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Koha Digest # 58




Last week I saw on TV the image of a girl who hadn't turned 18 yet, and who will never turn 18. Television has again started the ritual of counting new victims in Sarajevo, victims of bombings from Serbian artillery positions around the capital of Bosnia & Herzegovina.

One week before this event, while in Washington, I read about the Croatian attack against the Serb rebels in Western Slavonia. In an institution for international politics, asked what was the importance of this military action, I replied that the escalation of fighting in the Serbian corridor between Bosnia and Croatia could be expected, hoping that the slimmest line of communication between Serbia and "Western Serbs" is interrupted. On the other hand, a ruthless artillery attack on Sarajevo should be expected as a response to all these military actions, as a sign of revenge or counter-reply to the Bosniac military actions, testing the strength of ring around Sarajevo. The military developments during the past two weeks seem to go in that direction.

Unfortunately, we will see many victims, and if this trend of developments at the war fronts continues we are witnessing a new mechanism (in the post cold-war Europe) for the solution of the conflict in the Former Yugoslavia. In one word, since the Washington agreement between Croatia and B&H on joint military actions and, eventually, common political structures, the unrevealed sub-text is that Croats and Bosniacs will become strong as much as, changing the military situation in Bosnia and Croatia, they will force the Serbs (from Milosevic up to Karadzic and Martic) to go towards reaching a compromise. This is a process that takes time: for what we are seeing on the field at least one year of military agreements and more than two years of previous military experience were needed. It could easily happen to have years of fighting until the point of changes of the military balance is reached, a balance which will force the political representatives towards compromise.

I was asked in Washington how could this geo-political approach be qualified. I think it can

I was asked in Washington how could this geo-political approach be qualified. I think it can be called restricted satisfaction. This means that the Great Powers will have as primary task to stop the expansion of war to other regions and then, this situation of non-expansion will content them to the level of self-satisfaction. Premier Silajdzic had the same feeling last week when he said that it seemed that Great Powers were not interested how many people could be killed in Bosnia, the important thing is to prevent war from expanding.

The world will again be testing its incapability to identify, prevent or solve the conflicts. For someone, like me, who lives in a several years long pre-war crisis, there can't be any satisfaction from the restriction. "But we stopped the expansion of the conflict to Kosova", they'd tell me.

"The conflict in Kosova", I'd reply, "is being developed with para-military means". Even, if the whole effort is to prevent the expansion of the conflict, who will guarantee that you will not apply the same thing in case of an armed conflict in Kosova and Macedonia.



by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina

Somewhere in spring of 1991 we heard the following sentence:

"Saint George's Day is here. We managed to survive this winter somehow, maybe the next one won't catch us thus!". Such ascertainments can't be heard so often nowadays, however, people in Kosova still preserve the hope that his situation will change for the better, politically and socially. Four years ago, it was

the first spring to come after a winter without any jobs. People thought that the situation would change rapidly and that workers

would go back to work, pupils and students to schools that life would go on normally.



But, this was not the case. Politically and socially the situation in Kosova has become more complicated. Even, there are many who have lost hopes that they can survive on their salaries. Their fear is realistic, because it is very hard to secure the level of salaries which would cover all the needs. On the other hand, despite the statistical data provided by the self- proclaimed Yugoslavia, and which reports small movements of prices, which barely surpass 2%, in reality the familial budget now has to be larger than six years ago, e.g., when Kosova had

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239.119 workers and around 200 thousand unemployed. For over one year and half, only the price

239.119 workers and around 200 thousand unemployed.

For over one year and half, only the price of bread remains unchanged, while the price of flour is decreasing. This is not a merit of the Albanian peasants from Kosova, but this should be evaluated as a strategy of Serbia and Montenegro, to keep social peace while they are both under sanctions. This is why the price of flour is incredibly low, at 0,20 DEM per kilo. Not long ago, the price of this article was five or ten times higher. At least there is enough flour and bread, and this is the only social security for the Albanian unemployed population in Kosova.

The officials of the economic power in the so called FRY tried to freeze the prices of the other articles necessary for families (milk, cheese, butter, meat, oil, sugar, etc.), but the producers found the ways to break this ice, even by creating artificial deficiency of the products in the market.

According to the recently published data, the consumers' basket containing 65 articles, was worth 669,68 dinars in April, which according to the official rate makes as many DEM, while according to the black market rate, half of it. According to this information, it was necessary to have 45,7 dinars more that the previous month to purchase the basket. The prices of clothes and shoes increased 11%, hygienic items and medicines - 10,9%, tobacco - 2,3 %, etc. On the other hand the salaries still remain frozen, at the level of March - when the average was 274,43 dinars, while the guaranteed salary (minimal wage) was 190,00 dinars. This means that those employed in public enterprises need almost 2,5 average salaries or 3,5 minimal wages to have a more or less calm life. How to achieve this?

In Kosova there are not very many Albanian workers employed in public enterprises. UITUK claims that their number has decreased since 1989. While six years ago, there were 165 thousand employed Albanians or 69,6% of the total number of employed, in 1992 there were only 43 thousand Albanians, or less than one third of the employed. This statistics proves that the number of the employed drastically decreased, and that thus category underwent "ethnic cleansing". In 1989, out of 198 thousand unemployed, 82% were Albanians, while in 1992, 488 thousand Albanians were unemployed.

In the war of figures, the installed Serbian regime in Kosova offers other digits. They say that because of the sanctions the enterprises were forced to stop producing, as well as "provisionally" make the workers go on compulsory leave. These lists also include Serb and Montenegrin workers. They, also, through statistics, try to prove that out of 124 thousand and 800 workers currently employed in Kosova's economy, 65 thousand are Albanians. For example, they claim that in Gjilan, out of 14

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thousand employees, 60% are Albanians, or that in Gjakova, out of 9.822 workers only 822 are

thousand employees, 60% are Albanians, or that in Gjakova, out of 9.822 workers only 822 are Serbs and Montenegrins, that half of the employed in Prishtina are Albanians, etc.

Anyhow, it is a fact that in the past five years Albanians were massively dismissed from their jobs and thus the number of the endangered families has increased. The possible solutions then, and now, to have them assisted through solidarity funds, or humanitarian charitable organizations and trade-unions proved to be successful to a certain extent, despite the fact that there is a low level of organization.

It is very hard to establish a scientific methodology and follow the developments of the social life among Albanians. However, it is a characteristic that in the past years Kosova is slowly converting in a consumers society, but which offers almost no products to the market. Even more, the actual policy of prices may even decrease the production of wheat and other crops, for it is must cheaper to buy flour and bread on the market, than invest anything in their production. Nevertheless, it should be calculated that the largest income is realized by those who went abroad, as asylum-seekers or as "temporary" workers. This makes Kosova spend more than it produces, and it also allows Kosova's market to be full of technical, industrial and alimentary products coming from Macedonia, Turkey, Bulgaria, Italy, Greece, Albania, not to mention Serbia and Montenegro.

But, this could cause a wrong impression about the real social situation in Kosova, because the number of those who depend on humanitarian assistance continues being large. Over 30 thousand families with over 300 thousand people survive thanks to the assistance they receive from "Mother Theresa", but different analysts of this area claim that over 100 thousand families with over 600 thousand members are in deep and permanent poverty. This means that one third of the Albanian population is affected, and this proves how tragic the situation is. But, one couldn't claim that the other two thirds are living a great life either, because this category includes those working in public enterprises, almost 20 thousand teachers and educational staff, financed from contributions of our people inside and abroad, and who receive an average of 150 DEM a month, and then owners of private enterprises which are not always successful.

Then who has any social calm in Kosova? Their number is small. Let's take the 17 thousand enterprises established in Kosova, as an example. Almost half of them doesn't function at all. There are very few of them with a large capital, because the circumstances in which business is developed, don't allow many possibilities to grow rich. Could it be said that around 40 thousand craftsmen are rich? Their number is decreasing on a

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daily basis, because the classical crafts are disappearing and many of them are simply becoming merchants.

daily basis, because the classical crafts are disappearing and many of them are simply becoming merchants. At the same time, the exploiting Serbian laws don't allow any accumulation, because the taxes are enormous, as well as the rent is for all those who don't own the shops. The contributions for salaries are even larger than the salaries proper. It seems that even a strata "which created wealth without much work", as were the doctors, is slowly entering a crisis. Many patients are approaching humanitarian medical institutions as well as the statal ones, despite the fact that the latter are occupied and employ a small number of Albanians, for the logic "I'll rather pay 20 DEM for the visit and the whole therapy in other institutions than the same amount for only one visit at a private clinic" , hast started reigning.

Finalizing, this is the account on two generations found at the same place, the market. Father and son do the same things, purchase and sell food, cigarettes and other small things, in order to sustain their families. The father, dismissed after 33 years of work, and the son, who got married young and forced by poverty quit school, now works anything. Their whole ambition is to go back home with the "profit" of ten dinars/per day each. This mosaic is current in all towns of Kosova, because the possibilities to have a more serious or profitable job are minimal. This is why the ones who remain here must accept anything they are offered, and not become beggars.

Anyhow, Saint George's days come and go. Kosova, in whatever solution of its status, will still be facing the serious material problems, because it has no economic potential to, for example, absorb all the unemployed. What is most critical, in the past years, we have lost the productive layer of our population. Tomorrow, there will be much difficulty to bring back the producing tradition to the enterprises or agriculture. It seems that someone has found a good solution for oneself in these serious conditions - better to survive on assistance than proper work.



by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

Counting 14 international organizations and associations in Kosova is a sufficient indicator to ascertain a difficult social situation. Apart from the international organizations, in Kosova we also have domestic associations which assist the needy.

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Humanitarian Charitable Association "Mother Theresa" and the Solidarity Commission of the LDK are two of them.

Humanitarian Charitable Association "Mother Theresa" and the Solidarity Commission of the LDK are two of them. According to the figures which these two associations have, Kosova shows a serious picture of poverty which is threatening more and more. The number of the poor and the needy is increasing on a daily basis.

According to the data provided by "Mother Theresa", as precise as they can be considered, in 1990 there were only 2.450 needy families. Later, the number increased incredibly fast. In 1991, the number reached 26.700 families, in 1992 - 43.320 families, 1993 - 45.835 families, ending at 57.353 families in 1994. The average family in Kosova counts 6,52 members which means that 373.939 people are receiving social assistance in Kosova. Naturally, it must be stressed that this figure doesn't include the refugees from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia nor the rejected asylum-seekers in European states.

The age structure of the assisted also classifies Kosova at the zone of the high level of vulnerability, not because of the number of the incapacitated people to work, but on the contrary, because of the high number of people who have no chances to eliminate the reasons of poverty despite their working capacity. Among the people assisted by "Mother Theresa", only 15% are invalids of all categories. There are children between 0-14 years (35%), from 14-22 years (25%) and adults/parents (25%). If 60% of the needy are children and young persons up to the age of 22, then it can be ascertained that a large layer of poor people is being developed in Kosova. They have no prospects to survive and even less get proper education and culture.

"Mother Theresa" is wide-spread. It has 38 branches throughout Kosova and it has 549 sub-branches.

The association also groups the needy families in four categories. The first category includes families up to four members and which have no sources of income and depend only on humanitarian assistance. The second category includes families with over 5 members and have no permanent source of income. The third category is comprised of families with two or more elderly members or handicapped people who depend on other persons or assistance. This category includes all invalids of all categories. The fourth category includes the families of retired persons whose pensions are small and who have many members of families, even though some of the members are capable to work. The assistance provided by "Mother Theresa" includes food, hygiene items and medical assistance and medicines. So far as January 1995, 50 ambulatories of this association were opened in localities of high density of poor population. These facilities have engaged 175 doctors and 280 nurses and technicians. All the

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services are free of charge. In Prishtina alone, during the second semester of 1994, 111,846 patients

services are free of charge. In Prishtina alone, during the second semester of 1994, 111,846 patients sought medical attention.

This is not the whole assistance provided by this association. "Mother Theresa" has aslo provided the official clinics in Prishtina and hospitals all over Kosova with assistance. Peja's TB hospital alone, was assisted by this association with three meals per day for 160 patients for three months, as well as other assistance in medicines and hygienic items.

Despite its organization and network, the association can't fulfil all the needs of the poor families in Kosova. The fact is that it can only fulfil only 65% of their needs.

Apart from "Mother Theresa", there is another organization acting in Kosova. It is the Solidarity Commission of the LDK, the most massive among us. This commission has 36 branches which functions through 1400 commissions and subcommissions. If its statute foresees that the commissions must have between 5 and 7 members, then the calculation is that there must be over 7000 people working in the field.

This humanitarian instance inside the LDK works based on the orientations towards the endangered zones in Kosova. This commission considers the following to fall into this category:

Prishtina, Mitrovica, Leposaviq, Zubin Potok, Skënderaj, Malisheva, Gllogovc, Ferizaj, Novobërda and Obliq. Municipalities of the Dukagjin Plain are not included in this list, and they send their collected surplus to the Central Commission which then distributes the goods to the needy zones. There also many obstacles that the instance of the most massive party faces, as for example was the case with the Action of Solidarity, which failed because there was no agreement on the fund to be used for the purpose: Government's or "Ahen's" fund. This fact only demonstrates the initiation of the bureaucratization of this activity.

It can also be ascertained, as they claim in this Commission, that there is no coordination with "Mother Theresa", and the example they give is the following: the Central Commission had ordered the Commission of the branch in Mitrovica to collect the assistance from the branch in De‡an, which had collected the surplus. The transportation of the goods cost 450 DEM. On the same day, "Mother Theresa" sent its assistance in flour to De‡an, which is absurd, say the people at the Central Commission. This lack of coordination only causes unnecessary expenses. And, the people at the Commission say another thing, and it regards the list of the needy. They claim that the list that they have made does not match the lists of "Mother Theresa". They even mention

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the example of Gjakova, where the LDK Commission has evidenced 120 needy families, while "Mother Theresa"

the example of Gjakova, where the LDK Commission has evidenced 120 needy families, while "Mother Theresa" has even 800 families in their lists!

The LDK Commission has received 50 thousand DEM from the so called "Ahen Fund" since January 1995, and this amount doesn't include the other collected assistance in food and hygienic items. This Commission alias covers the expenses for purchasing medicines for all those who can't get them at "Mother Theresa's". The people at the Commission claim that they get at least 10-15 complaints a day of people who couldn't get medicines at "Mother Theresa".

The reasons for the lack of coordination and misunderstandings remain elsewhere. However, all of them break on the backs of the poor and the needy, whose number is increasing day by day. Nevertheless, all data proves that poverty in Kosova is under its own shelter.

In the evidence number offered by "Mother Theresa" of 373.939 people is approximately correct, then it comes out that over 20% of the Albanian population is under the social shelter. This number is much bigger if the number of the ones who fled Kosova for political or economic reasons is added to it. This figure comprises more than two thirds of the Albanian population.


by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

Two weeks ago, when President Rugova was coming back from his last diplomatic tour, passing through Elez Han border check- point, according to some witnesses, the Serbian customs and police officers had shown a quite nasty attitude. It is not known what the motive could have been, but it happened. Several days later, as he was driving a vehicle and accompanied by two friends, Rugova's personal secretary and head of the security staff, Adnan Merovci, was stopped by the police and told to report to the police station on the next day, together with his two friends, also escorts, and have an informative talk.

This informative talk with Merovci lasted 4 hours, and he was again told to come the next day. The second talk lasted four hours, again, but this time it was more thorough. Finally, Merovci was told to bring in his passport, "so they could have a look on it". The questions were related to his activity, his role, the travels with Rugova and similar.

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All of those who follow President Rugova's work, can't miss Adnan Merovci, electrical engineer and one

All of those who follow President Rugova's work, can't miss Adnan Merovci, electrical engineer and one of Kosova's best known karate players. All know that he is Rugova's silent "loyal shadow" and head of protocol who accompanies him on all trips, and who takes care of the President's image on the back-front. Therefore, this was something known to all and so far it was a fact that he never underwent the security filter of the Serbian police in Kosova, until a couple of days ago. The ones who found out about the event, commented on it as a provocation against the President and his staff, or maybe even as "turning the screws tight" nearby President Rugova. But, this seems not to be understood thus by some media, nor KIC, which as an informative center covers all events of the type within the LDK shelter!

Even, according to some unofficial data, this event was expounded on all the decision-making levels of the largest Albanian political party in Kosova. Thus, some versions of the information were prepared, they were edited and re-edited, but the information was never published in KIC's daily information sheet! According to one version, again unofficial, some issues of the mentioned information sheet were already printed containing the corrected version on what had happened to President's personal secretary, but these copies were shredded when a new issue was made, not containing the information on the above incident. The ones who follow on LDK activities and who had "unofficially" got the information about something that everyone knew - were surprised. They tried to find reasons, and some even explained it as: "the `Central' knows what must be done".

Anyhow, the functioning of the decision-making centers inside the largest political party in Kosova (many consider it as the Albanian movement), hierarchy and monopoly to distribute information is a matter of discussion inside the organization. The fact remains that Rugova's close man was taken to the police.

And should this be perceived as a pressure against Rugova, remains to be seen in the continuation or interruption of the police procedure. This warning or pressure, came after Rugova's long visit to Western European countries, followed loyally by the cameras of the Albanians satellite TV, in which it can be clearly seen how Rugova descends from the plane at Rinas Airport (in Tirana) as a head of state, and always followed by silent Merovci. This and Rugova's transparent diplomatic activity, was considered by some as a provocative blow in the face of the Serbian governmental organs, and which subsequently generated the warning. Finally, Adnan is asked to hand in his passport.

Even more, in the series of small and big pressures made towards the realization of the long-term Serbian plan on the "breakdown of the Albanian parallel system", so much criticized by the

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Serbian oppositionists and the "SRM" (preparing to celebrate their Sabor on May 20-21), this manifestation proves

Serbian oppositionists and the "SRM" (preparing to celebrate their Sabor on May 20-21), this manifestation proves the strong game of the Serbian regime against Albanians as a calculated step. This logic leads to the supposition that Rugova is being warned. And a pressure of this kind would have a double message - as a message to Rugova himself and as an information of Serbian domestic consumption.

Anyhow, such calculations have still not experienced the phase when Rugova's escort will have to hand in his passport and when the famous seal-stamps of "Qafë-Thana", the Albanian-Macedonian bordercross, will be searched for. Then we will see how serious the warning is and to what extent is it addressed to Rugova.



by Y.H. / Prishtina

The last conflict in Western Slavonia, followed by the quick Croat penetration, made a large number of Serbs leave the area. According to the last information, so far around 700 Serbs from Western Slavonia have applied for Croatian citizenship, while the majority of them became refugees by going to Bosnia and a part of them to Serbia. The Serbs abandoned these territories, and they seem to express their disposition with the words of Okucani's prefect: "We are tired of being border-policemen for other Serbs. We want to be transferred to a safe place"! Which will be the safe place?

According to some announcements published in one of the last issues of Brcin's "Borba", there is talk about the settlement of 10 thousand Serbian refugees from Western Slavonia to Kosova! This information was not denied by the Red Cross nor governmental

organs of Serbia which deal with refugee accommodation. The construction complexes which should serve the future Serbian colonists have not ended yet, and as it is stated in "Black Borba" (as the official fraction of this newspaper has been named), it is being thought of an alternative shelter for these refugees - hotels or recreation centers, or something similar.

On the other hand, "



will be provided by humanitarian

organizations, most probably UNHCR"!

Buba Morina, Serbian Refugee Commissioner, appeared in a press conference immediately after the events in Slavonia, and she even declared that some funding was requested and promised to be invested for refugee needs, on which occasion she mentioned Japan

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and Greece as possible donors. Will the "bordering" Serbs from Slavonia, tired of their historical role,

and Greece as possible donors.

Will the "bordering" Serbs from Slavonia, tired of their historical role, find a "safe" place as Kosova, e.g., we will see soon. According to some official sources, the accommodation buildings are being prepared.



by Y.H. / Prishtina

Last week's arrest of the former President of the Executive Council (Government) of Kosova, Jusuf Zejnullahu, and his posterior release, incited the surprise of the public. After the proclamation of the Constitution of Kaçanik and the activities that followed, Zejnullahu saw himself obliged to leave Kosova together with the then Government and Parliament of Kosova. After five years, Zejnullahu came back to Kosova and joined his family, which also caused surprise among the public. He had then been summoned to an informative talk, and as he tells KOHA, he was told that there was still an accusation pending against him and all those who had proclaimed the Republic of Kosova. Zejnullahu continued his permanence in Prishtina and during the whole time he had been on the agenda of the different Serbian and Albanian newspapers as a topic of discussion. There were many speculations on the reasons of his return, and which was linked to his manager post of the Prishtina branch of a Belgrade seated bank.

On Saturday, May 13, at 5 o'clock in the morning, Zejnullahu was arrested by the police in his apartment in Prishtina. Asked whether they had a warrant and the reasons of arrest, the policemen told him that everything was in order and that there is a warrant to take him to the Court. Instead of going to the Court, the police vehicle headed towards the police station in Aktash, known as "Center", where he, now as a detained person, was asked to present his ID card. "Since I didn't have it with me, the policeman took out a thick file on which he could take my personal data", says Zejnullahu. "There I saw some documents and an arrest warrant, a photocopy of my passport, and I also recognized the warrant of arrest of the whole former Government".

After the formalities were over, Zejnullahu was told that he was being taken to the Court and will be handed over to Danica Marinkovic, the Investigating Judge, even though it was Saturday. However, during the ride, the police changed the decision and

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told Zejnullahu that they couldn't find the judge and therefore he will be taken to the

told Zejnullahu that they couldn't find the judge and therefore he will be taken to the Regional Jail in Prishtina, in where he remained until the next evening, when he was released without any explanation or issued document. However, his ID card was retained!

The strange manoeuvre surprised Zejnullahu himself, who hasn't it clear yet. "I was told that I had an arrest warrant against me pending since 1990", says Zejnullahu, asked if this was done to cause the effect to prove that there is no prescription of cases, and that every one can be arrested! If intimidation is one of the accompanying motives of this act, then it is not a special motive because it is applicable in the case of all who live here, he said, concluding that this can be part of a campaign which continues with the recent arrest of Albanians. But, anyhow, this has a "simply political character". "Maybe it is a testing, to see whether people still remember what happened in 1990, and this is maybe also linked to the quick reaction of the public, and maybe this was the consequence of my rapid release?" - concludes Zejnullahu.

Nevertheless, all interpretations are pending until another explanation of the Serbian authorities is made public. The whole case is filled with strange and irregular elements. First, the arrest takes place during a weekend, then, the detained is told that he is taken to Court under urgent procedure to be told later that the judge can't be localized and that he must remain in prison (without any decision). Finally, he is released again during weekend, he is not given any document and is kept pending without any Court's decision. And not only from the aspect of the arresting procedure and other things linked to this (and which are a large scope of severe violations of Albanians' rights in Kosova), but also from another aspect this will (would) be a strange trial. How can the old indictment, issued in 1990, be realized, knowing that it is grounded on the Penal Code of a former state: SFRY, which while disintegrating, generated the creation of another state: the Republic of Kosova! In fact, Zejnullahu's attorney, Fazli Balaj, asked for an explanation from the investigating judge, and got none in return. The old indictment against the Government of Kosova is grounded on Art. 116:2, according to which they can be conditionally charged for attempting to secede Kosova from Serbia, but not from Yugoslavia which, de facto, still existed then!

This is why we mentioned the impossibility of the prescription of the "sinning crimes". Does this mean that the Serbian persecution organs act with the inertia of a state they have themselves declared non-existing, and second, does this mean that they acknowledge the decision of the former Kosovan organs to proclaim the Republic of Kosova, since they continue persecuting

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the decision with an accusing procedure with inertia Really, who will be tried and why? ...

the decision with an accusing procedure with inertia Really, who will be tried and why?







by ISO RUSI / Shkup

What is there to say about the close-down of 22 private radio and TV stations and the announcement that the other 250, officially evaluated as existing in the small space as is Macedonia, will suffer the same fate? About the government which started regulating the ether chaos with one of its democratization attributes in a society which it dominates totally!? It is not an easy task. First of all, the boom of electronic media in Macedonia, which coincides with the times of the new pluralist epoch, is more a result of lack of legal regulations than the conscious will to be presently on ether. In other words, after the disintegration of SFRY, Macedonia didn't adopt the law which would regulate the way frequencies and channels would be used. Macedonia has adopted the provisions for the registration of firms which, along with the sale of bananas, can also have radio and television stations. Simply, until less than a year ago, anyone could apply with the competent ministry (initially it was the ministry of Information and after its suppression, Ministry of Culture), which was obliged to reply within 15 days. The issue of the distribution of frequencies was not regulated. Thus, private radio and TV stations appeared as mushrooms following the rain. The government couldn't deal with it, and it didn't do anything to adopt the legal acts which would regulate the matter. In this way, provisionally, everybody was happy - electronic media which could broadcast anything they pleased, while the state remained indifferent towards anything the stations would do. The most the previous government did in this aspect was to provisionally implement a moratorium on issuing consents for registration of electronic media. The situation only froze. It was clear that the government didn't want to undertake anything in this plan. The larger the number of private radio and TV stations, the bigger the argument and proof of the alleged democratic and pluralist orientation of the actual government.

After the elections and the victory of the League for Macedonia, there is more an more manifestations of the satisfaction with the gained power, and it is not rare to see how this satisfaction turns into unprecedented arrogance. In the concrete case, many issues remain open. First of all, if the government wanted to settle the ether chaos, if the chaos exists, it could have done

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this long ago and more elegantly, it just had to apply the technical standards, and for

this long ago and more elegantly, it just had to apply the technical standards, and for this, there is no need to again discover the wheel or boiled water. Before and even now, the government was not interested to adopt the law on radio- diffusion. We shall not forget that the former and the present government had the majority in the Parliament and could have adopted this act anytime. At the press conference, on the occasion of the close-down of the radio stations, both the port- parole minister and the minister for Communication and Connections spoke of different motives for the close-down of the stations. The latter spoke only of technical reasons of the action. The port-parole used huge words, such as "medial aggression" of the neighboring countries (because of the retransmissions of the foreign satellite programs), the (non)use of the Macedonian language (16 out of 24 radio stations broadcasted in Albanian and Gypsy languages), etc.

It is clear that, along the technical problems, there were also political reasons. Because, e.g., how is it possible to logically explain the fact that the private TV station RTA in Shkup, should have since long ago stopped broadcasting, according to an official decision, but at the same time has also the permit to continue using the channel until the Radio-diffusion act is adopted (signed by the previous minister), even more knowing that its relay is installed on the pillar owned by the state, and that this element was regulated with a special agreement between the competent ministry and the private TV station! The selectivity in the election of those who must close down is a new proof about the purpose of the bearer of the action, to close down the stations as it suits it - which at the end is reduced to the political will.

As we are writing this article, silence is reigning. The bearer of the action, the actual government, is simply confused with, first of all, the reactions of the owners of the stations, but also the foreign factors which, rather, were very much surprised with the idea of having someone close-down 250 radio and TV stations! The further development of the action remains open.




Until some time ago, the government of the Republic of Macedonia would never lose a chance to potentiate its democratic character through the fact that it is a state which, in relation to the

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population, has the largest number of privately owned electronic media of massive communication (mass media). Along

population, has the largest number of privately owned electronic media of massive communication (mass media). Along with the surprise, this situation, without any doubt, caused the positive disposition of any foreign visitor. The evaluation about the Macedonian informative space, by all means, differed from the ones adopted by the not that few post-Communist states, which preferred a statal monopoly in this area.

How can a government, which can be eventually attacked by over 200 private radio-televisions a day, be non-democratic?

At first sight, the "fourth power" - mass media, have deep roots in Macedonia. The government can be proud of having constituted the public opinion in such a short period of time. However, unfortunately, things are not as they seem. All electronic mass- media function in a juridically undefined situation. The Macedonian government has not been able to regularize this area in the past five years, and this does not suit it. Maybe because of other problems it faces, it can't manage to overcome this system deficiency? Or maybe it considers this not to be a big problem, therefore its solution is only a matter of time?

The two past weeks speak of the contrary. The distribution of decisions banning the work of a large number of radio and TV stations in the Republic, created the path to believe that the preservation of the juridical insecurity in this area is nothing else but a reserve joker of the government which reserves itself the right to have the final word. "If we want to we allow you to be open, if not, we close you down" - the old and "good" authoritarian practice of those who claim that the Republic of Macedonia, cleansed all problems with the "proletariat dictatorship" precisely thanks to their engagement.

Why now and why only certain radio-TV stations were "closed down"? Can the fact that the first ones to be hit by the decision were the non Macedonian language stations? Who can claim that precisely now and these stations create technical problems and only technical problems on ether, when there are public explanations about "other reasons" too, without making special and concrete mention of them?

Simply, not only these stations, but no radio or TV station in Macedonia has any juridical grounds to use the frequencies.

The anger would be much smaller if the private stations would not be interested to establish a legal order in the area of their activities. On the contrary, through their Association, and over one year ago they came out with the concrete proposals to overcome the ether chaos which, suddenly now, is bothering only the government. They formally at least, held a series of meetings

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with the most responsible in the government, pronouncing themselves in public about the ways they were

with the most responsible in the government, pronouncing themselves in public about the ways they were suggesting to solve the problem.

First of all, they were in favor of establishing the international technical standards, according to which, the quality of the equipment that the stations have would be evaluated, outlining that none of them would want to interfere in the frequencies of the others; second, they were determined to state that a certain percentage of the program would be produced by the station itself, thus explaining that they will not convert themselves in centers of sound, which apart from music, offer nothing else to the listeners; third, they suggested the change of the Taxes Act, on the segment that regulates marketing. They are convinced that paying 10% of taxes on each denar coming from advertisement is too much, even more, knowing that having original program, even without this burden, is too expensive and not rentable; fourth, aiming at the stimulation of the Macedonian economic subjects, they asked for the suppression of an article, according to which, they have the right to invest only 3% of their annual income for marketing purposes - without undergoing taxation. If the state doesn't see it necessary to have its tax payers invest more money on their marketing, which is considered as an unnecessary expense only in the contracted economy, then they asked the society to exempt tourist services from taxation; fifth, aiming at the creation of almost same chances in a productive race with the official radio and TV, they asked the state stations be denied the right to advertise (as BBC does), which, as considered by the Association, would decrease the prices of the marketing services, which would be also reflected in the financing of the private radio/TV stations.

These are only some of the proposals issued by the Association, about the legal regulation of the area in which the mass media in Macedonia are involved in. Unfortunately, so far, nothing serious was undertaken, with the exclusion of the last action of the Ministry of Communications and Connections, which can't be called differently, but an ordinary manifestation of force by the government.

It is constantly rumoured that someone is preparing some act, decree, but no act has ever entered any procedure.

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MACEDONIA AFFAIRS INSIDE THE COALITION by IBRAHIM MEHMETI /Shkup The fact that political friendship lasts as




The fact that political friendship lasts as long as the common political interests, is being proven these days in Macedonia. Six months after the parliamentarian elections, which resulted with the clear victory of the League for Macedonia (and which was assisted by the abstention of the opposition parties), two of the most important partners of this tripartite coalition: Social- Democratic League of Macedonia (SDLM) and the Liberal Party (LP), are facing a contest which is threatening to end up in court. The truth is that this is not a matter of political divergencies, even though these can't be excluded from the general combinations, but it is matter of prosaic reasons: money! The Secretary of the Liberal Party, Ace Kocevski, accused the Minister of Finances of Macedonia, Jane Milovski, for the abuse of functions in the interest of his party. The "accusation" was published in "Liberal", the party's organ, which is a supplement of the daily "Nova Makedonija".

The seriousness of this accusation becomes clearer if it is known that the Minister of Finances in the Government of Macedonia is member of the SDLM, and that in the last Congress of this party, last month, he was also elected vice-chairman of SDLM. The accusation states that the Minister has transferred the sum of 228 thousand DEM, which in the name of the expenses for the electoral campaign belonged to the Liberals, to the account of the SDLM for the same reason.

According to the Secretary's claims, the minister helped the money to be transferred to the account of his party. Further on, Kocevski says that the Ministry of Finances told his party that they will never get the money, for there isn't any, and later the explanation given was that the money couldn't be paid to the Liberals, because the minister didn't known what was the Liberals' account. Kocevski considers these to be ridiculous explanations.

The Liberals ground their accusation on the fact that officials of the Ministry of Finances have admitted that the money destined for the liberals ended in the account of the Social-Democrats. All of this made Kocevski file a denunciation against Milovski. On the other hand, the minister rejected all the accusations coming from the coalition partner saying that they are not true, however not being explicit about what the truth is. The minister also stated that he will clarify all uncertainties in court, which according to him, is the best way to stop the rumours.

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According to him, the only reason why the Liberals didn't get the money is that they

According to him, the only reason why the Liberals didn't get the money is that they were late with the application and request to get paid the electoral expenses from the state budget. In order to corroborate his statement, the minister presents a series of figures about who and when retrieved a certain quantity of money from the budget during elections.

The decision of the Statal Electoral Commission included 16 political parties and independent candidates. At the top of the list is the SDLM which got 19.670.972 denars (about 740 thousand DEM). The second party on the is the LP, and their request came to the Ministry around May 1, same as the third member of the coalition, the Socialists, who also applied at the same time, and who are supposed to get around 80 thousand DEM. PPD has already been paid 140 thousand DEM while the PDP has received around 70 thousand DEM.

What is indicative in this whole affair is comprised in one sentence said by the Secretary of the LP, who says the important thing is not the money, for sooner or later his party will get it, but the problem is the abuse of power by the minister, the person who should really fight corruption. This really speaks of a conflict which has deeper roots, and which started immediately after the elections with the so called "hard-rock" affair, when it was discovered that the persons in charge of the security of the SDLM meetings were allegedly members of the underground.

Then, LP's reaction revealed the first signs of the deterioration of relations. Disagreements continued also on the occasion of the appointment of the new cabinet. Members of the LP abstained from voting because the list also contained names of Albanian ministers who had openly supported the University of Tetova, and it also expressed its discontent with the division of ministries. It is interesting to say that the Liberals spoke out in public about their discontent, but at the same time restrained from its demonstrative expression for the sake of the unity and the promises they committed themselves to during the electoral campaign, because they consider the state interests above the party interests. Now it remains to be seen whether this determination can stand and what is the price to pay for it.

Anyhow, such cases cannot remain without any consequences in the work of the government which is anyways facing many real problems, as is the decrease of production and the increase of the number of the unemployed and social cases. It is not far from truth to say that this and other manoeuvres of the Liberals are an attempt of taking off responsibility for the eventual failures of the coalition government, trying to preserve the credibility for the future, in which this party plans to have more influence than it has now.

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RANKO PETKOVIC, Institute for International Politics - Belgrade


Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU/ Prishtina

KOHA: The impression is that the Croat takeover of Western Slavonia was part of an agreement between Milosevic and Tudjman. On the other hand, Milosevic is accused of betraying teh Serbian interest. Is this the beginning of the end of the "Greater Serbia" project?

PETKOVIC: There is an opinion that Western Slavonia, even before it was conquered by the Croat military and police forces, had been abandoned to it's own fate, i.e. misfortune. One claim that it could not have remained part of the Serbian Republic of Krajina, because Milosevic and Tudjman, two or three years ago, while reaching a compromise, had agreed that Western Slavonia must be reintegrated into the Croatian constitutional order. The others claim that it could be held, as the integral part of Krajina, because it represents a hardly defendable enclave, too much important for the economic life and communication of Croatia. The third ones consider that it fell apart easily because of the deficiencies in the defense system of RSK, the reluctance of RS, where it hoped it would get support, the extreme abstinence of FRY and the so called treason of the UN. Even though in some, but not all, of these arguments some truth can be found, we would go in another direction to reconstruct the real reasons which caused the collapse of Western Slavonia.

KOHA: Why was Slavonia attacked right now?

PETKOVIC: The Croatian strategy in regard to the UNPAs is known since long ago, and it has two points: first, to prevent the "Cyprusization" of Croatia, which would automatically permanently renew UNPROFOR's mandate, and the second, to reintegrate these regions, i.e., the RSK, in the constitutional order of Croatia, by peaceful means or by force. The first purpose was achieved by Croatia. By refusing hospitality to UNPROFOR, and with the new UNCRO mandate, the purpose of the peace-keeping forces in Croatia of safeguarding the status-quo has been replaced by the creation of the trust among parties in conflict, with the aim to reach a political solution with peaceful means within the coordinates or Mini-Contact Group Plan Z-4 or a similar peace project.

KOHA: All UN resolutions recognize Croatia and its whole territorial integrity. Which are the Serbian illusions to have an ethnic Serbia?

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PETKOVIC: Having in mind that all Security Council resolutions insist on the respect of the sovereignty

PETKOVIC: Having in mind that all Security Council resolutions insist on the respect of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Croatia in its juridical-internationally acknowledged borders, the Croatian government took advantage the known incident on the highway. It applied the methods of the blitz-krieg and with the politics of the fait accompli, which can very often be very effective, because of the inertia of the international community, it reintegrated Western Slavonia in the Croat constitutional order. The noise which was made, but didn't go beyond the SC Presidential communique because of the so called messages from Pale, the official protest of FRY, the revolt of the citizens in FRY and the shelling of Zagreb, which didn't cause the expected effects by Knin, calmed down relatively quickly.

KOHA: Will Croatia start towards the establishment of its jurisdiction on the occupied territories?

PETKOVIC: Croatia was careful to turn the attention of the international public, but also of the other side, towards Western Slavonia and to other conflict areas in RSK. It is not likely to believe that Croatia will start to occupy or reintegrate the other regions by force, for several reasons. First, it will face a strong resistance in the area of Knin and Eastern Slavonia.

Second, in the whirlpool of war, the parties which remained on the side in the case of Western Slavonia, would see themselves involved. Third, UN could react more vigorously than last time and apply the measures foreseen in Chapter 7 of the Charter.

These reasons make me believe that here will be no more Croat military actions, nor an escalation which would cause the big war on all the areas. With a small correction: if the Croatian government takes another chance, encouraged by the success in Western Slavonia, to reintegrate the other UNPAs, ie. parts of the RSK, into the constitutional order of Croatia, then the inclusion of the other actors in the conflict should not be totally eliminated.

KOHA: You were not clear whether Milosevic's regime "betrayed" the so called "Krajina"?

PETKOVIC: As I said, the official reaction of FRY about the events in Western Slavonia was restrained. This can be interpreted indifferent ways: as the strong determination to solve all the pending contests within the context of the Yugoslav crisis peacefully; the realistic vision of the forces in the internal and international plans, i.e., the consciousness that military assistance to RSK may be considered as an aggression against an independent state, member of the UN; that the "lost"

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Western Slavonia and its fate could influence and make some officials in Knin understand that there

Western Slavonia and its fate could influence and make some officials in Knin understand that there is no solution in the use of force or the political and military bounds with Karadzic, but only in negotiations on which Premier Mikelic insists the most. It is considered that he is the best interpreter of Belgrade's interests and postures.

Not only the nationalist opposition forces, but also the largest part of the FRY citizens reacted emotively to events in Western Slavonia. Remembering the genocide perpetrated by the Ustasha between 1945 and 1945, and which revived within the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the victory against Fascism, incorporated in the shocking images of the queues of refugees from Western Slavonia, have quite increased the animosities against Tudjman's regime and increased the criticism against the official organs of FRY for abandoning the Serbs on the other side of the Drina and Sava, and were sublimated in the request that Serbs remaining outside FRY should be helped by all means and forces.

The relation of forces inside is such that the government is holding the situation under control. On the other hand, the position of the government on a long term could weaken, especially if the determination about the peaceful option does not bring any positive and quick results, not only in the plan of the suspension or lifting of the sanctions, but also the solution of issues which have to do with the aspirations of Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia.

KOHA: Will Plan Z-4 be applied, even though it was never discussed between the parties in conflict. In fact, which option will be accomplished in that part of Croatia?

PETKOVIC: The Z-4 Plan has been long ago presented to both Zagreb and Knin and it is known to the opinion, but it was never discussed on the table. It was not put ad-acta, but it is still not the starting point nor a framework of the regulation of the open issues between Zagreb and Knin. Zagreb salutes the plan which departs from the territorial integrity and reintegration of Croatia, but fears that the high level of territorial autonomy and other autonomies of the regions where Serbs make up the majority will lead towards the federalization of Croatia, having in mind especially the political disposition in Istria and Dalmatia. Serbs, for the time being, almost reject totally the plan, considering that its approval would mean the capitulation of RSK. The Mini-Contact Group will either make the plan more flexible and more acceptable or the parties in conflict will see that they can't come out from their own skins!

KOHA: How is the Contact Group Plan for Bosnia being

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accomplished. Will the territorial integrity of Bosnia be established there and who will be the "sponsor"

accomplished. Will the territorial integrity of Bosnia be established there and who will be the "sponsor" of the Bosnia jurisdiction?

PETKOVIC: The Contact Group Plan on Bosnia adopted some requests from the Serbian party, but Pale hasn't decided to accept it, especially because they can hardly decide to give up the "surplus of territories". It is crucial to know whether Karadzic still considers that time works for him, or will finally understand that it is ticking against him.

KOHA: Why is there war when it is obvious that borders can't be changed?

PETKOVIC: On the 50th anniversary of the United Nations, no one has a good opinion of UN's role in the solution of the Yugoslav crisis: neither the Serbs, Croats nor Muslims. Croats look upon the UN as the main obstacle towards the reintegration of Croatia. Serbs consider that the UN are an instrument of the bearers of the new world order, which satanize the Serbs and attempt to prevent their right to self-determination and unification within one state. Muslims consider that UN are the main obstacle towards the lifting of the arms' embargo and the realization of their right to necessary self-defence.

But, it is clear that the UN, with the application of the Vance plan, had a decisive role in healing the conflict in Croatia and they prevented more bloodshed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Their extremely important humanitarian activity should not be disregarded. The importance of the UN, will be seen if the peaceful option (first scenario) will be replaced by the military option (second scenario),or if, God forbid it, the International Community gives up on everything what is happening in our space, going for the so called ghettoization of the Yugoslav crisis (third scenario).



Students Against Genocide -SAGE - Project Bosnia is a national organization of students at Stanford University and also a branch of the American Committee Save Bosnia engaged in monitoring the activities of Serbian organizations in the San Francisco region in California. SAGE activities are part of the campaign to discredit the Serb nationalists and apologetic in their attempts to misinform the American opinion about war in Bosnia. Information presented in this report are of different sources:

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personal correspondence, private meetings and organized Serbian fora, e.g. Serbian Unity Congress (SUC) and its branches

personal correspondence, private meetings and organized Serbian fora, e.g. Serbian Unity Congress (SUC) and its branches in USA.


SUC, which represents the largest organization of Serbs in the USA conveys the standpoints of the governments in Belgrade and Pale. It functions as an ordinary organization, with membership rights, but also as an organizing umbrella to establish and cultivate the contact with other Serbian nationalistic groups. SUC represents the interests of the political leaders of Serbia by:

-propagating and developing activities as a Political Action Committee, -sponsoring the misinforming campaign in medias and investigating

centers which deal wit the conflict in Bosnia,

  • - engaging public relations enterprises in order to assure Serb

presence during Congressional hearings and

  • - manipulating with the services and the support if different US

journalists and officials.

SerbNet and SAVA

SUC is registered in California. According to its program, SUC manipulates with a considerable series of banking accounts and other activities which are organized through three main offices in the USA. Two of them are in San Francisco while the third one is in Washington DC. The central office is in Napa Valley, and it is managed by Jelena Kolarovich, wife of George Kolarovich, chairman of "Fairmont Vineyards". The second office is under the management of the executive director - Mirjana Samardzija, employed in Pacific Heights, San Francisco. The office in Washington, lead by Danielle Sremac, became important recently because it realized a series of interviews in CNN and NPR - "Talk to the Nation", during last July and August.

SUC cooperates with two Serbian informative centers: SerbNet, which includes the Serbian-American Media Center seated in Chicago and SAVA (Serbian-American Voters Alliance) seated in Los Angeles. Initially, SAVA was registered as a Committee of the Serbian-American Political Action Institute, but it achieved no successes during 1992 and 1993.

SerbNet and SAVA act independently from SUC. SerbNet functions rather as a umbrella-organization which bounds the Serbian groups in North America and together with SUC is engaged in preparing propaganda tours, programs for students and editorial meetings with national and local magazines. SerbNet was also engaged in the publication of pro-Serb advertisements/articles in "The

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Washington Post" and "The New York Times", during August 1993. SAVA, on the other hand, deals

Washington Post" and "The New York Times", during August 1993. SAVA, on the other hand, deals with the distribution of TANJUG's reports and the elaboration of video-clips for Serbian propaganda.

During 1994 it was deeply engaged in helping SUC spread misinformation, lead by PR firms, as well as friendly ethnic groups with clear interests in the region, as the Hellenic Community of America. This is where a clear division between direct engagements of the SUC and the indirect - of the American Greeks and Cypriots - can be made.


SUC offered financial contributions to a large number of public officials in the US, even though the offered sums, which were small so far, prove the restricted possibilities of this association. The main SUC beneficiaries are the following: Hellen Delich-Bentley (former chairlady of SerbNet, and the most pro- Serb voice in the American Congress) and Republican Dan Burton. So far, this sort of efforts failed during the contacts with Congress candidates - Kay Bailey Hutchinson and Sam Geydenson, who almost immediately refused the offered donations, while others, as the Republican rep. Anna Eshoo, didn't even know about the SUC donations, which were more than symbolic.

In the past two years, SUC's campaign is developed indirectly through PR firms, which are attempting to unify the Serb and Greek postures. This activity was realized under the orchestration of the known firm Manatos and Manatos, Inc, seated in Washington, which during this campaign enlisted prominent figures of the SUC as very generous donors. This list includes Michael Djordjevich, former SUC chairman; George Bogdanich, director of SerbNet; Mirjana Samardzija, Director of the Serbian- American Media center and Nicholas Trkulja, its Chairman; as well as Milan Panic, Milosevic's ex-opponent in 1992, who gave considerable donations.

Manatos and Manatos Inc. was engaged by SUC in September 1992, aiming a strengthening the relations between the Serbian and Greek communities in the USA. The list of Greek clients remains significative: the Greek Embassy,the Greek-American United Congress and the Pan-Cypriot Association of America. It is said that during the '80s. Manatos and Manatos created a very efficient tactics of financing through a small but rich group of Greeks in America. Senator Paul Sarbanes, engaged by Manatos and Manatos, was one of those who collected huge financial funds to support Michael Dukakis in his presidential campaign.

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MORE CRIMES IN BOSNIA - MORE MONEY TO CONGRESSMEN During the critical periods of the war


During the critical periods of the war in the Balkans, prominent individuals from the Hellenic Community repeated their offers to American officials on several occasions. Thus, after the attack on Gorazde (April 1994) and the public threats of the UN and the NATO to bomb Serbian positions, SUC offered enormous amounts of money which aimed at distorting the consequences of the Serbian aggression. The main beneficiary of these donations remains the representative of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the American Congress - Lee Hamilton, who was paid over 30 thousand US Dollars by the Serb and Greek communities. Then come Andrew Athens, head of the United Greek-American Assembly, Philip Christopher, Chairman of the Pan-Cypriots Association of America, Michael Djordjevich, former Chairman of the SUC and Ronald Radakovich, vice-chairman of SUC.

Maybe the most important thing in the engagement of the Serbian lobby in America is the way how SUC and SerbNet have managed to penetrate the American media. The example on this occasion could be the distribution of the 26 minutes long cassette called "The truth is the Victim in Bosnia" to the members of the Congress, national and local magazines and radio and TV stations, which, through a suggestive narration of BBC's style, attempted to document the invented injustices and the relativization of the undeniable violence. The cassette contained three interviews with UNPROFOR Commander in Bosnia, Gen. Lewis McKenzie, whose statements were accompanied by excerpts from Strategic Policy, an obscure academic bulletin, who is used as a very important source of information.

Also, the Serbian Lobby is specialized to manipulate with the half statements of personalities such as Jeri Laber and Aryeh Neier (human rights activists) or famous journalists as A.M. Rosenthal - with the purpose to create an atmosphere of mistrust and moral relativization.


The organized Jewish community in the US, was especially critical towards the regime in Serbia and the Serbian violence in the Bosnian conflict. SUC started attempting to change the postures of the strongest lobby in the US by starting a propaganda campaign of evoking crimes committed by the Ustasha and Muslim units during WWII - against the Serbian population. The main attacks in this sense were coming from Alfred Lipson, leader of the Holocaust Survivors community and Sir Alfred Sherman. Using the Serbian-Jewish Friendship Society and direct contacts with Jewish organizations in USA, SUC lead an energetic campaign to gain the support if official Israel.

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On the other hand, it is hard to determine the level of the relations of the

On the other hand, it is hard to determine the level of the relations of the Serbian nationalist organizations and the Armenian community in the US, apart from some undisputable examples of cooperation. The name of David Keene, representative of the Armenian government to Washington was until recently found on the pay-roll of SerbNet. Then there are verified proofs on the donations offered to Lee Hamilton by the National Armenian Committee and the National American Armenian Association during



During 1994, USIA organized a series of visits for some Serbian politicians and journalists. According to Dick Chirstiansen of Meridian International, the meetings were organized by Katherine Marinis, the Serbian "liaison" with Official Belgrade. Among others, the list of visitors included the names of Mihajlo Markovic, vice-chairman of the Socialist Party of Serbia and Vladimir Gajic, Secretary general of SPO (Serbian Renewal Movement).

The practice of the work of the Serbian Lobby in the USA is the same in all other Serb nationalist organizations throughout the world. Thus, in London and Paris, the Serbian informative centers function as propaganda nuclei for local communities. London is also the seat of a specific Chetnik organization - The Yugoslav Royal Draza Mihailovic Association. The Serbian lobby in France is organized within the L'Association Pour la Defence des Droits et Interets du Peuple Serbe (ADDIPS), whose director is a well known Parisian Serb - Ljubomir Peskirevic.

There is no doubt that the organizations as SUC, SerbNet, SAVA and ADDIPS represent the ultra-nationalist leaders and war criminals from Pale and Belgrade. It must be stressed that the biggest achievement of the Serbian Lobby in the USA is its infiltration in the media and the influence over the public through campaigns of misinformation, bluffs, persistent correspondence, etc. There is no doubt that the Serbian Lobby, despite the fact that it is organized by a small number of people, is well organized and is wide-spread. However, it itself can't escape the inter-Serb divisions (Karadzic-Milosevic fractions) - which not only endanger the efficiency, but also the sole existence of this organism.

The areas mentioned should be further studied. Because only an organized campaign for the discrediting of the Serbian and the Greek-American Lobby could serve the important purpose of preventing the attempts of the Serbian ultra-nationalists to become part of the sensitive canons of the Balkans history. This would deny their main principle: the destruction of the memory

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and the civilization of Bosnia and Herzegovina. - 27 -

and the civilization of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

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APPENDIX J A V O R E / Albanian weekly P.O. BOX 202 38000 PRISHTINA Issued


J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202 38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax:

+381 38 31 031


+381 38 31 036 +381 38 31 276


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