*

For Mutual Aid
& Solidarity
29 Sept ‘13
325.nostate.net
Letter by International Conspiracy of Revenge
Indonesian sector Informal Anarchist Federation -
International Revolutionary Front
Finally, we had an opportunity to
write a letter in a ‘detailed way’
from our own point of view in our
group. From beyond the
geographical borders, -although it’s
never been a limitation for our
meetings in ideas and actions-, it is
one of the basic problems that
prevent our physi cal meeti ng, .
Through this letter, we want to offer
some of our analysis regarding the
situation around us (as individuals
and as a group), and also our own
anal ysi s rel ated to the recent
situation of FAI/IRF, since we are
part of it. The letter is our critique
and contribution for international
anarchists of praxis around the
globe.
The letter itself is the result of our
discussion. But one must be aware
from the beginning that we are an
associ ati on of i ndi vi dual i sts,
although we use one name in order
of anonymity. In some part of this
letter, the view represented the joint
agreement among individuals in our
group. But we never want to abolish
the individual’s judgment. That is
why below, you will find some parts
where we mention about individual
analysis or individual gesture.
PART 1
thus democracy - the mother of
socialism - is the daughter of
religions*
—Renzo Novatore,
(Toward the Creative Nothing)
Continued on page 3...
FUNDAMENTALISM, DIRECT ACTION and
THE ANARCHISTS  ?
Since June of this year, we noted that in
Indonesia there were at least 4 cases of
political shooting against police officers. In
our brief analysis, these actions are done by
Mosl em armed groups. Fundamental i st
groups who exist since several years ago.
Some individuals said that they started to
appear in early 2000 and run until now. Their
type of actions most easily recognized by the
targets. For exampl e, the bombi ngs of
churches and ‘capitalist symbols’ such as
hotel s or cafés where many forei gners
(western or easily-said-to-be white skins)
hangout. The most famous actions of this
group are the Bali bomb part 1 (12 October
2002), the bomb against JW Marriot hotels
(5 August 2003), the bomb action against
the Australian embassy in 2004 and three
bomb actions known as Bali Bom part 2 (1
October 2005). We highlight one thing, that
now the group moved to another tactic.
Rather than to send any suicide bombers like
before, now they are targeti ng the pi gs
(police).
Why are they targeting the police? Because
for them, the police are the most repressive
tools of the State. Police institutions and all
the police officers are the ones who must
take responsibility for all of the ‘counter-
i nsurgency’ from the State agai nst thi s
Moslem group and all of its members in the
last ten years. The Indonesian special unit
against terrorism is well known as Densus
88, who are the number one enemy for this
Mosl em group. The pi gs i n Densus 88,
specifically carry a purpose to smash down
this Moslem group and all terrorist activities
around and in Indonesia. In the last five years
we noted that the pigs of Densus 88 held
Athens, Greece:
Letter of anarchist
Andreas Tsavdaridis
from Koridallos prison
“To my goal I will go—on my own way;
over those who hesitate and lag behind I
shall leap. Thus let my going be their
going under.”
Friedrich Nietzsche
This open letter is not addressed to the
official milieu and its weathered struc-
tures. I despise its stereotypes, the
putrescent breaths of its fixation. I con-
sider the “anarchist” milieu of bureaucrats
to be an enclave of Power, as they
reproduce the same authoritarian values. I
have no intention to make public relations,
nor do I desire any sort of solidarity or
unofficial help from dignitaries and
subordinates of the antiauthoritarian
lifestyle. I am addressing the minorities;
those individualities who show their
contempt and mockery of Domination and
its servants, and do not hesitate to take
the offensive against the essence of
contemporary civilization; all those
anarchists of praxis who align themselves
with the FAI-informal network, and furiously
orchestrate their destructive plans,
causing vexation in the camp of the
enemy.
On the 11th of July I was arrested by a
unit of the anti-terrorist force as I was
returning home. I was put inside a conven-
tional car of their police service in
Thessaloniki, and within a few hours I
found myself onto the 12th floor of the
Athens police headquarters (GADA). On
the 17th of July I was put on remand, and I
have been held in Koridallos prisons ever
since. I assume responsibility for sending
an incendiary parcel to the former com-
mander of the anti-terrorist force, Dimitris
Chorianopoulos, as FAI-IRF cell under the
name Commando Mauricio Morales. I
remain Unrepentant for my choice. A strike
against the security complex is a direct
attack on the establishment’s core; a
direct attack on the state institutions,
which operate independently from the
policy formulation of respective govern-
ments, and have the perpetuation of
Domination over my life as their mission.
Continued overleaf...
2
several raid operations against the Moslem
group where some of the members were killed
in gunfire battle with the pigs and a big
number of the members arrested. At least
more than 30 members of this group now
face different charges in trial for their actions.
This group, in our analysis is a group who
have had success in the practice of how small
cells consist of three or four people, and
organise in informal and closed methods. The
l i nks for communi cati on, exchangi ng
i nformati on, or l ogi sti cs are bui l t wel l ,
disciplined and tight. They also have good
sources for l ogi sti cs by the acti ons of
expropriation against banks, gold stores or
robbery against non-Moslem rich citizens.
Some ‘self-proclaimed’ experts said that the
group is funded from the middle eastern
countries. That is the reason why they easily
get gunpowder, weapons, safe houses and
other supporting tools for their struggle. Each
of their members also know well about all
the consequences of the struggle –they
called it ‘jihad’. Getting arrested or possibly
death for them i s onl y the cost of war.
Nothing to worry about.
And what is the goal or purpose of this group?
Their goal is ‘an Islamic kingdom’ so called
‘khilafah’ which is of course based on Islamic
rules or known as Sharia law. One who joined
with this group shares the common idea that
an Islamic government is the perfect one and
is the answer for all of the crises of the
materi al worl d they face now. These
fundamentalists –in our analysis– share the
same i dea wi th the Marxi sts and soci al
anarchists who accuse capitalism of causing
of al l the dai l y probl ems. The I sl ami c
fundamental i sts, Marxi sts and soci al
anarchists in our eyes are groups of people
who escape from the real war and choose to
search after what they cal l better
government, a better ruler or a better society.
If the social anarchists named it: a better
society, the Marxists call it communism, so
the fundamentalists call it: khilafah. Different
names but one common essence. They just
spoke in different languages of theories but
their goal is similar in all aspects.
In our sight, the only point that separates
this Moslem fundamentalist group from the
Marxists and social anarchists is the brave
choice of the Moslems to step further not to
only depend on the peaceful demonstration
or wait for the change coming. Their choice
is arming themselves and starting to carry
out an attack agai nst the structure and
individuals who they have considered as the
enemy.
After all for some individuals in our group,
the choice to arm yourself and start an attack
acti vel y i s not an easy choi ce. But i t’ s
important to help the clear sight of the bold
l i ne regardi ng the consci ousness of
individuals among this Moslem group. The
consciousness is not the critical one. The
choice came from outside, injected
roughly and without any resistance.
The choices are a direct product of
indoctrination and the individuals in
this group are only puppets, zombies
without individual critical thought.
They only have one truth, without
exception, poor of self-recognition
and there is no dignity inside.
For us, each i ndi vi dual s i n thi s
group, the absence of dignity also
befell in the ‘anarchist movement’
here. So far, we see how the
anarchi sts who have no cl ear
stance in the war against existence
mutate themsel ves i nto ‘ soci al
activism’ as an excuse for their lack
of ability to step into the direct war.
They argue that feeding the hungry
ones or shari ng space wi th the
homeless is also part of the war, and
they name i t as di rect acti on.
Something that made us laugh. The
soci al anarchi sts around us i n
Indonesia only moved the puzzles
of illusion from one side to another,
while in the same time they also
changed the angle to see it. The
kind of activities that made them
al ways feel the ‘ revol uti onary
tension’ and deny that they just
repeat the activities inside their
peaceful life zones full of boredom.
They spoke about a better future
where there is no hierarchy and
humans live as equals, but they
accepted and l egal i ze al l the
hierarchy in their struggle. Because
of their individual cowardice, they
run and hide behind the arguments
of sol i dari ty wi th the autonomy
struggles. But if one can see clearly
that it only temporary points to a
quench of their thirst of what is so-
called; ‘revolution’. It is why their
revolution is always about numbers
or masses. Their revolution is based
on the needs of society, needing to
create a heaven on the earth.
Needing to have revolution with
temporary tension and full of fake
pl asti c fl owers and syntheti c
fragrances. They are a mob with a
single destination, the same one as
the Moslem fundamentalists.
I n I ndonesi a so far, we onl y
recognize Kontinum, the anarchist-
communi st group who –even
though separated by ocean of ideas
and values– have the clear stance.
This group with strong analysis,
written by brave comrades –and not
by cowards who can only translate
texts from forei gn l anguages to
I ndonesi an l anguages but have
shaky hands when holding the rocks
–provide the clear view with dignity
as anarchi sts. As a group of
anarchi sts, Konti num i s beyond the
obstacles. Something that many anarchists
in Indonesia can’t do. Stuck in the wall of
obstacles that turn the social anarchists to
pl ay wi th facebook, twi tter or onl i ne
transl ati on of archai c materi al s about
anarchism hundreds years ago, in an era
when anarchism was a ‘success’. The social
anarchists in Indonesia or abroad for us
contain a pathetic attitude! That is why if
one of them tries to stand before us and our
violent actions, we would never think twice
to send them also our anger. Everything and
everyone who wants to maintain the social
order is our enemy! No respect for them.
PART 2
When you humiliate a means of struggle,
in this way, it is just wrong. You either
fight and remain true to your choices or
you don’t fight at all.
You are not an anarchist when you suck
on political parties. If you are an anarchist
you don’t talk about national sovereignty
or the Greek people, neither do you seek
the need of a new pole of authority.
You are an anarchist when you proudly
fight against any form of authority, even
against those alienating forms of authority,
that we all have inside us.
—Gerasimos Tsakalos,
(Now That The Circus Is Over)
ANTI-MORAL, ANTI-JUDICIAL and
ILLEGALITY
We will never forget the day when the pigs
arrested our brothers Billy and Eat. That day
was a starting point when everything became
clearer for us. Although they finally reached
their freedom outside the walls, but for some
of us –nothing is over.
Yes. We point to all the social anarchists
who at the moment –when our group was
attacked by the enemy, -when the State
captured two of our brothers and forced one
of our comrades to go underground until
now– you stood agai nst us. You stood
against us and accused our choice as an
imitation of European nihilists, out of your
mind where you can’t believe the birth of a
new generation of anarchists with nihilist
tendencies and anti-social pole. And all of
you who from that time until now always
doubt our acti ons and put the l i mi t of
disagreement between us. Disagreement
wi thout any possi bi l i ty of agreement,
something that leads to our total critique in
some of our communiques. You, the social
anarchists are cowards!
First, we want to highlight and make clear
something about our stance before the
questi on of al l j udi ci al and l egal tool s.
Something that in our analysis contributed
3
Letter of anarchist Andreas Tsavdaridis
...continued from frontpage.
to an ocean of disagreement relating to
how an anarchist acts in front of it.
In some cases, we often found that in
several so-called ‘social and autonomy
struggles’ one who has no dignity will act
agai nst the l aw and al l the j udi ci al
frameworks when i t i s agai nst thei r
i nterests, but when they become the
‘victims’, they will go back to ‘home sweet
home’; and use the repressive methods
of the enemy. They will use it in order to
gain their objectives. Even though it is
clearly against your position as anarchists,
-anarchists are the direct and total enemy
of any forms of authori ty. The soci al
struggle now around us is just a circus.
Performances of activism and ‘messiah-
ism’ from those who are self-proclaimed
anarchists, who limit themselves from the
direct war and hide behind the reason of
the ‘right moment’ to act. Stupidity and
cowardice that they gained from their fear.
Yes, they are tot al l y scared to bri ng
themselves into the battle field and face
the enemy. The real one and not the
imaginary enemy similar to the ones in
facebook or twitter.
The social anarchists without dignity often
used legal ways in order to gain what they
called: ‘the goals of struggle’. But the main
question for us, is how can the anarchist
struggle fit into the legal system created
by the State, the enemy of our struggle?
How can you –who proclaim yourselves
as anarchists– believe in lawyers and their
kindness in the circus of ‘class action’,
depending on the judicial process and all
of its details? How can you call the ‘fake
plastic’ as an ‘autonomy struggle’, when
you put yourself and part of your activities
into the legal system of law that is from
the enemy? Where is the anarchist attitude
within you when you bow down before the
hammer of the judges or ‘radical’ non-
government organi zati ons or for the
media? We believe that you only have two
options: you totally lost your mind or you
are never an anarchi st i n one si ngl e
millimeter.
Many of you presented yourself in front
of the media in order ‘to explain’ or ‘to
answer’ the questions from the society
that were related to your struggle. You
brought yourself in dialogue with the
enemy and sti l l consi der yoursel f as
anarchists at the same time. You talk
‘polite and nice’ in face of the enemy and
you said that it was for the struggle. You
shared the moments with the leftists and
said that you are not part of them, but
you sit next to them. You hold the NGO’s
hands but you said that you still have
autonomy. You obey the ‘peace maker’ and
you declared that you are anti-hierarchy?
You lived with two faces, two fake faces:
the face of coward and the face of a liar.
I believe that Power is an inspiration for
and immediate corollary from the values
of society. Power is an idea. It seems like
something inaccessible, like a god that
overwhelms the thoughts, dreams and
feelings of its believers; a modern social
religion into which the mass hastens to
be inducted. The dominators don’t
impose themselves by coups d’état, but
through their citizens’ approval. All of the
problems of social pathogeny are simply
the dark side of a world that wants to
live without responsibilities.
I don’t believe in any popular revolution.
Anything based on the mass, the herd,
carries the seed of slavery within. That
mob, whose values are determined by
others, is incapable of defining its own
life. This resultant force, even if it may
be called revolutionary, will crumble after
its uprising, no matter the outcome. Its
participants seek a more favorable
economic system, tailored to their
interests. They’re not in the mood for
overthrowing the values of civilization;
they merely beg for the reforming-
restructuring of capitalism by non-
institutional means.
I don’t believe in any future social
paradise as the alleged inevitable
evolution of a metaphysical predomi-
nance of justice, which anoints the
People a messiah in order to fulfill the
societist prophecies. These theories are
full of grudge, and degrade the notion of
Human to the villainy of their authors
and advocates.
Contrary to the zealots of mass mobiliza-
tions aimed at the liberation of their
social role, I pursue the liberation of my
own individual from every social role. My
projectuality is constant anarchist
insurgency against every system, every
society, and every kind of mass morality.
My own war has its foundations on my
will for force, and I therefore attack on
everything that insults my Aesthetics. For
me, war is a Dionysian lunacy that
cannot be explained by the rationaliza-
tions of societist parrots.
In my opinion, solidarity towards a
prisoner of war should carry forward and
reproduce the cause for which s/he was
locked up in the first place. Thus the
fight for the diffusion of direct anarchist
action is the only solidarity I recognize in
my particular case.
Before I conclude, I would like to express
my solidarity with imprisoned anarchists
worldwide; to the CCF comrades,
Panagiotis, Giorgos, Makis, Olga, Haris,
Christos, Theofilos, Michalis, Damiano,
and Giorgos; to the comrades Nicola
Gai and Alfredo Cospito in Italy, who
are accused for the Olga Cell’s action;
to Gabriel Pompo Da Silva, incarcer-
ated in Spanish prisons; to Marco
Camenisch, imprisoned comrade in
Switzerland; to the unrepentant
Thomas Meyer-Falk (still captive in
Germany). To Jock Palfreeman in
Bulgaria; to the fighter Hans Niemeyer,
as well as the bandits Freddy
Fuentevilla, Marcelo Villarroel and Juan
Aliste Vega, in Chile. To comrade
Henry Zegarrundo in Bolivia, and to
anarchist Braulio Durán in Mexico. To
fugitives Felicity Ryder and Diego
Ríos: hold strong!
Strength to all the FAI cells in Mexico,
Ecuador, Bolivia, Argentina, Chile,
Indonesia, Italy, Greece, Spain, the
United Kingdom, Netherlands, Russia,
Belarus, Ukraine, Finland, Brazil, and
Australia.
HONOUR FOREVER TO MAURICIO
MORALES.
PS.1: The “PHOENIX PROJECT” was
initiated on the 7th of June 2013 by
the comrades of Conspiracy of Cells
of Fire/Consciousness Gangs/Sole–
Baleno Cell/FAI-IRF with an explosive
attack on the private car of the
Koridallos prison director, toward the
regeneration and dynamic resurgence
of the new urban guerilla warfare. The
project has found accomplices in the
face of our brothers and sisters from
Indonesia. The Anger Unit/ICR/IRF-FAI
and the International Conspiracy for
Revenge/FAI-IRF responded to the
call, and attacked structures of the
Indonesian regime implementing the
3rd and 5th act of the Phoenix Project,
respectively. Our brothers and sisters
proved that anarchist discourse
accompanied by acts can overcome
the long distances that keep us apart.
We know that, as long as there are
comrades who turn their desires into
actions, no anarchist prisoner will ever
be alone. Brothers and sisters of the
ICR/FAI-IRF, your offensive gave us
courage. Our hearts are with you. Until
we meet! Until the end!
PS.2: My comrade and friend Spyros
Mandylas has no involvement whatso-
ever in the case.
Andreas Tsavdaridis
Dikastiki Filaki Koridallou, A Pteryga,
18110 Koridallos, Athens, Greece.
...continued on page 4
4
Part 3
We know that it never gets dark there,
inside your prisons. Therein memories
are scratching, and one forgets how the
sky looks without bars and barbed wire.
If death had its own color, it should be
painted on your prisons. Because the
realm of slow death lies on the inside,
and one can feel it every single day.
—CCF in cooperation with
Consciousness Gangs, Sole-Baleno
Cell, (Phoenix Project #01)
FAI /I RF, PHOENIX PROJECTS and
INTERNATIONAL CALL
We received the news of actions from
different cells of FAI/IRF around the globe.
From the comrades of FAI Cell in UK, we
also want to welcome our comrades from
Felicity Ann Ryder Cell of FAI Australia,
the letter from captive anarchist Andreas
Tsavdaridis, the coordinated attack from
CCF cell and ELF cell in Russia, and the
Phoenix Project #6 from the comrades
of CCF in Greece who sent the bomb
parcel to motherfucker Dimitris Mokkas
[chief prosecutor of the Conspiracy of
Cells of Fire-FAI, Athens, Greece]. But
first we want to share more about our
concerns related to the recent text from
Felicity Ann Ryder Cell of FAI Australia.
Called an answer for ‘the agents of doubt’
after the attack. Something that in our
consideration we need to add some more
comments on from us as comrades, or as
individuals who believe that our enemy is
the totality of the society with all of its
details.
We want to open it with one question.
Why do you have so much respect for
your enemy as to where you responded
to them about your violent attack?
Media, pigs, the law abiding citizens,
judges, social activists, leftist politicians
or any of part of the soci ety are the
enemies of us. There is no exceptions.
The infrastructures, the property or the
human itself who stands at the side of
the society is the enemy. That is why we
have no respect or ‘humanity’ for any of
it. Schools, for example, is one of our
targets. In the past we burned down one
school because we believe that schools
as they are, are also part of the repressive
tools of society. The schools are equal to
factories, ATM or banks, police offices,
car dealers or supermarkets in our eyes.
Nothing is more important than any of the
others. Burning down police offices is
equal to the attacks against ATM or banks.
And every sound of rebellions with fire
and bullets will have no space in the social
order. Each vi ol ent act agai nst the
authorities smashes down before the
smoke rises up. That is why the enemy
will do everything it can to cover it up in
order to maintain the social peace.
When actions of FAI /I RF are not
published in the media or they deny
it, don’t waste your energy to explain
it to the enemy or some cowards
(social anarchists for example) who
want to have ‘better solid evidence’
about it. Don’t waste your time in
answering questions from cowards
with anarchy symbols, who bow
their heads and sit calm in their
house. You sound like “beg for your
rights of equal proportioned news
between opposition and the ruler”
from your enemy. As anarchists of
praxis with actions of violence, you
don’t need to do it.
Communiques of action are not
addressed to them. Communiques
for us are the voice of the actions.
The sounds in the form of words
from the angry ones who want to
exchange their analysis or messages
or greetings with the others.
Long or short one, the communique
is not the main thing. But its about
what the messages are inside it.
What one wants to share with other
comrades abroad. Why you choose
the targets, what is your analysis
and who are the comrades that you
want to share the warm of fire in
your actions. All of it is what we
cal l ed ‘ content’ i n the
communiques.
The communiques of FAI/IRF for us
are not articles written by scholars,
ful l of references or readi ng
suggesti ons and theori es of
nothing. Communiques also are not
poems full with romantic words of
hope. Communiques are also not
just programs or goals for informal
networking for violent anarchists.
Communiques on the other hand
can be a proposal of continual war
and sel f-cri ti ci sm amongst
comrades in network. Since we
hardly find an opportunity for face
to face meetings, communiques of
actions or letters from imprisoned
anarchists play the role to provide
each i ndi vi dual i n the FAI / I RF
project a voice for continuity of
communication. To plan, to analyze,
to decide and to attack, to evaluate,
share experiences and knowledge,
to plan again for next actions.
In this part, the informal network of
counter-information translations fill
the gap. For us, the international
proj ect of transl ati ons are an
integral part of our struggle. Our
respect and love is also addressed
to comrades who gave their energy
and spirit to expand the calls from
one place to another part of the
globe. To spread the noises from one cell
of FAI/IRF to another. One can’t say that
translations or counter-information is a
method of struggle where the risks are less
than for one who carries incendiary tools.
In Italy we clearly saw how the enemy
kidnapped our brothers and sisters from
Culmine and Parole Armata. We saw that
the translation projects are also considered
by them part of a ‘dangerous’ enemy and
how they want to repress it.
That is why for us, there is no need to
explain anything to the enemy. FAI /I RF
have nothing to do with them except for
our revenge.
Revenge such as The Phoenix Project.
International violence project by FAI/I RF.
First launched by Conspiracy of Cells of
Fi re comrades i n cooperati on wi th
Consciousness Gang in 7
th
June with the
explosive attack against the vehicle of
Koridallos prison’s director, Maria Stefi.
The second project continued in 20
th
June
by International Conspiracy for Revenge:
Greece Uni t, who bl ew up the car
belonging to Algiris Gelbouras, pig of the
prison institution. We responded it by
sending fire to The Media Hotel and Tower
in 26
th
June. The project continued when
the Commando Mauricio Moralles sent a
parcel bomb to Dimitris Horianopoulos,
former director of anti-terrorist unit in
Greece. After this attack, the pig raided
the Nadi r squat i n Thessal oni ki and
kidnapped Spyros Mandylas and Andreas
Tsavdaridis. An action of the enemy that
lead us to send fire to the police training
school in Balikpapan as a response and
as a direct revenge in the name of Free
Mandylas and Tsavdaridis Cell. And it
doesn’t stop. The Greek comrades of
Conspiracy of Cells of Fire; Illegal Sector
sent another parcel bomb to Di mi tri s
Mokkas in 1
st
September.
Launched i n Greece and echoed i n
Indonesia. Why do we respond to the call?
Because for us Phoeni x are common
proj ects and i nternati onal cal l s for
coordination actions from cells of FAI/IRF.
It isn’t limited only to Greece or Indonesia.
One can’t say that Phoenix Projects are
the nihilists attacks and not that of radical
envi ronmental i st groups and anti -
civilization individuals such as ELF/ALF.
Contrary, Phoenix is an open invitation for
cells of FAI /I RF to attack, propose an
analysis, discuss or debate and exchange
knowledge, rage and respects between
comrades inside the bars and comrades
outside. For us, Phoenix is the next step of
international coordination of actions from
FAI/IRF cells to start the storm of revenge
against all forms of authority. And we
consider it important for FAI /IRF itself to
strengthen the networking of anonymous
individuals who are limited by geographic
space to meet offline. These projects are
5
methods for individuals and groups to
share concerns and though that to sharpen
one to the other.
If one reads the communiques from these
actions, clearly you can see that Phoenix
Projects offer nothing but revenge, anger
and total solidarity to our comrades behind
bars around the world. Through actions we
send our revolutionary greetings to the
prisoners of war against existence. We
want nothing and have no intend to reform
the society or to argue with pacifists or
social activists, who are also enemies of
us. We onl y want tot al war for the
destruction of society. We want to bring
down every form and tool of the enemy
and set it on fire –although we are also
burning in it.
ICR i tsel f i s a group of di rect acti on,
considering ourselves as an integral part
of the new wave of anti-social nihilists who
carry out violence as a method of struggle.
As nihilists, we share the same feeling
when comrades are arrested by pigs and
face the indictments, because of their
choice. And we realized that around the
globe, many comrades are still locked up
by the enemy. Marco Camenisch, Gabriel
Pombo da Silva, Imprisoned Members Cell:
Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, Hans Niemeyer,
I van Si l va and Carl a Verdugo, four
anarchists of Kozani case, Alfredo Cospito
and Ni col a Gai , Wal ter Bond, John
Bowden, Fredy Fuentevi l l a – Marcel o
Vi l l arroel – Juan Al i ste Vega, Jock
Palfreeman, and to the fugitives such as
Nikos Maziotis and Poula Ropa and Felicity
Ann Ryder. For them, we dedicate this letter
with love and solidarity.
The Phoenix’s fire doesn’t go out and we
invite all of you comrades, to join with us
and to share our desires. Light your fires,
refill your weapons, and let the night be
colored with the ashes of the enemies.
For total chaos
To the end of society
Until anarchy
All units and cells of International
Conspiracy for Revenge
FAI/IRF Indonesian Section
- - - -
Note; (*) in English version, Novatore wrote
‘Christianity’, but for us, all the religions
are the same and there is no need to
defend one. For all of us in our group,
religions are fuck!
1. Introduction: theory and
practice
“Direct action”, in the particular
sense of the destructive and
illegal attack, is a method of
struggle widely used inside our
political milieu. It’s not new at all,
for it connects with the tradition of
violence that has always been
linked to the anarchist movement
and, on the other hand, was
revalued from theoretical frames
with a strong influence in
Barcelona these last years. So,
the actions of this kind are rooted
in the political identity in which we
recognize ourselves. And precisely
because of that, we feel the need
to permanently question this tool,
of situating it in a global reflection
that allows us a more incisive
practice, more coherent with a
revolutionary perspective and
more effective in the achievement
of its objectives. A real practice
able to go more further than
inertia, than activism (to do just for
doing) and identity fetishes.
We have the feeling that the
questions “What do we want to
achieve when we go through such
kind of initiative?” or “What role
play sabotages in a specific
situation and in the general
context of the struggle?”, are, very
often, vaguely answered with
simplistic slogans, with a not-so
thorough approach, or even with a
silence that puts in evidence the
debility of our positions. Having in
account the consequence that
can come from this practice, we
think that the absence of thought
about the issue is not acceptable.
In the same way that a theory that
is inapplicable in practice doesn’t
serve us, also a practice doesn’t
suit us if we cannot theorize, that
we cannot express through a clear
political reflection. This text is our
positioning and our modest
contribution to the needed
collective debate about sabotage
actions.
2. Just one more tool
We think that the first thing to do
is to locate the practice in its
corresponding place inside our
Barcelona, Catalonia:
Basic contributions to the discussion
about actions and revolutionary struggle
global perspective. For us, making these
kind of actions is not an unquestionable
principle, nor the ultimate goal of our
practice. In a few words: our principles are
the libertarian ones (rebellion against
domination, reciprocity, horizontality,
autonomy, mutual aid in human relations)
and our goal is the development of these
principles in the reality of which we are a
part of, in order to ignite a revolutionary
process that is able to put an end to this
society characterized by domination,
exploitation and generalized abuse. Inside
this so-schematic frame, actions are
means, tools that in a specific situation
or context can be useful to the develop-
ment of our revolutionary project.
When we stop seeing the option of
“attack” as a means, and start to see it as
a principle or goal, it starts to distort our
perception and practice. Distortion spe-
cially visible at the hour of analysing all
those political and social phenomenons
that surround us. Because we use attack
as a principle to measure everything,
instead of assessing the experiences
capturing their complexity, having in
account all the elements that compose
them and putting them in relation with
revolutionary perspective, we reduce all
reflection to a basic dichotomy: “there’s
attack, therefore it’s good” – “there’s no
attack, therefore “is not good” or “is not
so good”. The demonstrations where
“nothing happens”, the expressions that
don’t explicitly call for violent attack, the
meetings, the discussion, … are despised
in contrast with riots, the incendiary
propaganda or sabotages. This simplistic
way of thinking, that trivialises any kind of
analysis, bases itself in the fetishism of
violence, in the idea that violence is a
value in itself. And nevertheless, violence
doesn’t delimit anything, its absence
doesn’t infallibly show one initiative to be
reformist or reactionary, neither its
presence makes it revolutionary. Sabo-
tage and violent methods have been
historically used by many and diverse
political subjects (from fascists to apolitical
syndicalists, passing by ethnicist
independentists without a lot of social
pretensions) that don’t have anything to do
with a revolutionary struggle line. The riots
– that sometimes we exalt uncritically
without yet knowing their true characteris-
tics – can perfectly have motivations and
central contents that are very far away
(due to being reactionary, racist, sexist, or
subordinated to Mafia structures, etc) from
the image of revolt that we try to project in
them.
6
Regarding revolutionary violence, it
rarely occurs as an isolated happening,
but rather it represents concrete
moments of much wider phenom-
enons, that involves very diverse forms
of organization and social and political
action. To think, for example, the last
bursts that happened in the last general
strikes as something born spontaneously,
is to be seriously mistaken. The road
blocks, the massive sabotage, the clash
with the police, the looting or the smash-
ing of banks and corporations, are the
eruption of social processes matured by
anger and catalysed by a previous and
constant work of communication, organi-
zation and agitation.
We cannot deny the great value of
spontaneity, but also that much of the
“chaos” that we see around us is, in part,
an organized chaos. On the other hand,
the attacks that we conducted as small
action groups, outside the massive
contexts, are as well, linked to a wider
whole. Or perhaps would it be possible
for the existence of these groups without
previous diffusion, without the political
broth, without all the transmission work of
ideas and practices that feed their
activity, without the spaces where the
comrades meet each other…?
To stop having the destructive actions as
a principle means to lower them down
from their hierarchical position, to place
them at the same level as all the other
struggle tools, to learn to analyse reality
from a critical and revolutionary point of
view (no only taking into account the
level of violence), and to assume that all
means can be useful to us when we
know how to use them cleverly.
3. Actions’ potentiality
Having the destructive illegal action
perceived as just one more tool, it’s
necessary to define what is its potential-
ity, its concrete utility. In our opinion, the
actions’ strength can only be really
evaluated by its effects in a specific
context. For example, in the case of a
repressive process against a comrade,
the attacks against the companies, or
against the judicial and prison establish-
ment, can exercise an effective pressure
and provide real strength to an anti-
repressive solidarity position. In labour
conflicts, sabotage can change the
correlation of forces between the com-
pany and the workers, overcoming in this
way the unevenness imposed through the
bourgeois legality. Against aggressions to
the territory, attacks can, in an effective
way, block the development of the project
and to play a significant role in its
paralyzation. In a moment in which State
supports itself in the impunity of silence
in order to commit an abuse – for
example, repressing a protest
inside a deportation centre - direct
action can break this silence and
support the struggle amplifying it.
What all these interventions have
in common is that, in the mark of a
conflict, they strengthen our own
field and debilitate the enemy’s
one.
But outside these specific marks,
where the practice of attack is
equally legitimate, what is the
actions’ potentiality? What can
they contribute to a revolutionary
struggle? In Catalonia, several
direct action groups and armed
organizations have answered this
question, according to their
political analysis and historical
moment. The libertarian Resis-
tance of the 40's and 50's sought,
through sabotage of the energetic
infrastructure and spectacular
actions -such as the attacks with
explosives and the killing of known
executioners- to economically
destabilize the regime and incite
the resurgence of a referent of
struggle in a moment of repression
and almost absolute social
silence. At the beginnings of the
70's, MIL-GAC intended to
reinforce the autonomous wing of
the workers’ movement with bank
robberies and other expropriation,
that aside from financing revolu-
tionary theoretical editions and
workers resistance funds, would
be claimed serving as anti-
capitalist propaganda. The
political approaches of a part of
this group also showed the will to
go deeper into the armed practice
with the use of explosives and
attacks on individuals, but several
factors prevented the achievement
of their plans. Later other groups
would follow this line like. Groups
like GARI or Grupos Autónomos,
whose approaches to the struggle
were easily and clearly explained
by some of their imprisoned
members:
“Our actions always had a social
goal. The expropriations (we
consider the robbery to be the re-
appropriation of what the legal
thieves stole since ever) were
done to assure our autonomy:
buying material, propaganda,
support of autonomous struggles
and imprisoned comrades, etc…
We placed bombs to draw atten-
tion to common prisoners. Vio-
lence was not chosen by us but,
in order to express ourselves, a
communiqué and a stamp are not
enough: capital closes our
mouths. Only attacking would our
communiqués have the right to be published
in the press. That was what he did and we
don’t regret it” Autonomous Group of
Barcelona, March 78 (Accused of bank
robbery and attacks against several court-
houses, the Barcelona’s “Modelo” jail-house
and the minors’ detention centre “Asilo
Duran” where, curiously, had been locked-
up, wild child, the guerrilla Quico Sabaté)
These experiences of struggle are just some
few examples of several strategical projec-
tions that were given to these methods
throughout our history. Nevertheless, they
serve to show how each group managed to
impress a political direction in their practice,
and how they put in front of their actions
some concrete goals that guided them.
Nowadays we have the feeling that the
practice of sabotage has become indepen-
dent from any strategical consideration,
being the attack justified by itself, as
principle and goal of practice, or being
reduced to an automatic reflex facing
certain situations. This lack of strategy is
many times fulfilled with confusing and
ambiguous formulas, that belong more to
the field of existential poetry and romantic
literature than to the one of revolutionary
analysis. But to us, direct action should be
more than an expression of defiance, it
should be practised not only to fulfil some
individual desires, and neither to -through
catharsis, risk and confrontation- cover the
need to feel that we are raising against
everything that oppresses us. It’s not
enough to feel that we are confronting the
system, as we need as well to have some
certainties that we are damaging it.
In this sense, we start from the premise that
“the strength of an insurrection is social, not
military” (At Daggers Drawn, Anonymous).
We don’t exclusively measure the scope of
our hits by the material damages they
cause, but by their capacity to extend the
questioning of the established order,
disobedience and confrontation. To turn
public and visible a clear symbol and the
revolutionary struggle. Therefore, we think
that the value that these actions can give to
our struggle nowadays, in a general sense,
is mainly rooted in their agitational potential-
ity. While breaking the state’s sacred
monopoly of violence and all the hegemonic
speeches in which it disguises itself, the
actions cause an impact and can open
cracks in the dominant social schemes.
These cracks are the ones that a revolution-
ary movement should provoke, extend and
develop, continuously feeding them with a
sharp and firm social critique. Therefore to
us, independently of having a big or small
support among the population in a certain
given moment, the action with destructive
and illegal means is effective when it has
a tactical sense in a concrete struggle, or
when it generally tends to crack the social
7
consensus and to transmit with
potency a revolutionary political
content. When it doesn’t do it, it doesn’t
matter how big the material damages
were, the quantity of targets hit, the
action’s spectacularity or how “free” we
felt having “taken back our lives” for
some instants: from a revolutionary point
of view it will not have served us much.
4. Actions as a communicative act
To realize sabotage mainly as agitation
tool leads us to think in the concrete
way in which these actions transmit a
message. To us the meaning of an action
is given by the context where it occurs,
the target hit and the form of hitting it.
Certainly the actions do not always
speak for themselves. Do the burning of
trash bins in an ordinary night, the
destruction of a random company’s van,
the isolated torching of a high class
car… do they really communicate what
we want to transmit? Do these actions
manage to transfer the meaning, the
sense of the attack we want to perpe-
trate? The less comprehensible the
action is, due to target, moment, place
and chosen means, more open are the
possible interpretations. And the lack
of meaning of an action that could be
attributed both to an anarchist group
as to a pyromaniac or a thug, can
difficultly be suppressed with an
explanatory communiqué that will
never go out of the militant circles.
The Generalitat [t.n.: Catalan govern-
ment] understand this perfectly, and for
that reason since years it imposes a
strict silence about the attacks carried
by the several action groups. In this way,
not only has it hidden a big amount of
actions that we saw claimed in our
media, it tried as well to suppress the
political characteristics of actions that
had certain repercussion. For example, in
the news that were denouncing the
numerous attacks against CiU offices
[t.n.: Convergència i Unió – Catalanist
centre-right party] due to the imprison-
ment of several strikers of March the
29th, they always tried to avoid mention-
ing the strikers, although they were being
constantly evoked in the spray paintings
that would go along with the damages.
Months before, the ignition of an explo-
sive device would force the eviction of
the business school ESAD, which made
the news to be spread in the social
networks by the students themselves.
Once the news was known by journal-
ists, the police offices kept a hermetic
silence little consistent with the impor-
tance of this kind of action, that some
years ago would had started a noisy
campaign against the “radical groups”,
the “low intensity terrorism”, etc…
Turning these actions invisible and
hiding their political significance,
the State intends to neutralize
their agitative power. For that
reason, efforts must go in the
opposite direction. To make
visible the reality of this practice
of struggle that implies to carry
out audacious actions, difficult
to hide, and mainly with a clear
and defined message. This is, in
big part, the task that each group
must solve, and elaborate a
strategical perspective for their
actions…
On the other hand, it’s evident
that as strong and effective as the
political work we carry out as a
movement (through propaganda,
demonstrations, public actions,
discussion in the work place,
neighbourhoods, schools…), its
more desired to be able to relay
the attacks in visible content
constantly present in the daily
reality of our streets, and in the
wider channels for the diffusion of
the comuniqués.
5. Responsibility and honesty
Having spoken about sabotage in
the mark of our perspective of
struggle, and also about its
concrete utility, we want now to
throw a reflection about the form
we project on this practice. We
are specially worried about the
way we have mythologised and
fetishized these practices, wrap-
ping them in a literature that
idealizes violence and disconnects
it from its effects in the real world.
We have to be clear in this. The
practice of revolutionary violence
can bring very heavy conse-
quences, sometimes irreparable,
not only for the lives of the ones
the practice it. It has for our social
environment, for the movement in
general, for anyone that finds
himself in a demonstration in
which we decide to start or to
maintain a riot, for the one that
casually passes at 3 AM near the
place where some minutes before
someone left an arson device,…
We don’t speak too much about
this in our texts, although we insist
on how “easy” and accessible it is
to sabotage or about the absence
of motives for waiting to “attack”.
And nevertheless, paradoxically,
sometimes a short moment of
waiting, of reflection or paused
conversation, could had been
enough to avoid disastrous
results…
In the moment of speaking about the
struggle, of trying to expand it, we
have to say everything. We cannot say
one thing and shut up about the
other. We have to be responsible
enough to hold to account the
consequences of our actions, and
honest enough to show to the
others, specially to younger com-
rades, that they exist. The possibility of
accidents, the fear and repression
(selective or generalized) should not
stop us. But to act as if all these
realities didn’t exist doesn’t make us
more revolutionaries, but more uncon-
scious.
6. Final notes
There are still lots of things to be said
about actions, and we have said some
that others have already said many
times. We would like, for example, to
have spoken about the technical and
material precariousness with which the
things are done, or the reign of
inmediatism and quantity as criteria to
elect and carry out actions, opposed to
a better quality with more expanded
periods of time. As well, the need of
imagination, creativity, or precision in
the mode of identifying and hit our
targets would be a subject we would
like to speak about. Other points would
be the need to dedicate time and effort
to the technical formation and the
construction and maintenance of
logistic, personal, information and anti-
repressive structures, that enhance the
combative activity from distinct posi-
tions, sometimes of “rearguard”. And
nevertheless, we go back to basic
themes, because we feel that we must
insist on them: the political
conceptualization of action, its place in
our global project, its concrete poten-
tial, the form we transmit in the prac-
tice…
The reflection and the definition about
these aspects constitute the basis of all
the rest. If these points fail, it doesn’t
matter that the rest is well developed.
We will be constructing a giant with
clay feet. So we encourage to keep
thinking about this issue collectively.
Not allowing the reflections and experi-
ences of each individual or group to be
stagnated in their most intimate environ-
ment, but to make them flow, confront-
ing themselves with other approaches in
a debate that strengthens all of us. As
individuals, as groups, and as move-
ment.
Barcelona, Autumn 2012
via Flying Theory 2013
Castelli Romani, Italy:
Communiqué on the
arrest of comrades
Adriano and Gianluca
In the afternoon of Wednesday 18th
September the Carabinieri [paramilitary
police] of the special squad ROS
[Special Operations Unit] raided the
houses of four comrades in the Castelli
Romani area. Searches were carried out
and personal belongings seized. Two
comrades were arrested and accused of
belonging to an association with pur-
poses of terrorism: they are Adriano and
Gianluca, currently in solitary confine-
ment in a prison in Rome and accused
of carrying out a number of actions
claimed by different names. The article
used this time is 270bis of the penal
code, which states: ‘association with
purposes of terrorism and subversion of
the democratic order’.
The repressive machine has been set in
motion a month before a series of
mobilizations to be held in Rome, thus
unleashing the usual media frenzy of
disinformation and prearranged
scaremongering. Like thousand inhabit-
ants of the Castelli Romani the two
young men took to the streets to
struggle against the exploitation of the
territory. They will have to wait another
few days before they are granted visits
from their families. Waiting for further
information we invite you all to show
solidarity with the arrested comrades.
Let’s not leave them alone.
Terrorists are those who undertake big
and small profitable enterprises that
endanger the health of thousands of
people; terrorists are those who exploit
thousands of workers while very few of
them can make ends meet; terrorists are
those who colonize and devastate our
territories in the name of profit.
Our weapon is solidarity
Freedom for all
ADRIANO AND GIANLUCA FREE NOW
Comrades and friends
of the Castelli Romani
Mail for the comrades:
Gianluca Iacovacci
Adriano Antonacci
C.C. Via della Lungara 29
00165 Rome
Italy
Buenos Aires,
Argentina:
Communiqué for
the attack on the
Academy of Justice
Certainty is ours!
What surrounds us is suffocating
and if one has dignified blood in
their veins instead of dirty water
one can’t deny this. The demo-
cratic regime headed by repug-
nant Cristina Kirchner, dressed up
as progressive and champion of
human rights, is beginning to show
the other side of the coin. So the
appointment of the new minister
for security, Alejandro Granados,
backed up by drug smuggler
Daniel Scioli, only made what
many already knew more evident:
democracy arrests, tortures,
accuses and kills, and in this
respect it has nothing to envy to
other political regimes.
We agree with Granado, we are at
war and it is either them or us…
we are not concerned by these
declarations. On the contrary we
increase the level of the struggle
that we carry out against all forms
of oppression inflicted on the
individual and on free communi-
ties. Millions invested in matters of
security such as the Biometric
Identification System, thousands
of surveillance cameras and
guards storming the suburbs don’t
stop us nor do they distract us.
Inside the dense network weaved
by the enemy we believe that
justice is a fundamental pillar, an
indispensable supporter of the
management of the misery.
Businessmen and politicians
demand and create laws and then
lawmen and policemen enforce
them with the approval of that part
of society that encourages the use
of certain measures, or that is
simply an accomplice of repres-
sion through its revolting indiffer-
ence.
Today the media talk about the
proposals of lowering the age for
minors to be prosecuted thus
trying to make legal what is
already happening: kids are being con-
demned to confinement, rape, abuse and
death in the concentration camps of
democracy called prisons. Certainly in the
near future we will see judges sentencing
thousands of people to years and years of
imprisonment. Many of these people, even
if they are distant from our values and
principles, -even if they don’t want or can’t
escape the consumerist frenzy-, at least
choose not to offer themselves passively
to the whip of the bosses.
In this context, as a contribution to the war
we are waging against the established
authority, on Monday September 16 at
around 2am we attacked the Justice
Academy of the Judicial Council of the
country in Parana 386, Avenida
Corrientes, where brainless, resigned and
cowardly citizens wander between bars,
theatres, cinemas and brothels, places
where tourists take pictures of the obelisk
and buy beautiful cards illustrating South
American Europe…
Outside the entrance of the target we
placed a homemade device made of a
plastic bottle filled with a litre and a half
of petrol and six 10-cm long sealed little
pipes filled with black powder. The ignition
mechanism was made of two sticks of
incense, which operated as fuse as soon
as we lit the flame thus triggering the strip
of phosphorous we set all around the
bottle. First came the fire and second
came the explosion.
The result of the action, silenced by the
press, can be seen by anybody who
happens to pass by.
We have just explained how our device
was made in order to show that there’s no
need of sophisticated materials or complex
techniques to carry out this kind of attack.
Of course perfection and the deepening
of one’s knowledge are very important in
the fabrication and use of explosive and
incendiary devices. But information on
how to do it is largely available, your
genius can do the rest.
That’s why we are sharing the knowledge
on how to fabricate a homemade device.
We want to inspire those who oppose the
system but don’t do much in practice.
Information is available and if one doesn’t
do anything it’s because one has decided
not do it, full stop.
Making this attack known is part of our
action and of our being anarchists. Many
daily anarchist actions are not made
known for a number of reasons, and any
8
group or individual can draw their conclu-
sion. As we already said, silence doesn’t
mean inaction. But considering our
context we think it is necessary to commu-
nicate this direct action. Furthermore we
believe in quality not in quantity because
a frantic series of attacks doesn’t leave
space to thinking or to the development of
our projects. In this respect we agree with
the project of the Informal Anarchist
Federation/International Revolutionary
Front (FAI/FRI). We try to fight paralysis
and repetition of clichés and to promote a
serious dialogue between those who think
it is worth while.
All over the world there are dozens of cells
and groups that give shape to the FAI/FRI
following the proposal that came from Italy
about ten years ago as a response to the
insults of the Italian Anarchist Federation.
These groups and cells gained further
strength thanks to the comrades of the
Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.
Beyond a few etymological issues con-
cerning words we find a little bit disput-
able (federation, front), which is not an
important point because as the comrades
of the CCF said: ‘we don’t have the
slightest affection for words. International
communication creates ways and possibili-
ties of struggle that each time require new
words to express themselves’, we would
like to highlight how rough the approach
to what the FAI/FRI should be is. With
very few exceptions most interventions
didn’t kick-start any debate, as far as we
know. Little has been done in the cam-
paigns of attack against the same target
in different areas, and unfortunately claims
often express bravado and self-
referentiality, while the authors don’t seem
to pay attention to the signature they use.
Anarchists must never put strategy and
caution aside. Power is always a step
ahead. Historically the lack of a common
signature has never undermined coordina-
tion and debate between anarchists from
different parts of the world. As for the
international Front, we wonder whether we
are going towards spectacularization
instead of heading to seriousness and
strength. This shows the difference
between calling things with their names
and imagining things. Surely there are
groups that coordinate and carry out their
particular attacks, but it seems to us that
the only aspect they have in common is
the acronym FAI/FRI.
We are always careful to these issues,
always trying to continue our war, not with
fear or remorse but with lucidity and trying
to improve… perhaps the fate of anar-
chists is prison or the graveyard,
we don’t know, but we try to avoid
this fate as best as we can not
because we want to safeguard our
lives or search for the easy way
but because we are happy with
striking, attacking, conspiring,
setting fire. We don’t want more
martyrs or dead bodies to eat. As
some comrades of another
tendency, comrades we admire for
their courage and strength, said:
we want to realize the orgy of our
dreams here and now.
At the moment we are not thinking
to find agreement. We’ll see what
happens out of this declaration
based on respect and
acknowledgement of those who
struggle against the enemy and
don’t repose on mere theoretical
safety.
We take the opportunity to send
our love to the comrades re-
pressed and tortured in Uruguay…
they have now been released but
are subjected to many restrictions.
Active solidarity with Gabriel
Pombo da Silva, prisoner in Spain,
Marco Camenish in Switzerland,
Nicola Gai and Alfredo Cospito in
Italy. Active solidarity with Hans
Niemeyer, Alberto Olivares, Freddy
Fuentevilla, Marcelo Villarroel and
Juan Aliste, prisoners in Chile, with
the brothers and sisters in Greece
and with all dignified prisoners in
Argentina.
Love and strength to Felicity
Ryder and Diego Rios, whose
situation is difficult beyond
imagination. We hope you’ll get
these words and know you are not
alone.
We salute the clashes in Brasil,
Colombia and Mexico!
Conspiracy for revenge doesn’t
stop!
LONG LIVE ANARCHY!
ABC Bristol, UK:
Thoughts on the
Anarchist Witch Hunt
Following Attacks in
Bristol
When the flames were lit that engulfed
the Police Firearms Training Centre in
Portishead, near Bristol it shocked the
country. Never before in living memory
had such a blazen act of insurrection
taken place on British soil and aimed at
such a high-profile target. The mass
media went hysterical with talk of a
“anarchist terror network”. The communi-
que, originally published on Bristol
Indymedia, was quoted around the world
and quickly dubious links were made
between the arson at Portishead and
other attacks across the UK.
Following the arson our local right-wing
rag, The Post, published an article
claiming that Avon & Somerset Police
were preparing to “crackdown on rioters
and extremists” and are “monitoring
several potentially dangerous groups”.
They referred to a report by the Police
with the rather Stalinesque title: “Our
Five Year Ambition” in which they have
said to have launched a series of
operations to “gather intelligence about
subversive organisations”. This was
followed by another article, from the
Editor himself, arguing that: “We should
all support the police in their campaign
against anarchists.”
This is clearly an attempt by the Police
and The Post to threaten anarchists. We
should expect to experience heightened
levels of repression from the state, but
that should not deter us from taking
action against the oppressive system
that controls our lives. The state, for as
long as it has existed, has had a mo-
nopoly on the legitimate use of violence
which it exercises through the Police.
When another group of people use
violence to achieve their goals the state
begins to panic that it will loose its grip
on society as it did in August 2011 when
hundreds of people took to the street for
several nights of rioting and looting
without fear of Police violence.
The state is worried about another such
outburst of anger as it could prove a
threat to its power. Once people begin to
realise that the state and the Police are
not the only forces capable of using
violence, the state looses all legitimacy.
Because of this the state needs to crack
9
down on any expression of violent
tendencies before it can take hold and
infect the masses. This is exactly what
we are experiencing in Bristol and we
should keep that in mind when we start
to feel the full weight of Police repres-
sion.
We live in a violent society. The state
inflicts violence on us every day through
the Police, the courts, the prisons and
army. The idea that a small group of
people lighting fires in the dead of night
can pose a risk to society shows how
pivotal a role violence plays. We must
remember that the violence we experi-
ence is nothing compared to the
violence enacted by the state on a daily
basis; in the prisons, in the courtrooms,
in the police cells or in far-away
countries through wars and occupa-
tions.
Heightened surveillance, sadly, has
become a fact of life in our modern
society. We are being monitored by
CCTV cameras; through our phones
and even by our social media outlets
every day of our lives. The recent
exposure of the NSA’s (the United
States National Security Agency)
PRISM program is just one example of
how deep the roots of state control
have dug themselves. The fact that the
GCHQ (the British equivalent) has also
tapped into this service should come as
no surprise.
We must be cautious – with this in mind
– of how we communicate with each
other and what we say. Silence can be
a powerful weapon in the face of
oppression. While it is obvious that we,
like the Police, have no idea who lit the
fire at the Police Firearms Training
Centre it is important that we don’t
begin to speculate or spread rumours,
that while untrue, could lead to people
being arrested or worse.
The Anarchist Black Cross was founded
in the early 1900s by Russian immi-
grants to support social struggles,
mostly by providing support to political
prisoners. Bristol ABC was set-up with
similar goals in mind and thus we are
ready to support anybody who becomes
a victim of this witch hunt aimed at
anarchists. We will provide material and
financial support (where possible) to
those who have fallen foul of the state’s
oppressive legal system, regardless of
whether they are innocent or guilty.
We would advise anybody involved in
anarchist or radical activism in Bristol to
read up on their rights, follow the links
on our website, and be prepared.
Prisoner support is a crucial role
within our movement and one that
must not be overlooked. If you can
support Bristol ABC either
financially or by writing to prison-
ers it will put us one step closer to
building a strong, resilient commu-
nity.
Until Every Cell Is Empty,
Bristol Anarchist Black Cross
bristolabc.wordpress.com
Incomplete, as always...
23 Sept, Bandung, Indonesia:
Earth Liberation Front burn a factory
producing bulletproof vests for the
police and military.
Communique - “The police are the
enemy. This is our final statement that is
not negotiable. Police are not born to
be friends, as individuals and as an
institution, and can not be excluded
from the list of enemies that must be
addressed by our attacks. As an
institution and as individuals, the goal of
the police is to protect civilization and
the exploitation it is doing to the earth.
The objective of the police -as well as
the other repressive instruments- is to
secure the money and investment
D I R E C T
A C T I O N
R E P O R T S
10
interests for the sake of the anthropocentric
way of life as it is today. The police are not
for representing our interests. Instead, the
police are one of the thousands of faces of
outrage alive today. Police must be attacked,
as hard as possible.
For their loyal services as guard dogs for the
domestication of life, they are equipped with
combat equipment that is used against free
will and the aspirations of wildlife where the
judiciary and the rule of law are totally
absent. They are equipped with weapons,
armour and bulletproof vests. The devices
are manufactured so that the pigs can act
with confidence in the face of the war that
is addressed to their masters.
But they were wrong. The pigs have a totally
wrong idea if they think that we are not
brave enough to send our attack right to
their essential sectors. As of this moment,
when we put two jerry cans containing 5
litres of petrol and 5 litres of diesel equipped
with an automatic trigger. Triggers that we
have prepared so that we can move away
from the scene of the attack and make them
not be able to catch any of us. Which is
more than enough time for us to let nature
protects us by removing all traces of our
feet.
We tried a new step to radicalize our attacks
and extend the effects of the damage from
any blows that we direct to the enemy.
Incendiary devices placed at a factory during
the early hours on Monday, September 23,
located on Canal Street Suryani, Babakan
Village, District Babakan Ciparay, Bandung,
West Java.
The reason? This factory manufactures
bulletproof vests for cops and army. This
plant is one of the sources for the
production of war equipment for these pigs.
Bullet-proof vests to protect police and
soldiers when they open fire on the enemy,
open fire on us and on our brothers. That’s
why, this place is burning, charred, and this
is the purpose of this action.
Together with these actions, we send our
respectful salute to the combatants in other
parts of the world and other places who
without hesitation attack as much as
possible. Salute to the joint actions
undertaken by CCF Russia and the Russian
ELF. Also the relentless attack from
combatants Amigo de la Tierra – FAI in
Argentina. Also the multiple attacks by the
brave ones of CCF and ICR in Project
Phoenix.
This action also is our warm greetings and
hugs to the brave individuals who were
abducted by the state but continue to wage
war whilst their physical movements are
limited. To Gabriel Pombo da Silva, Marco
Camenisch, Hans Niemeyer, Walter Bond,
the combatants of CCF Imprisoned Members
Cell and the prisoners in Greece, Italy and
Chile that we can not mention
one by one, but they are always
in our hearts.
Bring down the civilization.
Wild Life, now!”
ELF Indonesian Fraction
21 Sept, Ioannina, Greece: An
antifascist intervention was
carried out in the zone of
Kardamitsia, on the outskirts of
Ioannina. This was an action
organized by word of mouth, with
the participation of around 60
antifascists. Lately, the area has
become a neo-Nazi breeding
territory. Mainly nationalist youths,
who had a hard time promoting
their shit in the city centre of
Ioannina, hang out in the local
park where they oftentimes bully
antifascist youths and spray
fascist slogans. Some months
ago, the same nationalists even
pulled a knife on a person. A
public address system was set in
that central park. Shortly
afterwards, the protesters
marched down the streets of
Kardamitsia chanting slogans,
throwing leaflets, and spraying
various antifa slogans. The march
made stops outside the houses of
well known Nazis as well as a gym
where the scum (uniformed or not)
usually work out.
The demonstrators also shared
out an antifascist/anti-election
text in the neighbourhood, in order
to counter-inform about the
recent assassination of Pavlos
Fyssas, and raise awareness of
the neo-Nazi activities in the
region.
21 Sept, Karditsa, Greece: A
spontaneous antifascist
demonstration took place late in
the evening in Karditsa (central
Greece). After the end of a
programmed film screening at
Pafsilypo Park, an antifascist
group of more than 50 persons
started to march in the city
centre. Antifascists passed
outside the local offices of the
Golden Dawn party, and came
across four neo-Nazis (one of
them is the owner of a video
rental store on the ground floor of
the same building). The fascists
intended to bully protesters, to
show how genuinely braves they
are. As a result of this, one of
them was bashed and left lying on the
ground, while the other three had to flee
the scene.
21 Sept, Ioannina, Greece: Neo-Nazi
Kimonas Potsis—a minion of Christos
Pappas, notorious MP of the Golden
Dawn party—was spotted alongside two
other right-wing fuckers in a caf at the
centre of Ioannina where many anti-
authoritarians hang out. After a short
verbal scuffle with antifascists who
were on the spot, he got beaten up and
kicked out of the store. Shortly
afterwards, he and another one of his
gang got trashed again on Anexartisias
street and had to be transferred to the
nearest hospital.
21 Sept, Cephalonia, Greece: Three
days after the assassination of Pavlos
Fyssas by Nazi trash in Piraeus, an
antifascist gathering took place outside
the Golden Dawn offices in the town of
Argostoli, on Cephalonia Island.
Approximately 80 protesters (students,
leftists, residents, and anarchists)
attended the activity distributing texts,
throwing fliers, and shouting slogans. At
a certain moment, antifascists paint-
bombed the facade of the Nazi offices.
A Goldendawner then came out on the
balcony of the first floor, and started to
spray protesters with a water hose. In
response, people who got angry threw
stones and various objects at him and
the building. The antifascist intervention
ended with a small march in the town
centre, where the crowd dispersed.
21 Sept, Kavala, Greece: Demo against
the programmed inauguration of Golden
Dawn local offices on that same
evening. Even though the Nazi event
was eventually cancelled—due to the
wave of protests in various Greek cities
in the aftermath of the assassination of
Pavlos Fyssas by the Goldendawner
Giorgos Roupakias on September 18—
the antifascist protest did take place as
scheduled. People started to gather at
around 18.00 in the Faliro skate-park,
and the march began two hours later
counting with the presence of more
than 500 demonstrators.
21 Sept, Ghent, Belgium: Unregistered
illegal demo in solidarity with the anti-
fascist struggle in Greece and in rage
against the killing of Killah P. From this
time also other international solidarity
events took place in various cities:
postering, banners, spraypaint slogans
and all the different kinds of street
solidarity happened, from Portugal,
Canada, UK to USA , Japan, Germany
and beyond.
11
INTERNATIONAL NETWORK
OF COUNTER-INFORMATION
& TRANSLATION
France
non-fides.fr
Italy
radioazione.noblogs.org
Italy, Europe, World
informa-azione.info
Germany
directactionde.ucrony.net
Greece, UK, Worldwide
actforfree.nostate.net
Greece, World
contrainfo.espiv.net
Greece (Athens IMC)
athens.indymedia.org
Russia, Eastern
avtonom.org
Russia, Eastern
blackblocg.info
Russia, Eastern
fromrussiawithlove.noblogs.org
Indonesia, World
asimetris.noblogs.org
Latin America, World
liberaciontotal.lahaine.net
Spain
tarcoteca.blogspot.com
Chile, Latin America, World
vivalaanarquia.espivblogs.net
Belgium
suieetcendres.blogspot.com
USA, Latin America, World
waronsociety.noblogs.org
Chile
publicacionrefractario.wordpress.com
Bolivia
solidaridadnegra.wordpress.com
Chile, Bolivia, Walmapu
chileboliviawalmapu.wordpress.com
19 Sept, London, UK: 350 people
attended the solidarity demonstration at
the Greek Embassy in London today –
largely composed of Greeks from various
political tendencies A contingent from
London , anarchists in london Anti-
Fascists and South London Anti-Fascists
also joined the demo with a “Solidarity
with Greek Antifa” banner. The cops
initially refused to let people stand on the
side of the embassy which was quickly
ignored. Two people were arrested as
cops were getting aggressive and
unfortunately couldn’t be de-arrested due
to the number of police (the people are
believed to be released). As the crowds
grew the road was taken by hundreds of
people as a sound system playing the
songs of murdered anti-fascist Killah P
was blasted out.
19 Sept, Athens, Greece: Attack with fire
and molotovs against the changing guard
of riot police in their vans stationed in
Exarchia. “Some other time, in another
place, we’ll be waiting for you. Pavlos
lives among us.”
19 Sept, Piraeus, Athens, Greece: A day
after the assassination of Pavlos ‘Killah
P’ Fyssas by a Nazi in the neighbourhood
of Keratsini, Piraeus, comrades decided
to smash the storefront of the fascist
cafeteria ‘Astoria, located in the
Kalamaria district, Thessaloniki. This has
been a hangout for Goldendawners,
where organizational reunions of the
Kalamaria fascist nucleus were taking
place.
18 Sept, Athens, Greece: A black block
of around 350 people from a crowd of
10,000 demonstrators attacked a police
station, banks and other symbols of
capitalist society, in the Keratsini area
where anti-fascist rapper Killa P was
stabbed to death by a member of the
Neo-Nazi organisation Golden Dawn the
previous night.
17 Sept, Patras, Greece: Approximately
120 comrades (30 motorcycles and 15
cars) participated in a motor demo in
solidarity with squats under attack. The
demo started from Panachaiki Square,
moved through central streets, passed from
the Psila Alonia district (theatre of clashes
between antifascists and Goldendawners
over the last months), then outside the
Maragopouleio and Parartima squats (both
evicted this August along with the self-
managed hangout of TEI in Patras).
16 Sept, Barcelona, Catalonia:
Locks sealed at the Endesa office in the
Gran Via district of Barcelona. Endesa is
involved in the construction of the very high
tension power line (M.A.T. in Spanish) and
other high-voltage power lines that
devastate the territory, fortify progress and
civilization, and reinforce the domination of
the State and capitalism.
14 Sept, Besançon, France: Interim
agency Randstad had one of its windows
smashed. This is part of an international
campaign for the release of Sonja Suder,
who has been imprisoned for two years in a
high security wing of the Preungesheim
prison in Frankfurt, accused for various
attacks in the late 70s with the RZ. A few
nights ago, “Freedom for Sonja Suder” was
written on the wall nearby, and the Crédit
Agricole bank was attacked with stones.
8 Sept, Moscow, Russia: Vehicles of
construction workers and bulldozers torched
in a dual hit by CCF & ELF cells against
forest destruction.
7 Sept, London, UK: Despite resistance, a
black block of 280 anti-fascists who took to
the streets of Tower Hamlets against the
far-right English Defence League are mass
arrested in a large pre-planned policing
operation to prevent them clashing with the
racists.
2 Sept, Melbourne, Australia: Large scale
arson of luxury vehicle showroom by Felicity
Ann Ryder Cell / FAI- IRF.
1 Sept, Bristol, UK: Barclays Bank
firebombed by FAI - IMPROVISED
GUERRILLA FORMATION.