, a supply of razor-straps for
the more ferocious of his brethren. (cited in Wrone and Nelson 1982, 82) Andrew Jackson . . . supervised the mutilation of
800 or so Creek Indian corpsesthe bodies of men, women and children that he and his men massacredcutting off their
noses to count and preserve a record of the dead, slicing long strips of [ esh from their bodies to tan and turn into bridle reins.
(Stannard 1992, 121) Echoing this mentality was Governor Thompson, who stated in 1990 that he would not close down an
open Indian burial mound in Dickson, Illinois, because of his argument that he was as much Indian as are current Indians, and
consequently, he had as much right as they to determine the fate of Indian remains.1 He felt free to appropriate the identity of
Native, and thus felt justified in claiming ownership over both Native identity and Native bodies. The Chicago press similarly
attempted to challenge the identity of the Indian people who protested Thompsons decision by stating that these protestors
were either only part Indian or were only claiming to be Indian (Hermann 1990).2 The message conveyed by the Illinois state
government is that to be Indian in this society is to be on constant display for white consumers, in life or in death. And in fact,
Indian identity itself is under the control of the colonizer, subject to eradication at any time. As Aime
Cesaire puts it, colonization = thingi> cation (1972, 21). As Stoler explains this process of racialized colonization:
*T]he more degenerates and abnormals *in this case Native peoples] are eliminated, the lives of those
who speak will be stronger, more vigorous, and improved. The enemies are not political adversaries, but
those identified as external and internal threats to the population. Racism is the condition that makes it
acceptable to put [certain people] to death in a society of normalization (1997, 85). Tadiars description of
colonial relationships as an enactment of the prevailing mode of heterosexual relations is useful because it underscores the
extent to which U. S. colonizers view the subjugation of women of the Native nations as critical to the success of the economic,
cultural, and political colonization (1993, 186). Stoler notes that the imperial discourses on sexuality cast white women as the
bearers of more racist imperial order (1997, 35). By extension, Native women as bearers of a counter-imperial order
pose a supreme threat to the imperial order. Symbolic and literal control over their bodies is important in the war
against Native people, as these examples attest: When I was in the boat I captured a beautiful Carib women . . . I
conceived desire to take pleasure . . . I took a rope and thrashed her well, for which she raised such unheard
screams that you would not have believed your ears. Finally we came to an agreement in such a manner that I can tell you
that she seemed to have been brought up in a school of harlots. (Sale 1990, 140) Two of the best looking of the squaws were
lying in such a position, and from the appearance of the genital organs and of their wounds, there can be no doubt that they
were first ravished and then shot dead. Nearly all of the dead were mutilated. (Wrone and Nelson 1982, 123) One woman, big
with child, rushed into the church, clasping the alter and crying for mercy for herself and unborn babe. She was followed, and
fell pierced with a dozen lances . . . the child was torn alive from the yet palpitating body of its mother, first plunged into the
holy water to be baptized, and immediately its brains were dashed out against a wall. (Wrone and Nelson 1982, 97) The
Christians attacked them with buffets and beatings . . . Then they behaved with such temerity and shamelessness that the most
powerful ruler of the island had to see his own wife raped by a Christian officer. (Las Casas 1992, 33) I heard one man say that
he had cut a womans private parts out, and had them for exhibition on a stick. I heard another man say that he had cut the
fingers off of an Indian, to get the rings off his hand. I also heard of numerous instances in which men had cut out the private
parts of females, and stretched them over their saddle-bows and some of them over their hats. (Sand Creek 1973, 12930)
American Horse said of the massacre at Wounded Knee: The fact of the killing of the women, and more especially the killing of
the young boys and girls who are to go to make up the future strength of the Indian people is the saddest part of the whole
affair and we feel it very sorely. (Stannard 1992, 127)
2nc Indians first framework
Must bring indigeneity front and centerthis ev is comparative
Byrd 11 (Jodi A.; citizen of the Chickasaw Nation of Oklahoma and assistant professor of American
Indian studies and English at University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign; Transit of Empire: Indigenous
Critiques of Colonialism; preface xii - xiii)//mm

This book, then, is a journey of sorts, its method mnemonic as it places seemingly disparate histories,
temporalities, and geographies into conversation in the hopes that, through enjambment, it might be
possible to perceive how Indianness functions as a transit within empire. My method here suggests a
reading praxis inspired by Blackfeet novelist Stephen Graham Jones's Demon Theory, in which he
delineates genre as mnemonic device in order to retell the Medea story through horror narrative.' The
story of the new world is horror, the story of America a crime. To read mnemonically is to connect the
violences and genocides of colonization to cultural productions and political movements in order to
disrupt the elisions of multicultural liberal democracy that seek to rationalize the originary historical
traumas that birthed settler colonialism through inclusion. Such a reading practice understands
indigeneity as radical alterity and uses remembrance as a means through which to read counter to the
stories empire tells itself. Lumbee scholar Robert A. Williams Jr. has argued that "the American Indian
emerges as a distinct problem in Western legal thought," but I contend here that ideas of the Indian and
Indiannessthe contagion through which U.S. empire orders the place of peoples within its purview
emerge as distinct problems for critical and postcolonial theories.' As a transit, Indianness becomes a
site through which U.S. empire orients and replicates itself by transforming those to be colonized into
"Indians" through continual reiterations of pioneer logics, whether in the Pacific, the Caribbean, or the
Middle East. The familiarity of "Indianness" is salve for the liberal multicultural democracy within the
settler societies that serve as empire's constituency. In the wake of this transit, and indeed as its quality
as colonialist practice, one finds discordant and competing representations of diasporic arrivals and
native lived experienceswhat I call cacophony throughout this bookthat vie for hegemony within
the discursive, cultural, and political processes of representation and identity that form the basis for
what Wendy Brown has identified as the states of injury and Foucault and others have termed
biopolitics. Bringing indigeneity and Indians front and center to discussions of U.S. empire as it has
traversed across Atlantic and Pacific worlds is a necessary intervention at this historical moment,
precisely because it is through the elisions, erasures, enjambments, and repetitions of Indianness that
one might see the stakes in decolonial, restorative justice tied to land, life, and grievability.
2nc Indians first history
Indigeneity firstthe enslavement of native peoples made the transatlantic trade
possibleimpact is erasure of native histories
Taylor 13 (Lucy, Department of International Politics, Aberystwyth University, Wales, UK, 2013,
Southside-up: imagining IR through Latin America,

Taking a view of international relationships from the long sixteenth century also redirects our attention
to another world-transforming experience played out in the Americas transatlantic slavery and the
closely associated yet surprisingly overlooked issue of racism1. Transatlantic slavery developed because
the indigenous women and men of the Americas, enslaved to service the conquistadores, had been
decimated by brutality, slaughter and disease. Enslaved Africans were then caught up in the
coloniality/modernity whirlwind by the demands of capitalist expansion and in turn their experience
further deepened and spread its impact. The consequences of slavery profoundly shaped the
contemporary world order, not only in terms of the massive population movements, the establishment
of slave societies and the social holocaust in Africa, and not only for its intimate role in generating and
sustaining the European industrial revolution and enduring patterns of global capitalism. It was also a
central plank of coloniality/modernitys normative framework and the hidden racialisations of liberalism 2. Taking
an Americas perspective places slavery centre-stage in world politics and history. To do so asks big questions of an
IR especially the mainstream kind which seldom takes race seriously. Moreover, it marks slavery as an
Americas-wide phenomenon and, if we look closer, as a highly variable one. It is overlooked by many including
Latin Americanists that slavery made a significant impact on Latin American society. By 1800 slaves were not only
a majority of Brazilian society but large Black populations also existed in Argentina, Colombia, Costa Rica, Panama
and Venezuela, and significant populations developed in Chile, Ecuador, Mexico, Nicaragua, Peru and Uruguay3.
African slaves were central to the development of capitalism in Latin America: their forced labour produced the
goods for international trade, but they also worked as enslaved petty entrepreneurs and fought in the wars of
independence, some rising to the rank of General4. If nation states of the Westphalian model were being forged in
Latin America, Afro-descendants were integral to this process. The position of Africans in the Americas is complex
from a postcolonial point of view, in that they are neither colonizer nor colonized. Well, they are colonizers in that
they are not originario or original peoples and they are integral to the operation of capitalist modernity. Yet they
clearly occupy a subordinated and racialised position in the global hierarchy which stems from the sense (and
sometimes the reality) of absolute domination by the master a kind of individualised colonization. The

For a critique, see: Branwen Gruffydd Jones, Race in the Ontology of International Order, Political Studies,
vol.56, (2008), pp.907-927; Robert Vitalis, The Graceful and Generous Liberal Gesture: Making Racism Invisible in
American International Relations, Millennium, vol.29, no.2, (2000), pp.331-356.
Mignolo Idea of Latin America, pp1-50. See also: David Theo Goldberg, The Racial State, (Oxford: Blackwells,
2002); Inayatullah and Blaney International Relations..., pp.47-91.
George Reid Andrews, Afro-Latin America, 1800-2000, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), map1.
George Reid Andrews, The Afro-Argentines of Buenos Aires, 1800-1900, (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press,
complexity of the patterns of domination is still significantly under-theorised, in my view, and Im not sure that I
am the one to do it. But at the very least, understanding that there are at least two others in this colonial
scenario breaks down the binary of colonizer/colonized which continues to characterise a lot of
postcolonial thinking and so easily writes-out less obvious colonial experiences 5.

For example, those of Chinese indentured labour in nineteenth century Peru or South Asian Indians in Guyana.
Even more obviously excluded are mestizos/as who embody the colonizer/colonized tension. But that is another
2nc Indians fist o/w the aff
The reprioritization of the body of the native forces us to rethink the narrative of
racism in Americaoutweighs the aff
Cleveland Search No Date (Racism, Justice and the American Indian - Racism against Native
Americans - Forgotten Story of Indian Slavery, Accessed online via
Americans.html) RH

When Americans think of slavery, our minds create images of Africans inhumanely crowded aboard
ships plying the middle passage from Africa, or of blacks stooped to pick cotton in Southern fields. We
don't conjure images of American Indians chained in coffles and marched to ports like Boston and
Charleston, and then shipped to other ports in the Atlantic world. Yet Indian slavery and an Indian slave
trade were ubiquitous in early America. From the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the Gulf of Mexico to Canada, tens of
thousands of America's native peoples were enslaved, many of them transported to lands distant from
their homes. Our historical mythology posits that American Indians could not be enslaved in large numbers because they too readily
succumbed to disease when exposed to Europeans and they were too wedded to freedom to allow anyone to own them. Yet many indigenous
people developed resistance to European diseases after being exposed to the newcomers for well over a century. And it is a racist
conception that "inferior" Africans accepted their debased position as slaves - a status that American Indians and
Europeans presumably could never have accepted. This is a gross misconception of history. We are just scratching
the surface of what this all means. For the enslavement of Indians forces us to rethink not only the
institution of slavery, but the evolution of racism and racist ideologies in America. Scholars long have known
about the Indian slave trade, but the scattered nature of the sources deterred a systematic examination. No one had any conception of the
trade's massive extent and that it played such a central role in the lives of early Americans and in the colonial economy. Indian slavery
complicates the narrative we have created of a white-black world, with Indians residing outside on a
vaguely defined frontier. The Indian slave trade connects native and European history, so that
plantations and Indian communities become entwined. We find planters making more money from slave
trading than planting, and if we look more closely we find Indians not only enslaved on plantations but
working as police forces to maintain those plantations and receiving substantial rewards for returning
runaway slaves. We are also learning a great deal more about American-Indian peoples. Most importantly we can now tell the stories -
the tragedies - that befell so many who were killed in slaving wars or spent their days as slaves far from their homes. They and their peoples
have been largely forgotten. The Natchez, Westo, Yamasee, Euchee, Yazoo and Tawasa are among the dozens of
Indian peoples who fell victims to the slaving wars, with the survivors forced to join other native
communities. These are tales that Indians themselves have not told: Just as the story of Indian slavery was excluded from the European
past, it was largely forgotten in American-Indian traditions. Americans often wish the past would just go away, save for those symbols we
celebrate: Pocahontas saving John Smith, the "noble savage," and the first Thanksgiving. The image of Pilgrims and Indians sharing a meal is one
of the most cogent images we have of American Indians and of the colonization of this continent.
Historical accuracy turn
1nc genealogy turn
The 1ac tells a compelling narrative of the trip from the coasts of Africa to the bustling
urban centers of the east coastit leaves a number of questions unanswered, though:
how did slaves get to African port cities? How long did that journey take? What
languages did they pick up along the way? The 1acs failure to address the internal
passage within the African continent makes it an incomplete history
Alpers 7 (Edward A., Prof of history @ UCLA, the Other Middle Passage: the African Slave Trade in the
Indian Ocean, in Many Middle Passages: Forced Migration and the Making of the Modern World, Univ.
of CA press 2007)//mm

At this point, I want to make several observations about the experience of capture and enslavement
within Africa. First, the several accounts I have presented illustrate the dierent ways in which
individual Africans came to be caught up in the slave trade, ranging from warfare to large slave raids to
kidnapping, debt pawnage, stealing, and subterfuge. These accounts also reect the dierent
processes by which individuals were transported from the interior to the coast. In some cases, these
individuals were marched directly from the time of capture to the coast in the clutches of their original
captors or were seized near the coast. In other cases, captives passed through the hands of several
owners. For some, the passage to the coast was relatively short, a matter of only a few weeks; for
others, passage could take years and involved several distinct African experiences of enslavement. In the
most extreme of these cases, individuals such as the unnamed Nyasa boy whose story is recorded in
Kiungani, and Petro Kilekwa, this process involved the breaking and refashioning of social bonds as these
children adjusted to what they thought would be a new life within the family and society in which fate
had deposited them. Although we feel deeply the expressions of the severing of real kinship bonds in
some of these narratives, we can also see the ties of ctive kinship slowly beginning to form. Sometimes
captives were apparently able to speak their native language from the moment of their seizure to the
point of their sale at the coast, but others had to learn new languages in moving from the interior to
their ultimate destinations, and some lost their mother tongues altogether. Thus, Petro Kilekwa learned
Nyasa, and the Nyasa boy learned Yao and had begun to learn Swahili, even as he forgot his own
language. Their experiences con- rm what is known from other sources about the importance of
language acquisition in the Angolan slave trade, for example, where Kimbundu became a lingua franca
for captives on the long passage from the interior to the coast.16 With the exception of the Makua
woman from Cabaceira who was seized near the coast, the one element missing in these particular
narratives is the experience of being held at the coast in barracoons, or holding pens, which many
contemporary sources reported at the coast. Indeed, the need for captives to communicate among
themselves under these circumstances also would have encouraged a process of language change.17
Taken together, these adjustments during the initial period of capture and transportation are
signicant because they anticipate the larger processes of adaptation that came to dominate African
cultures in the diaspora. Recent scholarship on the Atlantic slave trade suggests that, rather than being
a caesura that separated Africans in the diaspora from all meaningful Africa cultural memory, the
middle passage represents an extension of adaptations already begun in Africa from the time of initial
capture and a transition to those that would evolve in the dierent places of the diaspora. For
example, the Nigerian historian Okun Uya speaks of new ties of kinship during that cruel journey and
gives as evidence a variety of names signify- ing a kinship born of sharing the experience of the middle
passage.18 This phenomenon, I would add, more generally reects a kind of ctive kinship that also
served to incorporate strangers (including slaves) into African fam- ily structures. In the case of the
Kiungani children, such community was found, if not during the middle passage, then in their common
experience within the community created by the UMCA on Zanzibar. For cargoes that included captives
from more than a single language group, as was usually the case, the process of learning other
languages, both African and Euro- pean, would also have continued during the middle passage. In other
words, for those who survived the middle passage, the likelihood is that they would already have begun
a process of cultural transformation that we can call creolization, or hybridization, before leaving the
ship, a process that, as I have suggested, began even before they left the continent. In the case of the
mis- sion boys whose stories I have examined here, that process seems to have ended with their
Christianization and their adaptation of a dierent kind of life that was based, at least in part, on their
acceptance of a mixture of British missionary and East African coastal (i.e., Swahili) social and cultural
norms. Similarly yet dierently, Swema found her family within the Catholicorder into which she was
admitted as a novice.
That simplification of history turns the casevote negative to rewrite the 1ac
Alpers 7 (Edward A., Prof of history @ UCLA, the Other Middle Passage: the African Slave Trade in the
Indian Ocean, in Many Middle Passages: Forced Migration and the Making of the Modern World, Univ.
of CA press 2007)//mm

My intention is to bring a measure of balance to this historiography by examining evidence from eastern
Africa in order to shed some light on the middle passage in the Indian Ocean. In addition, I contend that
the sea voyage from Africa west to the Americas or east across the Indian Ocean was only one leg of the
traumatic journey that forcibly removed free Africans from their homes in Africa to their ultimate
destinations. Indeed, I believe that it is a mistake to restrict analyses of the middle passage only to
oceanic passages, assuming that enslaved Africans embarked from the African coast as though they
were leaving their native country, when in fact their passage from freedom into slavery actually began
with the moment in which they were swept up by the economic forces that drove the slave trade
deep into the African interior. I also seek to demonstrate that the middle passage encompasses a much
more complex set of forced migrations than is usually assumed. From the moment they were seized and
began their movement to the coast, captive Africans had to begin the process of personal survival and
cultural adjustment associated with the diaspora. They learned new languages, received new names,
ate new foods, and forged new bonds among themselves before they ever had to adjust fully to the
work of slavery or the conditions of liberation. I will illustrate how some of these processes worked by
presenting an album of individual experiencesof capture, enslavement, and movement to the coast
and then across the waterfrom nineteenth-century eastern Africa. All these accounts refer to events
at the height of the slave trade in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and must be understood as
products of the abolitionist movement.
1nc Drexciya = colonizer
Drexciya ensures colonialism and juridical interventionismyour author
Eshun 3 (Kodwo, British-Ghanaian writer and theorist, Further Considerations of Afrofuturism, The New
Centennial Review vol 3.2, summer 2003 pgs 287-302)//mm

Drexciyas project has recently extended itself into space. For their Grava 4 CD, released in 2002, the
group contacted the International Star Registry in Switzerland to purchase the rights to name a star.
Having named and registered their star Grava 4, a new installment within their ongoing sonic ction is
produced. In wrapping their speculative ction around electronic compositions that then locate
themselves around an existing extraterrestrial space, Drexciya grant themselves the imperial right to
nominate and colonize interstellar space. The absurdity of buying and owning a distant star in no way
diminishes the contractual obligation of ownership that the group entered into. The process of
ratication therefore becomes the platform for an unexpected intervention: a sono-ctional statement
that fuses the metaphorical with the juridical, and the synthetic with the cartographic. Contractual fact
meets sonic ction meets astronomical mapping in a colonization of the contemporary audiovisual
imagination in advance of military landing.

Science fiction leads to control over the futureensures determinismyour author
again ouch!
Eshun 3 (Kodwo, British-Ghanaian writer and theorist, Further Considerations of Afrofuturism, The New
Centennial Review vol 3.2, summer 2003 pgs 287-302)//mm

Science ction is now a research and development department within a futures industry that dreams of
the prediction and control of tomorrow. Corporate business seeks to manage the unknown through
decisions based on scenarios, while civil society responds to future shock through habits for- matted by
science ction. Science ction operates through the power of falsication, the drive to rewrite reality,
and the will to deny plausibility, while the scenario operates through the control and prediction of
plausible alternative tomorrows. Both the science-ction movie and the scenario are examples of
cybernetic futurism that talks of things that havent happened yet in the past tense. In this case,
futurism has little to do with the Italian and Russian avant-gardes; rather, these approaches seek to
model variation over time by oscillating between anticipation and determinism. Imagine the All-African
Archaeological Program sweeping the site with their chronometers. Again and again, they sift the ashes. Imagine the readouts
on their portables, indicators pointing to the dangerously high levels of hostile projections. This area shows extreme density of
dystopic forecasting, levels that, if accurate, would have rendered the archaeologists own existence impossible. The AAAP
knows better: such statistical delirium reveals the fervid wish dreams of the host market.
1nc Hall is silly
Their hall ev is about Easter Sunday this comparison is ridiculous and just says that
enslavement was worse than Jesus crucifixion
Hall 9 (Delroy, Prof of Phil @ U of Birmingham, the Middle Passage as Existential Crucifixion, Black
Theology: An International Journal vol 7.1, Jan 2009)//mm

In describing the suffering, Dianne Stewart makes reference to the Jesus story in regards to his
undeserved agony and crucifixion.'^ The experience of unjust suffering, persecution, and death was
chronic, visceral, and immediate within the daily experience of the enslaved population. Some of the
forms of corporal persecution that was unleashed on enslaved Africans were cruder forms of crucifixion
than that of Jesus.'^
Red Atlantic