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AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59

Substance and Relationality:
Blood in Contexts
Janet Carsten
School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh EH8 9LD,
Scotland, United Kingdom; email: J.Carsten@ed.ac.uk
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2011. 40:19–35
First published online as a Review in Advance on
June 10, 2011
The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at
anthro.annualreviews.org
This article’s doi:
10.1146/annurev.anthro.012809.105000
Copyright c 2011 by Annual Reviews.
All rights reserved
0084-6570/11/1021-0019$20.00
Keywords
kinship, body, personhood, medical technologies, donation,
symbolism
Abstract
This article examines the way bodily substance has been deployed in
the anthropology of kinship. Analytically important in linking kinship
with understandings of the body and person, substance has highlighted
processes of change and transferability in kinship. Studies of organ do-
nation and reproductive technologies in the West considered here chal-
lenge any simple dichotomy between idioms of a bounded individual
body/person and immutable kinship relations in Euro-American con-
texts and more fluid, mutable bodies and relations elsewhere. Focusing
on blood as a bodily substance of everyday significance with a peculiarly
extensive symbolic repertoire, this article connects material properties
of blood to the ways it flows between domains that are often kept apart.
The analogies of money and ghosts illuminate blood’s capacity to partic-
ipate in, and move between, multiple symbolic and practical spheres—
capacities that carry important implications for ideas and practices of
relationality.
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AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59
INTRODUCTION
Long ago, Claude L´ evi-Strauss alerted us to the
idea that some things, in particular, are “good
to think” (L´ evi-Strauss 1969 [1962], p. 162;
Tambiah 1969) and drew attention to the role
of metaphor as “a primary form of discursive
thought” (L´ evi-Strauss 1969, p. 175). Around
the same time, Victor Turner’s classic study
of Ndembu symbolism (1967) highlighted the
condensed nature of ritual symbols. A symbol
may represent many different things, and these
may be linked together by analogous qualities
or associations (1967, p. 28). These insights in-
form much of what follows below.
The Oxford English Dictionary Online (OED)
(2009) entry for blood runs to some 31 pages
when printed out (including draft additions,
March 2009), beginning with “the red liquid
circulating in the arteries and veins of man and
the higher animals, by which the tissues are
constantly nourished and renewed” and finish-
ing with its many combinatory and attributive
meanings. From blood agar to blood-wound,
via (to pluck just a few examples) blood-bath,
blood brother, blood count, blood-frenzy,
blood line, blood-lust, blood orange, blood
pudding, blood-sausage, blood transfusion,
and blood-wealth, these compounds gesture
to the extraordinary breadth of meanings
and associations of this one bodily substance.
Encompassing blessing and sacrifice, kinship
connection, the culinary arts, medicine, and
life itself—as well as its negation in acts of
violence—the terms seem to pile in on each
other to create a veritable excess of associations.
Is there something about bodily substances
in general that lend themselves to such remark-
able elaboration? What kinds of relations can
the flows and transfers of such substances set
in train? And what do these properties tell us
about relationality or how it may be envisaged?
Exploring these questions, this article begins by
reviewing examples from the anthropological
literature on bodily substance. Examining the
way substance has been deployed, it notes the
importance of this concept as an analytic device
that links the anthropology of kinship with un-
derstandings of the body and the person. Most
obviously, references to bodily substance bring
to the fore ideas about process, change, vitality,
and decay in accounts of kinship. Discourses
about material transfers such as those that occur
in organ donation and reproductive technolo-
gies in Western contexts appear to undermine
any simple dichotomy between an emphasis on
fluid, mutable bodies premised on a pregiven
relationality in non-Western contexts and on
more fixed Euro-Americanidioms of a bounded
body and immutable kinship relations.
In the light of this discussion, the latter parts
of this article focus on blood as a particular
bodily substance of everyday significance—one
that also has a peculiarly extensive symbolic
repertoire. “Some objects,” suggest Bowker
& Starr, “are naturalised in more than one
world” (1999, p. 312). But what kinds of
object are these, and how does this multiple
naturalization contribute to their symbolic or
metaphorical power? Which material qualities
of blood (Fraser & Valentine 2006) might
be important here? Looking beyond blood
donation and the idiom of the gift to the
way in which blood participates in different
symbolic and practical spheres, the article
considers how blood functions as a vector
between domains that in other contexts are
actively kept apart. A search for analogies for
the extraordinary polyvalence and plasticity of
blood and its idioms (Edwards 2009, Franklin
2011) takes us, perhaps unexpectedly, into the
terrain of money and ghosts. It suggests that
the unusual capacity of certain kinds of objects
to travel between domains carries important
implications for how relations are conceived.
In keeping with its flexible subject matter,
rather than focusing on a particular subtheme
in anthropology, this article traverses several
terrains to grasp how ideas about substance
contribute to understandings of relationality.
THE ANTHROPOLOGY
OF SUBSTANCE
Although the term substance has been widely
used in the recent anthropology of kinship
20 Carsten
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AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59
(Sahlins 2011), what this term actually refers
to has not always been clear (Carsten 2001,
2004; Thomas 1999). One might imagine that
substance could be used for all kinds of bod-
ily fluids or tissue—bones, flesh, saliva, blood,
organs, breast milk, semen, and female sexual
fluids, as well as hair, skin, and nails—either
singly or in combination. Often it appears that
it is precisely this nonspecificity that is being
put to work. Interestingly, there is a tendency
for the liquid, or at least the softer, squishier,
and more internal bodily matter, to be loosely
denoted by substance, whereas more clearly de-
lineated, harder and bonier bodily material, as
well as that which comes from the exterior sur-
face of the body, such as nails, hair, or skin,
are referred to by their specific terms. I re-
turn to these material properties of substance
below.
Substance made its appearance in the an-
thropological literature in connection with par-
ticular regions: most notably Euro-America,
South Asia, and Melanesia. David Schneider fa-
mously argued that in American kinship “rela-
tives” were defined by “blood,” or “biogenetic
substance”—terms that he equated. He empha-
sized two properties of blood relations: first,
that blood relations were enduring and could
not be severed, and second, that “kinship is
whatever the biogenetic relationship is. If sci-
ence discovers new facts about biogenetic re-
lationship, then that is what kinship is, and
was all along, although it may not have been
known at the time” (Schneider 1980, p. 23).
Blood and biogenetic substance [or “natural
substance,” as he sometimes renders it (1980,
p. 24)] are, however, left strangely unexplored
as symbols, as is the analytic shift from blood to
biogenetic substance—which, one might argue,
is itself a symbol for heredity in American kin-
ship (Carsten 2004, p. 112; Wade 2002, pp. 81–
83). Schneider proposed that relationships were
built out of two orders in American culture,
nature and law, from which were derived two
elements, substance and code. Whereas some
relationships (a spouse or an illegitimate child)
existedby virtue of one of these only, “bloodrel-
atives” derived their legitimacy from a combi-
nation of nature and law or substance and code
for conduct.
It was crucial to Schneider’s argument that
substance and code were clearly distinct and
that they could occur alone or in combination
(Schneider 1980, p. 91). The categorical separa-
tion of the orders of nature and law and of sub-
stance and code may, however, be considerably
less easy to distinguish in practice than Schnei-
der proposed. Indeed, some kinds of kinship in
North America and Britain involve an explicit
blurring, mixing, or interpenetration of these
idioms (Baumann 1995; Carsten 2000, 2004;
Edwards 2000; Edwards & Strathern 2000;
Weston 1991, 1995). These studies of kinship
also demonstrate that the straightforward link
Schneider proposed for North American kin-
ship between the order of nature (or biogenetic
substance) and fixity or permanence was highly
questionable when applied to kinship in partic-
ular ethnographic contexts in the United States
or Britain. As Wade (2002, pp. 69–96; 2007) has
argued, the idea that nature may be more flex-
ible and malleable than is sometimes assumed
also has important implications for understand-
ings about race, which draw on the overlapping
realms of kinship and heredity.
Schneider’s analytic frame was transferred
to India in the form of an ethnosociological
model of South Asian transactions and person-
hood (Marriott 1976, Marriott & Inden 1977),
but here, in contrast with North America, bod-
ily substance and code for conduct were argued
to be both inseparable and malleable. Con-
duct and interpersonal transactions, including
sex, the sharing of food, coresidence, and gift-
giving, transmit moral and spiritual proper-
ties of the person (Daniel 1984). This model
has been critiqued for its oversystematization,
its tendency to ignore regional variations, and
the radical opposition proposed between In-
dian monist and Western dualist notions of
the person (Barnard & Good 1984; Barnett
1976; Good 1991, 2000; McGilvray 1982; Parry
1989).
Discussions of Indian transactions and
notions of the person made reference to both
substance and code, sometimes in the form
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AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59
of “code-substance” or “substance-code” to
emphasize their inseparability (Marriott 1976,
p. 110). Accounts of Melanesian kinship,
personhood, and gender framed in terms
of substance, however, largely omitted the
reference to code. Here substance has been
seen as intrinsically exchangeable and mal-
leable. Strathern (1988), building on Wagner’s
(1977) analysis of “substantive flows” and
the substitutability of substance, focused on
the “analogizing” properties of substance, its
generative capacities, and its ability to take a
range of forms, such as blood, milk, food, and
semen. These data had obvious resonances
with the Indian material. As well as flow and
fungibility, Strathern’s analysis also rested on
the disjunction in English between form and
substance or content. Thus, in her reanalysis of
Trobriand material, a mere replication of form
(not involving exchange or transformation of
substance) is not seen as a substantive connec-
tion, which contrasts with Malinowski’ s (1929,
p. 3) earlier assertion about the relation be-
tween a Trobriand mother and child (Carsten
2004, pp. 121–26; Strathern 1988, pp. 231–40;
Weiner 1976). It is the substitutability or analo-
gizing property of substance that Strathern
(1988, p. 251) sees as enabling a transformation
of form into content, or inner substance.
These understandings are comparable to the
South Asian models cited, although differences
remain in terms of ideas about gender and the
person and therefore in the relations that en-
sue from exchanges of substance (Busby 1997).
Strathern’s model rests on the idea of partible
persons, composed of elements of male and
female substances, and gender here is unsta-
ble and must be elicited through performance.
Cecilia Busby suggests that Indian persons are
permeable and connected through exchanges of
substance that merge within the body. These
substances, however, retain their male or fe-
male essence. Whereas in Melanesia, “the body
is a microcosm of relations” (Strathern 1988,
p. 131, cited in Busby 1997, p. 273), in South
India, flows of substance “are a manifestation
of persons rather than the relationships they
create” (Busby 1997, p. 273). In Melanesia,
Busby suggests, relationships are foregrounded,
whereas in India the focus is on persons.
Following these discussions, it is worth
noting that substance as an analytic term
underwent a shift in its migration from North
America to Melanesia. Whereas Schneider
emphasized the immutable nature of substance
as opposed to code, Strathern suggested that
in Melanesia what was not immutable could
not be considered as substance. The important
move signaled by using substance as an analytic
termwas attentionto bodily flows and transfers,
thus highlighting fluidity, transferability, and
transformability in the analysis of kinship and
linking these to ideas about the body. That such
processes should be highlighted in analyses of
South Asian, Melanesian, and Euro-American
kinship was not coincidental because these
were regions where anthropologists had found
it problematic or impossible to apply earlier
models based on unilineal descent (Barnes
1962, Strathern 1992). The emphasis on fungi-
bility also signaled a wider dissatisfaction with
kinship models that emphasized permanent
or unchanging aspects in the structure of
kinship relations (Carsten 2004, Kuper 1988).
Analysis of ideas about reproductive processes,
the body, and gender in Africa that builds on
an earlier generation of Africanist scholars
(Beidelman 1980, 1993; Richards 1982; Turner
1967, 1969) and is influenced by the work
of Strathern and others reveals how bodily
processes here too are linked to wider social
and cosmological understandings of fertility
(Broch-Due 1999; Devisch 1993; Hutchinson
1996, 2000; Jacobson-Widding 1991, 1999;
Kaspin 1996, 1999; Moore 1999; Taylor 1992).
The fact that the meaning of substance
in English makes no explicit reference to
fungible or transferable qualities suggests that
the cooption of this term had less to do with
its meaning than with an analytic space in
the study of kinship. The centrality of ideas
about substance in Christianity, particularly,
the connotations of transubstantiation in
the Eucharist, in which physical or spiritual
transformation is precisely at issue (Bynum
2007, Feeley-Harnik 1981), may, however,
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AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59
have implicitly influenced how the term has
been deployed by anthropologists. Cannell’s
(2005) comments on the “Christianity of an-
thropology” draw attention to the significance
and silences surrounding such linkages.
Bamford’s suggestion, that recent analyses
of kinship have been too prone to assume
that kinship necessarily involves embodied
connection, bears on this problem of the
incorporation of Western ideas, although
it ignores how, rather than being imposed
analytically, this emphasis may be present in
the ethnographic data (Bamford 2004, 2007,
2009; Bamford & Leach 2009b; Carsten 1995,
1997, 2004; Weismantel 1995). Among the
Kamea of Highland New Guinea, Bamford
notes, “while both parents contribute sub-
stance to the child, this is not seized upon as a
salient feature of the parent-child relationship”
(2004, p. 291). Bamford (2007) elucidates
an important distinction between Western
ideas about blood, biogenetic substance, and
pedigree, which incorporate directionality and
temporality into ideas of flow (Cassidy 2002,
2009; Edwards 2009; Franklin 2007; Strathern
1992), and Kamea understandings in which
ideas about substance do not have this temporal
dimension. Where siblingship takes priority
over filiation (as in the Malay or Kamea cases),
it follows that siblings (rather than parents
and children) may be understood as having the
closest substantive connection, and this notion
has implications for ideas about genealogy.
Continuity in kinship may be evoked not
through ancestry but through (gendered) ties
to land—as in the Kamea case—and the growth
and consumptionof staple foods produced from
land that is itself seen as generative may be the
dominant idioms for shared substance or may
complement procreative ties (Carsten 1997;
Freeman 1970; Godelier 1998; Leach 2003,
2009; Li Puma 1988; Merlan & Rumsey 1991;
Munn 1986; Strathern 1973). The diversity of
these ideas underscores not only that common
substance may be defined in many different
ways, but also that it is “[n]either a universal
nor an essential condition of kinship” (Sahlins
2011, p. 14).
MATERIAL QUALITIES;
METAPHORICAL ELABORATION
I suggest above that we make connections
between material qualities of substances and
the relations that their transfers set in train.
Such connections may, however, be implicit
in anthropological accounts (Carsten 1995,
1997, pp. 107–30). It is partly the link between
physical properties of substance and the rela-
tional forms envisaged by their continuities,
transfers, and transformations that interests me
here. Color and liquidity may, as in the Malay
case, invite a commentary on health, vitality,
kinship connection, and the role of blood in
reproduction.
Color was, of course, at the heart of Turner’s
(1967) discussion of ritual symbols. The effi-
cacy of his tripartite structure of white, red,
and black rested on its reference to bodily fluids
“whose emission, spilling, or production is as-
sociated with a heightening of emotion” (1967,
pp. 88–89). Furthermore, Turner (1967, p. 89)
underlined how fluids such as semen, milk, and
bloodthat are referencedby these colors evoked
experiences of social relationships. Jacobson-
Widding(1999, p. 291) alsonotes the emotional
force and dynamic potential of red in Central
Africa. Others have seen liquidity rather than
color as a key property. In a wonderful explo-
ration of the “gift logic” of precolonial Rwan-
dan social relations, Taylor (1992) shows how
the mobility of liquids, their capacity to flow,
encapsulated the openness and dynamic quali-
ties of exchange. Here people “construct social
relations through the fluids they exchange in
celebration, hospitality, and ordinary interac-
tion” (1992, p. 105). Because bodily fluids, such
as blood, semen, or milk, “social fluids,” such
as beer or porridge, and rainfall are analogs of
each other, their flow establishes connections
among body, society, and cosmos (1992, p. 105;
see also Wagner 1986). The “spirit of the liquid
gift” (1992, p. 207) on which this logic rested
could, however, be undermined by witches with
the power to poison and cause death by block-
age and by a capitalist logic alternative to that
of the gift economy in which accumulation and
profit are positively valued.
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AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59
Such associations might prompt further
questions about the explicit or implicit con-
nections between physical properties of bodily
substances and relations among persons. Here
permanence andtransience come intoplay. The
permanence of lineages, for example, may be in-
voked by references to continuities of bone be-
tween lineage members. By contrast, the softer,
fleshier parts of human bodies that are less en-
during may be metaphorically attached to as-
pects of relations that cease with death (Bloch
1988, Thompson 1988). And of course, similar
kinds of dichotomous associations of soft flesh
and hard bone with relative impermanence or
permanence occur in the absence of lineages,
as in the Malay or Euro-American examples.
These ideas highlight the metaphorical poten-
tial of bodily material ( Jackson 1983, Lakoff
& Johnson 1980) and suggest that this poten-
tial is partly linked to its physical attributes
but also to associations that may be readily
made with vitality itself. The OED list of com-
pound words involving blood, cited above, un-
derscores the association of blood with life and
also, contrastingly, with death-dealing acts of
violence. But this point also makes clear that
some metaphors are more metaphorical than
others. Blood seems to occupy a protean role in
its capacity to be both metaphor and metonym
(M. Mayblin, personal communication). De-
bates about transubstantiation in the Eucharist
(Bynum 2007) or the presence of blood in acts
of martyrdom (Castelli 2011) indicate that the
symbolic potential of blood can be conceived in
a highly literal manner, whereas in other con-
texts (such as heredity or relationships) it may
be more removed from what it signifies.
To some extent, all bodily substances can be
associated with vitality, and this notion may be
one source of their aptitude for metaphorical
extension. But some seem to be more “good to
think”—or good to enact—than others. Blood
may be the most obvious example, but certain
organs, such as the heart or liver, and some
bodily fluids, such as breast milk or sexual flu-
ids, have more symbolic potential than others.
Considering their attributes together, the vivid
color and the liquidity of blood, the obvious
importance of its internal flow to health, and
its external flow to reproduction, wounding, or
death, as well as blood’s ready alterability, seem
to give a unique range and power to its imme-
diate associations and its potential for further
elaboration. The symbolic weight and range of
associations of the heart and/or liver as the vital
organ par excellence and also the seat of emo-
tions could be explained in a similar way. Al-
though less obviously striking in appearance,
the association of sexual fluids and breast milk
with life itself and, as Turner suggested, the po-
tential emotional resonance of processes of sex,
reproduction, andmaternal breast-feedingcon-
nect to the capacity of these bodily substances
for symbolic elaboration. In considering what
makes these particular objects the subject of re-
lational speculation, we need to take into ac-
count material qualities, the contexts in which
they naturally occur, and the readiness with
which they can be associated with life itself or
qualities of animation.
Blood may be particularly apt for this kind
of metaphorical extension because it scores so
highly in all three respects: It is visually striking,
it can be seen inside and outside the body—
both routinely and in exceptionally dramatic
circumstances—and it can be obviously associ-
ated with life or life’s cessation. The example of
blood also underlines how these three different
aspects are, in fact, inseparable and reinforce
each other. I return to the special qualities of
blood belowafter considering transfers of other
kinds of bodily matter.
BODILY TRANSFERS;
RELATIONAL MOVES
The rather unsubtle connection I have made
between what we might think of as the lit-
eral qualities of bodily substances and their
metaphorical associations becomes immedi-
ately more complex if we explore the relational
dimensions of how they are apprehended. This
complexity reflects the fact that relationships
and their qualities cannot really be grasped in
these terms: How would we tease apart literal
or metaphorical dimensions of relationships?
24 Carsten
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Here, the animating qualities of bodily sub-
stance may suggest a way to explore what is
being transferred.
Sexual intercourse and breast-feeding are
two of the most common and obvious ways
that bodily fluids are transferred from one per-
son to another. Nor is it surprising that they
are often surrounded by an elaborate discourse
about the possible results of mixing or trans-
ferring bodily material from one person to an-
other. The consequences of the physiological
processes of intercourse, pregnancy, andbreast-
feeding in terms of relations between sexual
partners, spouses, parents and children, and sib-
lings seem almost too obvious to mention. But
in fact the symbolic elaboration of such pro-
cesses is extraordinarily varied. Ritual proscrip-
tions of caste appear to be at one extreme of a
cultural elaborationconcerned withcontrolling
the possible consequences of too much mixing
(Daniel 1984, Lambert 2000, Marriott 1976,
Marriott & Inden 1977). But Christian dis-
courses about the creation of one flesh between
husband and wife and its implications in terms
of the potential for incest between siblings-in-
law suggest here too a profound concern about
the relational effects of mixing bodily substance.
The long-running nineteenth-century British
parliamentary debate over the possibility of
marriage to a deceased wife’s sister is one ex-
ample of this (Kuper 2009).
In many cultural contexts, transfers of sex-
ual fluids, breast milk, or saliva are understood
to have a directly transformative effect on the
nature of the person and that person’s rela-
tions with others. As in the case of the con-
troversy over marriage with a deceased wife’s
sister, often there are further repercussions of a
more indirect kind. Thus Malay women whom
I knew in the 1980s spoke anxiously about the
potential consequences of breast-feeding other
women’s children in terms of Islamic proscrip-
tions against marriages between them as adults
(Carsten 1995; Parkes 2004, 2005). Perhaps it
is not surprising that media reports of New
York chef, Daniel Angerer, who made cheese
from his wife’s surplus breast milk, described
the responses as ranging from “mild yuckiness
to sheer revulsion” (Saner 2010, p. 3). Angerer
himself reflected, “I suppose any kind of hu-
man liquid takes on a weird, almost sexual, as-
pect. But we drink milk from animals and, to
me, this isn’t that different” (p. 3).
Concern about incest, although common, is
of course not the only register of transforma-
tions effected by the transfer of bodily matter.
The literature on the social implications of re-
cent medical advances, including organ trans-
plants and reproductive technologies, provides
illuminating material. Studies of patients who
have undergone organtransplants reveal a strik-
ing tendency of many recipients to speculate on
the origins of donated organs in terms of the
personal attributes of the donor and to under-
stand transformations of themselves as an effect
of incorporating these (Fox & Swazey 1992,
2002; Lock 2002; Sharp 1995, 2006; Waldby
2002). As Lock writes, “Body parts remain in-
fused with life and even personality” (2002,
p. 320).
Sharp’s study of organ donation in the
United States (2006) beautifully documents
how recipients of cadaveric organs articulate
connections to the kin of deceased donors in
terms of kinship, the role of the donor mother
being particularly crucial for participants in
such relations. Recipients speak of the “natu-
ralness” of using the idiom of kinship in this
context, and Sharp, following Schneider (1980,
1984), underscores how the centrality of bio-
genetic concepts of relatedness in American
kinship makes the idiom of blood ties partic-
ularly apt in cases of organ transfer. Her study
also suggests that heart transplants are partic-
ularly likely to be understood to effect pro-
found personality changes (Fox &Swazey 1992,
Pearsall et al. 2002) and are prone to rela-
tional elaboration in Western contexts. And
this connects with the idea that the heart is
thought to contain “the greatest amount of the
donor’s essence” (Sharp 2006, p. 200) and is
linked to understandings of it as the seat of the
emotions, which have a surprising endurance
in Western contexts (Bound Alberti 2010), as
well as to its direct association with sustaining
life.
www.annualreviews.org • Substance and Relationality 25
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AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59
Such examples illuminate how transfers
of bodily material are imagined in relational
terms, which may be elaborated in more cre-
ative and imaginative ways than the rather flat
anthropological trope of “fictive kinship” im-
plies. Adopting the term biosentimentality, in
distinction to Rabinow’s (1992) “biosociality,”
Sharp highlights how the positive overtones
of these relations may subvert the potential
of biosociality to reshape social relations in
dangerous or threatening ways (Rapp 1999).
The importance of such multiple and layered
associations thus plays a role in how a medical
procedure (albeit a serious and dramatic one)
can become the subject of what we could term
relational speculation and of negotiation of
ideas of personhood. Such negotiations of the
person and relationality are brought into play in
decision-making at the beginnings and ends of
life (Kaufman 2005, Kaufman & Morgan 2005)
and in considering the implications of fertility
treatment. Edwards (1993, 2000) has high-
lighted concerns about the possible adulterous
connotations of gamete transfers as well as the
opportunities for incest to occur unwittingly
between those who may not know they are
siblings. But, as in the case of those undergoing
surrogacy, participants may, in fact, avoid the
disturbing implications of such procedures
and instead emphasize and extend normative
aspects of family ideology (Ragon´ e 1994).
Research carried out among patients receiving
or donating gametes, however, demonstrates
that relational moves can also be innovative
(Konrad 1998, 2005) and include stratagems
that have the effect of excluding inappropriate
adulterous or incestuous connotations. This
“flexible choreography” (Thompson 2001,
p. 198; Thompson 2005) between elements
of nature and culture suggests a subtle and
imaginative process of accommodating existing
and future relations to quite new situations.
Some have suggested that recent advances in
genetic medicine encourage a move away from
the malleability of blood in kinship thinking
to a more fixed genetic essentialism (Finkler
2000, 2001), or literalization, particularly in
medical contexts. Growing evidence indicates,
however, that confronted by incomplete or
indecipherable genetic information, those con-
cerned revert to more familiar tropes, building
on the plasticity of historically prior idioms
of blood and family (Bestard 2009;
ˇ
Cepaitien˙ e
2009; Edwards 2009; Franklin 2003, 2011;
Lock 2005; Porqueres i Gen´ e & Wilgaux
2009; Rapp 1999). “Blood,” as Franklin (2011)
memorably puts it, “is thicker than genes.”
TRANSFERS OF BLOOD
Although studies of organ donation and fer-
tility treatment are highly suggestive of con-
cerns about the effects of transfers of bodily
substance, they arise in rather special circum-
stances. In placing such medical procedures
alongside more everyday matters of breast-
feeding or sexual intercourse, we could consider
these processes as a continuum encompassing,
at one extreme, fleeting kinds of physical con-
tact, suchas concerns about touching or feeding
and, at the other, the most radical transfers rep-
resented by organ donation. Blood would seem
to occupy a paradoxical place in such a contin-
uum. Blood flows are common and minor oc-
currences, but they can also signal extreme acts
of violence, illness, or death. Flows of blood can
be intentionally elicited for ritual, medical, or
other purposes and can also occur involuntarily.
Such flows are thus at once both more everyday
than donations of gametes or organs, but also
have unique qualities.
In keeping with the range of contexts in
which blood is found, the relevant literature
is dispersed across many subfields, including
religion, symbolism, kinship, politics, and
medical anthropology (Bynum 2007, Copeman
2009c, Feeley-Harnik 1981, Hugh-Jones 2011,
Knight 1991, Schneider 1980, Starr 1998). And
this is testament not just to blood’s importance
as a bodily substance but also to its potential
“catchiness” in metaphor (Sperber 1985).
Blood donation is of particular interest because
it encompasses many of these associations,
including medical, moral, personal, politi-
cal, national, kinship, and religious aspects
(Anagnost 2006; Baud 2011; Busby 2006;
26 Carsten
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AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59
Chaveau 2011; Copeman 2004, 2005, 2008,
2009a,b; Reddy 2007; Sanabria 2009; Simpson
2004, 2009; Street 2009). Although such asso-
ciations can be morally positive, it important
to note that, partly through the overlap of
ideas of kinship, nation, and race—in both of
which blood and heredity are central (Wade
2002, 2007; Williams 1995)—the flow of
blood through transfusion or heredity and
intermarriage may also be blocked in exclu-
sionary moves (Dauksas 2007, Lederer 2008,
Poqueres i Gen´ e 2007, Strong 2009, Valentine
2005, Weston 2001). Such linkages, which
may be highly politically charged, have long
and specific histories in European cultures
(de Miramon 2009, Nirenberg 2009), but
neither historically in Europe nor elsewhere
is it necessarily the case that the symbolism
of blood connotes immutable essence rather
than a substance subject to change depending
on environment, moral state, climate, sexual
contact, food consumption, or other influences
(Stoler 1992, 1997; Wade 1993, 2002).
Titmuss’s foundational study of blood do-
nation, The Gift Relationship (1997), compared
the policy implications of the altruistic unpaid
donation of blood under the British National
Health Service with the payment of donors
in the United States and elsewhere. His con-
clusion, that a system of unpaid donation was
safer because it ruled out the intrusion of com-
mercial interests into blood donation, has, in
the light of infected blood scandals set in train
by the HIV/AIDS pandemic in France, China,
the United Kingdom, and elsewhere proven to
be an oversimplification (Baud 2011, Chaveau
2011, Feldman & Bayer 1999, Laqueur 1999,
Shao 2006, Shao & Scoggin 2009, Starr 1998).
Nevertheless, Titmuss’s insistence on the im-
portance of attempting to ring-fence a purely
altruistic system of blood donation to ensure
the safety of transfused blood is worth consid-
ering more closely.
The difficulty of insulating a morally
charged altruistic sphere of donation is not, of
course, confined to medical contexts (Douglas
1990, Weiner 1992). Studies of organ donation
illuminate the complex play of motivations
that underlie acts of donation as well as the
profound guilt or obligation often felt by
recipients, leading Ren´ ee Fox to write of the
“tyranny of the gift” (Fox 1978, p. 1168; Fox &
Swazey 1992, 2002, p. 199; see also Das 2010;
Lock 2000, 2002; Simmons et al. 1987; Sharp
1995). Whereas such studies show the intense
pressure relatives may feel to donate a kidney
to a close family member, the more diffuse
nexus of discourses and connotations of blood
donation as good citizenship, nationalism,
histories of kinship, health, and other matters
suggests the potential fruitfulness of analyzing
blood or organs through the lens of the
“entangled” and plural meanings of particular
objects as they travel through biographical
and social contexts (Appadurai 1986, Hoskins
1998, Kopytoff 1986, Thomas 1991), a kind of
“thinking through things” (Henare et al. 2007).
Assumptions about the adequacy of nonpay-
ment of donors to ensure safety are based on the
idea that payment is the only or the most serious
potential intrusion into the pure altruismof the
gift. But of course moral acts may bring their
own significant rewards; blood donors as well
as those who take blood from them, and those
who administer and run blood transfusion ser-
vices, have their own interests and histories of
relationships that may constrain or dictate their
behavior. In Malaysia, many donors to whom I
spoke situated their acts of donation in stories
about their own families, including the previ-
ous illnesses of close family members. Some
took obvious pride in the small gifts or mate-
rial forms of acknowledgment given to regular
donors. Some describedhowtheir donationwas
woven into their employment history; others
knew or were connected in some way to blood
bank staff who took their blood. These layered
entanglements make clear that it would be ex-
tremely difficult to construct a system of blood
donation divorced from human interest. Such
a system would have to be run by robots in a
world immune from human intervention.
The multiple imbrications and associations
of donating blood have significant policy im-
plications, but they also provide clues for un-
derstanding the links between relationality and
www.annualreviews.org • Substance and Relationality 27
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AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59
bodily substance. Although the gift relationship
may be a fertile trope through which to ana-
lyze relations between donors and recipients or
acts of donation, and also fits neatly into an al-
ready well-worked seamof anthropological dis-
cussion about the gift, it may also obscure the
significance of other kinds of relations that en-
able blood transfers to occur.
BLOOD FLOWS: DONATION,
MONEY, AND GHOSTS
Probing further the uncontained quality of
blood that is revealed in studies of blood do-
nation, we could seek analogies in other objects
or beings that have similar unbounded proper-
ties without blood’s liquid form. Here I briefly
consider just two: money and ghosts. Although
these parallels may seem counterintuitive be-
cause they are drawn from outside the realm
of bodily substances, the propensities of money
and ghosts to move between domains help il-
luminate our understandings of substance and
relationality.
Given the sharp antipathy between com-
merce and transfers of blood in at least some
Western contexts, a comparison between blood
and money might seem paradoxical. But the
problematic status of payment in the context
of blood donation, highlighted by Titmuss,
recalls another sphere in which monetary pay-
ment raises moral and categorical issues: sex.
And here too bodily transfers are involved. Sex
and money are commonly deemed antithetical
in the West, partly because payment for sex
is redolent of a breach between the world of
family and that of work, or the private and the
public (Day 2007). Payment for blood would
breach another closely related boundary:
between a sphere of altruism and one of
commercial interest (see also Ragon´ e 1996 on
the similar tensions of commercial surrogacy
arrangements). Giving blood also traverses the
boundary of the body/person and its inalienable
parts. That bodily exchanges shouldbe involved
in both sex work and blood donation, and that
altruism is strongly evoked in the ideology of
the family, whereas the world of work is one of
monetary renumeration, suggests resonances
between the two cases. Whereas payment for
sex characteristically remains hidden or secret,
however, blood donation is imbued with the
positive moral values of public giving.
Pursuing for a moment the analogy be-
tween blood and money, one key attribute of
the latter has been taken to be its function
as a means of exchange. Famously, money fa-
cilitates exchanges between spheres that may
be, to some degree, insulated from each other
(Bohannan 1959, Maurer 2006, Parry & Bloch
1989, Strathern & Stewart 1999). Although
this is clearly not the prime function of blood
(despite the suggestive metaphor of the blood
bank), we could nevertheless see some similar-
ity to money in the propensity of blood to flow
from one domain to another (Copeman 2009c,
Street 2009).
But we can discern another quality that they
hold in common. If the metaphorical capacities
of blood derive partly from its contribution to
vitality and animation, it is worth noting that
money, although part of a world of inanimate
objects, is also prone to be “enlivened” through
metaphors of growth and fertility. Here, Marx’s
(1954, pp. 76–87) observations on fetishism
are pertinent. And of course these qualities of
money derive fromits ability toacquire interest,
to seed commercial or other projects, to grow
in itself, or to make other things grow. In so
doing, it travels between persons, institutions,
and projects. Like blood, money may flowand is
perceived as generative. It thus seems plausible
to link this flow, and the processes of increase
or depletion that thereby ensue, to the qual-
ity of animation with which it is metaphorically
endowed.
The commonalities between blood and
money thus derive from two linked attributes:
their circulation among different domains and
their (incomplete or unstable) properties of an-
imation. Movement among domains that in
other contexts are kept separate and a ques-
tionable status of animation suggest one fur-
ther analogy: ghosts. If blood is alive only to a
limited extent—it cannot by itself sustain life,
and donated blood and blood products have a
28 Carsten
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AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59
relatively short shelf-life—ghosts can be viewed
as incompletely dead. Unable to “rest in peace,”
they seek to intrude in the lives of the living.
But one might also reverse this proposition be-
cause it is not necessarily clear whether it is the
dead or the living who are the most unwill-
ing to give up their connection. Intriguingly,
Sharp comments on the persistent appearance
of ghosts in the narratives of the kin of cadaveric
organ donors in the United States, “extending
the life,” as she puts it, “of a donor beyond the
grave” (2006, p. 155). But the capacity of ghosts
to make their presence felt is limited by various
factors, including the particular locations with
which they are associated and the times when
they may appear.
The most well-known tendency of ghosts is
their ability to pass through solid objects and
to inhabit different spheres: the worlds of the
dead and that of the living. Like blood, one
might almost say ghosts flowbetween domains.
Vampire spirits are, of course, a special class of
ghosts with an affinity for blood (White 2000).
Perhaps it is not coincidental that a contem-
porary efflorescence of vampire stories in the
popular culture of the United States, United
Kingdom, and elsewhere has closely followed
widespread public anxiety about infected blood
in the context of HIV/AIDSand bovine spongi-
form encephalopathy (BSE) epidemics. As en-
thusiasts of the Buffy the Vampire Slayer se-
ries and many other such modern tales know
all too well, the quality of blood that vampires
seek above all is its animation. Fresh supplies of
living, human blood keep vampires going. Al-
though much about this genre can be the sub-
ject of enjoyable innovation, the desire for this
animation remains constant.
CONCLUSION
Any attempt to link together ideas about bodily
substance with understandings of relatedness is
at risk of being either too general or too par-
ticular. Not only are these topics very broad,
but the ways in which they manifest themselves
seemall tooobviously culturally andhistorically
situated. Negotiating between specific cases to
find the threads that might connect these ideas,
I have set out some points for comparison. Sug-
gesting that a consideration of the metaphor-
ical capacity of different substances is linked
to their material and sensual properties is one
such avenue for comparison. Relative density,
softness or hardness, color, smell, and alterabil-
ity or permanence may play a role in just how
“good to think” a substance is. But the contexts
in which substances occur, their bodily associ-
ations, seem to be another crucial vector in the
aptitude of particular substances for metaphor-
ical elaboration, and here flow and transfer-
ability enhance such capacities. Breast milk and
sexual fluids stand out as substances whose oc-
currence involves being passed between bodies
(in contrast, say, to saliva or urine). Although
they originate within bodies, these substances
flow between bodies and persons—sometimes
in emotionally charged contexts—and are par-
ticularly prone to invite speculation about the
relations enabled by such transfers. Crucially,
they may be literally life-giving.
I have suggested that, by virtue of its many
extraordinary qualities, blood is worthy of spe-
cial consideration. Perhaps most significant of
all is the fact that its flow within and from the
body is closely bound up with life itself. If ex-
cessive bleeding is closely connected with death
(I was told by Malay informants in the 1980s
that death occurred when all blood had left the
body, whether or not this was visible to the hu-
maneye), transfusions of bloodare the apotheo-
sis of that which is life-saving. It is perhaps not
surprising that blood donation is often taken
to be a supremely altruistic act that can be at-
tributed with all the values of secular good citi-
zenship, religious giving, and familial duty. The
uniquely animating properties of blood are as-
sociated with the properties of flow and move-
ment that connote vitality. Through the analo-
gies of money and ghosts, I have underlined
the ways in which transfers and flow between
domains entail both physical and imaginative
connections among objects, bodies, or realms
that are linked by such media.
The ways in which relationality is under-
stood to derive from flows of substance are
www.annualreviews.org • Substance and Relationality 29
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AN40CH02-Carsten ARI 16 August 2011 11:59
heightened by the polyvalent properties that I
have described. Thus striking material quali-
ties, special contexts of occurrence or a close
association with life itself or life-giving proper-
ties, may together enhance the emotional reso-
nance as well as the tendency for metaphorical
extension of particular bodily substances, and
hence the likelihood of their being a vehicle for
the elaboration of ideas about relatedness. Such
qualities, I suggest, tend to pile inoneachother,
creating and extending further resonances and
associations in a self-fulfilling manner. Some
objects are indeed naturalized in many worlds.
In writing this review, I have been struck by
how often, and in how many contexts, I have
come across such phrases as “blood relations”
or “blood ties” used by anthropologists in unre-
flective or unanalyzed ways, without specifying
if these locutions are their own or those of their
informants, and as if such usages did not come
already encumbered by peculiarly weighty (and
culturally particular) baggage (see Ingold 2007,
pp. 110–11). Trying to disinter these multi-
ple associations has involved picking apart dif-
ferent properties whose co-occurrence is not
always coincidental. The quality of animation
that is above all signaled by flow and move-
ment (just as being at rest or immobile can sug-
gest its opposite) perhaps accounts for a very
widespread connection that can be made be-
tween substances that flow within and between
bodies and relations that are apprehended in
terms of such flows. That such connections are
prone to be made in diverse cultures should not,
however, blind us to the equally striking cul-
tural and historical specificity of how they can
be constantly elaborated and reimagined in new
ways.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I amvery grateful to Jacob Copeman, Sarah Franklin, Ian Harper, Toby Kelly, Rebecca Marsland,
Maya Mayblin, and Jonathan Spencer for their comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this
article and to Julie Hartley and Joanna Wiseman for help preparing the bibliography and collecting
materials. Writing was made possible by a Leverhulme Major Research Fellowship.
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Annual Review of
Anthropology
Volume 40, 2011
Contents
Prefatory Chapter
Anthropological Relocations and the Limits of Design
Lucy Suchman p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Archaeology
The Archaeology of Consumption
Paul R. Mullins p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 133
Migration Concepts in Central Eurasian Archaeology
Michael D. Frachetti p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 195
Archaeologists and Indigenous People: A Maturing Relationship?
Tim Murray p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 363
Archaeological Ethnography: A Multitemporal Meeting Ground
for Archaeology and Anthropology
Yannis Hamilakis p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 399
Archaeologies of Sovereignty
Adam T. Smith p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 415
A Century of Feasting Studies
Brian Hayden and Suzanne Villeneuve p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 433
Biological Anthropology
Menopause, A Biocultural Perspective
Melissa K. Melby and Michelle Lampl p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 53
Ethnic Groups as Migrant Groups: Improving Understanding
of Links Between Ethnicity/Race and Risk of Type 2 Diabetes and
Associated Conditions
Tessa M. Pollard p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 145
From Mirror Neurons to Complex Imitation in the Evolution
of Language and Tool Use
Michael A. Arbib p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 257
vi
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AN40-FrontMatter ARI 23 August 2011 7:33
From Hominoid to Hominid Mind: What Changed and Why?
Brian Hare p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 293
The Human Microbiota as a Marker for Migrations of Individuals
and Populations
Maria Gloria Dominguez-Bello and Martin J. Blaser p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 451
Linguistics and Communicative Practices
Publics and Politics
Francis Cody p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 37
Ritual and Oratory Revisited: The Semiotics of Effective Action
Rupert Stasch p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 159
Language and Migration to the United States
Hilary Parsons Dick p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 227
The Balkan Languages and Balkan Linguistics
Victor A. Friedman p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 275
International Anthropology and Regional Studies
Central Asia in the Post–Cold War World
Morgan Y. Liu p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 115
The Ethnographic Arriving of Palestine
Khaled Furani and Dan Rabinowitz p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 475
Sociocultural Anthropology
Substance and Relationality: Blood in Contexts
Janet Carsten p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 19
Hallucinations and Sensory Overrides
T.M. Luhrmann p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 71
Phenomenological Approaches in Anthropology
Robert Desjarlais and C. Jason Throop p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 87
Migration, Remittances, and Household Strategies
Jeffrey H. Cohen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 103
Climate and Culture: Anthropology in the Era of Contemporary
Climate Change
Susan A. Crate p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 175
Policing Borders, Producing Boundaries. The Governmentality
of Immigration in Dark Times
Didier Fassin p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 213
Contents vii
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AN40-FrontMatter ARI 23 August 2011 7:33
The Cultural Politics of Nation and Migration
Steven Vertovec p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 241
Migrations and Schooling
Marcelo M. Su´ arez-Orozco, Tasha Darbes, Sandra Isabel Dias, and Matt Sutin p p p p p p 311
Tobacco
Matthew Kohrman and Peter Benson p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 329
Transnational Migration and Global Health: The Production and
Management of Risk, Illness, and Access to Care
Carolyn Sargent and St´ ephanie Larchanch´ e p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 345
Concepts and Folk Theories
Susan A. Gelman and Cristine H. Legare p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 379
Migration-Religion Studies in France: Evolving Toward a Religious
Anthropology of Movement
Sophie Bava p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 493
Theme I: Anthropology of Mind
Hallucinations and Sensory Overrides
T.M. Luhrmann p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 71
Phenomenological Approaches in Anthropology
Robert Desjarlais and C. Jason Throop p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 87
From Mirror Neurons to Complex Imitation in the Evolution of
Language and Tool Use
Michael A. Arbib p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 257
From Hominoid to Hominid Mind: What Changed and Why?
Brian Hare p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 293
Concepts and Folk Theories
Susan A. Gelman and Cristine H. Legare p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 379
Theme II: Migration
Migration, Remittances, and Household Strategies
Jeffrey H. Cohen p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 103
Ethnic Groups as Migrant Groups: Improving Understanding of Links
Between Ethnicity/Race and Risk of Type 2 Diabetes and Associated
Conditions
Tessa M. Pollard p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 145
Migration Concepts in Central Eurasian Archaeology
Michael D. Frachetti p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 195
viii Contents
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AN40-FrontMatter ARI 23 August 2011 7:33
Policing Borders, Producing Boundaries. The Governmentality
of Immigration in Dark Times
Didier Fassin p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 213
Language and Migration to the United States
Hilary Parsons Dick p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 227
The Cultural Politics of Nation and Migration
Steven Vertovec p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 241
Migrations and Schooling
Marcelo M. Su´ arez-Orozco, Tasha Darbes, Sandra Isabel Dias,
and Matt Sutin p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 311
Transnational Migration and Global Health: The Production
and Management of Risk, Illness, and Access to Care
Carolyn Sargent and St´ ephanie Larchanch´ e p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 345
The Human Microbiota as a Marker for Migrations of Individuals
and Populations
Maria Gloria Dominguez-Bello and Martin J. Blaser p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 451
Migration-Religion Studies in France: Evolving Toward a Religious
Anthropology of Movement
Sophie Bava p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 493
Indexes
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 31–40 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 509
Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 31–40 p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 512
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found at
http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml
Contents ix
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