Un homme avant tout: Zinedine Zidane and the Sociology of a

Head-Butt
Sean Morrissey

, University of Aberdeen
Abstract
In the hundred and eleventh minute of the 2006 World Cup final, Zinedine
Zidane was ejected from the field of play for head-buttin !arco !atera""i in
the chest# What provo$ed this violent reaction was a challene to his
masculinity in the form of a slur on the chastity of his mother and sister# %his
paper tells the story of the head-butt and, in so doin, shall demonstrate that
only a socioloical account is capable of offerin a truly sophisticated
understandin of the incident# It thus draws on the wor$ of &lias and
'ourdieu and arues that !atera""i(s insults acted as a catalyst, causin
diverent aspects of Zidane(s fractured habitus to clash, and the dispositions
of the )ranco-*abyle habitus to override the +civilised( habitus demanded by
the illusio enerated by the professional football field, and erupt onto the
pitch in the form of the now notorious head-butt#

I would like to thank Prof. David Inglis (,niversity of -berdeen) for his extensive and invaluable
comments on earlier drafts of this paper, and Dr adia !iwan (,niversity of -berdeen) who helped me
locate literature on the !ab"le diaspora in #rance
$
Introduction
%here is little doubt that in the hundred and eleventh minute of the #I#& 'orld (up
final between #rance and Ital" on the )
th
*ul" +,,- in .erlin/s 0l"mpiastadion, over a
billion people worldwide witnessed what is fast becoming one of the most notorious
and iconic moments in the histor" of international sport. 1inutes awa" from the end
of his final match before retirement, #rench captain 2inedine 2idane was sent3off for
violentl" head3butting Italian defender 1arco 1atera44i in the chest after words were
exchanged between the pla"ers. #rance subse5uentl" lost the match b" a solitar" goal
in a penalt" shoot3out.
%o some there ma" have seemed little out of the ordinar" in an act of violence
occurring on a football field. Indeed, earlier in the same tournament, Italian midfielder
Daniele De 6ossi was shown a red card for striking .rian 1c.ride of the 78& in the
face with his elbow. %hat incident had been all but forgotten b" the time Ital" and
#rance took to the field three weeks later. %he incident involving 2idane and
1atera44i on the other hand will be immortalised both in the annals of football
folklore and, more generall", as a potent global s"mbol. 9ess than a month on, :;ead3
butt/, a song written b" two #rench brothers parod"ing the event, topped the #rench
music charts having sold around seventeen thousand copies in the first two da"s of its
release. %hat same week, a (hinese entrepreneur was inviting bids of <$+=,>,, for the
rights to a silhouetted image of the head3butt.
%his article will begin b" offering a brief s"nopsis of 2idane/s biograph" and the
reaction to his e?ection from the field of pla" on the )
th
*une, in the media and
+
elsewhere. ;aving done so, it shall point out the flaws latent in .ebenswelt
discussions of the incident, including the failure to acknowledge that for 2idane what
provoked his violent reaction was a challenge to his masculinit" in the form of a slur
on the chastit" of his mother and sister, and thus the necessit" of a sociological
account of the head3butt. %here is a well3established bod" of literature which deals
football and (hegemonic) masculinit". ;owever, these :conventional/ explanations are
infelicitous here inasmuch as the work of *ohn 8wain and others is theoreticall"
underdeveloped and fails to account for the differences between football pla"ed in one
context (the school pla"ground) and other contexts (for example the professional
football field). Instead it shall draw on the work of @lias and .ourdieu and argue that
1atera44i/s insults acted as a catal"st, causing the divergent aspects of 2idane/s
fractured habitus to clash, and the dispositions of the #ranco3!ab"le habitus to
override the :civilised/ professional3footballer habitus and erupt onto the field of pla"
in the form of the now notorious head3butt.
Zidane the man
2inidine 2idane is indubitabl" one of the most adroit and elegant footballers to have
pla"ed the game. Described b" PelA as :a magician/, he is one of a rare breed of
pla"er who embodies all of the characteristics of football heroism. 0n the one hand,
according to 8antini (#rance/s manager in +,,>) he :never shies from responsibilit"
either on the field or off itB he is such a good influence on the game and such a
captain. ;e is never afraid/
$
. 0n the other, his craft and guile as a football virtuoso are
C
manifest in his numerous successes at both club and national level, and the abundance
of personal awards bestowed upon him in his career.
&t *uventus, he helped the team win two 8erie & titles and reach two (hampion/s
9eague finals. In +,,$ he moved to 1adrid for a transfer fee of D-- million, a world3
record that remains unbroken. In the +,,$3+,,+ (hampion/s 9eague final, he scored
what is widel" considered to be the best goal in the tournament/s histor" and the
winning goal on the night. 0n a personal level, 2idane was elected #I#& 'orld Pla"er
of the Eear a record three times ($))F, +,,,, +,,C) and was named @uropean
footballer of the Eear in $))F. &t the +,,- 'orld (up he was named 1ost
0utstanding Pla"er of the tournament and became one of onl" four pla"ers to score in
two different 'orld (up finals with a goal that made him the ?oint top goal3scorer in
'orld (up final matches.
2idane was a member of the :golden generation/ of #rench football. ;e was an
integral member of the national team which won the 'orld (up in $))F, scoring two
goals in the final match against .ra4il. %wo "ears later he inspired #rance to victor" in
the 7@#& @uropean (hampionships, scoring in both the 5uarter and semi3finals of the
tournament as #rance became the first team in thirt"3four "ears to simultaneousl" hold
the 'orld (up and @uropean (hampionship. #ollowing the success of the #rench
national team dubbed :'lac$ 'lanc 'eur/ (black, white, &rab) at the $))F 'orld (up,
2idane was hailed as its hero par e/cellence and, moreover, as the new icon of
multicultural #rance. 'hen :2idane3mania/ reached its height in #rance, posters,
graffiti and rap songs declared :Zi"ou 0r1sident/ and the &lgerian flag was seen,
>
throughout #rance, fl"ing alongside the #rench tricolour. &t the Champs-&lysees
celebration, his image was even pro?ected onto the faGade of the -rc de %riomphe.
he story of the head-butt
In his career, therefore, 2idane has undergone a kind of global apotheosis which helps
explain the tumultuous reaction to his dramatic fall from grace during the finale of his
career, the +,,- 'orld (up. Immediatel" after the match was ended a media storm
ensued, the primar" concern of which was to uncover exactl" what 1atera44i had said
to provoke such a violent reaction. 'ith few exceptions, the consensus among the
world/s media was that 2idane must have been the sub?ect of racial or religious abuse
serious enough to warrant this flagrant end to a glittering career.
In the 7!, for example, the %imes even enlisted the help of a lip3reader who
concluded that 1atera44i had called 2idane the :son of a terrorist whore/ before
telling him to :fuck offH, while the Dail" 1ail/s :expert/ claimed that 1atera44i had
called 2idane the e5uivalent of a :nigger/
+
. %he testimonies of lip readers appeared to
be borne out b" comments from 2idane/s brother who had reportedl" :heard that the
insult involved terrorism/. 0ne #rench anti3racism association even demanded the
launch of an official #I#& in5uir" into the matter, citing :several ver" well informed
sources/ which alleged that 2idane/s actions were provoked b" a racist remark made
b" 1atera44i.
=
%hat a racial or religious slur was proposed, more or less universall", as the catal"st
for 2idane/s violent reaction came as little surprise to man", owing to the historical
intertwining of football and racial politics in #rance. %he #rench team, which is a
model of ethnic, racial and religious diversit", has a long histor" of confrontation with
*ean31arie 9e Pen I leader of the right3wing #ront ational part". %he team who won
the $))F 'orld (up, for example, were castigated b" 9e Pen for not loo$in #rench
enough. %he earl" con?ectures that the now infamous head3butt had been provoked b"
a racial or religious taunt, appeared, moreover, to be supported b" a considerable bod"
of circumstantial evidence. %here is no other pla"er on the #rench national team for
whom the issues of race and ethnicit" are more poignant, it would seem, than
2inedine 2idane. 'hile at &8 (annes he regularl" displa"ed an eagerness to attack
fellow pla"ers and spectators who insulted his race or famil". ;is first weeks there
were spent mainl" on cleaning dut" after punching an opponent who had mocked his
origins. Eears later, in the group stages of the $))F 'orld (up, 2idane was sent off
for stamping on 8audi captain #uad &min. It was alleged that &min had abused him
raciall".
2idane also had to defend his ethnicit" amid accusations made b" a #ront ational
politician that his father had been a har$i
C
. In a statement, following the victor" at the
$))F 'orld (up, the part" revealed that the" onl" deemed 2idane/s contribution to
the team :acceptable/ (vis-2-vis the other pla"ers of &frican descent) because he was a
:son of #rench &lgeria/, impl"ing he was the son of a har$i. %he statement resulted in
a campaign of death threats and abuse which reached their crescendo in the notorious
friendl" match between #rance and &lgeria in the 3tade de )rance in +,,$, which
was abandoned in the second half following a pitch invasion that threatened to spiral
-
into a riot. %hroughout, 2idane was booed and verball" abused b" "oung 1aghrebis
from the Parisian 4.!s.
If the #rench team of the Jolden Jeneration were an example of cultural diversit",
the Italians of the +,,- 'orld (up, solel" containing pla"ers of @uropean descent,
were its polar opposite. Italian football has, moreover, been marred b" a number of
well documented incidents of racism recentl". 0ne of the highest profile incidents
occurred in ovember +,,= when 1essina defender 1arco 2oro picked up the ball
and walked off the pitch after sustaining racial abuse from the fans of Inter 1ilan. ;e
was eventuall" persuaded to continue b" a number of the other pla"ers. 2oro later
revealed that s"mpath" was not, however, universall" forthcoming from the Inter
pla"ers, one of whom had made his feelings known b" shouting :stop that, 2oro,
"ou/re ?ust tr"ing to make a name for "ourself/. %hat pla"er was 1arco 1atera44i.
&ll of the speculation was finall" arrested when, on the evening of the $+
th
of *ul",
2idane gave a short interview for (anal Plus in which he explained the words that had
provoked his violent :gesture/ against 1atera44i. ;is revelation, to the surprise of the
world, concerned neither race, religion nor politics. 2idane instead described the
incident in the following termsK
:4e is pullin my shirt, and I(m tellin him to stop pullin it, and that if he
wants it, I(ll ive it to him after the ame5 %hen he starts sayin very hard
words, which he repeats several times, words that can hurt more than acts5
It(s much too serious to say it# %hese are very personal thins, about my mum,
my sister, and these are very hard words# 6ou hear it once, you try to move
L
away# 6ou hear it twice and the third time you just snap# I am a man before
anythin else, and5 I(d rather have been punched in the face than hear these
thins and I reacted/
2idane/s version of events was eventuall" corroborated b" 1atera44i who later told
the pressK
:6es, I was tuin his shirt, but when he said to me scornfully 7If you want
my shirt so much I8ll ive it to you afterwards,9 is that not a provocation: I
answered that I8d prefer his sister, it8s true(
>
.
%o 2idane/s man" followers in #rance and throughout the world, who had believed
that the shameful head3butt with which their hero/s career had ended had been
provoked b" an odious and deplorable insult, 1atera44i/s seemingl" innocuous taunt
failed to live up to expectations. 0nce the initial con?ecture, that a heinous racial or
religious insult had provoked 2idane/s reaction was disproved b" his public
revelation, attention shifted to 2idane/s fier" character and temper, as the media
attempted to uncover the :real reason/ for the violent head3butt. (olumnists recalled a
host of violent incidents that have littered his career including a red card and five3
match ban for head3butting *ochen !ient4 of #( ;amburg in +,,$ and his dismissal
for slapping Pablo &lfaro of 8evilla in +,,>. 'hile the discussion of the part pla"ed
b" the media in the affair is b" no means a central focus of this article, it is interesting
to reflect further upon the media speculation surrounding the event. Doing so sets the
scene for the introduction of a sociological perspective to the discussion b" outlining
the weaknesses latent within the media/s approach to the incident.
F
In the first instance, the perceived cause of the incident was an abhorrent racial or
religious insult so orner" that 2idane could not help but react to it. %hus
(unknowingl" of course) the media applied what ;ughson and Inglis call an
:externalist perspective/ to the discussion of the head3butt
=
. %he implication was that
2idane/s actions were caused andMor determined b" some extrinsic compelling force.
;owever the media/s second and subse5uent verdict, that 2idane/s reaction was
:reall"/ caused b" his (sub?ective) temper, is an example of an :internalist
perspective/. %he implication of this second wave of media attention was that the
incident arose as the result of an intrinsic personal character defect. ;owever, both
purel" internalist and externalist perspectives are deficient inasmuch as the former
overemphasises the influence of ob?ective factors and downpla"s the influence of
sub?ective factors, while the converse is true of the latter. &n" anal"sis of complex
social phenomena instead re5uires a theoretical framework that is able to account for
both the internal and the external aspects thereof. 8uch approaches are the sole
preserve of sociolog" rather than ?ournalism, no matter how well3informed.
;aving established that a sociological account of 2idane/s dismissal from the +,,-
'orld (up final is re5uired to overcome the failings of the media/s accounts of the
incident, attention can be turned to the 5uestion of the particular form that the
sociolog" of the head3butt should take. 'hat is clear is that exercising ;erstehen in
relation to the incident shows that for Zidane its cause was neither racism nor his fier"
temper. 6ather, an insult to his masculinit" constituted b" the :serious/ and :ver" hard
words/ which 1atera44i uttered against his mother and sister provoked the head3butt.
& conventional sociological approach to the head3butt might, therefore, seek to draw
)
on the kinds of .ritish studies that posit football I often in the context of the school
pla"ground I as a marker and maker of :hegemonic masculinit"/ among "oung men
-
.
%he concept of hegemonic masculinit" is also able to s"nthesis the internalist
(sub?ective) and externalist (ob?ective) perspectives drawn on b" media inasmuch as,
according to (onnell, hegemonic masculinit" is the accepted strateg", of
(sub?ectivel") :doing/ one/s masculinit", that claims the highest status, influence or
authorit" over other forms in a particular context precisel" because it corresponds to
(ob?ective) cultural ideals and institutional power
L
.
!on"entional sociological a##roaches: football and hegemonic masculinity
Jilbert and Jilbert argue that :for man" bo"s the demonstration of sporting prowess
(particularl" through football) is seen as the most acceptable and desirable wa" of
being male/
F
, while #rancis ranks football alongside :ob?ectification of, and sexual
activit" with, females and ph"sical strength/
)
. %hose who do not participate in the
hegemonic practise of football, she argues, are outcast and ridiculed as :geeks/.
6enold suggests that amongst primar" school bo"s in the 7!, :(seemingl") coherent
hegemonic heterosexual masculinit"/ is commonl" defined through performing
competentl" at football, fighting, and an overt compulsor" heterosexualit"
$,
. In a
stud" of masculinities and sexualities in schools, one of @pstein/s research
respondents suggested that :people who wanted to be in the school pla", rather than
pla" football would get a homophobic lashing/
$$
.
$,
0ne of the best examples of this t"pe of stud" is 8wain/s article entitled :%he mone"/s
good, the fame/s good, the girls are good/
$+
. In it, he describes football as an activit"
which is sated with :masculinising associations/. #or example, 8wain argues thatK
:%he ame personifies the acme of masculinity and communicates ideals of
fitness, strenth, competition, power and domination< and throuh playin
the ame5 the boys were5 practisin to be a man/
$C
.
#or man" bo"s, the image of the ideal, 5uintessential (heterosexual) man resides in
the professional game of football, with all its connotations of athleticism, muscularit",
power and domination. 1oreover, 8wain suggests that football not onl" encourages
corporeal strength and aggression but is often entwined with ph"sical violence,
evidenced in his discussion of the "oung bo" whose picking3up of the ball evokes the
castigation and the violence of the other :popular/ bo"s.
%his bod" of literature appears, at first glance, to shed a considerable amount of light
on the manner in which 2idane/s glittering career ended in the +,,- 'orld (up final,
suggesting, that there is a clear connection between football, violence and hegemonic
masculinit" and that b" pla"ing football "oung men somehow learn to perform
hegemonic masculinit"N demonstrating skill and competence, and aggression,
domination and violence. ;owever, there are two serious criticisms that can be
levelled at the work mentioned above.
!riticisms of con"entional a##roaches
$$
%he first concerns a discursive thread which runs through the work of 8wain and
others, namel" that the corporeal practise of pla"ing football I as distinct from the
ancillar" practises associated with football (speech, exclusion etc#) I is ke" to the
formation of a gendered identit" for man" "oung bo"sK
:Bthe body itself =and how we come to $now our bodies> plays a
fundamental role in the formation of ender identity, and physical activity
obviously plays a bi part in this/
$>
.
%he 5uestion that remains unanswered is how exactl" "oung bo"s/ pla"ing of the
game leads to the construction, negotiation and performing of a masculine identit"O
8wain writes that :in pla"ing the game, the bo"s were practising to become men/ "et
fails to ade5uatel" 5ualif" the connections between pla"ing the game of football on
the pitch and the performance of hegemonic masculinit" off of it
$=
. In the absence of
an" firml" developed theor" with which to account for the continuation of the
performance of the forms of masculinit" associated with football in non3football
contexts, and vice-versa, his claims are open to the serious criticism that his work is
underdeveloped.
& second criticism that can be levelled at the work of 8wain and others concerns the
uncritical association that the" make between football and hegemonic masculinit".
otable is 8wain/s recognition of the use of violence to :back3up/ and enforce the
inculcation of (heterosexual) hegemonic form of masculine performativities in
pla"ground games of football. 'hat none attempt to do is ?uery this axiomatic
$+
association. In the context of @lias and Dunning/s work on the histor" of the football,
which the paper shall consider in due course, this criticism is particularl" pertinent.
%he sociolog" of the head3butt, the theoretical approach developed in this paper, must
therefore answer the criticisms levelled at conventional approaches in order to
demonstrate its efficaciousness in offering a more sophisticated and appropriate
understanding of 2idane/s violent reaction to 1atera44i in the 'orld (up final. %his
paper will argue that a consideration of the kinds of theories advocated b" orbert
@lias and Pierre .ourdieu, and the examples to which the" were applied, is capable of
providing such an approach.
he field of #rofessional football
@lias and .ourdieu would argue that the answer to the 5uestion of how exactl" "oung
bo"s pla"ing a game sated with masculinising associations and practises leads to the
formation of a durable gender identit" rests in the concept of the habitus
$-
. %he
habitus is a s"stem of dispositions, constituted b" durable, learned schemes of
perception, thought and action which individuals learns through socialisation and their
dail" encounters with ob?ective social structures I called :fields/ in the work of
.ourdieu I which place re5uirements and incumbencies upon its members that are
subse5uentl" :absorbed/ into the habitus. :#ields/ are social arenas, comprised of
s"stems of social positions and power relations, in which individuals engage in
struggles over the definition and ownership of certain forms of :capital/. #ields are
governed b" rules (do/a) which govern the kinds of practises that are acceptable
$C
within the field. Individuals endowed with high levels of the t"pes of capital which
are valued most highl", according the do/a of the field, tend to occup" privileged
positions within that field.
4abitus formation involves, to an extent, the :absorption/ of the do/a (rules) which
govern particular fields I their re5uirements and incumbencies I and the
internalisation of what .ourdieu calls the :illusio/ produced b" the field
$L
. Illusio has
two parts called :inclination/ and :abilit"/. :Inclination/ refers to the tacit adherence,
of individual members of a field, to the stakes and the rules of the field. :Inclination/
is personified in the example of the "oung boxer who believes that fame and success
in the sport are worth investing a great deal of time and effort to achieve,
notwithstanding the high risk of failure and the possibilit" of sustaining bodil" in?ur"
in the ring. :&bilit"/ refers to the :feel for the game/ that allows competent individuals
to distinguish between interesting and important things (such as ke" problems and
debates in the scientific field) and the things which are insignificant to the field and
thus unworth" of interest (such as, one presumes, the importance of 8artrean
existentialism to the field of amateur darts). Individuals whose habituses are
congruous with the do/a and illusio of a particular field stand the best chance of
success in that field (e.g. the children of middle3class parents in the field of statutor"
education). Individuals (e.g. the children of working3class parents) whose habituses
are incongruous with the field are far less likel" to attain success within that field
$F
.
%he habitus, according to .ourdieu (a l@ 1erleau3Pont"
$)
), is embedded at the
deepest levels of the bod". .ourdieu uses the term :bodil" he/is/ to describe these
specific corporeal aspects of the habitus and denote the host of sociall" inculcated
$>
wa"s an individual moves, carries, and positions his or her bod" in the lived world.
.od" he/is has been described as :the performative aspect of habitus/
+,
. ." appl"ing
the notions of habitus and bod" he/is to the theoreticall" deficient work of 8wain and
others, it is possible to ground the earlier discussion of football as identit" formation
in a persuasive theor" of the bod".
& .ourdieusian account would therefore stress that the do/a of the game of football
:structures/ the footballer/s bod" b" demanding particular corporeal performancesN
:practiced combinations of force and skill/ to use 8wain/s words
+$
. %hrough repeated
engagement with a game (football) whose do/a dispose the bod" to, for example,
:pro?ect/ itself into space, individuals/ bodies become :accustomed/ to the
performance of gestures and postures which engender :pro?ection/ and thus the
formation of a bod" he/is
22
. %hese movements and gestures therefore become :second
nature/ to the bod" and are manifest, applied creativel", in other non3football fields
and contexts. 1oreover, habitus and he/is actuall" beet patterns of taste and
inasmuch as, .ourdieu argues, individuals activel" seek out fields and practises that
are concordant with their habituses
+C
. %his is how, exactl", "oung bo"s/ pla"ing of a
game :sated with masculinising associations and practises/ leads to the construction,
maintenance and performance of a gendered identit".
It would seem therefore that games like football can operate as puissant agents of
habitus formation and alteration. It follows, logicall", that if one wanted to
deliberatel" shape bo"s/ habituses I and thus their attitudes and identities I one could
select particular games for them to pla". %his is exactl" what happened to football in
the $)
th
(entur". (onsideration of this football3engineered habitus will also allow the
$=
paper to criticall" challenge the perfunctor" association between football and violent
hegemonic masculinities mentioned earlier.
he ci"ilised I$AB-a##ro"ed habitus
In collaboration with @ric Dunning, @lias explained how emergent behavioural
practises in sports can be explained with reference to the :civilising process/. %he
civilising process refers to the general trend towards greater degrees of bodil" and
emotional self3control in 'estern societies between the middle &ges and the twentieth
centur". @lias used the notion of the habitus to explain the subtler wa"s in which
individuals/ bod" practises were regulated
+>
, through :thresholds of repugnance/ and
:disgust functions/, which became embedded in their habitus. (orporeal revulsion
was thus experienced when :civilised/ individuals were confronted with violence and
other breaches of corporeal taboos.
8ports generall" underwent an intensive civilising process during the $)
th
(entur"
which witnessed the transition from free and open forms of pla" to much more
formalised and demarcated forms of pla" in which violence was repressed and strictl"
regulated. #or example the popular :folk football/ pla"ed in .ritain up to the late $)
th
(entur" was horrificall" violent, often resulting in in?uries and even deaths
+=
.
;owever, during the latter half of the nineteenth centur", the :civilised/ standards of
behaviour of the upper3classes increasingl" extended to sports in the form of
extensive rules and codes of conduct such as the 1ar5uis of Pueensbur" rules in
boxing and the :(ambridge rules/ in football. &ccording to Dunning, @nglish public
$-
schools pla"ed a ke" role in the civilising of football, a process that had its roots in the
rising games ethics of @nglish public schools from the mid $)
th
(entur" whereb"
headmasters and teachers deliberatel" encouraged a form of bourgeois3masculine
habitus among their pupils
+-
. #ootball thus became governed according to
:Jentlemanl"/ codes of sportsmanship, which included pla"ing the game simpl" for
the ?o" of taking part, and the exercise of self3control over oneQs feelingsN win, lose or
draw
+L
. %hus the regulated and codified form of football, which penalised violent and
:ungentlemanl"/ conduct, came to be welcomed b" the bourgeoisie and subse5uentl",
as the working classes became increasingl" :embourgeoisified/, b" most pla"ers in
'estern societies
+F
. %he advent of professionalism in the +,
th
(entur" advanced,
significantl", the process of formalising and demarcating the rules of football. %he
continuation of the trend awa" from violence and towards sportsmanship is evidenced
in the recent addition, of :violent conduct/, :serious foul pla"/, the use of :offensive,
insulting or abusive language/ and :tackles from behind/ to those offences punishable
b" red card.
'hile in the pla"ground, according to 8wain, the exalted form of masculinit" is
:policed b" its own self3regulation/ (the do/a of the game, in this particular context, is
such that a particular tough and often violent form of masculine performance is
rewarded because the bo"s themselves, rather school teachers or an" one else,
reulate the games pla"ed in the pla"ground), the do/a of the field of professional
football are, in the +$
st
(entur", regulated b" the I#&.
+)
. Professional matches are
regulated b" a referee, two referee/s assistants and a fourth official all of whom are
charged with enforcing the rules of the game. 1oreover, the use of %R images (and
even pla"ers autobiographies, if one recalls 6o" !eane/s = match ban and S$=,,,,,
$L
fine for admitting, in his book, that a foul on &lf3Inge ;aaland was premeditated and
intended to cause in?ur") to punish pla"ers, managers, coaching staff and club3owners,
attests the complex forms of #oucauldian discipline and surveillance that regulate the
professional game and promote :fair pla"/
C,
. %his ethos, formall" instituted in the
rules of the professional game, is, as in the public school context, intended to generate
civilised habituses in professional footballers. %he I#&.3approved habitus demands
bodies which are tough, not violent and footballers who :let their feet do the talking/,
maintain complete control at all times and skilfull" pro?ect their bodies into space
without pro?ecting their heads into the chests of other pla"ers. %he ver" fact that
2idane did give in to a violent impulse that night in .erlin I in an act that was almost
wholl" incongruous with the habitus3generating do/a and illusio of the field of
professional football I is suggestive of what .ourdieu calls a :fractured habitus/.
%he archet"pical fractured habitus, according to .ourdieu, was that of the !ab"le of
north3west &lgeria after their colonisation b" the #rench
C$
. #ollowing colonisation, he
argued, the subse5uent and :brutal/ imposition of the modern capitalist econom"
presupposed a s"stematic transformation of the (pre3capitalist) !ab"le habitus
C+
.
;owever, there existed considerable dissimilitude between the !ab"le habitus and the
structures of the modern capitalist econom". %he discordance between the cultural
logics of the two :clashing/ worlds gave rise to a kind of cultural dualism or h"bridit",
one in which the :dispositions and ideologies corresponding to different economic
structures, still present or alread" swept awa", coexistB in the same individuals/
CC
.
%he resulting fractured habitus is one that contains the often contradictor"
dispositions associated with divergent social do/a and illusio.
$F
In order to 5ualif" this assertion, that 2idane/s is a fractured habitus, it is necessar" to
demonstrate that 2idane/s head3butt, which was incongruous with the do/a of the
field of professional football and the I#&.3approved habitus, was simultaneousl"
conruous with a different set of dispositions embedded in his habitus. In this
connection, the most pertinent media article concerning 2idane came not in the da"s
following the 'orld (up final, but in &pril +,,> in an interview given to the
0bserver
C>
. In it he statedK
:!y family are very proud of me, but I am very proud of them and where they
come from# I am proud that they come from *abylie# It is a special place and
my roots there are important to me# We used to o all the time to my father(s
home villae when we were youn/.
9ater in the same interview he addedK
:)or me the most important thin of all is that I still $now who I am# &very
day I thin$ about where I come from and I am still proud to be who I amA
first, a *abyle from .a Castellane/.
he %abyle habitus and the $ranco-%abyle dias#ora
%he !ab"le of &lgeria are, as has been indicated, one of the man" examples to which
.ourdieu applied and developed his theories of :field/ and :habitus/. ." considering
.ourdieu/s discussion of masculinit" in the !ab"le village, it is possible to
$)
demonstrate the concordance of the head3butt and the !ab"le habitus and that
2idane/s fractured habitus contains, among others, the contrar" dispositions of a
professional footballer and a !ab"le man.
.ourdieu argues that the men of the !ab"le village are instilled with a distinctive
habitus which disposes them, vis-2-vis !ab"le women, to participate in games of
honour and the :market of s"mbolic goods/, whereb" s"mbolic capital in the form of
honour is accumulated and augmented
C=
. .ecause the !ab"le village is a heavil"
patriarchal field, the :fundamental law/ of the market of s"mbolic goods is that
:women are treated there as ob?ects which circulate upwards/ as a form of
exchangeable s"mbolic capital that is held b" men
C-
. 'omen are used to institute
familial andMor economic relations between men through the institution of marriage.
.ecause !a"blia was still ver" much a pre3capitalist societ" when .ourdieu he found
it in the $)-,s, social and s"mbolic capital were more or less the onl" possible forms
of capital accumulation (and thus the onl" means of attaining and securing status
positions in the village). 'omen were therefore :assets which must be protected from
offence or suspicion/ to fulfil their :market function/ and augment the s"mbolic capital
of men
CL
. %he value of these alliances between men, and the s"mbolic profit to be
rendered from them, depended on the s"mbolic value of the women available for
exchangeN their reputation and especiall" their chastit". %hus the honour of women,
writes .ourdieuK
:5is constituted as a fetishised measure of masculine reputation, and
therefore of the symbolic capital of the whole lineae B the honour of the
+,
brothers or fathers, which induces a viilance, as attentive and even paranoid
as that of the husbands, is a form of enlihtened self interest/
CF
.
8"mbolic capital, in the form of honour, in !ab"le societ" was held in common b" a
famil", household or lineage and can be perpetuated successfull" through the
continual embodiment of virtue b" all its members. &lthough the father was the head
of the household, a dishonoured or unchaste daughter, sister or wife thus threatened
the honour and status of the whole famil".
.ourdieu observed men in !ab"lia engaging in :games of honour/ I negotiating
marriages, speaking in the village assembl", pla"ing :smart sports/, holding salons I
which constituted public performances
C)
. :1en of honour/ were those capable of also
providing a riposte whenever the honour of their household was challenged.
8uccessfull" defending his honour authenticated and augmented a man/s s"mbolic
capital. %he sense of honour, virilit" and manliness, that a !ab"le man had to invest in
to be a :real man/ (in order to live up, in his own e"es, to a certain idea of manhood),
writes .ourdieu, imposed itself as self evidence and governed the man of honour
without the need for ?ustification. It was its own reasonN a logical necessit"
>,
. %his
sense of honour and manliness, inscribed in the habitus, imposed the dut" of a man to
assert his manliness in all circumstances, particularl" in :the capacit" to fight and
exercise violence (especiall" in acts of revenge)/
>$
.
'hile it ma" seem problematic to appl" the findings of .ourdieu/s ethnograph" of
!ab"lia in the $)-,s to the discussion of 2idane, born in 1arseille in $)L+, recent
research suggests that man" aspects of the #ranco3!ab"le diaspora mirror the !ab"le
+$
village. &ccording to 8ilverstein, !ab"le immigrants to #rance reproduced man" of
the social structures of the !ab"le village in the metrepole, including the authorit" of
the prestige and lineage of the village elders, the village assemblies (reproduced
formall" and informall" in cafes owned b" !ab"le expatriates) and man" aspects of
the !ab"le house are s"mbolicall" reproduced in the #rench banilieues
C2
. 8ilverstein
also describes the continued importance of maintaining familial honour which still
results in violence, carried out b" famil" members, in acts of revenge
>C
. Duret
suggests, for example, that older brothers in the cit1s defend, assist and even punish
"ounger relatives much in the same wa" as older famil" members do for the "ounger
children of the !ab"le village
>>
. 8ilverstein writes that :in the first place, forms of
!ab"le village socialit" have been reborn in the heart of #rench urbanism/
>=
. !ab"le
immigrants moreover :nostalgicall" reconstitute ob?ectified cultural forms for a
"ounger generation born and raised in the diaspora/
>-
. 'hile it would be incredibl"
naTve to suggest that the !ab"le diaspora in #rance has been immune to acculturation,
8ilverstein suggests that :models that presume a discontinuit" or rupture between
generations of immigrants fail to account for either the dail" lived realit" or the
transpolitical (sic) mobilisation of multigenerational &lgerian sub?ectivities in
#rance/
>L
.
%hus it is possible to argue that man" of the fundamental dispositions of the !ab"le
habitus, concerning masculinit" and defence of familial honour, which we have
outlined above, are likel" to also reside in 2idane/s habitus. ." his own admission, he
developed a particularl" strong cultural connection with !ab"lia in visits made to his
:home/ as a child
>F
. ;owever the point made b" 8ilverstein is even more persuasiveN
++
that the social structures which produce and reproduce the !ab"le habitus, are also
found in the context of the !ab"le diaspora in #rance.
he habitus and the head-butt
;aving outlined the characteristics of the !ab"le habitus, it is possible to show that
both the head3butt and 2idane/s ?ustification thereof are almost entirel" concordant
therewith and, in so doing, demonstrate that the head3butt is attributable to !ab"le
dispositions latent in .ourdieu/s fractured habitus, which, when 1atera44i insulted
the chastit" of his mother and sister in the hundred and eleventh minute of the 'orld
(up final, overrode the dispositions of the I#&.3approved habitus and erupted onto
the field of pla".
!ab"le masculinit" dispenses with ?ustificationN it appears natural and self evident
that a !ab"le man should act in a manner congruous with the masculine performance
demanded b" the !ab"le habitus and the do/a of the !ab"le village and the #ranco3
!ab"le diaspora. 'hen 2idane stood before the world on the evening of *ul" $+
th
and
uttered the words :I am a man above all else/, he demonstrated .ourdieu/s point
perfectl" I masculinit" is its own reason and a logical necessit". :I am a man above all
else/ was, for 2idane, a satisfactor", ?ustificator" explanation of his actions. It re5uired
no elaboration.
In !ab"lia, as in #rance, honour must be validated b" other men in so3called :games
of honour/ that are pla"ed out in public spaces. %hat 2idane and 1atera44i/s game of
+C
honour was pla"ed out in possibl" the most public of all spaces I on the pitch at the
'orld (up final, under the ga4e of over a billion people I is also in accordance with
the !ab"le habitus. %he fact that 2idane/s riposte to 1atera44i/s :challenge/ was
violent, rather than the elo5uent rebuttal demanded b" the :man of honour/, is
attributable to one of the inherent contradictions of !ab"le masculinit"K 0n the one
hand, men are expected to possess the abilit" to defend their honour with a skilful
riposte. 0n the other hand, men are expected to assert their manliness at all times and
under all conditions in the capacit" to fight and exercise violence, particularl" in acts
of revenge.
%he protection of the chastit" and reputation of female members of the !ab"le
household is a matter of the utmost importance. 2idane/s reaction to 1atera44i/s slur
on the chastit" and reputation of his mother and sister is clearl" understandable in
these terms. ;is words :I/d rather have been punched in the face/ attest the severit" of
this challenge to 2idane/s familial honour, while the violent reaction which it affected
is evidence of the :vigilance/ described b" .ourdieu as a :fetishised measure of
masculine reputation/N an act of self3interested status preservation.
he con"ergence of fields& the ru#ture of a fractured habitus
;aving shown that the head3butt was concordant with the #ranco3!ab"le habitus and
the and, earlier, that it was discordant with the I#&.3approved habitus (whose
primar" concern is the regulation of violence and the enforcement of sportsmanship
on the field of pla"), it is possible to consider wh" the !ab"le habitus reared its head
+>
in the +,,- 'orld (up final and overrode the professional football habitus on the
professional soccer field. In doing so, however, the discussion must inevitabl" enter
the realm of speculation.
'hat is clear is that 2idane/s habitus is fractured, containing both the incumbencies
of the !ab"le village and the contradictor" imperatives of the professional football
field. ;owever, all individuals possess multifaceted identities, various aspects of
which are manifest in different social contexts. &n individual who successfull"
:manages/ hisMher fractured habitus is able to :pla" up/ or :downpla"/ particular
aspects of their identit" in certain contexts and different aspects thereof in other
contexts. %his process of sub?ectivel" tailoring the performance of appropriate aspects
of the habitus is, furthermore, structurall" regulated b" the illusio which fields
generateK
&s can be recalled from earlier, entr" into a game presupposes and implies a
metamorphosis of the individual pla"er, which implies a tacit adherence to the stakes
and the rules of the game and a :feel for the game/ that allows himMher to differentiate
between those things that the field establishes as important and those which it
establishes as insignificant. In the professional football field, the 'orld (up is the
most prestigious of all events and tournaments. %hus there are no higher stakes than
those involved in the final match. %he things which are most important and significant
in the football field include, for example, winning matches, scoring goals and
avoiding red3cards. ;ow hurtful a taunt concerning the chastit" of one/s sister might
be is, on the other hand, insignificant to the field. 2idane/s head3butt on 1atera44i is
thus almost entirel" antithetical to the illusio of the field of professional football. Eet,
+=
as has been demonstrated, it was more or less entirel" congruous with the illusio of
the field of the !ab"le villageK In responding violentl" to 1atera44i, 2idane was
acknowledging the stakes of :honour games/ and the paramount importance of
defending the reputation of female members of the household. Put simpl", in head3
butting 1arco 1atera44i, 2idane was taking the wrong :game/ seriousl"N manifesting
the aspects of his fractured habitus that were inappropriate to the field.
If the soccer field were a purel" autonomous and self3contained milieu, operating
according to its own logic and do/a, 2idane/s violent eruption and his subse5uent
e?ection from the field of pla" in the 'orld (up final (the most important of all
football matches) would be virtuall" incomprehensible. ;owever, despite the efforts
of the I#&. and #I#& to establish the pitch and the stadium as shrines to
sportsmanship, the field of professional football is not autonomous. #ootball is
intertwined with, and overlapped b", various other social fields. %hus for 2idane,
pla"ing the game of football did not simpl" involve adherence to the rules of the
game. ;e was forced to pla" games within the game ever" time he appeared on the
pitch.
0verlaps exist, for example, between the field of national politics and international
soccer in #rance. &s an :accultured !ab"le/, 2idane was expected to adhere to the
illusio of #rench nationalism b" acknowledging the importance of victor" in the #I#&
'orld (up, not ?ust for the team but for the #rench nation. &s a second3generation
migrant remaining true to his roots, he was a hero and representative for 1aghrebis
(providing of course he demonstrated that his father was not a har$i), and a s"mbol of
successful multicultural integration in #rance. &s a !ab"le, he was expected to
+-
interpellate the illusio of the !ab"le village and assert his manliness at all times and
under all conditions in the capacit" to fight and exercise violence, particularl" in acts
of revenge. &s a professional footballer he was expected to possess the I#&.3
approved habitus and accede to the illusio of the field of professional soccer. &s the
world/s best pla"er, he was expected to demonstrate with unfailing regularit" the
almost superhuman feats of footballing virtuoso demanded b" his millions of
adulating fans worldwide.
8impl" pla"ing football, for 2idane, involved the convergence of the do/a and illusio
of man" interrelated fields, all of which placed different and often irreconcilable
pressures on his fractured habitus. &s former team3mate .ixente 9i4ara4u put it,
:nobod" in #rance can imagine what is demanded of 2i4. ItQs not pressure, itQs
oppression/
>)
. #inall", under the various oppressive pressures being continuall"
exerted on 2idane I who was also undoubtedl" tired and frustrated at the end of a
long and emotionall" charged match, 1atera44i/s insult became a catal"st causing his
delicatel" balanced "et ineluctabl" fractured habitus to rupture and the !ab"le
habitus to erupt onto the soccer field in the form of the now infamous head3butt.
!onclusion
%his paper has argued that neither media explanations nor conventional academic
approaches to football and masculinit" are particularl" well placed to offer an
understanding of the incident on the )
th
*ul" +,,- when 2inedine 2idane was e?ected
from the field of pla" after head3butting Italian defender 1arco 1atera44i. 0nl" a
+L
combination of @liasian and .ourdieusian approaches, capable of unravelling I
through the theoretical apparatus of field, do/a, illusio, habitus and he/is I the
historical development of the game of football, the complexities of 2idane/s ethno3
cultural biograph" and the considerable (and often antithetical) pressures that he was
under, is able to grasp the multifarious realities underl"ing the incident and provide a
critical, sophisticated and appropriate sociolog" of the head3butt. %his preferable
approach has shown that 1atera44i/s insults acted as a catal"st, causing the
contradictor" dispositions latent within 2idane/s fractured habitus to clash, and those
of the !ab"le habitus to erupt onto the soccer field in the form of the head3butt. %he
paper has a number of implications, two of which are particularl" noteworth". #irstl",
it calls upon those authors who have anal"sed football within the conventional
framework of :masculinities/ research to take care in differentiating between the
games that are pla"ed in diverse football contexts, rather than reducing various
instances of football to football per se and uncriticall" assuming the coincidence of
football and violent hegemonic masculinities. 8econdl", despite the efforts of #I#&
and the I#&. to establish football as an autonomous field, governed entirel" b" its
own logic, this paper has shown that the field of professional soccer in entwined with
and overlapped b" numerous other fields. Is it fair to expect modern footballers to
operate under such extreme pressuresO 8hould the strains and stresses which
footballers experience have a bearing on the rules of gameO 0ne thing is certain.
&lthough the world of football will undoubtedl" witness similar instances of :rupture/
on the soccer field in the future, it is unlikel" that an" future incident will kick up
such a momentous storm of global interestN there is, and alwa"s will be, onl" one
2inedine 2idane.
+F
'ist of (eferences
.ourdieu, P. Dutline of a %heory of 0ractise. (ambridgeK (ambridge 7niversit" Press
U$)LLV
W -leria EF60A %he disenchantment of the world, the sense of honour, the *abyle
house or the world reversed. (ambridgeK (ambridge 7niversit" Press U$)L)V
W GistinctionA a social criti?ue of the judement of taste. (ambridge, 1&K ;arvard
7niversit" Press U$)F>V
W :%he forms of capital/ in 6ichardson *J (ed.) %he 4andboo$ of %heoryA Hesearch
for the socioloy of education. ew EorkK Jreenwood Press U$)F-V
W :%he peculiar histor" of scientific reason/, 3ocioloical )orum, - ($) U$))$VK C3+-
W .oic of 0ractice. (ambridgeK Polit" Press U$))+V
W !asculine Gomination. (ambridgeK Polit" Press U+,,$V
.ourdieu, P. X Passeron, *. Heproduction in &ducation, 3ociety and Culture. 9ondonK
ewbur" Park U$)),V
(onnell, 6. '. !asculinities 2
nd
edition. (ambridgeK Polit" Press U+,,=V
+)
Dunning, @. :Power and authorit" in the public schools ($L,,3$F=,)/ in P.6.
Jleichmann, *. Joudsblom X ;. !orte (eds.) 4uman )iurations. &msterdamK
&msterdam 8ociologisch %i?dschrift U$)LLV
Dunning, @. X 8heard !. 'arbarians, Ientlemen and 0layers. 0xfordK .lackwell
U$)L)V
Duret, P. -nthropoloie de la fraternit1 dans les cit1s. ParisK Presses 7niversitaires de
#rance U$))-V
@lias, . %he IermansA 0ower strules and the development of habitus in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries. (ambridgeK Polit" Press U$))-V
W %he Civilisin 0rocess. 0xfordK .lackwell U$)LFV
@lias, . X Dunning, @. Juest for e/citementA 3port and leisure in the civili"in
process. 0xfordK .lackwell U$)F-V
@pstein, D. :.o"4 own storiesK masculinities and sexualities in schools/ Iender and
&ducation, ) ($) U$))LVK $,=3$$=
#rancis, .. 'oys, Iirls and -chievementA -ddressin the classroom issues. 9ondonK
6outledge U+,,,V
#"sh, P. X 'olfre"s, *. %he 0olitics of Hacism in )rance 2
nd
edition. .asingstokeK
Palgrave 1acmillan, U+,,CV.
Jilbert, 6. X Jilbert, P. !asculinity Ioes to 3chool. 9ondonK 6outledge U$))FV
C,
Jiulianotti, 6. 3portA - critical socioloy. (ambridgeK Polit" Press U+,,=V
;ughson, *. X Inglis, D. :1erleau3Pont" in the fieldK towards a spatial
phenomenolog" of soccer spaces/. 3pace and Culture, $ (-) U+,,,V
;ughson, *., Inglis, D. X #ree, 1. %he ,ses of 3portA - critical study. 9ondonK
6outledge U+,,=V
1erleau3Pont", 1. 0henomenoloy of 0erception 2
nd
edition. 9ondonK 6outledge
U+,,+V
6enold, @. :Y0therH bo"sN negotiating non3hegemonic masculinities in the primar"
school/, Iender and &ducation, $- (+) U+,,>VK +>L3+-=
8ilverstein, P. &. -leria in )ranceA %ranspolitics, race and nation. .loomingtonK
Indiana 7niversit" Press U+,,>V
8wain, *. :%he mone"/s good, the fame/s good, the girls are goodK the role of
pla"ground football in the construction of "oung bo"s/ masculinit" in a ?unior school/,
'ritish Kournal of 3ocioloy of &ducation, +$ ($) U+,,,VK )=3$,)
%hompson, *. .. :@ditor/s introduction/ in P. .ourdieu, .anuae and 3ymbolic
0ower. (ambridgeK Polit" Press U$))+V
%hroop, (. *. X 1urph", !. 1. :.ourdieu and phenomenolog"K a critical assessment/,
-nthropoloical %heory, + U+,,+VK $F=3+,L
C$
$
:22 top/, 0bserver, >
th
&pril +,,>
+
:6ead m" lipsK the taunt that made 2idane snap/, %imes 0nline, $$
th
*ul" +,,-N :%eam3mates back 2idane as insult is
revealed/, Dail" 1ail, $$th *ul" +,,-
C
%he har$is were &lgerians who had fought for the #rench in the &lgerian 'ar of Independence. %he" were, and still
are, despised b" the &lgerians as collaborators and cowards. 9eft to fend for themselves, in the final da"s of the war, the
har$is I of whom nearl" $,,,,,, fled to #rance following wide spread torture and massacres in &lgeria I are an
embarrassing reminder to the #rench of defeat and disavowal as non3recognition of those who died defending #rench
&lgeria remains an issue "et to be full" resolved. 7pon returning to #rance the har$is were housed in disused arm"
camps and some were given emplo"ment in forestr" pro?ects, known b" their children as :reservations/ (cf. #"sh X
'olfre"s, %he Politics of 6acism in #rance, C,).
>
:1atera44i breaks 2idane silence/, ..( 8port 0nline, =
th
8eptember +,,-
=
;ughson and Inglis, :1erleau3Pont" in the field/
-
(onnell, 1asculinities +
nd
@dition
L
ibid., LL
F
Jilbert X Jilbert, 1asculinit" Joes to 8chool
)
#rancis, .o"s, Jirls and &chievement
$,
6enold, :0ther bo"s/
$$
@pstein, :.o"4 own stories/
$+
8wain, :%he mone"/s good, the fame/s good, the girls are good/
$C
ibid., $,L
$>
ibid., $,C
$=
ibid., $,$
$-
@lias talks about the habitus as an individual, ps"chic structure that is moulded b" social attitudes and experienced as
second nature (cf. @lias, (ivilising Process). .ourdieu subse5uentl" developed the concept of the habitus in works like
:6eproduction in @ducation, 8ociet" and (ulture/, :0utline of a %heor" of Practice/, :Distinction/, and :%he 9ogic of
Practice/.
$L
.ourdieu, %he Peculiar ;istor" of 8cientific 6eason
$F
.ourdieu and Passeron, 6eproduction in @ducation, 8ociet" and (ulture
$)
Particularl" 1erleau3Pont"/s discussion of the :habit bod"/ in Phenomenolog" of Perception
+,
%hroop and 1urph", :.ourdieu and Phenomenolog"/N see also .ourdieu, 9ogic of Practice, FL and %hompson,
:@ditor/s Introduction/ to P. .ourdieu, 9anguage and 8"mbolic Power
+$
8wain, %he mone"/s good, the fame/s good, the girls are good/, $,C
++
e.g. Eoung, :%hrowing like a girl/
+C
e.g. .ourdieu/s discussion of men refusing to eat fish in Distinction
+>
e.g. @lias, %he Jermans
+=
@lias and Dunning, Puest for excitement
+-
Dunning, :Power and authorit" in the public schools ($L,,3$F=,)/
+L
Dunning and 8heard, .arbarians, Jentlemen and Pla"ers
+F
;ughson, Inglis and #ree, %he 7ses of 8port, ++
+)
8wain, :%he fame/s good, the mone"/s good, the girls are good/, ))N %he International #ootball &ssociation .oard are
responsible for the regulation and modification of the laws of international football and are comprised of four #I#&
representatives and one from the @nglish, orthern Irish, 8cottish and 'elsh football associations
C,
%he demarcation and regulation of the soccer field has been echoed b" the development of the modern stadium. 1ost
@uropean football spectators watch the games from under the surveillance of panopticones5ue s"stems which have been
made more effective b" the replacement of standing3terraces with rows of individual seats and are comprised b" the
ga4e of stewards, police officers and cameras. %he seats themselves even act as ph"sical impediments to expressive or
aggressive spectator actions and restrict rapid fan movements (cf. Jiulianotti, 8portK a critical sociolog", $+)3C,)
C$
e.g. .ourdieu, &lgeria $)-,N 1asculine Domination
C+
.ourdieu, &lgeria $)-,, C+
CC
ibid., =
C>
:22 top/, 0bserver, >
th
&pril +,,>
C=
.ourdieu, 1asculine Domination, >+. @lsewhere .ourdieu defines s"mbolic capital as :capital I in whatever form I
insofar as it is represented, i.e., apprehended s"mbolicall", in a relationship of knowledge or, more precisel", of
misrecognition and recognition/ (cf. :%he forms of capital/, +>C).
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