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Koha Digest # 59

EDITORIAL

SYMPATHY IS KNOCKING ON THE DOOR

by VETON SURROI

Since some time, and recently with a bigger intensity, in


meetings with foreign diplomats in and outside Kosova, the same
question is repeated: is Kosova's leadership thinking of changing
its policy, i.e., of redefining the final goals of its policy?
The question is necessarily formulated mildly and often along the
hypothesis "...e.g., require forms of autonomy instead of
statehood...", tailing a long message at the end.

Answering to these questions I find myself in a simple situation,


because I simply don't know, therefore I can't even speak of the
intentions of Kosova's leadership. But, for the sake of the
conversation and mental structure which relies behind it, often
and almost automatically I shoot the counter-reply: "And what
will this leadership gain if it makes this change?"

So far I was replied that Kosova and the Kosovans would then have
more sympathy and on the other hand there would be more pressure
on Milosevic in regard to Kosova.

And?

And,...that's it.

Judging upon the past, sympathy and pressure are not words which
give political yields in the solution of the former Yugoslav
crisis. Sympathies for Kosova have not lacked so far, and
sympathies will continue as far as Albanians in Kosova will be
oppressed as they are currently by the Serbian regime. But
"sympathy" is not translated into a direct political activity
which would force the Serbian regime to change its mind. What's
more, this is not done either by the word "pressure" nor by the
explanation "we will undertake measures of pressure against the
Serbian regime". The Serbian president has so many times so far
listened to and read these "harsh international communiques",
that he exactly knows when and where do they represent danger.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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After the implementation of the economic sanctions by the
International Community, there is only one more measure which
could be undertaken: military intervention. And this measure was
not undertaken, and when it became so close to escalating in the
direction of intervention, it scared Milosevic enough as to make
him retreat. In Kosova's case, the great powers don't give any
relevant reasons why Serbia should change its policy towards
Kosova.

This is the problem. Instead of having it addressed to Milosevic,


the keeper of the keys to the crisis in the former Yugoslavia,
there are reappearances of attempts to find paths and goat-herds
which should lead towards the solution. One of them is the big
question whether the political aims of the Kosova Albanians can
change. A question which is supposed to prove an international
interest about the problem, while on the other hand there has not
been a single day in the past five years of police and military
regime in which hundreds of arguments of human rights violations
didn't appear and which oblige the members of the International
Community to center their attention on Kosova's issue.

INTERVIEW

HALIM HYSENI, Director of the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova

TOWARDS THE LOSS OF KOSOVA'S STATEHOOD

Interviewed by ASTRIT SALIHU & BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

KOHA: This is the fourth year outside the school buildings for
the Albanian education. Could you make an evaluation of these
four educational years in Kosova?

HYSENI: The issue is complicated and complex. We have several


parameters that signalize both the positive and negative trends.
In general we could say that Albanian education played a big
role, because if it weren't for the engagement of the teaching
staff, today we would have a large number of illiterate children.

Second, we would have much greater problems of intellectual and


psycho-physical upbringing of our children. The consequences of
the possible non-functioning of the education among us would be
apocalyptic. As of 1991 we had an elaborate which determined the
principles of organization of education process. This elaborate
foresaw the functioning of the system in private homes at a
maximum of four years. This means that education in private homes
after four years can't stand. Unfortunately, this is proven on
a daily basis. In many parameters, which I will present later,

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this activity is facing more difficulties. It is another issue
whether the results could have been better and more advanced. The
question would be who influenced the situation, to have a reality
which doesn't suit us. There are two factors: one, the Serbian
repression and two, state torture. I am terrified to hear how
long this terror is lasting. This is the situation since 1918.

In 1918, in times of Austro-Hungary, 16 Albanian schools with 30


teachers and 2097 students, were closed. From then and up to now,
Serbian torture has not stopped. Naturally, there were slight
differences, but the torture has always existed. It starts
massively in 1981 and escalates maximally in 1992. No one could
have imagined that the Albanian schools could be shut down. But,
it is our good luck to have organized ourselves in this way.
Political parties, headed by the LDK, created a platform which,
if applied, would be apocalyptic for us. Then it was said that
we would not be losing anything if the schools closed down for
one year. It was a great mistake. However, after a thorough
analysis we made at the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova, we
concluded that the consequences would be terrible. Because we
knew that this wouldn't last only one year. This was the main
factor which made us organize ourselves and our education in
private houses.

KOHA: Could you tell us about the contents of your plan - the
elaborate?

HYSENI: We had seven options, depending on the circumstances


which could be applied in political conditions. This was an
accompanying strategy. One principle was that Albanian education
could start functioning if we could organize ourselves up to the
stage of state of war. Because of the large number of students,
the population we have, the national homogeneity - Serbia had no
chance to stop Albanian education. This principle was proven to
be true. Serbs tried to intimidate the pupils and students. They
killed three people in Uçë and one in Zallç, both in Istog
municipality. On that evening we decided to find private houses,
meaning that the Albanian masses were engaged to succeed, while
the Serbian side didn't have the strength to stop us. We had four
main options and 14 other varieties which could be combined.
I.e., we had 57 different sub-varieties of possible organization.

KOHA: Then mention at least one concrete variety.

HYSENI: Option A was: Serbia would allow the children in


elementary and high school premises and there wouldn't be any
obstacles. Then there was Option A/1, in which Serbia would not
allow Albanian children to go to school in places frequented by
Serbs. Option B was applicable in the case if Serbia acted as
foreseen in option A/1, and this meant that Albanian students

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would go to school where it was not being banned. And this option
is applicable in some municipalities currently. Option C was the
organization of education in private houses.

KOHA: You said that your option was to have this kind of
education last between three and four years. What would the
changes to come be?

HYSENI: We knew that education is not a cage made our of glass.


We believed that the issue of the solution of the political
status of Kosova would start and that on that occasion there
would be discussions about education, too. However, dragging the
problem, we thought that, with a bigger pressure on the Serbian
occupier, we would take the pupils and students back to school.

KOHA: What kind of pressure?

HYSENI: We didn't apply much of it. We had the chance to


internationalize the issue of Albanian education, despite the
evident results, the issue of the internationalization of the
problem was done without any system or success. This was done
without any platform, without any frame, without any support or
systematized propaganda. In other words, this should have been
programmed. I believe that if the issue of education would be
internationalized, our position would be much better. The issue
of internationalization had a positive trend between 1992 and
1993. By midst 1993 the curve reached the major decrease. After
this year, and especially in the last year, the level of interest
of the international factor about education has totally relative
tendencies.

KOHA: This most probably happened after the interruption of


conversations with the Serbs within the ICFY.

HYSENI: Yes, this happened after the conversations. But, also


because of the way the conversations were organized and the lack
of an organized platform about one issue: what were we supposed
to do to take the children back to school premises? We don't have
clear determinations in this respect, as we have always lacked
determinations in the political life, where we have no concepts
about what we are aiming at... the same thing is happening in
education.

KOHA: Have these issues been discussed by statal and political


institutions of Kosova and what was it said?

HYSENI: Yes. I have asked, both individually and collectively to


solve this problem. I requested the institutionalization of this
issue. What am I referring to? I believe that we must establish
a professional body to deal with this matter. It is a system that

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if would function based on a programmed content and platform, I
am convinced that Serbia would be forced to give up and allow us
to go back into school premises, and even if it wouldn't allow
us, the Serbian repression wouldn't be the one it is today.

KOHA: What were the replies of the political subjects, to your


collective and individual requests?

HYSENI: There is an opinion that we are working well. Then the


other reaction is: "There is no need for this", "Let's leave it
for another time"... Always postponing the problems. Thus, if an
analysis would be made, then we would see that all our
deficiencies are reflected in our daily life. There are people
who want to be leaders, people who would want to penetrate, there
is corruption, manipulation, etc. They function ad-hoc and this
logic has been transferred from politics to other areas.

According to this logic, acts of dangerous consequences were


undertaken, and which violate two principles: the principle of
institutionalization and the principle of professionalism.
The principle of institutionalization has been violated because
the political party has, without any criteria, proposed the
chairmen of the educational councils in municipalities. There are
cases in which people who have never worked in education have
been proposed to be chairmen of councils. This is paradoxical!

No on in the world does this! First the criteria, the tasks,


organizing structure etc. are defined, and then are the
counsellors or posts appointed. In this direction, there is no
criteria whatsoever, and the branches and sub-branches propose
them and the people are elected.

KOHA: What is the source of the "professional" voluntarism?

HYSENI: The source is within the action of five-six parallel


lines, which don't meet. There is where we have individual
voluntarism. This is the main reason of failures. With the
purpose to achieve a coordination, the parliamentarian group for
the activation of the education problem was established, but ad-
hoc policy has penetrated in the area of education too. I was
often told that the issue of Albanian education has been
internationalized fully and that we should wait for the reactions
of the international factor. I am either crazy or I don't
understand, but this doesn't stand. I don't see any
internationalization, but only its relativization.

KOHA: This is in regard to he relations with political subjects,


but how are the internal relations? There are discussions about
lack of coordination, careerism, etc.?

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HYSENI: Two approaches were clarified: the first one, which I
believe in is that we must work professionally and scientifically
in the area of education, because only this can successfully
finalize our work. The other approach goes towards the ruin of
the professional institutions and the functioning of the
instrument of voluntarism, in which I see the personal interests
of people coming out. This is only my opinion, and I wish I am
wrong.

KOHA: You mentioned the problem of the educational councils, the


so called upside-down pyramid. What is this like, really?

HYSENI: It is true that our pyramid turned upside-down in the


decision-making of institutions. The formation of institutions
must have been done of Kosova's level and later continue at the
level of municipalities and schools. The whole process went the
opposite way, meaning that first the councils were established
and then the other organs. This has caused consequences which I
can't elaborate right now!

KOHA: Mention at least one of them...

HYSENI: First, the election of teachers and professors can't be


done in a correct way, because the changes that have taken place,
in my opinion, are irrational. We needed to strengthen the
legislations and this was a necessary premise and condition. We
were in need for positive changes, for changes which will advance
this area and not bring it to the level of absurd. In this
aspect, the selection of cadres is totally unprofessional. We
will have people of different political convictions, but not of
professional ones. And this is happening!

KOHA: Are we referring to the Rules and regulations which has the
juridical form of an Order by Law?

HYSENI: I have stated in public that I don't agree with this way
of solving problems. Once again I will stress, that there is no
professionalism. At least a basic procedure should have been
respected. First, documents should be elaborated by competent and
professional people, who know what the process of educational
legislation and professionalism are. Here we have a serious
breach. Competent people were not engaged in this task. A part
of documents was elaborated also by me. By a person acquainted
with educational matters, but not with the legislature. The other
deficiency is the lack of the public discussion, since this could
help the quality of the document. But, we have found a
stereotypical explanation - the circumstances! Then, a better
time should have been chosen. It is a rule not to apply new
legislation during the school year. It is an absolute right of
the pupil to finalize the school year with a law on whose grounds

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it started. The application of new legislation has violated the
rights of the pupils. These are flagrant violations, and should
not have been allowed!

KOHA: So now we are then referring to a normative voluntarism?

HYSENI: Without any doubt. Pure voluntarism. It is a rule that


when a new law is adopted the old one is derogated. The
abrogation of the old law has not taken place. So presently we
have two laws being applied in a parallel way. This is
paradoxical.

KOHA: What do the new Rules and Regulations contain?

HYSENI: Their application commenced. And they have caused too


much trouble. The stones have started rolling. It is naive to go
under the stones and try to stop them. There is no way, they
always will hit you. Therefore, I believe that even though their
application started, these provisions must be improved and lifted
to the level of a legal act. This must be done because of the
coherence. At the University we have an Order by Law, therefore
the other two levels must have a document of the same ranking.
This is the only way to assure the juridical coherence which
allows the vertical, but also the horizontal link in the
educational system.

KOHA: Then why wasn't and Order by Law adopted?

HYSENI: This was done by cowards, by people who are calculating


a gain in all of this. By all of those who would like to
safeguard the power and not be seen. Taking the organization of
education by law on oneself, means to end up in jail. These Rules
and Regulations have degraded Kosova's constitutionality under
the level of the '74 Constitution.

KOHA: How much was the situation influenced by the replacement


of school principals?

HYSENI: I told you that it was bad. But, now we have a created
circumstance which can't be stopped. I am in favor of changes,
but I am not in favor of new differences among Albanians. Because
if someone was leading the defense of the Albanian educational
system, then these were the principals and teachers. The
principals which are intended to leave (and I believe some of
them should leave) must not be thrown away. I am in favor of
changes, but we must previously have clearly defined criteria for
cadres. Two issues are very important to me and this should not
be only of my concern, but of all those intellectually
responsible: the elaboration of lists without any criteria by
political structures and lack of professionalism. Both of them

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are signs of dictatorship!

KOHA: Then, what kind of criteria must be applied, according to


you?

HYSENI: The to-be-elected principals should have a considerable


substance of moral, which includes also the personal national
determination. This is especially valid now. Nevertheless, there
is nothing to gain from the national determination of a principal
if he has no organizing capacities and if he is not acquainted
with the educational system. National determination alone can't
solve educational problems. We have people who have the two
structures. Therefore, a principal should apply and present a
program and not apply the sympathies of an individual, the
intervention of a political party, nepotism, etc.

KOHA: Have the governmental organs, the LDK and other political
structures been informed about all these problems?

HYSENI: I am not sure. There is almost a certainty that they


were. However, having advertisements for new principals right
now, to me, is a campaign against the present principals. They
have not deserved this after their four years' long work. If we
had to split with these people, we should reward them and be
grateful for the work they have done.

KOHA: There are rumors that the juridical acts are elaborated in
Kosova and that the Government only signs them without verifying
them at all. Are there any irregularities here?

HYSENI: There are elements to believe so. The government is not


here and there is not enough information, therefore there is
quite some space for manipulations, there are familial
connections applied and the government is often fooled. I am very
much convinced that if the structure of these Rules would be
presented clearly (I want to call them so, because I would rather
to have weaker provisions, but call them laws), then the
Government wouldn't verify them.

KOHA: Does this mean that, in a way, the institution of education


is being ignored, even though it is in the only institution which
represents the statehood of Kosova?

HYSENI: This is precisely what hurts the most. Because with these
actions, unconsciously we are going towards the loss of statehood
of Kosova. It is not logical to have the changes start in the
juridical aspect to then change the concept. This is precisely
what is happening with the education in Albanian. Everywhere in
the world, the concepts and programs are first established and
then come the laws. Intolerable! The legislature must adjust to

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the system, it must make it operate.

KOHA: Any names in particular? What instance is responsible for


what is happening in Albanian education?

HYSENI: In this pyramid, the organs at Kosova's level are


responsible. I am responsible and take my share of it, because
I depart from the utilitary principle, whether what I am saying
and whether what you and your magazine will print, will be
useful. I was not consequent in some moments when deformities
should have been fought, and the truth is, that I couldn't have
done more. Nevertheless, the responsibility relies on Muhamet
Bicaj, Minister of Education, Rexhep Osmani from the Teachers'
Association, on the Presidency of the LDK and Premier Bukoshi,
because all of these could have been coordinated better. All of
us have failed in a way, but some have bigger responsibility. But
one of the mentioned above, I don't want to name him, holds the
biggest responsibility.

KOHA: And the salaries. How is possible that the only institution
which gives the attribute of statehood doesn't get paid two or
three months in a row?

HYSENI: Education, in this case, can't help itself. The


contribution in this aspect must come from the political parties.
This is their area, since political parties can't help education
in the professional aspect. It is evident that we have
municipalities in which teachers haven't received any salaries
for three months. How can anyone concentrate on education if
he/she can't sustain him/herself? I am convinced that if the
organization were better, the salaries of the teachers would have
reached 250 DEM. Education and the solidarity among Albanians is
not at the necessary level. It is a moral and national obligation
to fulfil the obligation towards education.

KOHA: The fourth year is ending, so which are your forecasts for
the coming year to start in September. Is there any project which
could improve the attitude so far?

HYSENI: I am happy to see that this year is ending successfully,


but I'd again stress the deficiencies and weaknesses proven so
far. The whole potential should concentrate on the beginning of
the school year. There are big problems, no school books and many
failures in organization. We must concentrate on evading the
organization of education in private houses. It was proven that
this is not a successful way and that it negatively influences
the quality of studies. We must animate the international factor,
while on the other hand, we must make Serbia aware that this
repression must end. Political parties should work in this
direction, because the perspective of Albanian education is not

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in private houses. In relation to all of these, I express a high
level of scepticism.

KOHA: So, what are our chances to go back to the school premises?

HYSENI: We are doing nothing in this direction. It is an


undeniable right of Albanians to go back to their schools. And
we must say this courageously. It is not the fault of the world
for us not having done this. We need the courage we don't have.
The number of students is dropping rapidly and has reached the
level of 1971 in the past three years alone. Isn't this tragic?

EDUCATION

END OF OPTION "B"

by BATON HAXHIU & ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

Year 1989. The Faculty of Medicine of the University of Prishtina


is closed down under the pretext of institutional abuse. In the
next two years, all educational institutions are shut down. In
1991, Kosova introduced the parallel educational system. Then,
the political subjects claimed that the problem of Kosova's
status will be solved very quickly and that if Albanian students
and pupils would lose one school or academic year they had
nothing to lose.

A group of professionals who were acquainted with the continuance


of Serbian repression against education and sought a pragmatic
continuation of Albanian education, elaborated a plan to be
activated if needed. Not very many believed that elementary and
high school students would be expelled and that everything would
be solved quickly. The Serbian authorities brutally acted against
the Albanian education and in a very short period of time, they
paralyzed the Albanian education.

Then came the mentioned project, in four options, about the


chances for the continuation of Albanian education. Option B
foresaw the continuation of education in private houses if
students and teachers were not allowed to enter the schools. This
project could be applied only in the next four years because, as
the Pedagogical Institute of Kosova claimed, erosion of the
educational process and the decrease of the quality of studies
could appear easily. Even today, this plan is still being applied
in all centers of Kosova, along with the evident erosion which
has become obvious in the past year. What characterizes the
period after 1992, is the interruption of the conversations with
the Serbian side about Albanian education. The

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internationalization of the issue stagnated and the whole problem
was connected to the issue of the status of Kosova, a fundamental
issue for Kosova's statehood. The Serbian side used this very
wisely, because it came out before the opinion as very "flexible"
in regard to education, since this was not affecting its
statehood essence.

The later comments, which revealed this matter, proved that


conversations in Geneva were not successful because the statal
issue was proven to be closely linked to education. Thus, the
Serbian politics is still holding Albanian students and
educations as hostages of its own policy. Its only goal was the
de-institutionalization and the loss of independence of the
Albanian education. Not accepting conditions and not making any
concessions, not fragmenting the problem of education, made all
hopes to achieve something more in the internationalization of
the global Kosovan issue disappear, because education was the
only institution that resisted, worked and functioned.

From this time and on, we felt self-satisfied by continuing


education in private houses. This self-satisfaction has brought
the political life and the internationalization of Kosova's issue
on the level of ethnic territories. Until 1992, the issue of
internationalization had a positive trend, and afterwards it
started stagnating. This stagnation, as looked upon by the people
employed at the Pedagogical Institute, is a consequence of
insufficient cooperation of subjects, the depressive political
life, the lack of activity inside, the lack of
institutionalization of life on all levels, the confusion of
competencies and the lack of professional organization in
particular professions. In a other document of the Pedagogical
Institute, it is stated that the parameters of the functioning
of the educational process and their deficiencies are a
consequence of the non-functioning of the legislative organs and
executive institutions. These consequences were caused by
juridical vacuums.

Putting aside the fact that the situation of occupation can't be


compared to normal life, nevertheless the organization of
education has given Kosova the attribute of statehood. There
should be no tendencies for comparison to the others, but
efforts should be made to safeguard the optimal level of
education of generations and safeguarding the literacy structure
of the population. Education was and remains the only sector of
the practical realization of the political will of the Albanian
people, the teachers being the ones who carried the main burden
of these processes. Therefore, no one has the right to seek
further sacrifice from the teachers. If the criterions are not
valorized then there is fear that we will lose the primary
function of education. This is said because according to some

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data concerning this school year, elementary education has gone
back to the position it had in 1980, high-school education has
gone back to the state in 1977, while the University currently
has 53% less students, meaning that it has retroceded to the
situation it had in 1973. All of these are consequences of the
exodus and the impossibility to register pre-school children.

According to a document of the Government of Kosova, it is


supposed that this year, compared to 1980, the number of
illiterates has increased for another 55 thousand. Since 1990,
over 3.200 teachers have fled Kosova, the number of elementary
school pupils has been reduced by 17% and in high schools their
number is 19% smaller. On the other hand, University has not
undergone reforms and has not renewed its staff.

All of these result from the four years teaching process at


private homes. It would be cynical to deny the achievements of
this segment of Kosova's statehood, but it would be unrealistic
not to add all created obstacles and the lack of
institutionalization. For example, the elaborate of the possible
applicable options for the development of the educational process
has stated that this situation could last three or four years.

This means that the elaborate is about the expire and we are
dealing with old strategic documents of educational development.
The data at the disposal of the educational organs in Kosova is
not encouraging. On the other hand, we have engaged people inside
the educational instances who believe that much has not been done
towards offering new plans, strategies and projects for the
alteration of the situation that education faces.

Today, we can proudly say that we have produced whole generation


of high-school and University students who have gone to school
in private houses and in conditions that we knew were dreadful.
We won't speak of the professional capacitation and level,
because this will be proven by their further work and time. But,
in several months, the fifth school year will start, where
Albanian students must continue studying in these conditions.
There are also no signs of preparations of new strategies nor
pressure on the Serbian authorities to have tens of thousand of
Albanian students on its backs.

In September, the news of the press agencies could start with


"All quiet on the Western front", and continuing with the
information that : there is still fighting in Bosnia; the
Chechens continue resisting; Ebola has not been isolated yet;
violence against Albanian education in Kosova continues. Nothing
more, nothing less...

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KOSOVA

THE UNBEARABLE EASINESS OF DEPARTURE

by DUKAGJIN GORANI / Prishtina

Skënder Blakaj is not (good) for politics any more. It is said


that he understood this some time ago, while we found it our last
week, in the form of his irrevocable resignation from the post
of the head of two (most) important sectors inside the LDK.
And in relation to the resignation written by midst February and
handed in ten days ago, the old tradition of not commenting
openly such acts, which, without any doubt, indicate their
transformation into our future fashion, is not broken at the seat
of the LDK in Prishtina.

Thus, Dr. Fehmi Agani and Hydajet Hyseni, vice-chairmen of the


LDK, each one of them on their own, stated that they had nothing
to add in respect to Blakaj's resignation. Each one of the
individually, doesn't want this issue be given unnecessary
publicity and doesn't want this to get the dimensions of an
extraordinary event. And, not one more word.

This much, as regards the journalists and officials.


So, what is there to say about the departure of the former
secretary of the largest political party in Kosova and until
recently, the first man for internal organization and
information? How is (can) the resignation of the person who,
according to people close to "reliable sources", was and remained
a man not belonging to any of the clans within the party, be
commented? Let's set aside the truth that such declarations only
verify our old fears, about the existence of the clans (the ones
who think well of themselves call them "streams"...) inside our
legendary subject - officially, Blakaj's departure sounds totally
unimportant.

Is it really so?

In regard to his ideological indetermination during his work in


the LDK, the author of this article heard that Blakaj was, to a
certain point leftist, and then a bit rightist. But, without any
doubt, a big patriot and a devoted person. Therefore, a valuable
person for the "cause", we would add. We heard that his
resignation was in reality a personal act because of a
generalized reason - individual revolt towards the polarizations
inside the party - and that Skënder Blakaj didn't manage to find
his political position in the scene created after the Convention
of Silence at "Show".

But, going back to his levitations between the right and the

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left. According to the opinion of the majority of the careful
commentators of political couloirs, this is precisely his biggest
"sin". We were told at the LDK, that it is hard not to be a
follower of any of the clans, and that this levitating posture
can only assure one the way out from the arena of the political
and staff race, which entered its sixth year, inside the walls
of the small building of the big party.

However, it is hard to believe that something of the kind would


be proven to a journalist by any of the LDK officials. When it
comes to the officials, the issue of irrevocable (and revoked)
resignations don't exist as such, as important issues. They were
probably only natural acts, normal results of the life and work
of one party. While, the left and right polarizations, according
to them were and remain couloirs gossips and children's games -
"The LDK was and remains a party of the center, which cultivates
the articulation and approximation of national requests, and in
no way creation or deepening of the divisions in these difficult
times".

There is no doubt, at least in Prishtina, when there is talk


about the LDK, about polarizations and resignations inside, the
membership and followers face a virtual "par excellence" reality
of parallel truths, which, for the (little) number of political
professionals we have, could represent a stereotype of political
acts similar to any party in the world, but for our ordinary
citizen, they only illustrate a miserable mess in content which,
in its most tragic and offending form, has since some time now
transferred from meetings and premises into the couloirs of
"Qafa" (a very much visited area of pubs and cafes in Prishtina)
and the rubrics of readers' letters in our magazines. It is maybe
the time to advise the politically uninformed in Kosova to
approach another address, apart from the seat of the party, and
thus satisfy their curiosity. If there are still people and flows
of the kind. Because there, either there are no shakes, or
whatever quakes they are, they are not important. And finally,
if Blakaj's silenced resignation really represents no tremor nor
important issue for the LDK, then at least a symbolic could be
drawn from it: that it, without any doubt, comprises a chapter
on its own, that of the departure of (maybe) the last man who
refused to believe that the engagement for the political cause
could turn into a left or right politics, "radical" or
"autonomist". Maybe, his departure closed also a form of thought
and political engagement among us. Will there be any romanticism
or political archaism, or how much should it be understood as a
careful withdrawal before the possible ethical fiasco of the
party's concepts and staff capacities - it remains a task for
time and a delicatessen for the couloirs to decipher.

- 14 -
KOSOVA

RAINY SPRING GATHERING

by YLBER HYSA / Graçanica

In a rainy day, in the middle of spring, the Serbian gathering


in Kosova, announced and postponed so many times, finally
happened in Graçanica. Forced by the circumstances, the foreseen
Serbian "Sabor", lowered its price to something more realistic -
to a "Serbian National Counselling" which gathered only 250
participants, curious guests and some media representatives under
a tin shelter. The tin tent which was located only several meters
away from the medieval Graçanica monastery, was the gathering
point of the hosts from the SRM and their guests from the
opposition combination which form the "national-democratic" bloc,
whose biggest star was Vojislav Seselj of the Radicals,
accompanied by his suite, the Kosovan Serb Radicals. The absence
of the leaders of the two fractions of the Democratic Party,
Djindjic and Kostunica was surprising, for they had actively
participated in the formulation of the gathering and in general
the character of this moment. Some analysts explained their
absence with the disagreement regrading the differentiation of
regions in Serbia which would divide Kosova's space, which was
not supported by the unitary stream lead by Seselj, which finally
won. Maybe this was the reason why some academicians didn't
participate either, even though they were supposed to present the
plan and program on Kosova. Cavoski's absence was also very
surprising, for several weeks before, he had told the author of
this article that he would be coming to Graçanica. In fact, out
of 25 academicians invited to the gathering, only two of them
came: Ljuba Tadic and Djuretic. Cosic was not there, even though
his name is bounded to this initiative. However, the absence of
some of the eminent guests in these meeting, was almost
"balanced" with the strong presence of the senior Orthodox
hierarchs, Amfilohije Radovic, Atanasije Jevtic and Artemije
Radosavljevic, who blessed the gathering which started with "Boze
Pravde" anthem. At the improvised entrance where several duty-
guards with national emblems were standing, a polemic between the
local curious persons about who should have participated and
about the contribution of certain people for the Serbian issue
in Kosova went on. There was also a short polemic between the
local SPS representative Djuric, and Moma Trajkovic, the latter
being told by the first one that "we have started splitting even
before we even gathered".

Anyhow, the meeting started with the anthem and the blessings,
as well as the introduction delivered by Moma Trajkovic who
stated that: "The Albanian mafia has assured the support of the
actual government to the separatists, thanks to corruption". But,

- 15 -
what most preoccupied the first speaker was the fact that "...in
the path towards the definitive solution of the Serbian issue,
not only the anti-Serb coalition forces in the world and the
Former Yugoslavia, but also those forces within the Serbian
state... which question all what the Serbian people have achieved
on the battlefield, have become an obstacle!" At the end,
Trajkovic said: "The way the actual regime is acting in Kosova,
is the best example of the irresponsible acts of politics and the
state".But, the fear from the Serbian retreat before world's
diplomatic offensive and the possibility of recognizing the
former Yugoslav republics, was the main issue which motivated the
next speakers, who were applauded every time they touched the
hearts of the audience, which didn't hesitate to make comments,
as was the case of Seselj who was being ironical about "Paroski's
advance", as Paroski requested the establishment of a monarchy
in all Serbian lands. This is why we should establish "a National
Serb Masonic Lobby" - said Paroski, revealing the recipe.
Apart from the fear that there will be a withdrawal and the
Serbian interests will be betrayed following the blockade of
Drina and the options for the recognition of Bosnia and Croatia,
as the second moment which was repeated constantly during the
meeting was, nothing less than Milosevic's resignation. "If Vuk
Brankovic's treason was of the moral aspect and is disputable
form the historical aspect, then Milosevic's betrayal is both
moral and factive" - said the star of this gathering, Vojislav
Seselj, who got the most frenetic applause under the acoustic
tin. "Milosevic is again introducing Communism in Serbia... he
is secretly meeting with the separatists, while we are ruled by
an extra-parliamentarian party, the SK-PJ (Communist League -
Movement for Yugoslavia) with a crazy woman leading it" - Seselj
added with a gradation during his speech, suggesting that the
only solution is to "apply all sorts of civil disobedience, and
wake up the Serbian patriotic and national populism", for, as he
said, "..there will be no parliamentarian elections"!

Both vice-chairmen of the fractions of the Democratic Party,


Batic and Petrovic also marched down the scene, who each one in
their own way continued to accuse the Serbian president and cry
over tragic Kosova. Damjanovic said that "...the people have
Graçanica, Deçan and the Patriarchy... and that it never can be
destroyed", recalling on this occasion what Bishop Nikolaj
Velimirovic had said that even English schools and churches had
celebrated the "Day of St.Vid and Kosova", but that afterwards
came "fifty years of darkness" which made traditions fade away.
Serbian Democratic Party's (DSS) vice-chairman stated again that
his party had told the people that "the star and the cross can't
go together", but that people hadn't believed that, and now we
have the blockade of the Drina and the massacre in Slavonia,
while Serbia was celebrating May 1 and the victory over fascism.
"What do you see when you come to Kosova?" - asked DSS's vice-

- 16 -
chairman, answering himself: "Walls, mosque minarets, filthiness,
children - colones of children, satellite dishes turned towards
Tirana. If there weren't an inscription, we wouldn't even know
that we are on a Serbian land. This is the truth on Kosova.
Stories about the cradle of Serbia are useless...! If the
Government is not ready to do anything, then we shall do
something", added this speaker asking for the breakdown of the
separatist uprising, the establishment of Serbs in Kosova and the
"...change of the ethnic structure, the revision of the cadastre
assets and land registers, the expulsion of all emigrants from
Albania. I will tell you what Bulgaria did in this aspect, it
expelled in a short period of time at least 1 million Turks. The
world made a lot of noise, and later said that this is an
internal affair of a sovereign state!" Among others, Batic asked
for the regionalization of the Serbian state and by all means,
Milosevic's resignation.

His colleague, Petrovic, vice-chairman of the Democratic Party


(Djindjic) and MP, preached "that the Serbian people have been
living in Kosova since one thousand years ago", and that it "made
the absolute majority until the Eastern crisis ... until WW I"
and then Fascists brought in Albanians from Albania and
Communists who denied the Serbs the right to come back sanctioned
this situation"! And after coming back to present times, Petrovic
added: "...Kosova Serbs should be represented by those who live
here and not those who live in Belgrade and claim that they are
from Kosova, as Jokanovic, e.g.!". And then came the ovations...
After the speeches, Jorgovanka Tabakovic read the document "The
Basic Goals of the Serbian National Policy in Kosovo and
Metohija" repeating the already heard qualifications, requesting
the suppression of "any form of territorial autonomy", have "a
population census conducted in Kosova" and adopt the "citizenship
act" which should block owners who came from Albania and who "got
properties as rewards after 1941", do the revision of cadastre
books on property, and have assurances "against majorizations",
have a new "demographic policy" and then a "new organization of
the local administration" in order to create small municipal
cores concentrated with Serbs, the colonization of Kosova with
Serbs and, among others, have the "Serbian National Council"
established! This part, qualified as "Goals and Measures"
foresees issues such as are "assuring human rights" and "national
minorities" which are something like "jewels" of this document.

The part of the preamble, explains "the thousand years' long


history of the Serbs in Kosova", the Turkish and Albanian
usurpations, the wrong Communist policy, the Albanian separatist
movement, the current posture of the actual government through
the ideological prism, stressing also that "...the experience so
far has proven that the Serbian issue in Kosova can't be solved
permanently and regularly any one and only one person, but only

- 17 -
by a state which is functioning democratically". On the other
document, the Political declaration requests the organization of
a referendum which would decide about the unification of "FRY
with RS and RSK" in one state!, and reminding at the same time
that the decision on the recognition of B&H and Croatia in
AVNOJ's borders, whoever may make the decision, would not oblige
the Serb people, etc.

After the recess, the meeting continued with some other


discussions, among which, Amfilohije Radovic must be mentioned.
He first read the communique of the Orthodox Church about the
exodus of Serbs from Slavonia and their killing by Croat troops,
which the Serbian regime is trying to conceal from it's public.
"It is very clear for those who can see, that whoever betrays
God, will betray his own brother"! - metaphorically alluded
Amfilohije. "When the 600 anniversary of the Battle was
celebrated, and when Knjaz Lazar came to sacred Graçanica, then
he was holding the fate of these people in his hands, he didn't
come to honor Knjaz's right, but came form the sky in minds of
his own people. It would have been better if he'd never had
appeared on the sky of this people..." - Radovic clarified his
opinions.

After five hours and some discussions, the "noisy" gathering of


Graçanica ended, while discussions went on at the "Simonida"
restaurant, nearby, in which the guests were served the national
meal - Serbian beans. What was most impressive was the tin tent
which couldn't shelter more than 250 people, mainly from the
opposition, with the domination of the Radicals, the blessing of
the Church, the massive absence of academicians, and of course,
the physical absence of the Serbs on the other side of the Drina.

The traffic police and police patrol in motor-bikes created the


impression that this was an ordinary gathering. Two days before
the meeting, there was evident presence of Serbian police in the
field, and this time there was surprise: the police was not here
because of the Albanians...

MACEDONIA

COLD-WARM RELATIONS

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

Almost in the same way it appeared, an affair which was not


expected to get any special name and whose actors were the
Minister of Finance of the Government of Macedonia and the
Liberal Party, it disappeared. The reasons for this are for the

- 18 -
time being unknown, but the impression remains that something is
wrong in the League for Macedonia coalition. Last week, after
being accused that he had misused his authority when distributing
the money destined to political parties for elections, Jane
Miljoski, minister of Finance reacted energetically and
emotionally. He called the Liberals to a public duel on TV to
clarify the standpoints. Nevertheless, the meeting never took
place, and the reason was banal.

The Liberals replied to the minister's challenge by "offering"


him their secretary. Miljoski insisted to have in front of him
one of his colleagues from the Government or the chairman of the
Liberals, Stojan Andov, who is at the same time Chairman of the
Parliament. His explanation about why he was insisting to have
a determined level on the other side was that this was not a
purely technical issue, but a political one and that he wished
to debate with the ones who were responsible for this matter.

Finally, only Miljoski came on TV trying to give a clear picture


about this new contest which is threatening the existence of the
Government itself. However, his explanation also revealed some
relations which can't be qualified as close. In the whole
elaboration, the minister stated that the reason why the money
was paid with a delay was the giro-account of the Liberals, which
was unknown to the Ministry, or rather, it had to be reconfirmed
so a mistake wouldn't have taken place. In other words, his reply
would be rephrased as follows - the Liberals had no interest to
confirm their giro-account number because they are not so
interested in getting the money and as if they had done this on
purpose! On this occasion, he didn't elaborate any details about
the eventual motives of this manoeuvre, but the tone of his
presentation implied that something is wrong in the relations
between the coalition partners.

In fact, the relations between the two parties, the Liberals and
Social-Democrats (Miljoski is vice-chairman), and which are
coalition partners in government since September 1992 (after the
fall of the experts' government), are constantly between two
extremes: cold-warm. Their often discordances have gone so far
that in a period during the past mandate there were even rumors
about the possible break-down of the coalition, and that this
would make the liberals unite with VMRO. In this direction, the
biggest discordances were with Ljubomir Frckovski, Minister of
Interior (two mandates in the post) for the Liberals wouldn't
agree (and they still don't) with his approach towards the
transformation of the police. The disagreements went so far, that
the Liberals even expressed some doubts about the traffic
accident that Andov suffered in summer of 1993, for they were
suspecting that maybe it had been "prepared" by someone.
Strangely, before the elections, these parties solved their

- 19 -
disagreements and together with the Socialist Party, formed the
League for Macedonia out of which all profited. Nevertheless, the
problems reappeared immediately after the division of posts in
the Government. Then, even though the Liberals were against, the
Social-Democrats kept the ministries of Interior and Finance,
while the Liberals got "only" four ministerial chairs, as many
as the PPD, even though it had three times more seats at the
parliament than PPD. Nevertheless, for the sake of "higher
interests", the Liberals agreed with Crvenkovski to abstain from
voting the Government!

How will this dispute end and will the Liberals and VMRO get
closer, remains to be seen. This situation can best be clarified
by the Liberals who will either accuse the Minister or present
public apologies, as Miljoski insists. The silence mentioned at
the beginning of this text could be explained as gathering of
facts for the first option or getting stronger for the second
one.

And it seems that none of them are easy.

MACEDONIA

TIMES OF DISAPPOINTMENT

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Tetova

Between two issues of KOHA, the municipal court of Tetova worked


intensively: after the trial and sentences against Fadil
Sulejmani and Milaim Fejziu, it did the same thing with Nevzat Halili, Arben Rusi and Musli
Halimi, with the difference that Halili was sentenced to 18
months while the other two to eight months in prison. As it could
be expected, the trials against the activists of the University
of Tetova, disputable for the Macedonian Government, were
qualified as political trials by the Albanian side. Even the pro-
governmental daily, Nova Makedonija, in a comment written by Erol
Rizaov admitted that "Fadil Sulejmani was sentenced only because
of his statements and opinions", and the trials that followed,
apart from the uniformed witnesses, gave the same impression.

This opinion is also shared by foreign diplomats in Shkup, who


consider the sentences as "extremely harsh".

The trials of the implicated in the University of Tetova proved


another thing: the incapacity of the Albanian political parties
to exert pressure, i.e. to articulate their requests. One day
before the trial against Fadil Sulejmani, the chairman of the new
PPD, Arbën Xhaferi, in a press conference and on behalf of "the

- 20 -
Albanian opposition" stated that "there will be an organized and
decisive request" for the release of the arrested, while the
protest meeting started and ended with the promise that "Fadil
will be released and the University will be enlivened". However,
the experience of the "Albanian position" was not good either.

The PPD, chaired by Abdurrahman Aliti, was happy to announce that


Suljemani would be released and would be awaiting the final
decision in freedom. Unfortunately, this announcement was made
three weeks ago, and this didn't happen. The only "happy
surprise" was the decision of the juridical organs to set a bail
at 200 thousand DEM for his release. Meanwhile, Ilir Shaqiri's
cassette "We'll make a University Land out of Tetova" is the most
sought article in the Pollog Plain.

Finally, last Saturday, the PDP, entering its fifth anniversary,


celebrated it's first congress. Even though the results of the
Congress were unknown by the time the deadline to hand in this
text expired, the impression is that Ilijaz Halimi will again be
its chairman. The other news is that Musli Halimi is coming back
to the party's leadership, which is being deserted by Mersel
Bilalli, who along with Adbyladi Vejseli quit the party (while
the party expelled them, so now they are even!?).

Halimi declared to KOHA that in the past "there have been many
obstacles and problems. But we are very satisfied that the party
has grown, has stabilized and has its physiognomy and
individuality, aiming at the internationalization of the Albanian
issue. We are entering this congress unified and unique, and I
believe that we will come out even stronger, form it". Commenting
on the departure of the above MPs, Halimi said that "This has not
caused misunderstandings or divisions within the party. Different
scenarios on the division were not achieved: the party is
following its line and it should be decisive to get rid of
individuals who have totally different concepts".

Meanwhile, the MPs stated the following: "These accusations are


not mentioned even by old ladies any more! Tetova's gossips state
that Bilalli is leaving because Musli Halimi is coming back,
while Vejseli (who is said to have "invested" 70 thousand DEM
in the party) leaves because there is no post foreseen for him.
On the other hand, Vejseli accuses the new/old leadership of the
party that it had not listened to a recommendation of President
Rugova heard in a meeting held in Prishtina, that the Albanian
parties should be in the opposition to operate with the PPD which
is in -position?!

And, what is there to say after this?

The impression is that the secretary of this party, Bedredin

- 21 -
Ismajli was honest to admit two days before the Congress that in
the past four or five years "none of the programmed objectives
has been accomplished, apart from the right the parents have to
name their children as they wish. I really believe what I say.
In fact, the objectives of the Albanian population in Macedonia
were not realized. The reasons for this should be sought in the
system and constitutional solutions and the way how the
parliament and government are functioning", says Ibrahimi.

The coming days will most probably establish the first contacts
between the Macedonian and Albanian parties. Despite the fact
that the fisrt ones don't want to even listen about "Macedonia
as a multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi...". The aim is to
have anticipated parliamentarian and presidential elections...

MACEDONIA

THE FALL AND SPLENDOR OF COMRADE HYSEN

by DAN SEJDIU / Shkup

While the members of the Albanian editorial boards of the


Macedonian Radio and Television are expecting the appointment of
the Deputy Director General of this statal institution who, as
rumoured, will probably be Albanian (according to an agreement
reached within the new/old coalition), the comeback of Hysen
Shaqiri at the number one post of the Albanian TV section, arose
a lot of noise.

In 1993 Shaqiri was ousted by request of the Albanian


journalists, Albanian MPs and three political parties and other
organisms where Albanians are organized.

Then it was said that he had direct influence on the departure


of Menduh Hajdini, Alush Kamberi and the anticipated retirement
of Murat Isaku. During his mandate, almost ten years long, he
"blessed" the change of toponyms and embargoed some other
journalists. This is why 20 out of 25 employees of the present
Editorial Board do not accept him back: they are not defending
the outgoing editor in chief, Skënder Raufi, but are requesting
from the Management (Saso Ordanovski) to be given the right to
decide for themselves who they want for editor. Ordanovski
declares that "this change is one of the 140 staff movements
inside the RTV", while on the other hand, the vast majority of
journalists boycotted the work for a couple of days. As usual,
in such situations, there were threats on suspensions, but also
proposals for promotions for all those who support comrade Hysen.

- 22 -
In any case, six elder journalists are "sick" and the seventh is
on annual leave. PPD's leadership also expressed its
dissatisfaction with this appointment, while the other political
parties remain silent to this act. Anyhow, the comeback or the
attempt to bring back Hysen Shaqiri almost means going back to
the times when Albanians were forced to call Tetova -Tetovo,
Shkup - Skopje or Kërçova - Kicevo.

SERBIA

THE RADICAL RUSH

by MILAN MILOSEVIC / AIM / Belgrade

In the past several months, Seselj has announced several times


that, as he loves to say, "the rotten regime of Slobodan
Milosevic and the Dedinje witches" will fall after the "meeting
of truth" which will be organized by the Serbian Radical Party
on June 17 in Belgrade and on what occasion they count with 200-
300 thousand participants. Seselj, who usually exaggerates, has
never managed to gather at least one tenth of this number in his
meetings, not even in the big Radical meetings in Nis, or Loznica
when he demonstratively crossed Drina, nor Novi Sad, on May 19,
after the events in Western Slavonia. In the last meeting, Seselj
accused Milosevic of "betraying the Serbian people on both sides
of the Drina"... and that "now he is bargaining with the great
powers about the price he will sell the Serbian lands, then
Kosova, Vojvodina and Sandzak...". The main slogans of the Novi
Sad meeting were "ousting Milosevic's regime" and "creating
Greater Serbia". The vocabulary was even more radical, but the
event was not such and it is not something that could announce
a serious threat to Milosevic's position.

Serbian radicals have celebrated meetings in many towns of


Serbia, in Kragujevac, Sabac, Cacak and finally in a Belgrade
neighborhood called "Borce". Previously, the leaders of the
Serbian Radical Party (SRS) tested the Montenegrin leadership's
patience, when they organized a meeting in Pljevlja on market
day, last month, in which over 5 thousand people participated,
then in Bijelo Polje with circa one thousand people, in Berane...
They said that Montenegrin space will be part of Greater Serbia
"as soon as the regimes in both Serbian states fall".

Even though active, the Radicals don't seem to have any populist
force, as none of the other parties in Serbia do, for the parties
are divided according to the determinations about the end of war
in Bosnia and not the position-opposition line, not even the
nationalist-civic line, but according to a diagonal which

- 23 -
relativizes these divisions.

Seselj, who while in prison was announcing that he would oust


Milosevic from power, pressured on the other political parties
of the opposition in February - telling them that "it was the
last moment to have all the dissatisfied united in protest". He
thought that a similar situation would be the meeting of protest
in favor of the freedom of the media, which was announced to be
celebrated then.

Seselj had in reality suggested an organization of a meeting of


support to Studio B and the endangered independent media by four
opposition parties : Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), the
Democratic Party (DS), the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) and
the Radical Party of serbia (SRS).

However, Vuk Draskovic, leader of SPO, was the first one to


reject the idea of having a meeting under Seselj's patronage, who
at the beginning of the war had clearly marked the "journalists-
traitors". Draskovic, in fact, only strengthened the resistance
of the part of the pro-Karadzic opposition, increasing the
pressure for the end of war in Bosnia.

Nova Demokratija, following Draskovic and the Socialists with


whom it split the ministerial posts, refused to participate in
the meeting, because it considered it to be a "manipulation of
its own kind, which threatens to increase the tension in Serbia
in the moment when the negotiating positions with the
international community have deteriorated". Repeating the
evaluation that the organizers of the meeting "are clearly
determined in favor of the warring option", Nebojsa Lekovic, one
of the leaders of Nova Demokratija, said that the creation of a
coalition between the Radicals, DS and DSS represents "Seselj's
great victory, since he managed to squeeze both Kostunica's and
Djindjic's heads".

"We support the independence of Studio B, but we don't want to


participate in Seselj's meeting" said Zarko Korac, vice-chairman
of the Serbian Civic League (GSS).

After giving up on the meeting, this trio didn't appear together


any longer. Djindjic, openly started escaping Seselj's embrace,
a bit because of the pressure coming from the Socialists, and a
bit because of the criticism coming from former chairman
Micunovic's fraction. The last news is that DS will not be
participating in the meeting to be held in June, despite the fact
that Djindjic, same as Seselj, criticizes the present political
steps undertaken in Bosnia by Milosevic.

Kostunica from the DSS also does not consider that a massive

- 24 -
assembly is the most suitable option in the created situation.
Seselj imposed his rhythm trying to strengthen the tone of the
accusations against Milosevic, especially after the announcement
that he was developing negotiations for the recognition of Bosnia
and Croatia. Djindjic, Kostunica and Nikola Milosevic (Liberal
party) and Slobodan Rakitic (People's Party) disputed the
proposals brought by different negotiators to Belgrade, but the
loudest was Seselj who openly declared that the only logical
reply of the Serbs to the "Z-4" plan was the "unification of the
RSK and RS in an independent and unitary state, which could be
called Western Serbia".

On May 15, Seselj was in Pale where he was received by Karadzic,


on which occasion he declared that "people should be told that
the main persons to blame for the situation Serbs are in right
now are the creators of the renewed Communist policy in Belgrade,
who are willing to recognize the former Yugoslav republics of
Bosnia and Croatia, just for the sake of the idea of
reintegration of Yugoslavia and the lifting of the sanctions".
Seselj then expressed his conviction that "the whole of Serbia
will be enthusiastic about the unification of Western Serbian
Lands" and added that "Serbs from the East, after the oust
Milosevic, will concentrate on the creation of a unique Serbian
state". Seselj concluded commenting on the pressure of the
Contact Group on Serbs in Bosnia to accept its plan, by saying
"all those who think that RS will give up on one third of its
territory, are deeply wrong". On May 11, Seselj told all Serbs
who live in Croatia to abandon it, because, on the contrary, they
will suffer the same fate as those in Western Slavonia.

- 25 -
APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202


38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031


+381 38 31 036
Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de

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