Ideology in Nineteenth-Century Latin American Historiography

Author(s): E. Bradford Burns
Source: The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 58, No. 3 (Aug., 1978), pp. 409-431
Published by: Duke University Press
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Hispanic Anserican Historical Review
58 (3 ), 1978, 409-431
Copyright (D 1978 by Duke University Press

Ideology in Nineteenth-Century Latin
American Historiography

impose on society a perception of the past
shaped by the topics they study, the values they hold,
and their interpretations. When historians represent
a relatively homogeneous group, their histories tend to perpetuate a
similarity by ascribing to the past a uniformity more harmonious with
the class vision than with the totality of experience.' Such restrictions
characterized nineteenth-century Latin American historiography.
To suggest that the histories written during the nineteenth century
in Latin America represent more of a class than a national view is a
serious indictment. To sustain it require's studying the lives of a sufficient number of those historians to see if, indeed, common patterns
emerge and analyzing a sufficient number of their historical works
to determine if similarity characterizes them. This essay attempts to
point out both the common denominators of their life-styles and the
restricted themes and perspective of their histories. It concludes that
the knowledge of the past which they handed down as history reflects
their exclusive social position. In short, Latin America's written
memory consists largely of a limited socially constructed reality.2
The methodology, prosopography or, as it is more commonly referred to, collective biography, while not used extensively in Latin
American historiography, has been employed admirably in the past


* The author Is Professor of History at the University of California, Los Angeles.
1. Robert K. Merton, "The Sociology of Knowledge," Isis, 27 (Nov. 1937),
493; Edward Hallett Carr, What is History? (New York, 1961), p. 42; Gunnar
Myrdal, Objectivity in Social Research (London, 1970), p. 44; Felix Gilbert,
"Intellectual History: Its Aims and Methods," Daedalus, 100 (Winter 1971),
87-88; Norman Pollack, "Fear of Man: Populism, Authoritarianism,and the Historian,"AgriculturalHistory, 39 (Apr. 1965), 60-64.
2. Two useful essays in providing some theoretical framework for this study
are: Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckman, The Social Construction of Reality:
A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (Garden City, N.Y., 1967); and Diana
Laurenson and Alan Swingewood, The Sociology of Literature (London, 1972).

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. as well as Hernan Godoy Urzua.89.3 It owes much to the tenets of the sociology of knowledge. In selecting what I hoped would be a representative sampling of historians. and Stuart B. 215-244. El intelectual latino-americano (Buenos Aires. to dwell only on the famous would be unrepresentative of historiography. On the usefulness of collective biography." in Juan F. "The Lima Pastors." ComparativeStudies in Society and History. biographies are easiest to collect among the elites. these nineteenth-century historians played an unusually critical intellectual role. 1750-1820: Their Origins and Studies as Taken from Their Autobiographies..67. or type of life history with characteristiccontours. 14 (Mar. 100 (Winter 1971). I attempted to balance the well-known with the more obscure. Responsible for recording national memory and influencing generations of scholars and children. and Adolfo Saldia were logical choices. Januario da Cunha 3. 46-69. In his essay "Prosopography."Daedalus. This content downloaded from 200. 1973). Schwartz. He singles out and comments on some of the pioneers and outstanding practitioners of prosopography and then discusses the weaknesses and strengths of prosopographical studies. Bartolome Mitre. 1970). However.410 HAHR I AUGUST I E. Examples of the use of collective biography for the study of Latin American history include Lockhart's own The Men of Cajamarca: A Social and Biographical Study of the First Conquerors of Peru (Austin. 1972). and few left more written mementos of their lives than the historians. Diego Barros Arana. 30. Sovereignty and Society in Colonial Brazil: The High Court of Bahia and Its Judges. I concur with James Lockhart. Because they committed their thoughts to paper. Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen. Therefore. "La sociologia del intelectual en America Latina. it seemed prudent to include a representative number of historians whose legacy has been less obvious but whose collective contributions helped to shape the contours of nineteenth-century historiography. . 1972). is to reveal and make intelligible a repeating pattern. 0 RecrutarnentoPolitico em Minas. 7 (Spring 1972). and is thus the opposite of atomistic. "The effects of following the careers of several apparently similar individuals . Marsal. 28 (July 1971) 39-51. Joao Capistrano de Abreu. historians can be easily studied intellectually as well as socially. Lawrence Stone provides a spendid overview of the use of collective biography. Obviously. Fleicher."The Americas. one that is usually in the first instance what was called above a social type. ed.15 on Wed. Lucas Alaman. 1763-1810 (Cambridge. 1971). Seckinger. 1890-1918 (Belo Horizonte. Antonine Tibesar." Quoted from "The Social History of Colonial Spanish America: Evolution and Potential. Pedro de Angelis. "The Mandarinsof Imperial Brazil. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 1609-1751 (Berkeley. Pedro Fermin Cevallos. David A. BRADFORD BURNS decade to provide diverse insights into the Latin American past. Brading. No composite could be acceptable without some of the savants who influenced not only their own generation but successive ones as well. David V. Miners and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico." Latin American Research Review. 1971). Eul-Soo Pang and Ron L. Hence. Cecilio Acosta. The approach aims directly at understanding a general principle of the operation and articulation of society.

Mariano Felipe Paz Soldan (18211886). Argentina. Argentina. Although the works of most of these historians fell within the last half of the century. with the Caribbean and Central America being the most neglected. Baron of Rio-Branco (1845-1912). Mexico. Brazil. Alejandro Marure (1809-1851).Jose Maria Luis Mora (1794-1850). Luis L. eleven of the eighteen nations are represented.4 4. Bartolome Mitre (1821-1906). among others. Sebastian Lorente (1813-1884). Peru.Jose Manuel Groot (1800-1878). Pedro Paz Soldan y Unanue (1839-1895). Argentina. by far.IDEOLOGY IN 19TH-CENTURY LATIN AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 411 Barbosa. Pedro de Angelis (17841859). Pedro Moncayo (1804-1888). Chile. Brazil. Jose Toribio Medina (1852-1930). those particular historians were included if they had published their major ideas during the nineteenth. the period. Manuel de Mendiburu (1805-1885). Colombia. Chile. As it is. Brazil. Brazil. Ecuador. Much of information in this essay is based on a study of the biographies and writings of the following nineteenth-century Latin American historians: Joao Capistranode Abreu (1853-1927). Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta (1825-1894). Lucas Alamain (1792-1853). Peru. Ecuador. Agostinho Marques Perdigao Malheiro (1828-1881). Lorenzo Montu'fary Rivera Maestre (1823-1898). Chile. Peru. Vicente Fidel Lopez (1815-1903). Manuel de Odriozola (1804-1889). Guatemala. Juan Bautista Alberdi (1810-1884). Antonio Pereira This content downloaded from 200. Uruguay. Brazil. Brazil. Jose Ina'cio de Abreu e Lima (1794-1869). Cecilio Acosta (1818-1881). Argentina. Department of Panama. those four account for slightly over two-thirds of the historians in this study. Brazil. Jose Manuel Estrada (1842-1897). Venezuela. Brazil. Januario da Cunha Barbosa (1790-1846). geographical representation merited some consideration in order to avoid the complete domination by Mexico. Argentina. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Juana Manuela Gorriti (1819-1892).89. Jose Esteban Echeverria (1805-1851). fit into that category. Dominguez (1819-1898). Colombia. and Gabriel Rene Moreno. Mexico. Although some of their life'-spans extended into the twentienth century. Jose Maria da Silva Paranhos. Guatemala.15 on Wed. Francisco Inacio MarcondesHomem de Melo (18371918). Nevertheless. Lucio Vicente Lopez (1848-1894). of greater historical production. Temporal representation also played a role in making this selection. Argentina. Argentina. Guatemala. Diego Barros Arana (1830-1907). Miguel Luis Amunategui (1828-1888). Joaquim Nabuco (1849-1910). Joao Francisco Lisboa (1812-1863).67. Bolivia. Argentina. Mexico. Francisco Bauza (1849-1899). Mexico. Further. and Chile. These criteria account for the choice of the sixty-three nineteenth-century Latin American historians whose biographies and works provide the material for this essay. Carlos Maria de Bustamante (1774-1848). Argentina. nations where historians flourished in the past century. Eduardo Blanco (1838-1912). Brazil. Manuel Orozco y Berra (1816-1881). Argentina. Peru. Jose Milla y Vidaurre (1822-1882). Junior. Venezuela. Argentina. Pedro Fermin Cevallos (1812-1893). Peru. an effort was made to select historians who wrote during a variety of time periods and who might reflect different generational influences and preferences. Brazil. Mexico. Mariano Arosemena (1794-1868). Gabriel Rene Moreno (1834-1908). Paul Groussac (1848-1929). Alesandre Jose de Melo Morais (1816-1882).

Further confirmation of similarities can be found in John Higham. Law degrees dominated their academic credentials. N. for example. Although the historians relied on their languages to facilitate their foreign travels. Joaquim Norberto de Sousa Silva (1820-1891). These historians were by no means exceptional in their linguistic skills. Jodo Capistrano de Abreu read French. Silvio Romero (1851-1914).67. Argentina. Indeed. 4). Joaquim Nabuco. Ina'cioAccioli de Cerqueira de Silva (18081865). Ernesto Quesada knew French. Ernesto Quesada (1858-1934). Herbert Spencer. Richard Hofstadter. Bartolome' Mitre knew English. Thomas B. Antonio Zinny (1821-1890). Sociology and History: Methods (New York. "History and Sociology in the United States. Their educations closely resembled those of their European peers. military school. Brazil. Brazil." in Seymour Martin Lipset and Richard Hofstadter. Brazil. Almost all boasted a secondary school education or the equivalent. Italian. Italian. English. Brazil. Brazil. Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (1811-1888). Argentina. Dalmacio Velez Sarsfield (1800-1875). 3. or seminary. Argentina. 12. BRADFORD BURNS Available biographical data permits the sketching of a tentative composite profile from which individual variance was slight. Hofstadter includes a telling quotation from Henry Adams on history: "the most aristocratic of all literary pursuits. Alfredo D'Escragnolle Taunay (1843-1889). but authored several of his works directly in those languages. not only wrote elegantly in French and commendably in English. Mexico. Vicente Riva Palacio (1832-1896). French. English. Sixty-two of the sixty-three historians were male. Macaulay. Charles Darwin. This content downloaded from 200. their knowledge of foreign languages in some cases was extraordinary. and German. and Latin. Argentina. Carlos Maria Ramirez (1848-1898). and German. Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen (1816-1878). Henry Thomas Buckle. as well as Latin. Chile. Ernesto Restrepo Tirado (1862-1948). joaquim Caetano da Silva (1810-1873). Argentina. English. 1968). A basic similarity of life styles seems to exist between these Latin American historians and their counterparts in nineteenth-century United States. they used them principally to gain direct access to European authors. German. Jules Michelet. 13.412 HAHR J AUGUST I E. Benjamin Vicufia Mackenna (1831-1886). Manuel Ricardo Trelles (1821-1893).89. The Development of Historical Studies in the United States (Englewood Cliffs. Pedro Paz Soldan y Unanue mastered French. Jose Manuel Restrepo (1781-1863).J.. Leopold von Ranke. Colombia. Adolfo Saldia (18501914). and most received advanced training in a university. Uruguay. eds. Colombia. pp. Brazil. Ramon Sotomayor y Valdes (1830-1903). 11. Auguste Comte. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Justo Sierra Mendez (1848-1912). Most of them spoke French and a considerable number added English and/or German to their linguistic repertory. Chile. because it obliges the historian to be rich as well as educated" (p. Argentina. Brazil. Frangois Pierre Guillaume Guizot. Friedrich Ratzel. Pinto (1819-1880).15 on Wed. Mexico. and classical Greek. 64. 1965). A few wrote with admirable grace of style in the foreign languages of their preference.

Interconnected. applied the same principle of evolution to society. or more specifically with England. three major European philosophies dominated nineteenth-century Latin America: the Enlightenment. Progress to Spencer signified a march toward "the establishment of the greatest perfection and the most complete happiness. the Enlightenment philosophers concluded that if people had the opportunity to know the truth. Spencer advocated railroads as a vital part of the organic system of a modern society. Those who favored independence and subsequently set themselves to the task of nation building rebelled against the metropolises. Teaching the vincibility of ignorance. and progress." Adherents to the Enlightenment believed in a universally valid standard to judge civilization.IDEOLOGYIN 19TH-CENTURY LATIN AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 413 Thomas Carlyle as well as the philosophes of the European Enlightenment most absorbed their attention. giving it in fact a scientific veneer. As one example. the ideas of evolution put forth by Charles Darwin and Herbert Spencer. The Latin Americans drew from Spencer the interrelationship of science. Like most European thinkers. they would select "civilization" over "barbarism. and positivism. the three found a common nexus in the concept of "progress. as well as progress itself away fromnphilosophical and moral matters toward material change. that march subsumed a great many economic changes and adaptations. Generally speaking. From the end of the eighteenth century onward. France.15 on Wed. he regarded industrialization as a certain manifestation of progress. whose works enjoyed tremendous circulation in nineteenth-century Latin America.89." the key word for the understanding of Latin American historiography. industry. rejecting Iberian intellectual contacts as well as Iberian rule. Spencer. the Latin Americans paid increasingly less attention to the ideas emanating from the Iberian peninsula as they attuned their thinking to the novelties propagated by English. and Germany." However. French. and German philosophers. a burgeoning faith in science directed judgments on progress. However.67. Very propitiously. and the criteria for such a judgment were based on European ideas of progress. They sought new models and northern Europe served their purposes well. Civilization and the progress which led to it became identified with Europe. a combination pointing to future glory through societal evolution. The popularized idea of Darwin that organic forms developed over the course of time and represented successive stages in a single evolutionary process further heightened the interest in progress. Spencer had much to say which damned Latin America. As another. his racism This content downloaded from 200. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .

progress was judged to have been achieved." a hundred pages discussing major and minor European savants without linking his important topic to anything in Venezuela. Darwin. They had read both the classic and contemporary European historians whom they quoted with as much ease as admiration. Outward manifestations of progress-again railroads and industrialization-assumed great importance in positivism and emphatically so among the Latin Americans. they required order to implement it. BRADFORD BURNS for example. Clearly.5 Only hesitantly and occasionally did Latin Americans 5. Many of the ideas on progress pulled from the Enlightenment. Positivism affirmed that social evolution and progress were inevitable. seemed to come together in the form that Auguste Comte's positivism assumed in Latin America during the last decades of the century. To the extent that Latin America came to resemble those nations the elite regarded as progressive. To Comte that progress was attainable through the acceptance of scientific laws codified by positivism. and chose to ignore what displeased-or frightened-them. 1908). however. Spencer. as well as other sources. those intellectual mentors satisfied the longing of the Latin American elites to replicate European "civilization" in their hemisphere. Obras (Caracas. In consulting many of their essays. Over the course of the century. the quantity of buildings in the capital city which resembled those' of the Paris of Napoleon III. the scholar notes an almost total absence of any reference' to Latin America. or in Latin America for that matter. When writing on historiographical topics. and the availability of the knickknacks associated with European consumerism. the number of miles of railroad and telegraph lines. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Their measurement of progress increasingly became' material advancement. The Latin Americans proved to be selective readers. This content downloaded from 200. the elites distilled a philosophical overview which approved European "progress" in Latin American terms. to finance it. Economically.414 HAHR I AUGUST E.15 on Wed. They deferred to European authorities to settle any disputes. II. The familiarity of the Latin American historians with European ideas is readily evident in their biases and quotations. which seemed to have transformed England into a modern nation. whether they acknowledged Comte or not. Cecilio Acosta authored an essay with the appealing title "Influencia del elemento historico-politico en la literatura dramAtica y en la novela.89. 43-144. the Latin Americans drew heavily from Old World sources and examples. Politically. which to their thinking evinced all too many "barbaric" Indian and African traits. they adopted capitalism.67.

La tradition intelectual argentina (Buenos Aires. but then went on to praise the Chilean intellectual Valentin Letelier and in particular his La evoluci6n de la historia (2d ed. Rafael Montifar displayed the usual intimate knowledge of European historiography. Sarmiento's Civilizacion y barbaric: Vidca de Juan Facundo Quiroga (1845) ranked as one historical work which enjoyed wide acceptance throughout Latin America. La historia: Conferencia dada en el Salon de Actos de la Facultad de Derecho y Notariado del Central El 10 de Mayo de 1900 (Guatemala. Andres Bello. and legend and his insistence on "facts" in a sociological view of the past. 1845). VII (Santiago.67. 6. None conceded any recent African descent. the Guatemalan commended his deprecation of history's inclusion of tradition. Vol.8 While it is difficult to indicate the precise class standing of all of these sixty-three historians. and it is conceded that the figure represents about a 2.2 year increase over 1910. However. 7. political.89. and economic elites. a life expectancy of 31. Nicola's Sainchez-Albornoz. almost all of them were of pure or nearly pure European lineage. 9. By the end of the century.1 years is accepted for 1920. and routine. 116-117. If not born into the ranks of the wealthiest families. republished in Obras completes. "Modo de escribir la bistoria" from El Araucano (Santiago. in 1845. 1900). Expounding on "La historia" at the University of San Carlos in Guatemala City in 1900. The pursuit of history assumed the availability of leisure time. Life expectancy figures for the nineteenth century are suspect. Their ages at death averaged more than sixty years in a society where half that life-span was more nearly normal. a guide. 1900). it is nonetheless true that all enjoyed privileges in a society which afforded few. 192. some evidence does exist of a greater circulation of ideas among the Latin American historians themselves. Jose Enrique Rodo. 1884). Their longevity further testifies to their pleasant lifestyles. They associated and identified with the social. 16-17. cautioned that while European historiography offered "a model. Domingo F. a confection of Henry Thomas Buckle's orientation with Comtean philosophy spiced with ideas from Spencer and Stuart Mill..7 Similarly. This content downloaded from 200. medical care. The Population of Latin America: A History (Berkeley. 8. 1968). Further.9 Such longevity speaks well of their diet. pp. they lived comfortable lives more akin to the life-styles of the upper class than to the humble status of the majority. and those with Indian ancestors chose to prune rather than cultivate that branch of the family tree. Sympathetic to the Chilean's positivist approach to history. p.IDEOLOGY IN 19TH-CENTURY LATIN AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 415 question the European masters and turn to each other for inspiration.15 on Wed. 1974). a method. mythology. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Contrary to the currents of his times.>'it could not provide the "philosophy" to interpret New World history.

discussing the Old World. Vol. for themselves and their countries as well. and aping continental styles. Quesada was a federal deputy representing Corrientes and later an ambassador. In the middle of the nineteenth century he intoned: "The new age has dawned in France. because' most of them were connected at one time or another with the governments. They held a variety of bureaucratic posts. Joaquim Nabuco. Ramon Sotomayor y Valdes represented Chile first as minister to Mexico and then to Bolivia before being elected to the Chamber of Deputies and later appointed Official Clerk of the Ministry of the Treasury. Elected to the Academy of Sciences of Paris in 1882."'0 In addition to reading about and admiring Europe. A representative number visited the United States or other Latin American nations.416 HAHR | AUGUST I E. James and then as ambassador to the United States. Juan Bautista Alberdi was Argentine minister to Great Britain and to France and later a congressional representative from Tucuman. 1865). Lorenzo Montifar carried out numerous diplomatic missions and was both Minister of Foreign Relations and of Education in Costa Rica. others studied there. significantly.15 on Wed. The Chilean Francisco Bilbao unabashedly pronounced non-Iberian Europe to be the future of Latin America. still others served there as diplomats. Toward the end of the century. A representative sampling of their governmental careers reveals that Carlos Maria de Bustamante served for more than two decades in Mexico's congress. their travels broadened to include the Western Hemisphere. but also. Obviously the people who wrote Latin American history in the last 10.89. preferably in Paris. and a couple even as presidents.67. Some resided in Europe. judges. for extended periods. the historians knew it firsthand. Diego Barros Arana was awarded what most Latin American intellectuals considered the ultimate accolade. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . This content downloaded from 200. A few included both. They coveted. partly because of the educational and cultural advantages. They tended to be a welltraveled group. The quotation comes from his Sociabilidad chilena. 17. later represented Brazil as minister to the Court of St. European recognition. the Mexican Lucas Alamain held the portfolio of Minister of Foreign Relations on three occasions. three times elected to the Chamber of Deputies. Vicente Riva Palacio governed both the state's of Mexico and Michoacan. while' still others unsuccessfully sought that exalted office. I (Santiago. and ministers. some served as legislators. With rare exceptions. Vicente G. while most of them made the grand tour at least once. republished in Obras completes de FranciscoBilbao. BRADFORD BURNS As a group these historians looked fondly to a European heritage. and some received. the historians resided in the capitals.

67. Still others. Euclydes da Cunha's discovery of the sertdo of Brazil traumatized him as he found a Brazil that the urbanized intellectual never even imagined. This content downloaded from 200. Such integration into and loyalty to the institutions shaped their historical world view as apologists rather than critics. . Few. although by the end of the century some did enjoy state appointments directing archives or libraries or teaching history in prestigious national institutes which permitted them to devote much of their time to history. p. in 1859. raised in the interior. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . like the young Rufino Blanco Fombona. The Modern Culture of Latin America: Society and the Artist (New York. few could qualify as professional historians. . I cannot talk to any of them for more than five minutes at a time. They are always wrong and it is impossible that they should ever be rescued from their sad condition of inferior beings except through a persistent educational programme. As members of a minute elite in new countries.IDEOLOGY IN 19TH-CENTURY LATIN AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 417 century were not passive observers and recorders of their class or society. Indeed. so much so that some of the national histories they wrote were little more than chronicles of events in the principal city.89. in twentieth-century terms."" Such attitudes isolated most of the historians from national reality. Life in the capital cities definitely shaped their views. Thus. 11.15 on Wed. Quoted in Jean Franco. . Not surprisingly then. it took thirteen days to cross from Buenos Aires to London but three to four months to travel from the Argentine capital to Salta. they projected through their histories the life-style of the minority as though it represented the majority. I can find nothing to say to them. The capitals often communicated more quickly with Paris and London than with the hinterlands of their own countries. the historians were more attuned to the metropolis than to the life-styles and preferences of their rural compatriots. 42. if any. 1967). earned their livelihood exclusively as historians. For example. For geographic as well as cultural reasons. an extrapolation which might skew the perceptions of the unwaiy reader of their histories. Most significantly. tried to expose themselves to rural life only to be bored or disillusioned: "The slowness and rusticity of the peasants exasperate me. Consciously or unconsciously they dwelt on their class and the national capital as though they constituted the nation. they divided their attention among myriad interests and responsibilities. fled to the capital and denounced the backwardness of the provinces. they played active roles in shaping and administering national institutions. Others. such as Domingo Sarmiento. they displayed a loyalty to the official institutions of which they formed such an important part.

" Revista do Instituto Histdrico e Geografico Brasileiro. it became difficult to escape the great man approach to history. p. A History of Argentine Political Thought (Stanford. BRADFORD BURNS In accordance with the elitist dictates of the time. The colonial past attracted considerable attention from the nineteenth-century historians. 1963).'5 In his Historia Geral 12. Alberto J. Pla. about their own century. 353. He concluded. pp. J. 13. one of the founders of the Instituto Historico e Geografico Brasileiro in 1838. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Esteban Echevarria summarized elitist political ideology when he distinguished in his Dogma socialist (1846) between collective will-the uneducated masses. 1972).15 on Wed. As late as the 1880s."''3 The ruling elite felt obliged to justify the new national institutions and the course of events shaped by independence. The propertied and/or literate constituted that select group. They wrote primarily political history and biographies. then. a logical selection considering the times. Historia de la historiograffaargentina (La Plata. The writings of Bartolome Mitre provide one of myriad examples. 54. perhaps more. 14 "Iconographia Brazileira. and collective reason-the educated elite. 15. 33. 26. p. Quoted in Jose Luis Romero. Januario da Cunha Barbosa. his Scottish contemporary. Historia de Belgrano y de la independencia argentina (1858-1859) and Historia de San Martin y de la emnancipacion sud-americana(18871888). 3.67. Ideologia y metodo en la historiografiaargentina (Buenos Aires.89.19 (1856). and the historians abetted the effort by eulogizing individuals whose life-styles harmonized with the goals and ideas of the elite. "Argentine history is only and exclusively political history. it is the rule of reason. is not the absolute despotism of the masses or of the majority. 1925). he wrote: "To know the biographies of all the outstanding men of any period is to know the history of those times. n.418 HAHR I AUGUST I E. the noted Argentine historian Vicente Fidel Lopez declared. offered a formula followed for the rest of the century.'4 Indeed." a concept which disenfranchised all but a few. he viewed both national and South American independence as the consequence of extraordinary individuals who contributed more than their share to effect those momentous events. With words reminiscent of Thomas Carlyle. but they seem to have written as much. revealing a strong contemporary orientation. Levy ably outlines the Argentine elites' pursuit of a national hero in "The Image of San Martin and Argentine Nationalism of the This content downloaded from 200. "Democracy. Carbia. In his two major works. R. 145. the historians applauded rule by the "enlightened."''2 Even so ardent a liberal historian as Jose Maria Luis Mora eschewed popular sovereignty in Mexico to advocate government by a new aristocracy. ROmuloD.

.-Oct. was negative. the British historians substituted magisterial moral judgments. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 13-20.' For nonsensible realities like class. History was more conveniently interpreted as the interaction be- This content downloaded from 200. . Gareth Stedman Jones speaks of nineteenth-centuryBritish historians and history in terms which seem equally applicable to Latin America: "In the original positivist programme.. It was probably for this reason that so much history was focused upon the Constitution and upon 'great men."Proceedings of the Pacific Coast Council on Latin American Studies.. mode of production or politically and culturally determined patterns of behavior were not empirically verifiable. while' not lacking. Encina. was a moral lesson. "Interpretacionde VicLfia Mackenna: Un historiador del siglo XIX... 17. the collection of facts was to be followed by the framing of general laws comparable to those of Newtonian physics or. 16.15 on Wed." He denigrated rebels. Great men shaped history and none had contributed more to Brazil's destiny than those of the ruling House of Braganza. Darwinian biology. p.'7 The aspirations to write broader histories. Chile). nonconformists. and Iturbide emerged as the embodiment of orderly transition to nationhood for Mexico." Atenea (Universidad de Concepci6n."'6 Benjamin Vicufia Mackenna determined to write a history of the people. So compelling was the urge to ferret out and glorify great men that Diego Barros Arana conceded. . Thomas Arnold had stated in 1841.18 Nineteenth Century. . Lucas Alaman expressed similar ideas in his disdain for popular participation in the political process as well as in his preference for a monarchy. La literature historic chilena y el concepto actual de la historia (Santiago. Chilean historians displayed a similar bias for the individual whose exemplary life offered a moral and patriotic model for the nation. William F.. 1949). 26 (Sept. 18. were seldom realized. 63. more relevantly. 173-174. The Heroic Image in Chile: Arturo Prat. it is the duty of the historian to make them. Sater provides a longer study of the making of a Chilean hero. Their influence on the course' of events. if any. and the masses alike. but his Historia general de la Republica de Chile (1866-1883) reveals that he succumbed to the usual temptations and produced instead a history of the heroes. Guillermo Feliu Cruz. Quoted in Francisco A. In place of dangerously speculative and scientifically unfounded general laws.67.IEDEOLOGY IN 19TH-CENTURY LATIN AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 419 do Brasil (1854-1857). "If history does not offer us model men. 1973). 1935). 1 (1972). The creole elites effected independence in accordance with Alaman's interpretation. Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen did not conceal his contempt for the "vil populagio. Secular Saint (Berkeley.89. History. His monumental Historia de Mefjico (1849-1852) did not consider the movement led by Miguel Hidalgo and Jose Maria Morelos (anti-heroes) as a contribution toward independence but rather as an attack on property and civilization.

1975). 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ." History and Theory. to the summit as national hero." Then he asked rhetorically. to defend what is right on all occasions. the historians drew inevitably and exclusively from the activities of the elites. Vicente Fidel Lopez informed the Faculty of Philosophy and Humanities of Santiago during a lecture. Amunategui: The Historian as National Educator. against Portuguese rule."Journalof Inter-AmericanStudies and World Affairs. and political position. better known by his nickname. Until well into the twentieth century. pp.420 HAHR I AUGUST I E. They not only wrote the past.89. they chose to elevate Joaquim Jose Silva Xavier.32 (Oct. In the case of Brazilian historians. writing. "BarrosArana."in Robin Blackburn." Quoted from "History: The Poverty of Empiricism. 17-18. Vicufia Mackenna. "Lucas Alaman. represented the colonial elites. modified. the historians of the new nations assumed a heavy responsibility: to arouse the patriotism of their compatriots. too. 1788-1789. Januario da Cunha Barbosa piously predicted. "The Philosophy of History in Nineteenth-Century Chile: The Lastarria-BelloDebates. "And will not a truthful history of our country offer the lessons which can so profitably be used by Brazilian citizens in the performance of their important duties?"19 In 1845. "The love of national glory will lead us to cleanse our history of inaccuracies. to know the desires of the state and try to fulfill them as best they can. 19. and. 174.. Luis Martin. Tiradentes. Ideology in Social Science: Readings in Critical Social Theory (New York.15 on Wed. In the ill-fated and equally ill-conceived and vaguely defined Minas Conspiracy. BRADFORD BURNS In their own eyes.67. history was more than the recreation of the past. Tiradentes. 19 (May 1977).21 To Lucas Alaman. or resisted. example. 22. 21. Those subverters of Portuguese rule were humble folk. Pioneer of Mexican Historiography: An InterpretiveEssay. 20.ed. by the way. 1973). Quoted by Allen L. For the much more revolutionary Bahian Conspiracy of 1798. 13 (Fall 1974). "Discursos. historians ignored both them and their con- tween great men and the institutions they created. 241. they formulated the future. for example. Through lectures. a white male of some substance and standing. four blacks were convicted and executed. 276." Revista do Instituto Hist6rico e Geogrdfico Brasileiro. he emerged as a principal plotter for which the authorities condemned him to death. "The goal of history is to teach men to live as good patriots of their nation. 1 (1839). This content downloaded from 200. 97-98."20 Chilean historians apparently heeded the advice." The Americas. it served as a guide for the future.22 Whatever patriotic lessons history might teach. they molded civic values and prescribed future development. to learn the virtues of a citizen. GertrudeMatyokaYeager. Wall.

and preserve documentation.23 Moreno. They were bibliophiles. "El historiador Gabriel Rene Moreno. if it did not discourage. the latter more frequently than the former. which he later published. and Europe. the historians relied on public and private libraries. organize. but the haphazard storage of documents. 82 (Oct. Buenos Aires." Kollasuyo: Revista de Estudios Bolivianos. he interviewed the surviving leaders of the revolution of 1809 and incorporated their recollections into his work. From its inception. greatly complicated. and periodicals and incessantly copied manuscripts. in the final analysis we're repositories for the books and papers of the elites. pamphlets.89. provided the bibliophile excellent opportunities to expand his library and explore archives which yielded rich details for his reconstruction of Bolivia's past. 12-13. as well as his long residency in Santiago. The Bolivian historian enthusiastically collected books. each forming his own collection around the topics which most attracted him. to this day. This content downloaded from 200. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Some of the historians were acquainted with the families of the principal actors in the national drama and were able to gain access to private papers. Shelves sag under the numerous biographies of him.-Dec. Further. Tiradentes continues to be the national hero. Consequently the major sources available to the historians-or perhaps the sources the historians chose to use most frequently-only reinforced their own elitist tendencies. like his counterparts in all of Latin Amnerica during the last century. Yet. Some witnessed or even participated in the events they described. the Institute Historico e Geografico Brasileiro strove to collect. Varnhagen discovered some fundamental documents for Brazilian history in the Portuguese and Spanish archives and extended his research to many of the other major European archives as well as to many in South America. For sources.15 on Wed. few of which were cataloged. During several visits to Europe. particularly to Spain.67. Valentin Abecia Baldivieso. Boundary disputes among the nations of Latin America prompted 23. relied most heavily for his source material on libraries and archives. They used public and private archives. His travels to Lima. research.IDEOLOGY IN 19TH-CENTURY LATIN AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 421 spiracy. the Chilean scholar copied thousands of manuscripts relating to Latin American history. which. In his youth. it-as well as the imperial government-commissioned various Brazilians to locate and copy pertinent manuscripts in foreign archives. Probably no one surpassed Jose Toribio Medina in the collection of documents. not one biography exists of any of Bahia's black conspirators. 1972). Gabriel Rene Moreno might well typify the determined historian in search of varied documentation.

1937)."25 At the opposite extreme. Although historians regarded their nations as the products of Europe. 1 (Feb. This content downloaded from 200. but his ideas did not have an impact 24. Federico Gonzalez Suarez affirmed. they could not entirely escape questions of Indian and African input. "Divine Providence and Human Liberty are the fundamentals evident in History. All bequeathed valuable documentation to their own national archives. Not a few of those official researchers were the century's most distinguished historians. history was an ideological arsenal from which its practitioners drew whatever arms they needed to defend their cause. They delved frantically into the archives.89. the government of President Manuel Bulnes sent Coronel Jose Maria Sese Prieto to the Archive of the Indies to look for whatever documents might buttress Chile's claims of sovereignty over the Strait of Magellan. 3. disagreements flared as to whether emphasis should fall on documentation or interpretation. emphasized. A German historian introduced in 1843 the fascinating theme of the contributions of the three races to the formation of Brazil. Historians of liberal. sometimes acrimoniously. p. As one scholar of nineteenth-century Uruguayan historiography. BRADFOB BURNS the governments to take a serious interest in historical documentation. "La historiografliauruguaya en el siglo XIX: Apuntes para su estudio. conservative. imagination. Defensa de mi criteriahistorico (Quito.15 on Wed.422 HAHR I AUGUST I E. Here. 1959). 25. and insight to compose their studies of the past. 80. while others relied on intuition. returning to their respective capitals with the documentary evidence to press their cases. European racial doctrines shaped their viewsand must have generated many psychoses. The last half of the century witnessed a parade of hopeful boundary litigants to the former metropolises. the positivist historians scoffed at the idea of such supernatural interventions in human activities but did not hesitate to castigate the' Roman Catholic Church for most of the national problems they perceived. They dispatched officials to the Iberian archives in search of maps and materials to support territorial claims. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . As early as 1849. Juan Antonio Oddone.67. History relates their vicissitude's through time demonstrating how they have fulfilled that inviolable Law of Providence." Revista Histdrica de la Universidad (Montevideo) Segunda Epoca. Not a few saw the hand of God writ large and ascribed much causation to Divine Providence. Juan Antonio Oddone. of course. romantic. Some argued that the facts spoke for themselves. and positivist persuasions debated among themselves. Without losing sight for an instant of the providential destiny of nations.24 Then as now.

15 on Wed.. looked to Europe but. brilliantly represented by Lucas Alaman. rather more ambiguously represented by Jose Maria Luis Mora. pp. debate of some substance revolved around the proper historiographical treatment to be accorded the Indians and precipitated a stormy exchange between JoaioFrancisco Lisboa and Varnhagen at mid-century." in E.67. Karl Friedrich Philipp von Martius. The role of the Indian in Brazilian history incited sporadic discussion. BradfordBums. pp. References to the debate are scattered throughout Bums. while Varnhagen. 21-41. Alaman asserted that Hernain Cortes founded the Mexican nation and that the long colonial period had benefited Mexico. too. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . denigrating-the Indian heritage he was well within the bounds of nineteenth-century historiography. Perspectives on Brazilian History (New York. 152 ff. his ideas corresponded closely to those guiding the government of President Rafael Carrera in neighboring Guatemala at the same time. One of the major historical controversies occurred in Mexico and pitted the conservatives. spent most of his life abroad.27 Significantly. 27. Perspectives. the Indian assumed a special significance and raised some thorny ideological problems. Lisboa spent most of his life in his native Sdo Luis do Maranhdo and thus represented those few historians who resided in the' provinces in the nineteenth century but still managed to have a national impact.IDEOLOGY IN 19TH-CENTURY LATIN AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 423 on Brazilian historiography for nearly a century. intimately associated with the court in Rio de Janeiro. Into those arguments often intruded the liberal and conservative political perspectives for those historians were in no way apolitical. an Indian prince who looked. 65i. thought. In his respect for the Spanish heritage. Alaman.89. In sum. unusual for his century. ed.26 For nationalistic reasons. This content downloaded from 200. Alamatnheld that there were two distinct movements favoring Mexican independence. Alaman differed markedly from most historians of Spanish-speaking Latin America. Questions of interpretation absorbed much of the historians' attention and seemingly incited the most debate. but in overlooking-indeed. The idealized and romanticized Indian was acceptable as a symbol. The historians often came to terms with the question of what to do with the Indians in history by envisioning the noble Indian. In fact. In looking to the Spanish past."How the History of Brazil Should Be Written. acted. against the liberals. and talked like a European and who possessed concomitant virtues. more to Spain than to England and France. 26. the first initiated in 1810 by Miguel Hidalgo whom Alamain deprecated and the second which effected independence in 1821 under the leadership of Augustin de Iturbide. 1967). at least some of the most excited debate.

In the final analysis. mestizo. No consideration was given to the reality that a majority had no connection with Europe but rather had their own folk cultures and preferred communal arrangements to competitive ones. In short. economic. Mora's emphasis fell on the achievement of independence. "The Reconstruction of NineteenthCentury Politics in Spanish America: A Case for the History of Ideas. 1968)." Latin AmericanResearchReview. Mora was less specific.67. For that reason. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ."CulturalDependence and the Sociology of Knowledge: The Latin American Case. the similarities seem more significant than the differences. both liberal and conservative historians advocated a political. Hidalgo. initiated by Hidalgo and carried to its ultimate success by Iturbide. 8 (Summer 1973). They revered the land structure and labor systems.89."pp. Hale. the similarities in their discussions were more striking than the differences. 53.15 on Wed.28 Historiographical studies dwell on the apparent difference separating liberal and conservative interpretations of Mexican history. BRADFORD BURNS Independence constituted a political break with Spain unrelated to the plebian uprising of 1810. Iturbide emerged the hero. the preferences of the elites were logical. but their outcome for the Indian. 35. Mexican Liberalismin the Age of Mora. The historians were a vocal element of the elites. This content downloaded from 200. not whether to foster captalism but how to expedite it.29 I would select the frothy historical debate pit28. Given their lifestyles. and mulatto majorities and the inherited institutions was the same. 239-256. Still. Neither considered the input or the interests of the Indian majority. the demagogue. and CharlesA. of course. 1971). the hierarchy of privileges. The lively discussions among Clio's disciples in nineteenth-century Latin America concerned details rather than substance. The questions xvere not whether to Europeanize but how. 29. "Lucas Alaman. in European terms). he judged the independence' movement as integral.424 HAHR I AUGUST I E. the end of Spanish tyranny. Fiery historiographical debates might have raged. African. Juan Eugenio Corradi. Charles A. Holding to the liberal interpretation. 1821-1853 (New Haven. It would seem unrealistic to attribute to their historiographical debates anything more' than class interests. the emergence of the Mexican nation. 8 (Jan. both concluded that the creoles effected independence and that Mexico was a pseudoEuropean state linked to the Old World through Spain. When they considered the Indians it was to brand them a threat to civilization (defined. and social order based on inherited institutions and creole supremacy. Hale. Much of the above condensation comes from Martin." International Journal of ContemporarySociology.

Encina.32 They accepted independence.15 on Wed. hist6rica y political del General Bartolome'Mitre. p. 32. Vol. the rest of the world reacted.IDEOLOGY IN 19TH-CENTURY LATIN AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 425 ting Bartolome Mitre against Vicente Fidel Lopez in the early 1880s as aptly illustrative of the underlying uniformity among historians. Lopez asked. The ultimate aspiration was Europeanization. questions."33 Commentators on Guatemala's past described their nation advancing through stages toward a complex and desirable civilization. regarding their own histories as extensions of those of Europe. the historians judged they had developed or progressed. of course. condemnation. they were also explicit in Comte's positivism: a master program of social organization displayed in different places characteristics of different stages but all within a single. p. the historians viewed history as a continuous movement toward the realization of their desired goals. indeed.89."p. basic ideas united them: "Our judgment is more or less the same. 284. what have General Mitre and I disputed? Don't events and the valuable and numerous documents prove and justify our agreement?"30 Mitre wrote his former opponent that. constant pattern of evolution. La literaturahistaricachilena. as it turned out. When the sound and fury of heated charges and countercharges subsided. 29. Ideologia y metodo. 31. and the urge to Europeanize. the two historians shook hands and admitted they essentially were in agreement. the new national governments (which is to say. The Old World provided the impetus. more of methodology than of meaning. 44. ultimately. 33. The debate seemed to focus on the use of documentation and its interpretation. the dominance of the creoles within the familiar institutional framework of the past)."31 Organically integrated. The failure to Europeanize or the tardiness of Europeanization required explanation and the' obstacles. Quoted in Pla. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . The Latin Americans believed Europe to be the focal point of history. While Latin Americans may have inherited such ideas from the Enlightenment. Correspondencialiteraria. 500. To the degree their nations came to resemble Europe in the nineteenth century. Museo Mitre. Consequently the men and movements favoring independence and Europeanization received praise from Clio's pens. Merton."Sociologyof Knowledge. 1912). III (Buenos Aires. Barros Arana in many ways typified the historical perspective of the century when he concluded that history "permits us to observe in general terms the progressive march of humanity and to appreciate the moral laws on which its development depends. the goals of the elites.67. "After all. They were wont to compare their nation to a person growing from an Indian infancy to the maturity of European-adopted civiliza30. This content downloaded from 200.

Historians ignored folk cultures (except occasionally to disparage them). Mitre. Museo Mitre. 1959). Pla. as an historian. he shaped the past to suit his present ends. as president. 100-113. On the other. 35. and although forced to deal with populist caudillos. he opened the doors to foreign penetration and facilitated European economic and cultural domination. The temptation is difficult to deny. "We have almost the same predilection for great men and the same repulsion for the' barbarian troublemakers such as [Jose Gervasio] Artigas whom we have buried historically. The exclusivity of Latin American historiography deflected attention from the alternatives to Europeanization even though the majority of the populations still favored and practiced those alternatives. This content downloaded from 200. and it is complicated by the fact that most of society never articulated in written form its complaints." in Hector Humberto Samayoa Guevara. Leaders with whom he disagreed he simply erased from the pages of history or relegated to inferior or negative positions.III. both a prolific historian and energetic president of the nation subscribed fully to the elitist concept of Europe as the' single source of civilization. the researcher feels a constant temptation to bypass the norm in order to dwell on the exception.35 On the one hand.67. The historiographical treatment of the Americas in which history began with the' arrival of the Iberian conquerors relegated the long and rich Indian past to the anthropologists or to those who practiced that discipline's nineteenth-century variant. escrito en 1825 por Don Jose Cecilio de Valle. they not only set about eliminating the populist caudillos in the interior and in neighboring Paraguay but writing history complimentary to their actions. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 36. the official textbooks which nurtured succeeding generations of Argentine schoolchildren.89. He believed that the educated minority made history and should impose its will on the ignorant masses. they were quick to deprecate them. C.15 on Wed. or activities. 113-120. For example. alternatives. and "Discurso del Dr.426 HAHR I AUGUST I E.34 Such teleological conceptions of progress constantly remind us of the intellectual's heavy debt to the philosopher of the Enlightenment as well as their later-and natural-conversion to the theories of Spencer and Comte. 33. In studying nineteenth-century historiography."" The task of disinterring what previous generations of historians have buried is not an easy one. There were some re34. Correspondencia. p. BRADFORD BURNS tion. Pedro Molina. He informed fellow historian L6pez. once the traditional elites returned to power in Buenos Aires in 1852. Ideologia y metodo. See particularly "Prospecto de la historia de Guatemala. La enseiianza de la historia en Guatemala desde 1832 hasta 1852 (Guatemala. pp." pp. 284.

3. 37. p. Tiradentes. the valid national reality. he attempted to psychoanalyze such prominent historical figures as Juan Manuel de Rosas and Jose Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia. and dominant themes in history. Jose Maria Ramos Mejia introduced into Argentine historiography some aspects of the positivist theorie's of psychology. Quesada. Mar. with its obvious link to Europe. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . In later works. In his Las neurosis de los hombres celebres en la historia argentina (published in two volumes. 1876. He presented his major thesis in 1889 in a short but brilliant essay. Capistrano de Abreu denounced his compatriots' propensity to ape European trends and lamented that.15 on Wed. He believed that the masses shaped history and that the' vast interior constituted the true Brazil. to examine the previously little-known interior. He pointed out the positive contributions of Rosas: national unity and stability and the reorganization of finances-achievements which the elites could only prize and the positivists praise.89. This content downloaded from 200. "O CaracterNacional e as Origens do Povo Brasileiro. the progress of Argentina in the last half of the century was possible only because of the firm national foundation Rosas laid. generals.67. and viceroys who had populated the histories of Brazil to that date-even refusing to treat the official national hero. The new insights Quesada brought to bear on the Rosas period initiated a long series of revisionist interpretations which continue until today. For the first time attention focused on the national heartland and the people who opened and settled it. Only when the coastal inhabitants turned their backs on the sea and penetrated the interior did they shed their European ways and become Brazilianized. According to Quesada. the single most important statement on Brazilian history yet made. made the first systematic attempt to revise the historical view of the long and significant government of that gaucho leader. Ernesto Quesada of Argentina also contributed to a renovation of historical studies. whom he considered more the creation of the elites than representative of the Brazilian people-he concentrated on the contributions of the masses. In his controversial La e'poca de Rosas (1898). in its imitation of the Old World. 1878 and 1888)."0 Globo (Rio de Janeiro). who had interviewed Juan Manuel de Rosas in England. Brazilian culture did not represent the conscious expression of the people. La locura en la historic (1895).IDEOLOGY IN 19TH-CENTURY LATIN AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 427 markable historians whose sharp insights command attention. Os Caminhos Antigos e o Povoamento do Brasil. Neglecting the archbishops.9. insightful periodization of the past.37 He revolutionized historical studies in Brazil by turning attention from the coastal band.

428 HAHR j AUGUST I E. the historians omitted the majority of the populations from their pages. Fascinating as were Capistrano de Abreu. which they equated with Europeanization. BRADFORD BURNS Las multitudes argentinas (1899). it was generally to deplore' them as backward and often to advocate' immigration to either civilize or replace This content downloaded from 200. A basic ideological conformity characterized these historians during much of the century. and more' complex manifestations of nationalism prompted shifts in historical perspectives. An examination of the biographies and writings of this representative group of nineteenth-centuiy Latin American historians suggests some tentative conclusions. These penetrating and controversial analyses were significant contributions to nineteenth-century historiography. The studies of collective psychology were unique contributions which viewed the great man as the instrument of larger segments of the population. and Rosas y su tiempo (1907).15 on Wed. a growing middle class. European concerns with scientific history and greater objectivity echoed in the Western Hemisphere and initiated a questioning of documents and accepted interpretations.67.89. Rosas emerged from Ramos Mejla's studies as both the product of Argentine society in the first half of the' century and the personification of that period. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . quite a contrast with the usual conclusions of the period. Nonetheless. Probably their most important ideological commitment was to progress. and Ramos Mejla (as well as others who augment the' ranks of the innovators). They accepted the national institutional structures and approved the activities of the elites from among whom they selected representatives for their biographies. associations. They intrigue us because they stand out as precursors of twentieth-century concerns and thus more in harmony with later historians than with their own contemporaries. the physician-historian turned his attention from individuals to attempt a psychoanalysis of the Argentine masses. By ignoring those aspects and sectors of their society which resisted the European siren. When they did notice the masses in their accounts. to dwell on those innovators is to select the exceptions and thus to distort the major content and the characteristics of nineteenth-century Latin American historiography. and aspirations. Further. it must be reemphasized that they we're not typical of the historiography of their century. as well as their historical concerns and sources. The historians more often than not expressed elitist views because of their own background. larger urban populations. Quesada. It is no coincidence that their contributions emerge in the last decades of the century.

The values and goals of that ideology served the elites well as one effective means to coerce larger and larger segments of the population into accepting the institutional structures and social systems of Latin America in the past century. Sarmiento's Civilizacion y barbaric. progress. Besides stunting the historians' own intellectual growth. a justification which helped legitimize both and contributed to their continuity. not to mention the national institutions themselves. albeit one complementary to the interests of the elites. Few were perceptive or critical enough to realize that the Europeanization they approved contributed to their nations' dependency. they successfully shrouded national histories with a sacred mystique which has inhibited broader historical investigations and even ridiculed the posing of some fundamental historical questions which might cast doubt on the efficacy of modernization. Indeed. European approved or inspired themes-the' romantics' search for the noble Indian.67. and historical uniqueness of Latin America. The implication remains that what is foreign is This content downloaded from 200. The historians contributed mightily to the creation of a sense and feeling of nationality. racial. By masochistically insisting on judging themselves by the experiences and conditions of others.IDEOLOGY IN 19TH-CENTURY LATIN AMERICAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 429 them. development. even though those structures and systems were more detrimental than beneficial to an overwhelming majority of the population. the Spencerian attraction to social evolution. The historians inevitably compared their own nations to northern Europe and the United States. the implications which might be drawn from this narrow historiographical base deserve attention.89. Few appreciated the geographical. is still dutifully read by Argentine schoolchildren. Most thought-provoking is the realization that the consistency and frequency of the themes emphasized by the majority of the nineteenth-century historians created an ideology of class. nineteenth-century historians set patterns and emphasized preferences which to an astonishing degree still pervade twentiethcentury historiography. they separated their own societies from their context and not surprisingly found them wanting. While these conclusions may hold few surprises. a paean to Europe and a denigration of Argentina. That ideology rationalized the institutions and the elites who controlled them. the overdose of intellectual derivation condemned Latin America psychologically to an inferior position. or the positivist concern with political order and material progress-attracted them. Their heavy reliance on European historical thought and methodologies blurred their vision of their own national past. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .15 on Wed. In doing so.

as a bridge for the ideas of nineteenth-century historiography to cross into the present.38 Ribeiro did much the same making only sixteen references in a volume of 423 pages.89. continued to be used by Argentine teachers. 1889-1890). Even though written a half-century after Rocha Pombo and Ribeiro. Vicente Fidel Lopez' Compendiode historiaargentina. 1961). Hist6ria do Brasil. it devoted only 21 out of 671 pages to the African background of Brazil and the blacks' experience in Brazil. at least through the 1930s. both hardly mention the blacks even though they constituted a majority of the population for centuries and made monumental contributions to Brazil. In a text of 493 pages. The cult of the' national hero continues to be well tended by the high priests of Clio in the twentieth century. two Brazilian historians. For that matter. Early in the twentieth century. (Rio de Janeiro. and conversely traditional folk cultures were detrimental. 17th ed. BRADFORD BURNS superior to what is indigenous. Jose Francisco da Rocha Pombo. most of which concerned the slave trade and the abolition movement. 1960). Helio Vianna. Both texts have gone through repeated reprints until the present day and have been read by generations of secondary school students. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 40. 1961). and it is tempting to broaden that observation to conclude that the' great man theory of history persists. Jos6eFrancisco da Rocha Pombo and Jodo Ribeiro. Jodo Ribeiro. This indoctrination handed down by the nineteenth-century historians is so effective that few will concede' that the modernization which took place in Latin America actually deepened dependency and low38. Hist6riado Brasil (Sdo Paulo.39 A Brazilian history text published in 1961 by Helio Vianna and widely used in university courses altered not one whit the emphasis of Rocha Pombo and Ribeiro. with its emphasis on Europeanization and the political activities of the elites of Buenos Aires.40 Serving as a sobering example of historiographical continuity.430 HAHR I AUGUST I E. 39. Hist6ria do Brasil. For example.adaptadoa la enseianza de los colegios nacionales (published in two volumes.67. This content downloaded from 200. In viewing nineteenth-century Latin America. Rocha Pombo spoke directly of them on only seventeen. wrote popular histories of their country synthesizing much of the material written in the last half of the nineteenth century. 10th ed.15 on Wed. (Sdo Paulo. historians as a group still seem to subscribe to the fundamental tenet of the historiography of that century: modernization and consequently Europeanization were desirable. The texts offer a view of Brazil restricted by a class perspective of the last century. the Vianna text still emphasizes the slave trade and abolition to the exclusion of myriad other black themes.

Accepting the conclusion that folk cultures were backward. Our perception of Latin American history deepens to the extent we understand the exclusivity characterizing this historiography.67. significant historiographical innovations have occurred in the twentieth century. Yet. Of course. historians therefore do not question whether they might have provided the majority with a more satisfactory life'-style.89. The fact that historians devote more study to immigration than to folk cultures seems to reflect further the essentially European approach to history. 5 Nov 2014 06:10:43 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . and its pervasiveness attests in some measure to the skill and impact of the nineteenth-century Latin Ame'rican historians. The ideology of the nineteenth-century continues. the shadow of nineteenth-century Latin American historiography hangs heavily over the the present. parallel to that continuity.15 on Wed.DEOLOGY IN 19rH-CENTURY LATIN AMERICAN HISTOIOGIRAPHY 431 ered the quality of life of the majority. This content downloaded from 200.