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Thomas
Turino
82 : Thomas Turino
Part 1
Courtingin Canas
Among campesinosin Canas, charango performance is viewed as an essential activity for winning the heart of a chola (peasant girl). The instrument is central to a series of courting activities that take place throughout the year and that culminate in marriage or sirvinakuy(a socially sanctioned period of trial marriage). For this reason, the charango is not an
instrument for specialists. Rather, every young man develops some performance ability, which allows him to participate in the courting cycle.
The first stage of courting takes place at the weekly markets in the
larger villages in Canas. The young single men who live in the surrounding communities come to these markets by foot or on horseback and
usually play their charangos as they travel.
The young men who are actively involved in courting not only dress
themselves in their finest clothes, but they may also decorate their charangos elaborately (see photo 1). Both aspects outwardly signify the kind
of activity transpiring, as well as support it, since the desired intent is to
impress the young ladies. The musicians decorate their instruments with
ribbons and mirrors, and each has its own significance. Although not to
be taken literally, boastful Caneino youths state that each of the colored
ribbons hung from the instrument's peg head (and often they are abundant) represents a girl who has been conquered. Hence, numerous ribbons are a sign of machismo(manliness) and prowess in love. The mirrors,
also hung from the peg head, are said to represent eyes, which attract
the chola. In legends and festival dances throughout Cusco, mirrors are
supposed to have the special power to attract individuals by capturing
their images in the glass.3 A number of these young musicians confided
that they decorate their instruments precisely to attract girls' attention.
Furthermore, although not directly stated, the conspicuous decorations
may also be used as a demonstration of wealth meant to impress the
girls (One campesinoproudly volunteered the information that his charango cost 5,000 soles 1$12.50[ and that the ribbons and mirrors cost
nearly the same).
The young charanguistasat these markets stated consistently that they
carried their charangos to "sacar chicas" (to get girls or to attract girls).
They also indicated that one could not expect any real success with the
ladies unless one was playing the charango. It is often at the village
markets where a young man first makes his intentions known to the
girl(s) of his choice. Courting begins in a very subtle, nonverbal, but
persistent, manner. The young charanguista,having identified his heart's
desire, passes by her frequently, or hovers around her and strums his
Photo 1
Young CAMPESINOdressedfor courting, Descanso, Canas 1981
(Photo: Elisabeth Barnett Turino).
-'u,:i:-::-;-:
i::i:::=?:-:?i:::::?=-:Wi
Photo 2
CHARANGUISTAstrolling the marketin Descanso, Canas
(Photo: author).
86 : Thomas Turino
done in a variety of contexts and choreographic styles but that is clearly
related to the pre-Columbian dance.
The dance specifically termed punchay kashwa in Canas is a courting
dance done at public fiestas in the plazas or streets of a village. The
young men who participate always perform the musical accompaniment
for the dance on their charangos in unison in a strumming style as they
dance:
,\
J=
- 1':.
loo)
.'
The dance itself may take several choreographic forms, as the following
illustrations show. The basic dance step comprises two taps of one foot,
out to the side (while remaining stationary [1-2 in fig. 2]), a change over
step on the same foot (forward motion [3]), then two taps with the opposite foot (stationary [4-5], another change over step (forward motion
[6]), and then the cycle repeats. Note that the musical phrase of the
melody, which is six beats in duration, corresponds with the six-beat
dance cycle.
It is clear from the diagrams of the choreography (fig. 1) that the
young people participate as a group and that the male/female dichotomy
is emphasized. In figure la, the circular form of the dance is divided into distinct male and female semicircles. In figure lb the men are enveloped by the circle of dancing women, and thus once again the distinction between the male and female spheres is stressed in the choreography.
Although the kashwa is not a couples dance per se, the dancers identify
themselves as couples. This is evidenced in the feverish activity to secure
-c
04
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C4
(p)Q
.7C
4-Ql
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O C
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a/tO
88 : Thomas Turino
4-5
Q6
I-Z
Figure 2
(1-2)=
(3) =
(4-5)=
(6) =
1'J
(
J
--
beats
J 3J
Figure3
a "partner" in the weeks leading up to these events. I observed in the
market courting activities that intraction between the boys and girls was
subtle, indirect, and nonverbal, thus emphasizing the social separation of
males and females. In the market context, communication between the
two spheres takes place primarily through musical means, (i.e., charango
performance) as well as through gestures and glances. So too, in the punchay kashwa, the male and female spheres remain separate, as demon-
Hakuchu hakuchu
Qhaswarakamusun
Hakuchu Mamachay
Qhaswarakamusun
Subtle challenges are introduced into the invitations and are aimed at
the opposite sex (and usually at a specific partner):
boys
or
girls:
Mana sayaqtiyki
Noqa sayakusaq
Mana qhaswaqtiyki
Noqa qhaswakusaq
And the banter between the sexes intensifies as they wind into the performance:
90 : Thomas Turino
boys:)
girls:)
Hakuchu hakuchu
Puriramusiasun
Hakuchu hakuchu
Kay ura kallinta
Mana risaymanchu
Kay ura kallinta
Supay masiykipas
Selosakuwanman
go
I can't go
To this street below
A devil like you
Makes me suspicious (jealous)
Then the insults begin, and both one's partner and one's rivals in love
are fair game:
boys
or
girls:
Wasiyki qhepapi
kinsa loqlo runtu
Kinsantin inkayki
noqa contrakasqa
Pin manayachanchu
Khuchikasaqaykita
Pin manayachanchu
Khuchikasaqaykita
Who
That
Who
That
The wealth and ingenuity of these song texts and the way that they
are manipulated in performance deserve to be the topic of a separate article. Let it suffice to say here that jokes, jabs, insults, challenges (are
you going to dance well?/are you going to dance like a man?), as well as
praise for oneself (I am well-known throughout this region / all the cholas
like to look at me) are themes included in these songs and are a part of
the beginning of courtship and sexual play.
The song of the punchay kashwa is a particulary good example of how
one can sing things that one cannot say, or that are socially unacceptable
to say. I have implied above that during the early stages of courtship the
young people of Canas are bound, either by social norms or by shyness,
not to speak to each other. And yet in the performance of the punchay
kashwa song, they sing to, and at, each other with an absolute boldness,
because the situation is framed in a way that allows for this type of activity. Clearly, the dance, the music performance in general, and charango performance in particular are essential features for keying this
particular frame, which makes communication between the sexes, and
courtship, possible. At a more concrete level, the charango provides the
instrumental accompaniment for the dance and song. Furthermore, for a
This verse, sung during a punchay kashwa, is a very special type of invitation to dance. The reference to the kashwapata(place of the kashwa), and
dancing in the hills indicates that the singer is referring to the tuta kashwa
(night kashwa). Unlike the public punchay kashwa, the tuta kashwa is a
private young people's dance that takes place in a special place, the
kashwapata, in the hills near the community during the nights of April to
July. In many instances the tuta kashwa is the culmination of courting,
since it is in this context that the young couples often make love for the
first time, which leads to marriage or sirvinakuy(trial marriage). Hence,
the reference to the tuta kashwa sung in a verse during the punchay kashwa
is an invitation to the next and often last stage of the courting process
and has the implied reference to sexual activity.
I noted above that, during the village markets, the charanguistasplay
only the melody of the tuta kashwa during their initial courting activities.
J= oo
92 : Thomas Turino
larly provocative meaning, and it is for this reason that the young campesinos strum it continually as they stroll the marketplace.
According to Canefios, the cholos invite the cholas to the tuta kashwa by
standing near their houses in the evening and playing a llamada (call or
signal) on their charangos. Significantly, the tune of the tuta kashwa is
used as the signal. The melody of the tuta kashwa is also played as the
group, now assembled, walks to the traditional kashwapata.
Once the group arrives at the kashwapatathe dance begins. The step is
the same as that described for the punchay kashwa, as are the style of
vocal performance and the type of texts used. Note also that, as in the
song for the punchay kashwa, the complete melodic phrase of the tuta
kashwa is six beats long and corresponds with one cycle of the dance
step. In contrast with the punchay kashwa, however, here the women form
a circle while holding hands, and the charango-playing men dance around
the outside of the circle and tease and flirt with their "partners." Then,
as if wishing to elude the men, the circle of dancing females breaks into
a line, and they move off to another place to re-form the circle, and the
process begins again.6
As the party progresses, some of the couples may slip away into the
night to make love. Like the aggressive style of verbal love-making reflected in the kashwa texts, actual lovemaking (as it was described to me)
among campesinosis a rough and tumble affair in which the man is the
aggressor who battles to have his way with the girl.7 The rough nature
of campesinoromance is widely spoken of, and it is referred to in popular
sayings such as, "The more he hits me, the more he loves me."
After the couples rejoin the party, toward dawn, as the kashwa comes
to an end, a despedida(farewell) is sung, again accompanied by charango:
Hakuna hakuna ripukapusunchis
Tayta mamanchismewatukuwasunchis
Aman taytaymanwillaykunkichis
Aman mamaymanwillaykunkichis
Maypitaq waway nispa niqtinqa
Una kanchapinvelasian ninkin
Arariwan velasian ninki
Of'^
0/ 0^ro
^^
rma le -
____
dancers
female 0
Tancers
00
0On
Figure 4
94 : Thomas Turino
This text is particularly interesting. First, it gives us a clue into the
general societal attitudes regarding the tuta kashwa activity, society being
represented here by the parents. The chola's almost comically feeble explanation of where she has been all night indicates that there is a general, unspoken acceptance of that which is going on, although some type
of pretense may still be required. The song also marks, or keys, the end
of the tuta kashwa frame. From the text itself we can see that the song
serves as a transition out of the very special situation of the night dance
back to the mundane world of parents and chores. The tuta kashwa is a
special type of event that allows for certain types of behavior, including
sexual activity. It is the culmination of the courting process, which, as I
have tried to show here, has a definite structure that, like the tuta kashwa
itself, is socially sanctioned, since it leads to marriage or sirvinakuy.
It is fitting that music (the despedida)should key the end of the tuta
kashwa, since it was the performance of the tuta kashwa melody on charango that marked the beginning of the event, in the llamada, and keyed
the whole courting process in the first place during the village markets.
As a special type of structured activity, the courting events must somehow be framed, that is, set apart from everyday activity, and be identified publicly as the "courting frame," in which a specific set of rules
is in operation (see Abrahams 1977; Bauman 1977; Bateson 1972;
Goffman 1974; Turino 1982). Special clothing and charango decorations
are used to key the courting activity during the village markets and
fiestas. More importantly, however, through an indexical relationship
(consistent cultural association), charango playing, and specifically the
performance of the tuta kashwa melody, signal that the courting process is
indeed under way. Thus at all stages of the courting cycle, charango
performance plays a central role in establishing and maintaining the
special frame that makes the amorous activities possible.
I have already noted that charango playing also serves as an important
mode of non-verbal communication between the separate male and
female spheres. The charango performance of the tuta kashwa melody
during the markets, in the llamada, as well as during the dance itself
serves as an index that has as its referent courting and consummation.
That is, the performance of the tuta kashwa melody foreshadows the
culmination of the courting process by calling to mind the activities that
are associated with the night dance. Furthermore, since the sight of a
young campesinowith a charango in his hands is so strongly associated
with courting, the very act of carrying the instrument signals that the
boy has entered the sexual arena. In this case, the physical presence of
the charango serves as an index for courtship. So pervasive are the asso-
96 : Thomas Turino
Part 2
La Sirena
The wealth of legends and magical practices surrounding the charango
reflect the dominant cultural attitudes toward this instrument. Magical
rites are performed mainly to enhance the charango's power over women.
For example, the campesinosin Chumbivilcus (the province next to Canas)
cut off the head and tail of a snake and place them inside the sound box
of their charangos. They believe this heightens the instrument's power to
captivate or enchant women (E. Saldivar, Chumbivilcus, personal communication, 23 August 1981). In Acora, Puno, campesinostake a hair of
their lady love and twist it with a piece of their own hair, after which
they tie three knots in the twisted hair and place it in the sound box of
the charango. The campesinosbelieve that, if you then play the instrument at midnight, "it will make the girl cry out for the love of you" (J.
Catacora, Acora, Puno, personal communication, 4 February 1982). In
both of these cases, the charango is the physical medium through which
the magical power is created and operates.
The vast majority of magic performed and legends told regarding the
charango, however, involve the figure of the sirena (see sample in Appendix 1). Almost every town I visited has its own sirena living in a nearby
spring, river, lake, or waterfall. Typically, she was described as being a
beautiful woman with a fish tail, who is associated with music and seduction. The sirena is so important to string musicians that one man
noted: "Some people believe that sirenas are the source of all music and
that, if a certain town does not have a sirena, then there will be no music
in that town" (see Appendix 1, no. 4). This comment is particularly
curious, because the sirena is never associated with wind or percussion
instruments native to preconquest Peru, but rather, only with stringed
instruments of European or colonial origin (see Appendix 2 for historical
information on the Andean sirena).
The strict association of the sirena with stringed instruments appears to
be original for Latin America, from the colonial period, since there has
never been such a consistent association of strings with the European
mermaid, nor did stringed instruments exist in Peru before the Spanish
conquest. When the indigenous Peruvians first encountered stringed instruments, certain aspects must have seemed truly wondrous, such as the
instruments' power to sustain a sound for a relatively long time after being plucked or strummed. Other elements, such as the instruments' need
for constant tuning, must have posed certain problems. It is interesting
that in contemporary sirena stories and rites, musicians turn to the sirena
as a supernatural aid in tuning their instruments (see Appendix 1, nos.
98 : Thomas Turino
seduction and ruin, or some physical harm will befall him (see Appendix
1, nos. 3, 8, 9, 12, 14, 15). For example, Julio Catacora notes:
Once I went with a group of boys to the home of a sirenanear Acora to
perform a ceremony for a new charango. They put the charango, with
coca and alcohol near the spring, then we walked off some distance. We
were all drinking. It was about midnight with a full moon. My friends
began to say that they were hearing the sirenatuning the charango. I myself did not hear it. Then they all began shouting and screaming to cover
up the sirena'smusic, for if we had heard it we would all have gone mad.
(Appendix 1, no. 14)
Thus, although the sirena is viewed as a source of aid in musical activity during courtship, she herself is considered dangerous. In other instances, the sirena is actually associated with the devil (see Appendix 1,
nos. 5, 9). She is therefore an ambiguous figure who can vacillate between her positive and negative aspects, and a positive relationship can
be established with her only indirectly, through the medium of one's
charango.
Another means of partaking of the sirena's positive power, that is, the
power to attract with music, is the use of a "charango en sirena" (see
Appendix 3 for information about this charango variant). This is a type
of charango in which the instrument's sound box is constructed to resemble the mermaid's form, including a female head and a fish tail (see
photo 3). As Benavente notes (Appendix 1, no. 1), using the actual form
of the sirena for the instrument's sound box is believed to invest the instrument with a "supernatural voice, which is better for winning the
cholas."
In addition to the personification of the charango built in sirena form,
we may also interpret the constant use of the term voz (voice) to refer to
the instrument's sound as a type of personification. The term voz may
be significant in that the sirena is associated with singing, and interestingly enough, the term voz is used only in reference to stringed instruments (just as the sirena is associated only with strings) but never in relation to the sound of winds or percussion. Another identification of the
sound of the charango with the sirena is suggested by the fact that in certain regions of Cusco and Puno the E minor tuning is referred to as the
tuning of the sirena.9
The relationship between the charanguistaand the sirena, and the way
in which the musician partakes of the mermaid's power through the
medium of his charango is based on processes that S. J. Tambiah (1979:
356) has called "persuasive" or "evocative" analogy. Stated briefly,
Tambiah distinguishes between science and magic (ritual) in the types of
analogy used. In science, analogy is predictive and based on causal relationships and actual similarities between the entities compared. In magic
'B
l_ir
Charango Ritual
Sirena
has
Campesinowith charango
(gains)
Attract or seduce
Attract or seduce
Other means of establishing the relationship with the sirena and partaking of her powers through evocative analogy are found in the use of
the "charango en sirena." Unlike the typical case of homeopathic or imitative magic (Frazer 1944:12), which results in "the influencing [of]
certain objects by manipulating other objects which resemble them"
(Tambiah 1979:356), however, here the musician wishes to affect the
secondary entity (the charango) by imitating the visual image of the
primary entity (the sirena). Contrasting with voodoo practices, for example, in which a doll is created as an imitation of a person and then manipulated to affect the real person, the charango en sirena uses the imitation of a visual image to evoke an analogy that affects the charango
itself. Interestingly enough, in Southern Peru, a visual representation is
used to create an auditory similarity by means of the power of analogy.
Sirena
(looks like)
-Thus
Beautiful voicc
-(sounds
-Thus
Power to attract-
-Charango en sirena
itlike)
oBeautiful voice
it-
(acts like)
-Power to attract
Conclusion
In the previous discussion of the uses and functions of charango and the
societal attitudes regarding these, I noted that charango performance is
viewed positively in the courting context among young campesinos, and
negatively in regard to bohemioactivities. These attitudes are clearly reflected and reinforced in the sirena stories discussed above (and found in
Appendix 1). First, the sirena's role in the charango initiation ritual is
clearly positive and hence supports the societal attitudes in sanctioning
the use of charango for legitimate courting activities. In the story of the
"Saqra charango" (devil charango, Appendix 1, no. 3), the sirena's role
once again reflects cultural values in regard to charango use: she puts an
end to a bohemio'swicked ways by destroying his tool of seduction, the
charango. Note the inversion present here: in the charango rituals, the
sirena prepares the instrument for courting by putting it in perfect tune,
whereas, in the Saqra charango story, she ruins it by making it untunable.
In most cases, however, the sirena herself has an ambiguous identity,
which includes her potential for positive aid, her own beauty, and the
beauty of her music. At the same time, she is viewed as a dangerous
power, a force for destructive seduction, and sometimes she is associated
directly with evil. Finally, then, the dualistic nature of the sirena becomes
an analogy for the charango itself in its positive (courting) and negative
(bohemio)contexts of use.
The charango's potent power in courtship and amorous activities has
been explained in regard to the instrument's keying functions and indexical significance in these contexts. At another level, the charango is
vested with magical power through the process of evocative analogy with
the sirena. There is an interesting parallel in the musician's use of the
charango in his relationship with the sirena, and in his relationship with
the chola during courtship. The female world of the sirena remains separate from that of the musician, and the charango is the only safe
medium by which he can contact her. Likewise, in campesinocourtship
the charango (and the performance of music) is the only safe, nonverbal, nondirect, hence nonthreatening, bridge by which the campesino
can contact the chola. The separation of the male and female spheres is
apparent throughout the courting cycle, and is dramatized by the choreography of the punchay and tuta kashwas. In these dances, vocal performance is used by the sexes to communicate, and the music performed
My sirena, my sirena
My sirena, my sirena,
When I walk out in the night,
You make me afraid,
You are speaking to me,
When I walk out in the night,
You are speaking to me.
Tuta purikuqtiy
yana taparaku
tuta purikuqtiy
yana taparaku
mancharichiwankimantaq
supaypa retraton
mancharichiwankimantaq
supaypa retraton
hakuchopuriramusiasun
hakuchopasearamusiasun
Haqay lomaq qhepachantapanachay
Let us go walking,
Let us go strolling,
Behind that hill, sister.
Mancharichiwankimantaq
serenitay
mancharichiwankimantaq
serenitay
tuta purikuq taparakito
supaypa retraton
tuta purikuq taparakito
supaypa retraton
supaypa retraton
fearterrornight,
night,
as well as in the musical lore for several reasons. First, the Greco-Roman
image of the mermaid was obviously introduced into the Andes as an art
motif. Second, and more significant, the importance of the sirena both as
a motif in colonial art and in musical lore probably has a similar underlying syncretistic basis.
The well-known ancient European mermaid figure in the typical GrecoRoman form that she assumes in Andean art (see photo 4) has led
scholars to assume a purely European origin for this motif in the Andes
CAMCiOMES
fMVIICA
k
AVIPOJVA
CANCIONES Y
MUSICA
Canciones
populares Pingollo
Ba le de las
chacras
Cinca urco
queancalla
Pingollonapata
corro
Uiroy paccha
Ca;da de agua
Nombru de
lugares
Uaca punco
Puerta de Ia
Huaca
Canciones y musica.
Notes
1. It is a well-accepted fact that before the arrival of the Spanish, only
winds and percussion instruments were used by the indigenous people of
the Peruvian sierra. After the conquest, a variety of European stringed
instruments were diffused throughout the Andes, and the charango, the
only hybrid stringed instrument of the central Andean region, was born.
The charango was created as an imitation of the Spanish guitar, but its
small size and unique, high-pitched sound quality resulted from the
demands of the indigenous aesthetic that has favored high pitch from the
pre-Columbian period through the present and to considerations of easy
transport.
My research on the charango was conducted in southern Peru, June
1981 to May 1982. The fieldwork was supported by a fellowship from
the Inter-American Foundation, which I gratefully acknowledge.
2. The age of campesinosinvolved in courtship may range from fifteen
to the early twenties. The number participating on any given market
day may vary from about two to fifteen.
3. Another common version holds that, when one holds a mirror up to
someone's face, their reflection in the glass strikes them as handsome or
friendly, and they are thereby attracted to the mirror.
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