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Centre for European and International Studies

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Bulgaria Office

in EUs Common Foreign
and Security Policy
after 2014
New Instruments,
More Opportunities?

Sofia, 2014

Bulgaria in EUs Common Foreign

and Security Policy after 2014
New Instruments, More Opportunities?


The opinions expressed in this publication are the autorss and do not
necessarily reflect the position of Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Using any of
the publication of Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung for commercial purposes is
forbidden, unless the foundation has granted written consent.

Published by
@ Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung
@ Centre for European and International Studies

Summary and Translation:

Miroslava Gateva and Teodor Slavev

Kalina Panayotova

President of
Centre for European
and International Studies

Bulgaria in EUs Common Foreign and Security Policy after 2014 New Instruments, More Opportunities? was the fifth research project that the Centre for
European and International Studies (CEIS) undertook together with the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Office Bulgaria.
Among a lot of promising young specialists in the field of international relations,
international economics, history and political science the participants of the project have been selected.
The young researchers did their best in searching information, in analyzing
events and in giving ideas to the institutions of the EU and Bulgaria.
Here some of the most important findings and conclusions of this newest group
of promising young researchers are presented.

Printed by:
Tzerh 2 OOD

New Perspectives for Bulgaria in the European Neighbourhood Policy

Asya Ilieva, Aleksandra Atanasova, Lilia Chausheva, Stella Konakchieva,
Teodora Krumova, Teodor Kalpakchiev
The enlargement of the European Union (EU) has created new neighbors and has moved
the Union to new regions. The geographic expansion, however, reveals not only new
opportunities, but also serious challenges. In a response was formulated the European
Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in 2004 and its two regional dimensions The Eastern
Partnership (EaP) and the Partnership with the Southern Mediterranean neighbors.
The main purpose of the ENP is to prevent new dividing lines and to promote stability
and prosperity both inside and outside the Union. Key features of the new ENP are
the political association and the economic integration, the mobility of people, more
financial assistance from the EU, a stronger partnership with the civil society and a better
cooperation in specific policy areas.
The ENP is important for Bulgaria. Within its context and framework, the foreign policy
priorities of our country acquire new dimensions arising from our responsibilities for
the implementation of the Community policy on the EUs neighborhood, as well as from
the function of Bulgaria as an external border of the Union. Bulgaria could also play
an active role in the implementation of the ENP, with regard to the geographical, the
religious and the cultural proximity to some of the border countries of the EU, the deep
historical ties with them, and the existence of compact Bulgarian ethnic minority in these
Within this European initiative, our country is represented not only by state institutions
but also by the private sector, NGOs and academia.
The Eastern Partnership is an initiative for a political and economic cohesion with six
former Soviet republics - Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine,
which is based on mutual interest and shared values. It provides a framework for a longterm cooperation and a commitment from the EU. The multilateral dimension of the
EaP is based on four thematic platforms: democracy, good governance and stability;
economic integration and convergence with EU policies; energy security and contacts
between people.
In recent years, the progress regarding the process of democratization in these countries
is insufficient and inconsistent, and they are facing serious challenges in the field of
democracy and the rule of law.It is not achieved sufficient progress in key areas such as
freedom of association, freedom of expression and media, the rule of law, an independent
judiciary system and the fight against corruption. The transition to democracy in the former
Soviet Union countries faces a number of difficulties associated with the establishment of

the legitimacy of the central executive power, the respect for fundamental human rights
and civil freedoms, as well as addressing the numerous ethnic and religious conflicts.
All these features highlight the problematic range of issues on the path of transition to
democracy and are a serious challenge to the regional security.
Bulgaria is one of the most geographically neighboring countries in the region, which
predisposes important political and economic ties with these countries. Our country is
one of the most active supporters of their accession to the European and Euro -Atlantic
structures. A key foreign policy priority with a value added is the participation in the
definition and implementation of the instrument of the EU The Eastern Partnership.
However, the stability of the region is particularly important both for the security regarding
our capacity as an EU external border and for the energy security and diversification of
energy sources of our country. In recent years, the energy security has become one of the
most important and leading issues on the international agenda.
The Bulgarian presidency of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), into force
from 1st of January 2014, is a great opportunity for pursuing a policy of strengthening the
stability and security in the region. BSEC is one of the main pillars and priorities of the
Bulgarian foreign policy to promote regional cooperation.
The economic development is another strategic priority of the EaP . In terms of the
foundation and enlargement of the EU, the economic dimensions of EaP are the basis on
which can be achieved the political success of this ambitious initiative. It was achieved
substantial progress on the Association Agreements, including establishing of deep and
comprehensive free trade areas.
Bulgaria could play a significant role within the EaP, providing valuable experience of
the Eastern Bloc countries, as a country made a transition to a market economy and
democratic reforms. In addition, own national priorities could be achieved in terms of
the Partnership, if the relevant economic areas are taken into account, which could be
compounded basis between Bulgaria and the countries of EaP.
The education as a priority of the EaP can be placed in a wider context. It is part of
the strategy for internationalization of the education, which is a target for the EU . The
different aspects of education, including cooperation between schools, student and
academic mobility is a prerequisite for the development of cultural dialogue that is based
not only for mutual knowledge and understanding, but also opens new prospects for
economic cooperation.
One of the key prerequisites for intensifying the contacts between people and raising the
level of mobility, including labor mobility is the liberalization of the visa regime.
The other aspect of the ENP is the so called Southern Dimension, covering the

Southern Mediterranean Neighbors, namely: Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon,

Libya, Morocco, Palestine, Syria and Tunisia. In 2011, the street protests in the southern
neighbors and the subsequent transformations undoubtedly changed the situation in the
region, making it necessary to review the political agenda of the ENP. In response to the
Arab Spring in 2011, the European Commission (EC) presented a Communication on
Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean
, whose main objectives are to provide targeted support for democratic transition and
the process of institutional strengthening; close partnership with the local people and
support civil society and promote growth and economic development.
In her capacity as a member of the EU, Bulgaria is now facing the task to join fully in the
formulation of the ENP in relation to its south dimension.The democratic processes in
much of the Middle East and North Africa countries, albeit in a different context, are
similar to the experience of Central and Eastern Europe in the late XX century. Bulgaria
could be and already established itself as a valuable partner providing expertise and good
practices in the processes of democratization and development of civil structures, free
and fair elections.
The region of the Southern Mediterranean is a dramatically new challenge for the
European security. Over the past two year very important changes occurred in the Middle
East region that have a direct impact on the national security of our country as a full
member of the EU, as well as on that of the Union itself. The processes of transformation
and transition in these societies after the Arab Spring have effects extending beyond to
those directly affected. In particular the illegal emigration and the flow of refugees
crossing the EU borders, is only part of these effects and processes.

the opportunity for business activities and investments in the EU Southern Neighbors.
The education is one of the tools of the Southern Neighborhood Region that should be
involved more effectively in the common European values. Not surprisingly, much of the
EUs efforts are geared towards support for the modernization of higher education in the
Mediterranean countries.
In conclusion, it should be underlined that is difficult to give an unambiguous assessment
of the European Neighborhood Policy. Rather, it can be summarized that in parallel with
encouraging results that are achieved in various policy areas, still is reported uneven
Among the open questions for the future and prospects of the ENP is what should be the
complete formula for participation in this policy in order to be justified the aim for which
it was founded at the very beginning formation a circle of friends who share the
democratic values of the Union. Possible steps in this direction are a clear commitment
to support countries with faster economic growth and a differentiated approach to the
partner countries. Above all, it is necessary a clear strategic vision for the future of ENP.
As a member of the EU and NATO, Bulgaria has the opportunity to play an important
role in the process of European integration of the neighboring countries. Highlights of the
foreign policy of our country in this aspect should be widening the scope of cooperation
and strengthening regional security and stability, with view of the national interest.

The Arab Spring and the events in the region occurred in 2011 further strengthened the
need for a coherent and comprehensive EU policy on the migration. Furthermore, with
the intensification of the migration processes increases the possibility of penetration of
radical movements, international terrorist networks and organized crime.
The economic and financial partnership with the Southern Neighbors of the Union and
building a free trade zone are formulated as goals within the Barcelona process which
preceding the ENP. EU provides various tools and funding opportunities, including
European Neighborhood and Partnership loans from the European Investment Bank and
the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development etc.
In interest of Bulgaria is the maintenance and expansion of traditional good relations
with the countries of the Southern Mediterranean. Bulgaria is interested in concluding
Free Trade Agreements between the EU and countries of the region, as well as in a
comprehensive legislative and regulatory convergence of the countries with the Union.
The free trade with these countries would allow Bulgaria to increase trade exchange with
them on the one hand; on the other, the closer legislation and regulations would facilitate

New horizons for the Bulgarian and the European Foreign Policy relations with BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa)

and the impunity, and delays in the development of the democratic processes is often a
subject of criticism by the Union.

Plamen Vladimirov, Antoaneta Bozhikova, Galina Zrdavkova, Darina Pavlova,

Dafinka Prokopova, Roumen Tsvetkov

The relations between the EU and Russia concerning the post-Soviet space are also a source
of tension. Undoubtedly, they share a common interest the region of their neighborhood
to be stable and prosperous. Moscow does not believe the EUs attempts to build stronger
ties with countries such as Ukraine and Azerbaijan, while the EU vehemently rejects the
idea that Russia to have privileged interests in the region.

BRICS is an acronym for association, informal group of five major economies (Brazil,
Russia, India, China, South Africa), which gained its current form in 2010 with the
inclusion of South Africa. The group is characterized by the inclusion of all developing and
newly industrialized countries distinguished by a dynamic pace of economic development
and significant influence on global and regional affairs in recent years. BRICS countries
present about 15% of world GDP, occupy about 25% of the worlds territory and about
40% of the Earth population.
The growing influence of BRICS countries in the world politics, together with the desire
of the European Union (EU) to play a significant role in the emerging multipolar world,
predispose the development of a deeper cooperation EU BRICS. It is noteworthy that
the EU applies an unique approach to the BRICS countries. The Union relies on the
development of bilateral relations with the five economies. This is due both to the fact
that BRICS is an informal group of countries (not an organization) and the EUs drive
to use the existing contradictions between BRICS countries for its advantage. This is the
approach that the EU will prefer in the near future.
The relations between the European Union and the Russian Federation are developing
under a well-established institutional architecture that allows both powers to discuss
practically most of the current global issues at different levels. The cooperation is
enhanced by sectoral dialogues (including areas such as energy, transport, industrial
policy, information society, environment, freedom, security and justice, external security,
research and education.
Although the relationship based on flourishing trade, energy and investment is mutually
beneficial for both powers, it is often a source of tension. Part of the problem is the failure
of the Energy Dialogue EU - Russia and the lack of concrete results in the field. One of
the main objectives of the Energy Dialogue - ratification of the Energy Charter Treaty by
Russia, has not yet been achieved. Russia refused to ratify the Charter because of provisions
that would give third countries improved access to Russias energy infrastructure. There
are contradictions in the energy sector which are related to the desire of the EU and
Russia to reduce their interdependence in this area - the EU through diversification of its
sources of energy, and Russia by increasing the energy exports to Asia.
Another area the democracy, human rights and the rule of law, is also an emerging
problem for the bilateral relations. The lack of decisive measures to curb the corruption

Some of the problems are caused by the use of certain Russian maneuvers in the diplomatic
sphere. In its relations with Europe in recent years, Russia has committed more in bilateral
relations with Member States than with the Union as a whole. The Federation tries to
circumvent the European Commission as build a special relationship with some of the
major European countries, especially Germany, France and Italy.
The strategic partnership between the EU and Russia is extremely important because of
the scale of their mutual economic interdependence and of the intensity of the political
competition in the region of the common neighborhood. The European Union is the
largest trading partner of Russia; both in terms of exports and imports, and the good
relations with the EU remain essential for the economic development of Russia. Likewise,
Russia is important for the EU as it is the third most important trading partner of
the Union after the United States and China. More than half of the Russias trade and
two-thirds of the total foreign investment in the Russian economy are due to the EU.
Europe is the largest importer of Russian energy resources, and Russia firmly held the
position of largest supplier of natural gas, and the second most important supplier of
crude oil and petroleum products to the EU. Parallel to this, the list of the regional and
common problems that could be influenced by the constructive cooperation between the
EU and Russia is almost endless.
The EU has been developing active relations with China in recent decades. This
cooperation gained a strategic importance in 2003 with the signing of the Agreement
for Strategic Partnership. The relations cover a wide range of areas and fields - politics,
economics, finance, energy and more.
To achieve its objectives China is following three main lines of action and behavior towards
the EU. The first line uses the disparity between the controlled markets by the Union and
those of the Member States. The second refers to the fact that China takes advantage of
the separation between the Member States and the lack of a common European policy
towards China. The Peoples Republic skillfully uses it in order to oppose to one another
the European countries. Thirdly, China rarely relies on the joint EU-China forums to seek
a solution to the problems and outstanding issues in the relations with Europe. As in the
case of Russia, China prefers to bet on its bilateral relations with the EU Member States.

Between the EU and China, however, there is a rivalry in a geopolitical context. This
is evident especially in Africa. Although the EU remains a major foreign presence on
the continent, its influence is reduced compared with that of China. Chinese trade with
Africa has grown by about 33%, while the EU trade 6% per year.
Relations between India and the EU date back to the early 60s of the last century.
India was among the first countries to establish relations with the European Economic
Community. In 1994 it signed a Cooperation Agreement and the first meeting of the
EU-India Summit was held in 2000 in Lisbon. During the fifth meeting of the India-EU
summit in Hague in 2004, the relations turn to a strategic partnership. Both sides accept
a Joint Action Plan in 2005 (updated in 2008), in which besides trade and economy, are
also cited a number of issues related to the security sector, energy, migration, cultural
relations, human rights, etc. Particularly good results are achieved in the scientific and
technical sphere and the academic exchange.
To current days, otherwise, it seems that the EU and India are far from reaching a close
partnership. Although the EU is Indias largest trading partner, China has six times more
intensive trade with the EU while India is taken ninth place. EU does not develop a
very active policy in Central and South Asia, where the U.S., China and Russia have a
permanent presence. India and the EU could face interest in the energy sector, especially
in terms of future energy projects in Central Asia. Serious disagreement exists in the
World Trade Organization. After the round of negotiations in Doha in 2001, and after
several international conferences, disagreements remain in the field of agriculture
where India along with many countries in the developing world, stand firmly against the
common agricultural policy and the system of subsidizing farmers in Europe. Moreover,
there are significant differences on a number of issues related to United Nations reforms
and the desire of India to get a permanent seat in the Security Council. Unresolved issues
are also those related to the consequences from the climate change, as India is concerned
that behind the environmental initiatives of the West, it tries to reduce the rate of the
rapid economic growth of the country.
From a pessimistic point of view, at this stage the EU and India have different foreign
policy interests on the global stage and there is a risk the dialogue on these differences to
sink into the swamp of bureaucracy. As for South and Central Asia, the EU presence is
more than modest, especially after the expected official end of the mission in Afghanistan
in 2014.

EU and Brazil actively develop economic relations. Brazil is the eighth largest trade
partner of EU, accounting for about 2.2% of the foreign trade turnover of the EU ( 2012).
The majority of the European exports to Brazil are industrial products machinery,
transport equipment, chemicals. As for imports - EU imports mainly agricultural
products (Brazil is the largest importer of such products in the EU). The EU is the largest
trading partner of Brazil, accounts for less than 20 % of the total foreign trade of Brazil.
The EU is the biggest foreign investor in the country.
There are other organizations through which the EU and Brazil develop their diplomatic,
economic and trade cooperation. Such an organization is the so called Mercosur
(included five South American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay, and
In recent years, Brazil have attempted to maneuver on the international markets, as the
trade relations, on which the country relies mainly switch to Asian and South American
markets. There is an impression that Brazil prefers more the diplomatic and political
relations with the EU, rather than the economic ones. That does not mean that Brazil
discourage the trade relations with the EU. However is difficult to negotiate when leading
are the policy of protectionism, on the one hand and intense economic policy on the
South Africa is one of the countries that are strategic partners of the EU, considering its
regional political and economic power in South Africa, its role in pan-African regional
integration and construction of regional economic allies ; the role played within informal
formation of countries like BRICS and IBSA (India, Brazil and South Africa ) as well as its
role as a mediator of conflicts on the African continent. The last decade reveals that South
Africa and the EU share common values such as democracy, human rights, rule of law,
good governance, tolerance, equality, promoting sustainable development and others.
A main feature of Africa is the rivalry between Chinese, Russian, American and European
interests, which faces the strategic partnership in front of a number of challenges. The
revival of the Russian influence, the cooperation between the two countries within the
BRICS and the intensive entry of Chinese capitals in Africa, and particularly in RSA
are sufficiently convincing examples of the need for a coherent, systematic and flexible
European policy towards the region.

India and the EU have an interest in limiting the economic and political influence of
China in the long term . India will not overcome the suspicions to the United States, while
the latter supported Pakistan, thats why the EU can rely on India in the realization of
certain foreign policy initiatives, such as containment of military intervention in Syria. In
security, economic and scientific- technical field, India and the EU have already proven
that they can derive real benefits from their cooperation.



New Dimensions of the Transatlantic Partnership

Anastas Stefanov, Boryana Genova, Taniyo Vasilev, Nikola Mitov, Dimityr Kirkov,
Violina Kehayova
The Transatlantic Partnership, in a broader sense, is a complex network of interrelations
between different types of actors from Atlantic Oceans both shores. On this basis
the following interrelations classification may be presented: between national states
(USA-Germany), between a national state and a union of states (Canada-EU), between
different state unions (EU-NAFTA), etc. In addition there is no consensus if the
Transatlantic Partnership should only include the continents of North America and
Europe but Latin America and Africa.
The current paper envisages the Transatlantic Partnership in a narrow context through the
interrelations between USA and EU as they are the two most important actors, together
forming 49% of the world GDP and 31% of world trade. 1 The cooperation between these
two actors dates back for more than six decades and covers various fields political,
geopolitical, military, socio-economic and cultural. All these spheres are analyzed, aiming
the identification of their new dimensions and their meaning for the future interrelations
between USA and EU. The paper also deals with the Bulgaria positioning and perspective
in these five fields of Transatlantic Partnership.
22 of EU member states are also members of NATO which makes the latter a sphere of
political partnership between EU and USA. The future of NATO will be one of the crucial
in the agenda of USA-EU in the next few years.
The authors stipulate that the American disregard to multilateralism will trouble a
consensus with EU on the global warming and climate change. However this, along with
an American foreign policy of military interventions only of necessity, create prerequisites
behind EU for fostering its political role on global scale, but only if EU acts as unitary
actor and overcomes its structural weaknesses. The strategic relations between US
(NATO) and Russia as well as the emerging powers form Latin America are also analyzed.
Brasilia is seen as a key transatlantic partner for the USA and Europe. Brasilia has to
be recognized as a competent partner in the fights against global challenges. A better
cooperation with Brasilia has to be done in three stages: institutionalization of the current
dialogue for better addressing of global demands, support for the development of a global
energy policy of Brasilia as well as encouraging Brasilia to take more responsibility within
international institutions.
Countries from North Africa are factor influencing transatlantic relations. An interesting
partner for USA and EU may be the Kingdom of Morocco. The partnership with
1. See Hellmann (2001), p. 2


Morocco is amongst the oldest international relations of USA. It attains geopolitical and
geo-economic dimensions not only because of the bilateral relations but because of the
strategic nearness of Morocco (between the Mediterranean, Africa and Atlantic Ocean)
to regions that Washington holds significant economic interest on. EU is a leading partner
of Morocco. The access of the country to European markets and investments will continue
to be main engine to its economic development. Bulgaria should foster its cooperation
with Asia, Latina America and North Africa as part of its transatlantic relations. In regard
to China, Bulgaria should extend economic cooperation and bilateral trade as a priority
has to be investments and strategic business partners attraction. In its bilateral relations
with Morocco Bulgaria should seek more progress in security, information technologies,
agriculture, export of resources (wood, iron, cast iron and steel) and tourism. In contacts
with Brasilia Bulgaria has to focus on dialogue connected with the development of bio
fuels and fight against climate change and global warming.
Undoubtedly, one of the brightest symbols of Transatlantic Partnership is the cooperation
between USA and European countries on security issues within the framework of
military-political union NATO. Both the last Strategic Concept of NATO (2010) and
European Security Strategy (2003) identify identical security threats: terrorism spread of
weapons of mass destruction (WMD), regional conflicts and cyber-crime. The following
new dimensions in Transatlantic Partnership may be outlined: (1) cooperation in
post conflict regulation of crises; (2) Cooperation between NATO and EU in building
defensive capabilities; (3) Cooperation in coping with terrorism; WMD, cyber-crime. As
a member state of NATO and EU, Bulgaria works actively for the development of strategic
partnership between the two organizations. At all forums Bulgaria stands the position for
mutual addition and avoidance of overlapping of efforts and resources.
Economic cooperation is a leading aspect in Transatlantic Partnership. It has its roots in
colonialism poque however thorough XX century it takes new dimensions which direct
this multilevel collaboration to entirely new stages.
Transatlantic Free Trade Area (TAFTA) or Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership
(TTIP) are planned zones for free trade between USA and EU, the two biggest economies
in the world. It will be of best results if USA and EU concentrate on sectors where there
are shared transatlantic goals: pharmaceutical products, agricultural goods and financial
services. Direct economic gains for Bulgarian in transatlantic space are easy to describe
and discuss but hard to measure. Bulgarian factors will become more attractive for direct
foreign investments and will be more competitive. IT industry will be affected by the
software need and telecommunication changes. Tourism will benefit by the increased
security and perfected road infrastructure.
In the light of common civic and political past of EU countries and democracies in
North America, their concurrent values and interests in humanitarian filed, the cultural
cooperation should have present an exemplary model for fluent and stable progress. In


comparison to other aspects of Transatlantic Partnership indeed the cultural cooperation

is maybe the most fluent and non-conflict but still it is not ideal. First of all, in the last of
its enlargements EU from a union of historical democracies becomes a conglomerate of
states that differ drastically. Another source of inner barriers before developing a common
strategy for cultural cooperation with third countries is the cultural discrepancies between
some countries within EU. The active scientific and educational dialogue between USA
and EU member states gives broad perspectives for development of a common European
strategy for cooperation.
In conclusion, the Transatlantic Partnership is without alternative in terms of the global
tendencies, but they are the greatest challenges in a more and more developing multipolar
system. One thing is sure the temps in this zone will be faster and more dynamic than
every other past period in history.

New Instruments and New Opportunities on How Bulgaria

Can Influence the European Foreign Policy
Ivan Nikov, Alexander Ivanov, Karolina Vladimirova, Sonya Jurukova,
Hristo Gospodinov, Ivan Gospodinov
The authors point out five instruments and opportunities for fostering Bulgarian role in EU.
The synergic potential of EU to generate better opportunities (political, economic and
others) for its member states does not automatically promise prosperity for any of them
separately. In the beginning of its eight year since the membership of Bulgaria in EU,
there is a de-enchanting of the optimistic adjustments that by accession to EU the
country will take the irreversible road to development.
1. Pre-accession Instruments
The European institutions are invoked to conduct active politics in regions and countries
with direct importance for EU position. Such appear to be the Western Balkans, Turkey
and the countries within the Eastern Partnership.
As part from the EU the main opportunity of Bulgaria to influence the Common Foreign
and Security Policy is through the decision-taking process. It is important for Bulgaria
to begin leading a more constructive policy within the Union and to distance from
reactionary actions from the past years. Implementation of these purposes may be bases
on the foreign policy experience, the principle positions on several international conflicts
that can be proposed as community.
One of the main directions of European Common Foreign Policy in which Bulgaria may
contribute significantly is the policy towards the Western Balkans. Bulgaria may support
the process of European integration of these countries by sharing its accession experience
which will be more useful for Western Balkan countries as we have similar political
culture and face similar problems. A good method would be the so called twining which
aims to exchange direct administrative and institutional experience. Bulgaria has to take
the necessary steps (within European institution) so that the enlargement process is not
removed by the EU agenda. Our country has the opportunities to become a regional
mediator and to amplify its international prestige. Along with the negotiation processes
we can defend the rights of Bulgarian minorities in the countries in the regions.
Another direction in the EU foreign policy with direct and important meaning for
Bulgaria is the relations with Turkey. Bulgaria has the chance to step on common
European values and to establish qualitatively new relations in partnership with Turkey
despite the historical past.



2. Bulgarian Presidency of the Organization for Black See Economic Cooperation

(BSEC) (1 January 30 June 2014)
Bulgaria has to affirm its position in a dynamically changing Union in which crescent
meaning acquire regional interests and more specifically the Black Sea Region. In
this regard, the presidency of BSEC may be used as an instrument for influence on ne
European Foreign Policy.
Black Sea Economic Partnership is a unique model of multilateral political and economic
initiatives for stimulating interrelationships and harmony between member states as
well as peace keeping, stability and prosperity through sustaining friendly and good
neighboring relations in Black Sea region.
Bulgaria has always played an essential role in actualizing BSECs agenda. The decisions
for adding the security dimension (in narrow sense) to the organizations portfolio is a
necessary and positive step.
Assuming the rotational presidency of BSEC by Bulgaria as for the period 1 January 30
June 2014 will bring for raising organizations authority and improving the perception for
Bulgaria as a partner of key importance in South-East Europe.

Initiatives have to be developed by institutions and not only by persons and political
figures which they are represented by. That is why it is important to build capacity to
develop activities, regardless of changing concrete persons.
The strategy should focus on building capacity of diplomatic agencies and Bulgarian
delegations abroad and in the country.
The listed initiatives have to include forums, engaging civil society and stimulating
civic participation in the debates on the issues, concerning EU foreign policy and its
interrelations with other countries.
4. Bulgarias Geographic Position as an Instrument to Influence EU Foreign Policy.
Bulgaria is geographically situated at a key crossroad between Europe and Asia, between
the Mediterranean and the Ural, between the Atlantic and Black Sea. This geographic
characteristic and the long-lasting historic memory of Bulgarian nation in the Balkans
and Europe is the necessary method for Bulgaria to be able to influence EU foreign policy
in a way that national and common interests are skillfully defended.
Basing on the said so far the following key initiatives are underlined for Bulgaria:

Global approach towards migration envisages several priority actions, including building
a platform for cooperation on the questions of migration in Black Sea region.

/1/ to effectively use its traditionally good relations with countries that may become key
partners for the EU;

Long-term objectives and consolidation of sector partnership can be achieved within

Black Sea Synergy a European level forum, different from BSEC, through providing
security, supporting development, facilitating projects of common interests (transport,
energy, environment, etc.) and finding new opportunities by coordinated actions in
regional framework.

/2/ to be a mediator for solving the important problems of EUs agenda;

3. The Bulgarian Foreign Policy Initiatives as an Instrument for Influencing EU

Foreign Policy
Bulgarian foreign policy should not be only and orientated towards active European
policy but to develop sustainable relations on regional and international level.
Such a perspective could be realized in long-term plan with elaborating of a foreign
policy strategy. Major challenge before establishing such a strategy however is namely its
formulating as an integral sustainable concept.
Foreign policy is a delicate topic for each country as well as for the EU. Because of this,
the formats that may be realized are more likely linked to meetings, discussions, debates,
round tables.


/3/ to model EUs policy in the Balkans as Bulgaria occupies central place on the Balkan
Peninsula; it may be an initiator of different regional forums (round tables, conferences,
meetings, etc.) for the countries fro, the Balkans and East Europe. Independently by
the status of countries in the region (EU member state, in preliminary negotiations
for membership or countries that are not members) Bulgaria may unite these states as
finding the common points between them and transforming them in a unified position
on regional policies.
/4/ to influence the pre-accession processes Bulgaria has to insist on a stricter keeping
of pre-accession chapters of EU and fulfilling all necessary criteria as the only reliable way
to achieve prosperity, stability and peace in the region.
/5/ to be an arbiter when it is necessary an example for this is the case with the name
of Macedonia. As a country close in cultural aspect, Bulgaria is a neighboring country
of Greece and Macedonia and share common historic fate. More active and purposeful
diplomatic actions are necessary for finding compromise decision in regard to the dispute
for the name, which in general hinders Macedonias European perspective. In this case,


Bulgaria has the advantages in its potential for a mediator role towards other countries.
5. Bulgaria as an Outer Border of the European Union
Huge migration waves, that conflicts in Middle East and North Africa aroused, along with
traditional migration routes, brought large masses of people from Africa and Asia towards
the European Union through Turkey by land as well as through the Mediterranean and
Black Sea (in Eastern part of Europe). However, this gives an opportunity for Bulgaria
to take central role in deliberating migration policy of EU and also to require assistance
from the EU.
The migration wave brings also other important for EU and Bulgaria issues that have
been up to now in the agenda. These are human trafficking and drugs trafficking as well as
infiltrating into continents territory of members of terrorist organizations. Bulgarias role
but not only will become bigger as Bulgaria is given the opportunity to lead a regional and
common European policy towards limiting the activities of already existing terroristic
cells, their suppressing and eliminating as well as preventing the invasion of new into
peninsulas territory.