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VII. The Bush Profiteers
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The Sources of George W. Bush's $41 Million texas War Chest
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VII. The Bush Profiteers:
100 Donors Who Enjoy Hands-off, Handout

In identifying the economic and ideological interests of Bushs donors, researchers kept coming across large
contributors who became known as the Bush Profiteers. Many of these Bush Profiteers are:
Corporate welfare kings who derived a portion of their personal wealth from the taxpayers; or
Donors who appear to have an interest in taking the regulatory cops off the beat.
In fact, many large Bush donors straddle both camps, seeming to want the government off their backsexcept
when it is giving them taxpayers money. The ranks of the Bush Profiteers include corporate welfare kings,
snake oil salesmen, money launderers, tax evaders, tort dodgers, tobacco hacks and toxic waste dumpers.
The following Bush Profiteer profiles cite the total amount of money that the Profiteers contributed to Bushs
two gubernatorial campaigns (some totals include the contributions of nuclear family members).
100 Bush Profiteers

GWBGovernor George W. Bush;
GHWBEx-President George Herbert Walker Bush;
*GWB Pioneer, who has raised at least $100,000
for GWBs presidential race.

1. *Charles & Sam Wyly (Dallas): $210,273
These brothers own diverse companies, including Maverick Capital Fund, which received a lucrative University
of Texas Investment Management Co. contract to invest UT funds in 98. Both were members of GHWBs
Team 100, a precursor of Bushs fundraising Pioneers.
2. *Louis Beecherl, Jr & III (Dallas): $154,000
Louis Beecherl, Jr., was a top cheerleader for a record $380 million Dallas bond initiative to dam the Trinity
River. Critics call it a boondoggle that will line the pockets of Beecherl and the other project boosters who own
adjacent lands.
3. *Tom & R. Steven Hicks (Dallas): $146,000
Tom Hicks is a corporate raider at Hicks Muse Tate & Furst (other name partners gave GWB $58,000). He
made GWBs fortune when he bought the Texas Rangers for $250 million in 99. After GWBs election, UT
Regents set up the University of Texas Investment Management Co. and made Hicks chair; lucrative UT
investment contracts then flowed to firms tied to Hicks and his brother, who headed Capstar Broadcasting.
4. *Tom Loeffler (San Antonio): $141,000
This Arter & Hadden lobbyist co-chaired GHWBs Team 100, a Pioneers precursor. A University of Texas
Investment Management Co. (UTIMCO) director, Loeffler voted for the UTIMCO contract for Maverick
Capital (see the Wylies above) at a UTIMCO meeting that Tom Hicks hosted on symbolic ground: the Rangers
Ballpark. To see what GWBs administration did for an Arter & Hadden client, see W. James Jonas, No. 50.
5. Peter ODonnell, Jr. (Dallas): $141,000
A retired banker who once chaired the Texas GOP, ODonnell has acknowledged that the CIA used his
ODonnell Foundation as a secret funding conduit.
6. Lonnie Bo Pilgrim (Pittsburg, TX): $125,000
This poultry king doled out $10,000 checks to state senators on the Senate floor in 89 to gut workers
compensation laws. His company has attracted more than $500,000 in pollution fines in the last decade. Now
Pilgrim wants to inject 500 gallons of chicken waste a minute into underground wells. Critics say it will
endanger local water quality.
7. *Kenneth & Linda Lay (Houston): $122,500
Lays Enron gas hired two GHWB cabinet members as they left office (see James Baker, No. 56, and Robert
Mosbacher, No. 30). After GHWBs 93 Gulf War victory tour of Kuwait, several members of his entourage,
including Baker, stayed on to hustle Enron contracts. The Clinton administration also threatened to cut
Mozambiques aid in 95 if it did not give Enron a contract. Former Enron president Richard Kinder also gave
GWB $119,409.
8. Ray L. Hunt (Dallas): $105,000
Oil heir Hunt and Dallas city manager secretly planned the $210 million Reunion development for a year
before briefing the city council. Hunt was the sole bidder for this private-public deal that appeared to be written
by Hunts lawyers. Hunt hired John Scovell ($1,000 to GWB) to head his development company. Scovells
father sat on Dallas committees that selected Reunion as the site of a new sports arena.
9. David H. Dewhurst III (Houston): $105,000
An ex-CIA operative, Dewhurst made a fortune at Falcon Seaboard oil, where he paid $1 million to settle fraud
and embezzlement charges by business partners. Dewhurst personally guaranteed $4 million in loans to his
successful 98 Texas General Land Commissioner campaign. His primary opponent said Dewhurst offered to
bankroll his campaign, tooif he would run for another office.
10. Richard E. Rainwater (Ft. Worth): $100,000
Rainwater was a key investor in the Texas Rangers and Columbia/HCA Healthcare, which the government is
investigating on Medicare fraud charges (see Richard Scott, No. 65). GWB received $37,500 from executives of
Rainwaters Crescent Real Estate (see Gerald Haddock, No. 33), which bought two buildings from the state in
96 at bargain-basement prices. GWBs personal blind trust invested in Crescent during his first term.
11. William A. McMinn (Brenham): $100,000
McMinn works with Sterling Chemical and the Sterling Group, whose principals have contributed $251,000 to
GWB. The Sterling Group buys and sells chemical companies. Sterling Chemical releases 11 million pounds of
toxic chemicals a year, chiefly from its Texas City plant, which is in a neighborhood that is 88 percent African
12. William L. Hutchison (Dallas): $100,000
This head of Hutchison Energy conspired with ex-Governor Bill Clements (No. 23) and others in a scandal
involving six-figure payments to Southern Methodist University athletes. The scandal triggered the toughest
enforcement penalties in NCAA history.
13. Harold Simmons (Dallas): $90,000
This corporate raider is a recidivist violator of federal campaign contribution limits. His companies have a
history of raiding worker pension funds and despoiling the environment. Simmons chemical arm, NL
Industries, has been named as potentially responsible for three Superfund sites. His Waste Control Specialists
wants to dump nuclear waste in West Texas (see Kent Hance, No. 18).
14. J. Virgil Waggoner (Houston): $85,000
Waggoner is vice chair of toxic polluter Sterling Chemical (see William McMinn, No. 11).
15. James Leininger (San Antonio): $82,750
A maker of oscillating hospital beds, Leininger became a tort reformer when plaintiffs said the beds dropped
them, crushed them or sprayed them with silicone. A fundraising letter revealed in 98 that his school voucher
PAC was working with Texans for Lawsuit Reform to topple Texas House Speaker. Leiningers Christian
right telemarketing firm got corporate welfare from Canton, Texas as a condition of locating there.
16. Tex Moncrief, Jr. (Ft. Worth): $75,927
IRS agents raided Moncrief Oil in 94, seeking evidence of an alleged $100 million tax fraud. U.S. Senators
made donor Moncrief a star witness in a 98 hearing on IRS abuses. The senators failed to mention that Tex had
agreed to one of the largest individual tax settlements in history.
17. S. Reed Morian (Houston): $56,050
Morians Dixie Chemical spewed 68,343 pounds of toxic waste into Texas skies in 97. The EPA sued Dixie
and Harold Simmons (No. 13) Baroid Corp and NL Industriesin 91 as potentially responsible for a 70-
million-gallon toxic Superfund site.
18. *Kent Hance (Austin): $51,000
Hance is a lobbyist and ex-Congressman who invested in Waste Control Specialists (WCS). WCS lost a95
battle for permission to dump nuclear waste in West Texas. After Harold Simmons (No. 13) bought a
controlling interest, however, WCS won a victory. In 99, GWBs Natural Resource Conservation
Commissioners nixed plans for a competing state-run nuclear dump.
19. Dan W. Cook, III (Dallas): $49,600
A Goldman Sachs partner, Cook was a top fundraiser for Texas Senator Kay Bailey Hutchisons 90 state
treasurer race. When Hutchison became treasurer she gave Cooks firm a $300 million contract to sell state
20. *J. Huffines, Jr. & Family (Dallas): $42,500
J.L. Huffines, Jr. and family own a string of Dallas-area car dealerships and part of the Dallas Cowboys.
Huffines and Thomas A. ODwyer ($1,000 to GWB) were accused of meeting to organize a secret Texas A&M
slush fund for football players. The men denied the accusations, but the NCAA severely punished the team
for the scandal. James Huffines is a GWB Pioneer.
21. Paul J. Meyer, Sr. (Waco): $41,500
Meyers SMI/USA sells self-improvement tapes through franchises. Meyer and SMI paid $300,000 in 95 to
settle federal charges that they had misled their franchise salespeople for decades about how much they could
earn hawking the tapes.
22. Gordon Cain (Houston): $41,000
Cain is the founder of the Sterling Group, which is associated with a string of polluting chemical companies
(see William McMinn, No. 11).
23. William & Rita Clements (Dallas): $40,106
Ex-Governor Bill Clements founded SEDCO oil company and was Nixons Acting Secretary of Defense.
Clements and others conspired in a scandal involving six-figure payments to Southern Methodist University
athletes, prompting the only death penalty in NCAA history. Clements and his co-conspirators then covered
up the scandal to protect his gubernatorial campaign. GWB appointed Clements wife as a UT Regent.
24. Scott A. Beck (Golden, CO): $40,000
Beck took Boston Chicken (BC) on a rapid-growth binge that ended in company bankruptcy in 98. Investors
were hoodwinked by strong BC revenue reports; most of this revenue came from repayments of loans BC made
to franchises to keep them afloat.
25. Woody L. Hunt (El Paso): $39,000
GWB appointed the owner of Hunt Building as a UT Regent. The federal government sued the firm for Air
Force housing that it said was 50 percent uninhabitable and could not withstand South Dakota winds. Hunt
settled for $8.8 million in 99.
26. David/Charles Koch (Wichita, KS): $25,000
Koch Industries oil spills trigger repeated lawsuits; the State of Texas is suing the company. It paid $10.5
million in 98 to settle a fishery lawsuit that followed its spill of crude into Nueces Bay. A federal jury ruled in
99 that Koch should pay $553,504 for oil it pilfered from Indian lands.
27. A. Glenn Braswell (Miami, FL): $25,000
This VITA Industries donor appears to be the man who Quackwatch says, probably set a record as the
person against whom the Postal Service filed the largest number of health-related false representation claims.
A. Glenn Braswell pled guilty to faking before-and-after photos for baldness and bust-enhancement remedies.
28. Kenneth N. Bigham (Houston): $25,000
Bigham is president of Waste Control Specialists, which wants to dump nuclear waste in West Texas (see Kent
Hance, No. 18).
29. William N. Lehrer (Garwood): $24,500
Lehrers Garwood Irrigation owns vast Colorado River water rights. To sell $16 million worth to Corpus
Christi, Garwood required a water-transfer permit from GWBs Texas Natural Resources Conservation
Commissioners (TNRCC). The TNRCC granted the permit soon after Garwood lobbyist Neal Jones ($2,500 to
GWB) hired the TNRCCs director to lobby for him.
30. Robert Mosbacher Jr/Sr (Houston): $24,000
Robert Mosbacher, Sr. and James A. Baker, III (No. 56), became paid Enron consultants upon exiting the
revolving door in GHWBs cabinet.
31. Jim Bob Moffett (New Orleans, LA): $21,000
Moffetts Freeport-McMoRan operates the worlds biggest gold mine in Indonesia, where it had cozy relations
with Suhartos dictatorship. Freeport lavished Suharto cronies with gifts and financed Indonesian troops, which
have been implicated in the deaths of dozens of indigenous people who resisted expansion of the polluting
32. Othal E. Brand (McAllen): $21,000
This Rio Grande Valley produce magnate made national news brandishing a gun against striking farm workers.
Appointed to a state pesticide board by ex-Governor Clements (No. 23), he dismissed a proposed chlordane
ban, saying, Sure, its going to kill a lot of people, but they may be dying of something else anyway. As
McAllen mayor, Brand solved the colonias problem with an ordinance prohibiting slum residents from
complaining about bad housing or water.
33. Gerald W. Haddock (Ft. Worth): $21,000
GWB received $37,500 from four executives of Richard Rainwaters (No. 10) Crescent Real Estate, led by
CEO Haddock. GWB approved the sale of two state office buildings to Crescent in 96 at a large loss to
34. Michael C. Mewhinney (Dallas): $20,000
A Texas Rangers investor, Mewhinney left Barrow, Hanley, Mewhinney & Strauss, in 99 to join GWBs
presidential campaign. Mewhinneys firm got a lucrative 97 contract to manage part of the states Permanent
School Fund (partner James Barrow also gave GWB $10,000).
35. Vance C. Miller (Dallas): $20,000
Miller heads a huge real estate brokerage. Federal bill collectors have been seeking $23 million from him for a
decade to cover his guarantees of bad real estate loans. I take a dim view of people who do not pay their bills,
Federal District Judge Joe Fish told Miller in 98. Especially when no effort seems to have been made to pay.
36. William & George Hume (SF, CA): $20,000
The Humes founded Basic American Foods. They were big funders of Californias Prop 226, which would have
required labor unions to get permission from each member before contributing their dues to political campaigns.
Conservative school board candidates put the 98 initiative on the ballot after teacher unions backed their
37. *Marshall B. Payne (Dallas): $20,000
Payne is a partner in Cardinal Investment Co. with Edward Rusty Rose ($40,805 to GWB). Their other
business investments include: the Texas Rangers; defense contractor Sierra Technologies; and Ace Cash
Express, which cashes checks for the working poor for 3% to 6% of face value.
38. Roy Huffington family (Houston): $18,000
Huffingtons Huffco made a huge Indonesian gas strike in 72. Huffco sent the Suharto dictatorship illegal
shipments of billy clubs and shock batons in the 80s, which spoiled Reagans plans to make Roys son an
assistant secretary of Commerce. Michael Huffington then shattered campaign-spending records trying to be a
California Senator.
39. Robert McDermott (San Antonio): $18,000
McDermott owned the San Antonio Spurs and was CEO of insurer United Services Automobile Association
(USAA). USAA got exempted from a 95 state law to discourage insurers from racial discrimination. A
legislator also credited USAA for getting GWB to veto a 97 insurance bill.
40. Steven D. Bedowitz (Irving): $17,000
Bedowitz headed Amre aluminum siding company, which produced what the New York Times called, one of
the great accounting frauds of the 1980s. In 92, Bedowitz settled federal charges that Amre inflated financial
reports to investors.
41. Charles Cawley (Wilmington, DE) $16,215
Cawley is CEO of a huge credit card company. He and 55 other MBNA executives and managers gave GWB
$115,556. Half this money moved in 98, when the industry that distributes credit cards like candy urged
Congress to punish irresponsible consumers who declare bankruptcy.
42. *Wayne Berman (Washington, DC): $16,000
Berman is a lobbyist and ex-GHWB assistant secretary of commerce. An ex-Connecticut state treasurer recently
pled guilty to corruption charges involving politicians and lobbyists who took finders fees from firms to
which he gave contracts to manage state pension funds. Berman reportedly landed a $900,000 fee and hired the
corrupt ex-treasurer as a lobbyist. After reports of this scandal, Berman has reportedly suspended Pioneer
fundraising, but the GWB campaign has not returned the $100,000 or more he raised.
43. D. Andrew Beal (Dallas): $16,000
Beal founded Beal Bank of Dallas and Beal Aerospace Technologies, which wants to build a private satellite
launch pad on the Caribbeans Sombrero Island. Critics say this endangers the islands brown booby nesting
population and a lizard species found nowhere else on the planet.
44. Robert Dedman, Jr. & Sr. (Dallas): $15,591
The Dedmans Club Corp. is the world's biggest resort chain. In 97, Dedman, Sr., gave $3 million to UT for
stadium improvements. In a rare move, UT did not publicize the gift, which came at a time when Club Corp.
was the sole bidder for a $10 million contract to run a private club at UTs football stadium. Club Corp. got the
45. *Teel Bivins & Family (Amarillo): $15,500
State Senator Teel Bivins is an overzealous GWB Pioneer. In 99, he wrote state legislators in 50 states telling
them they could legally transfer $1,000 from their war chests to GWBs. Such diversions are illegal in at least
four states.
46. James R. Lightner (Dallas): $15,000
Lightner founded defense contractor Electrospace Systems. He funds Texans for Lawsuit Reform and ex-Ku
Klux Klan Grand Wizard David Duke.
47. *Jim/Charles Francis (DC/Dallas): $14,000
Charles Francis of State Affairs public relations recruited Ken Hoagland as a Texas spinmeister for Big
Tobacco. When State Affairs formed the National Smokers Alliance (NSA), it tried to recruit Francis brother,
Jim, to its Texas board. Jim oversees GWBs Pioneers and is the GWB- appointed chair of the Texas
Department of Public Service.
48. William & Mary Ceverha (Dallas): $14,000
Revolving-door lobbyist William Ceverha championed the biggest taxpayer boondoggle in Dallas history (see
Louis Beecherl, Jr., No. 2). His wife is vice chair of the Texas Board of Health, which sold out consumers to the
diet supplement industry in 99 (see W. James Jonas, No. 50).
49. John C. Goff (Ft. Worth): $13,500
GWB received $37,500 from four executives of Rainwaters Crescent Real Estate, led by President Goff (a
Texas Rangers investor) and CEO Gerald W. Haddock (No. 33). GWB approved the sale of two state office
buildings to Crescent in 96 at a large taxpayer loss.
50. W. James Jonas, III: (San Antonio): $12,700
As Texas prepared to regulate the weight-loss supplement ephedrine (linked to eight Texas deaths), vendor
Metabolife hired Arter & Hadden lobbyist Jonas and his partner Jeff Wentworth ($5,500 to GWB), who is a
state Senator with influence over the health agencys budget. These lawyers and Metabolife President Michael
J. Ellis No. 82) all moved same-day bundled contributions of $2,500 or more to GWB in October 98. In early
99, GWBs Health Commissioner, Reyn Archer, and the Texas Board of Health approved indulgent ephedrine
rules that mirrored a draft supplied by the industry.
51. Robert Brittingham Family (Dallas): $12,500
Robert and Jack Brittingham sold one of the nations largest ceramic tile companies
for $650 million in 90. Robert Brittingham was convicted in 93 for illegally dumping Dal-Tile lead wastes. A
federal judge fined him $4 million dollarsthen the largest environmental fine ever levied on an individual.
52. Robert & W. B. Waltrip (Houston): $11,100
Waltrip owns SCI, the worlds largest funeral company. State regulators recommended a record $445,000 fine
against SCI in 98 for reportedly sending corpses to unlicensed embalmers. Politically connected SCI (which
gave GWB $35,000 and has ethics-challenged Democratic fundraiser Tony Coelho on its board) called its chits.
GWBs office held two meetings to dress down funeral regulators and the agency fired the director who led the
53. *Erle A. Nye (Dallas): $11,000
A GWB-appointed Texas A&M regent, Nye heads Texas Utilities, the states top grandfathered air polluter.
The 71 state Clean Air Act exempted existing industrial plants from new pollution rules. Rather than closing
this loophole, GWB got Exxon and Marathon to devise a program that invites these polluters to volunteer to
comply with modern pollution standards. In 99 utility deregulation legislation, the Legislature closed the
grandfather loopholebut only for utilities.
54. Charles E. Hurwitz (Houston): $11,000
An S&L controlled by corporate raider Hurwitz failed in 88, costing taxpayers $548 million. After Hurwitz
bought Pacific Lumber in 85, he raided its pension fund and doubled its redwood harvest. Government officials
saved some redwoods by paying Hurwitz a $480 million ransom.
55. *Howard Leach (SF, CA): $11,000
Cypress Farms President Leach was a member of GHWBs Team 100. Leach complained to President Bush in
92 that California growers needed a gulp of subsidized Central Valley water. When they got it just 10 days
later, Common Cause complained about a big donor getting special perks.
56. James A. Baker, III (Houston): $11,000
Baker and Robert Mosbacher, Sr., (No. 30) became paid consultants of oil giant Enron after exiting GHWBs
cabinet through the revolving door. Baker and Gulf War Joint Chiefs operations director Lt. General Thomas
Kelly joined GHWB on a 93 victory tour of Kuwait, staying on to lobby the government for Enron contracts.
57. Tom Schieffer (Arlington): $10,000
After becoming Governor, GWB put his assets in a blind trustexcept for the goose that laid his golden egg.
Texas Rangers President Schieffer kept GWB informed of the play-by-play negotiations to sell the team to Tom
Hicks for a huge profit in 99.
58. Fred V. Malek (McLean, VA): $10,000
Thayer Capital Partners chief Malek managed GHWBs 92 election campaign and had a hand in a Connecticut
Treasurers Office kickback scandal (see Wayne Berman, No. 42). When an ex-state senator complained to
Treasurer Paul Silvester that a securities firm failed to pay his finders fee, Silvester called Malek (whose
company got a $75 million state investment contract) and Thayer paid $349,500 to a firm linked to the ex-
59. Jack Y. Wu (Port Lavaca): $10,000
As vice president of a Port Lavaca Formosa Plastics plant in 95, Wu said, I feel very, very proud of what
weve done hereour air quality, water quality. This plant was fined $247,000 for wastewater violations,
settled hazardous waste dumping charges for $3 million, admitted that an employee took kickbacks from
contractors and found two workers floating in a chemical vat. The plant hired Joe Wyatt ($1,000 to GWB) to do
its PR after a sex scandal removed him from Congress. At the time, Wyatts wife sat on the state board that
granted pollution permits to this plant.
60. Keith Rupert Murdoch (LA, CA): $10,000
The union-busting tabloid trash king, Murdoch built a shock-entertainment media empire by investing in
politicians who regulate him. His tabloids endlessly endorse sympathetic politicos. His HarperCollins publishes
fawning books about such despots as Deng Xiaoping and offers huge advances to such politicians as Margaret
Thatcher and Newt Gringrich (to whom Harper offered a $4.5 million advance). His empire exploits off-shore
tax havens and dubious accounting methods.
61. Roger Staubach (Dallas): $10,000
This ex-Dallas Cowboys star wants to build 1,060 homes in Dallas. Staubach Co. tried a quarterback sneak in
99, asking the city for $7.6 million to finance infrastructure in the private development. Competitors
complained that the city had always reserved such corporate welfare for retail and industrial developments. In
response, Staubach Co. withdrew its requestuntil the city sets a policy for non-celebrity homebuilders.
62. Howard L. Hills (Washington, DC): $10,000
This Stroock & Lavan attorney is an ex-vice president of the federal Overseas Private Investment Corp (OPIC).
OPIC is a huge source of corporate welfare, providing loans, loan guarantees and political risk insurance to U.S.
firms investing in developing countries. Big corporations that can afford to buy these services in the private
sector are the main recipients of these taxpayer subsidies.
63. Jos Fanjul (Palm Beach, FL): $10,000
The First Family of Corporate Welfare, the Fanjuls control a third of Florida sugar production, collecting $60
million a year in federal subsidies. Their Everglades land was drained at public expense, an environmental
nightmare that costs taxpayers $63 million a year to maintain. The Fanjuls invest heavily in politicians;
President Clinton even took a call from Joss brother Alfonso while being serviced by Monica Lewinsky.
64. Randolph L. DeLay (Richmond): $10,000
Randy DeLay declared bankruptcy in 92 after failing a string of businesses. But when his brother Tom became
House majority whip in 95, Randy opened his own lobby shop with corporate clients and a six-figure salary.
These clients seemed to get two DeLay brothers for the price of one, with Tom carrying a lot of water for
Randys clients.
65. Richard L. Scott (Ft. Worth): $10,000
With start up capital from Richard Rainwater (No. 10), Scott started Columbia/HCA Healthcare chain. The
HMOs 10-year, hospital-buying binge ended in 97 with federal investigators raiding Columbia facilities for
evidence of Medicare fraud.
66. Randy Best (Dallas): $10,000
Bests Voyager Expanded Learning runs for-profit, after-school classes. Dallas school superintendent abruptly
resigned in 97 to work for Voyager. His hand-picked successor gave Voyager a $500,000 contract without
seeking competing bids. GWB urged the Legislature to spend $25 million on such after-school programs in 97;
his education commissioner opposed efforts to regulate Voyager.
67. C. Boyden Gray (Washington, DC): $10,000
White House Counsel to President Bush, Gray became a revolving-door lobbyist at Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering.
Gray has led the corporate denial of global warming and heads the corporate front group Citizens for a Sound
68. Robert J. Santoski (Houston): $10,000
Santoski is a big Sterling Group investor. It is associated with a string of polluting chemical companies (see
donor William McMinn, No. 11).
69. B. M. Rankin, Jr. (Dallas): $10,000
Rankin is a director of Freeport-McMoRan, a mining firm with an atrocious environmental and human rights
record (see Jim Bob Moffett, No. 31).
70. Dan Shelley (Austin): $9,000
Shelley was GWBs legislative director in 95, when Texas overhauled its welfare system. When he hit the
revolving door to make up to $675,000 as a lobbyist for Lockheed (which was bidding to run the Texas welfare
system), GWB adopted a belated staff ethics policy. (GWB also got $5,000 from DC Lockheed lobbyist David
71. Heinz C. Prechter (Southgate, MI): $9,000
The chair of American Sunroof Corp., Prechter was an elite GHWB Team 100 fundraiser. GHWB put him on
the Presidents Export Council and took him on a state visit to Japan that netted Prechter a sweet deal to sell
sunroofs to Honda.
72. *Allan Shivers, Jr. (Austin): $8,000
The son of an ex-governor, Shivers is president of Texans for Quality Health Care. This HMO trade group
opposed a 97 Texas law that makes HMOs liable for harm that patients suffer when an HMO denies doctor-
prescribed care. This law took effect after GWB failed to veto it (which would have angered doctors and
patients) or sign it (which would have angered a powerful industry).
73. J. Patrick Rooney (Indianapolis, IN): $7,700
Rooney quit a 95 Indiana gubernatorial race after media found that his Golden Rule Insurance does not practice
that religious principle. Golden Rule has an alarming rate of not paying customers claims and denying
coverage to senior citizens. Rooney was a top donor to Newt Gingrich, who plugged Golden Rule in televised
74. Billy Meyer (Waco): $7,500
Meyer operates a car racetrack in Ennis, Texas. He wanted Grand Prairie voters to buy him another one in 99.
But cooler heads prevailed; 54 percent of the voters put the brakes on this public financing of private profits.
75. Richard M. Plato (Baytown): $7,000
Plato will never contribute to GWB as a lawyer again. He was disbarred in 98 after pleading guilty to wire
fraud, conspiracy and money laundering.
76. Edgar Cullman, Jr. (New York, NY): $7,000
Although GWB pledged not to take money from tobacco PACs or executives for his gubernatorial races, this
CEO of General Cigar Holdings contributed to both GWB gubernatorial races. GWB has backpedaled in his
presidential run, forswearing tobacco PAC money but openly taking money from top tobacco executives.
77. George P. Mitchell (Woodlands): $6,750
Mitchell is a developer and oil tycoon. People in Wise County say they can ignite their well water because
Mitchell Energy failed to cap area gas wells. Jurors awarded them $204 million, but Texas Supreme Court
justices overturned the award. Mitchell was to settle related charges before the Texas Railroad Commission for
a record $2.2 million, but commissioners cut the fine in half. The commissioners and justices took thousands of
campaign dollars from Mitchell Energy.
78. Herbert F. Collins (Boston, MA): $6,000
Collins headed GHWBs 92 New England campaign. He is chair of Boston Capital Partners, which makes
housing loans under a federal tax credit program. Collins urged Rep. Bill Archer to retain a pet tax break in 96,
when he was hosting fundraisers for Archer's son-in-law.
79. Lewis M. Eisenberg (Rumsan, NJ): $6,000
Eisenberg founded Granite Capital Corp. He chairs the Republican Leadership Council (RLC), which opposes
ultra-conservative influences in the GOP. Eisenberg raised RLC funds to run ads attacking Steve Forbes for any
attack ad he might run in the future. Forbes filed a complaint arguing that the RLC is a front for the GWB
80. George/Richard Wackenhut (FL): $6,000
The largest U.S. prison company, Wackenhut Corrections has tens of millions of dollars in contracts with
Texas. The state had to take over a Wackenhut-run facility in Austin in 99 following criminal charges that
Wackenhut understaffed the jail, falsified its records and employed guards that beat and had sex with inmates.
81. *Lee & Ed Bass (Ft. Worth): $5,427
GWB got $210,000 from PACs of the oil-rich Bass family. When GWBs ailing Harken Oil suspiciously won
Bahrains offshore drilling rights in 90, the Basses financed the venture. When GWB appointed a legislative
committee to reduce property taxes, lobbyist Neal Jones ($2,500 to GWB) went behind the scenes to defend
Bass tax breaks. The committee chair broke lobby protocol by demanding that they explain publicly why other
Texans should underwrite tax breaks for billionaires. GWB appointed Lee Bass chair of the Department of
Parks and Wildlife. He and Robert Bass were part of GHWBs Team 100.
82. Michael J. Ellis (San Diego, CA): $5,000
Metabolife President Ellis got GWBs administration to bury tough rules for ephedrine weight-loss supplements
(see W. James Jonas, No. 50). After media reports in May 99 that Ellis and coworker Michael J. Blevins were
convicted of producing the illegal drug methamphetamine in 91, GWBs campaign returned the $10,000 that
they contributed seven months earlier. The timing suggested that the campaign objected to their young-and-
irresponsible drug peddling rather than to big donors peddling influence inside the GWB administration.
83. Michael J. Blevins (San Diego, CA): $5,000
Convicted methamphetamine dealer who worked for Metabolife, which buried tough ephedrine rules in Texas
(see Michael J. Ellis, No. 82, and W. James Jonas, No. 50).
84. H. Ross Perot, Jr., (Dallas): $5,000
Voters narrowly approved a $125 million new arena for Perots Mavericks and Tom Hicks (No. 3) Stars in 98.
The public did not know the conflicts of two top stadium backers until after the vote: Mayor Ron Kirk stood to
make $500,000 from options in a Hicks company and City Manager John Ware went on Hicks payroll. Perot
also split tiny Westlake, Texas in half. Residents feared that they would be forced to finance infrastructure for a
big Perot development. Most town leaders embraced the plan, however, after Perot began offering to buy their
properties. Pro-Perot aldermen fired the mayor (a Perot critic) and voted to remove land that they and Perot
owned from Westlake.
85. Chris B. Burnham: (Stamford, CT): $5,000
Burnham resigned as Connecticut Treasurer in 97 to become the CEO of Columbus Circle Investors. The year
before, he granted Columbus a contract to manage $150 million in state pension funds.
86. Mark Stiles (Beaumont): $5,000
When Stiles chaired the Texas state House committee that determines which bills get voted on, Texas spent
$1.5 billion to double its prison capacity. Stiles cement company then got contracts to pour cement for new state
prisons. One of the new slammers is the Mark Stiles State Prison.
87. Earl M. Gilbert (Houston): $5,000
The state of Texas sued Gilbert and his development companies for selling flood-plain homes to Spanish-
speaking buyers without adequate disclosure. After a Gilbert subdivision flooded in 92, he got some flood
victims to sign insurance checks over to him for repairs, which the state called shoddy and incomplete.
Gilbert settled the charges in 95 by agreeing to pay restitution to the flooded homeowners as well as paying
$15,000 in state legal costs.
88. Peter Huntsman (Salt Lake City) $5,000
An uncontrolled chemical flare at Huntsman Petrochemicals Odessa, Texas plant in 98 disgorged a black
cloud of toxic chemicals for three weeks. The Texas Natural Resources Conservation Commission downplayed
the seriousness of the accident until the NAACP presented it with more than 3,000 health complaints from
nearby African-American residents. CEO Peter Huntsman, Sr., disavowed links between these complaints and
his plants toxic plume. Do I believe its directly related to what we are doing at this facility? he asked. No, I
personally do not believe that.
89. Evan G. Greenberg (New York, NY): $5,000
Evan is president of American Insurance Group (AIG), where his dad, GWB Pioneer Maurice R. Hank
Greenberg, is Chair and CEO. Maurice Greenberg accompanied President Bush on his business tour of China in
92, becoming the first foreign company allowed to sell insurance there.
90. Kenneth L. Berry (Corpus Christi): $5,000
Berry Construction President Ed Martin sits on the Corpus Christi City Council. In that capacity, he cast a tie-
breaking vote in 99 to appoint his boss, Ken Berry, to the Port of Corpus Christis board. This convinced the
city to tighten its ethics policies.
91. Hunter Nelson (Houston): $5,000
Nelson is an executive at the Sterling Group, which is associated with a string of polluting chemical companies
(see William McMinn, No. 11).
92. Frank Hevrdejs (Houston): $4,000
Hevrdejs is president of the Sterling Group, which is associated with a string of polluting chemical companies
in Texas (see William McMinn, No. 11).
93. Gene N. Fondren (Austin): $4,000
This head of the Texas Automobile Dealers Association never stops raising money for power brokers. Fondren
threw a fundraiser for ethics-tainted ex-Texas Speaker Gib Lewis in 92, hours after Lewis announced that he
would not seek reelection.
94. Lee Goodman, Jr. (Ft. Worth): $4,000
Goodman founded Sensitive Care nursing homes and Creative Living group homes for the mentally ill.
Regulators took over the group homes in the early 90s, charging Goodman with underfunding resident care.
Goodmans wife, Carolyn, was allowed to take over the business. But in 99, the state seized control of her
nursing homes after the federal government stopped funding them following Medicare fraud allegations.
95. Gary L. Bradley (Austin): $3,500
Austin voters passed a 92 initiative mandating strict environmental controls for development over an
environmentally sensitive aquifer. Ever since, Bradley and other developers of that land have turned to the
courts and the legislature to try to sidestep this ordinance.
96. Robert D. Rogers (Dallas): $3,000
Rogers heads cement giant Texas Industries (TXI), which burns hazardous wastes for power. Neighbors blame
TXI fumes for a litany of health problems and animal deaths. Ex-TXI lobbyist Ralph Marquez killed a bill to
impose tighter regulations on such emissions before GWB appointed him as a Texas Natural Resources
Conservation Commissioner. As a commissioner, Marquez voted to approve two pollution-related permits for
97. Jackson Stephens (Little Rock, AR): $3,000
Investment banker Stephens was a big GHWB fundraiser. He helped GWBs Harken Oil raise money by selling
its stock to buyers tied to the criminal Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI). These BCCI
associates were: Saudi Abdullah Bakhsh and Swiss Union Bank, which helped BCCI evade money-laundering
laws in Panama.
98. Dwayne O. Andreas (Decatur, IL): $3,000
Andreas was chair of Archer Daniels Midland (ADM), the agricultural company that gives millions of dollars to
Republicans and Democrats. ADM receives billions of dollars of corporate welfare, including price and export
subsidies on sugar and ethanol. Andreas resigned in 99 after ADM pled guilty to criminal price-fixing and paid
the largest criminal antitrust fine in history.
99. Johnnie B. Rogers (Austin): $3,000
Rogers is a lobbyist who represents funeral industry giant Service Corp. International (see Robert Waltrip, No.
52). The Bush administration intervened on SCIs behalf in a pending case in which funeral regulators
recommended a record $445,000 fine against SCI for allegedly jobbing out corpses to unlicensed embalmers.
The administration said GWB had no involvement in the caseuntil Rogers acknowledged seeing GWB and
SCIs owner briefly discuss the issue.
100. Prescott Bush, Jr. (Greenwich, CT): $3,000
When GHWB took his first presidential trip abroad in 89, his brother made business trips to the same Asian
countries. Prescott got a $250,000 consulting fee from investment firm Asset Management International, which
had a contract to set up a satellite communications system for Chinas government. Sanctions GHWB imposed
on China after the Tienanmen Square massacre blocked exports of the requisite satellites. But GHWB fixed that
by declaring an exception because these satellites were in the national interest.