A defini cartea ca o continuare sau, mai degrab, completare a crii citite anterior, despre

care v-am povestit. Dac n cartea lui John Perkins aflm despre cum imperialismul american
elaboreaz scheme frauduloase de afaceri i finanri pentru a prinde rile n cursa lui, atunci
n cartea lui Jeremy Scahill aflm, practic, despre susinerea armat a acelor planuri, prin
proiecte de externalizare a forelor armate oficiale ctre companii private, a cror activitate
devine din ce n ce mai dubioas, dar i prosper i, ce e mai grav, beneficiar a impunitii i
a proteciei administraiei de stat.
Una dintre cele mai mari reprezentante ale acestor companii, Blackwater, i-a nceput
activitatea cu mari dificulti, prin 1998, ca o companie de instrucie n domeniul militar, n
Carolina de Nord. Dup evenimentele din 11 septembrie 2001, prestigiul, contractele i
profiturile acestei companii explodeaz i cresc exponenial cu fiece an. De asemenea, cresc
capacitile acesteia, domeniile de activitate, numrul de angajai i de ri n care acetia
sunt dislocai. Se consider c numrul lor atinge pn la 2700 de mercenari activi, dislocai n
cel puin nou ri ale lumii, i nc 21000 de soldai care ar putea fi apelai la necesitate. Cu
un asemenea efectiv, armata Blackwater ar putea rsturna guvernele multor ri.
Destul de epice sunt capitolele referitoare la Erik Prince, ntemeietorul i proprietarul
companiei, fanatic religios de dreapta (unii soldai Blackwater se numeau cavaleri ai Ordinului
de Malta i considerau c duc un rzboi sfnt cretin; destul de periculos pentru lumea
musulman unde erau dislocai); la Cofer Black, unul dintre personalitile de baz ale
companiei, fost agent CIA, cel care a avut meritul de al captura pe teroristul nr.1 din lume de
pn la ascensiunea lui bin Laden, Carlos acalul; la recrutarea comandourilor chiliene, ocazie
cu care acumulm ceva cunotine istorice despre Chile. Dar, n cea mai mare parte, cartea
vorbete despre operaiunile periculoase i inumane ale mercenarilor n Irak (n calitate de
ageni de securitate ai oficialilor). Cu toate acestea, nu sunt ignorate nici capitolele referitoare
la aciunile i incidentele din Afganistan, Iordania, chiar din SUA, unde soldaii privai chipurile
au dat o mn de ajutor la nlturarea consecinelor uraganului Catrina, ocazie cu care i-a
deschis o nou direcie de dezvoltare n acest sens.
Iat i cele cteva incursiuni n carte pe care le-am selectat:
Existena unei armate puternice din umbr permitea purtarea unui rzboi nepopular, dus de
soldai a cror moarte nu era contabilizat i nici raportat. A servit la pstrarea unei ciorne,
care putea face continuarea rzboiului nejustificabil din punct de vedere politic, neoficial. A
distrus, totodat, diplomaia internaional, pentru c administraianu avea nevoie s
construiasc o coaliie a voinei: a nchiriat o for de ocupaie. Erau angajai mercenari din
ri care nu aveau interes direct n rzboi sau ale cror guverne naionale se opuneau
rzboiului i erau folisii dretp carne de tun ieftin.
n limbajul de strad, ei sunt traficanii, iar guvernul este dependentul de droguri. Aceste
companii nu sunt simple mere stricate. Ele sunt fructele unui copac otrvitor.
Noua conducere civil de la Pentagon (se vorbete despre administraia Bush)a preluat
puterea avnd dou eluri importante: schimbarea regimului politic al unor state considerate
de importan strategic i punerea n aplicare a celei mai rapide operaiuni de privatizare i
externaizare din istoria armatei americane o adevrat revoluie a sistemului militar.
Aceast campanie a devenit de neoprit dup 11 septembrie.
Astzi, Blackwater numr peste 2300 de mercenari desfurai n nou ri, inclusiv n SUA.
Are o baz de date care conine 21000 de foti membri ai Forelor Speciale, soldai i ageni
guvernamentali n retragere su pensionai, pe care i poate convoca n regim de urgen.
Blackwater are propria flot alctuit din peste douzeci aparate de zbor, inclusiv elicoptere
de atac i o divizie de supraveghere antiradar. Sediul central din Moyock, Carolina de Nord, cu
o suprafa de aproape 30000 de metri ptrai, este cea mai mare baz militar privat.
Compania are propria divizie de spionaj, numrnd printre directori nume importante de foti
oficiali militari din domeniul informaiilor secrete.
Cu forele armate interne mpuinate pn la limit i un proiect abandonat din motive
politice, guvernul american ncearc din rsputeri s gseasc aliai ai rii dispui s participe

la operaiunile de ocupaie din rzboiul mondial mpotriva terorismului. Dac armatele

naionale ale altor state nu se vor altura coaliiei celor doritori, Blackwater i aliaii si au o
alt soluie: o internaionalizare alternativ a forei obinute prin recrutarea soldailor privai
din lumea ntreag. Chiar dac guvernele strine nu sunt interesate, soldaii strini muli
provenind din state care se opun rzboilui condus de SUA pot fi totui nrolai, n schimbul
unui anumit pre. Acest proces, afirm criticii, reprezint o subminare a nsi existenei
principiilor de suveranitate i autodeterminare ale statului naional. Folosirea tot mai
accentuat a contractorilor face ca rzboaiele s fie mai uor de strnit i de purtat; e nevoie
doar de bani, nu i de ceteni.
Despre primul lider socialist ales pe cale democratic i rsturnat de SUA, tii de ce?
calea chilian ctre socialism. Acesta a inclus naionalizarea industriilor, implementarea
sistemelor de sntate i nvmnt conduse de guvern, redistribuirea pmntului, campanii
mpotriva analfabetismului i programe prin care se oferea gratuit lapte copiilor.
i unele declaraii ale oficialilor americani despre regimul incomod:
Nici mcar o nuc sau un cui nu vor ajunge n Chile ct timp Allende e preedinte. Vom face
tot ce ne st n putere s condamnm statul i locuitorii lui la foamete i srcie.
Iar soldaii armatei generalului Pinochet, cel care l-a dat jos pe Allende, narmai cu dorina de
snge i teroare, au ajuns, ntr-un trziu, soldai privai ai Blackwater. Ceea ce ar trebui s fie
o ruine naional se transform ntr-un avantaj de pia datorit privatizrii rzboiului din
Irak.
Ageniile de informaii americane i armata au folosit companii aviatice private pentru a
trimite prizonieri n toat umea, n special n timpul rzboiului mpotriva terorismului al
administraiei Bush. Prin acest program clandestin, prizonierii sunt uneori dui n ri cu
probleme serioase de respectare a drepturilor omului, unde sunt interogai departe de orice
supraveghere sau procese care s-ar impune.
Programul de extrdare nu a fost nfiinat de administraia Bush, ci a luat fiin n timpul
administraiei Clinton, la mijlocul anilor 1990. CIA, cu aprobarea Casei Albe i a unei directive
prezideniale, a nceput s trimit suspeci de terorism n Egipt, unde, izolai de legile
americane i procesele corespunztoare, puteau fi interogai de ageni mukhabarat.
Se rpeau oameni din Afganistan, Pakistan i alte locuri fierbini i erau dui la nchisoarea
american de la Baza Guantanamo, Cuba majoritatea urmnd a fi reinui ani de zile fr a fi
acuzai, declarai inamici combatani i fr acces la vreun sistem juridic. Alii erau inui n
nchisori de iad din Afganistan i alte ri.
Blackwater are puterea i influena asupra administraiei care face s cread c poate fi o
for mai puternic dect NATO, de exemplu, ntr-un loc precum Darfur. Ceea ce nseamn c,
dintr-o dat, ai o companie care opereaz pe profit, plimbndu-se n jurul lumii, mai puternic
dect statele; poate induce schimbarea de regim, probabil, acolo unde vrea s mearg; se
pare c are tot sprijinul necesar din partea administraiei. Se ridic semne de ntrebare legate
de democraii, influen politic n lume, despre relaiile din unele ri. Cine determin de
fapt pacea i rzboiul n lume?
Cine determin de fapt pacea i rzboiul n lume?

Omul care a condus armata privat din

umbr a Americii se ntoarce acum
mpotriva guvernului de la Washington.
Cine este Erik Prinde, fondatorul
Blackwater?
24 nov 2013Autor: Mdlina Misil

Fondatorul programului militar american Blackwater, Erik Prince, cunoscut drept creatorul armatei din
umbr a SUA, critic guvernul de la Washington ntr-un volum publicat recent, n care vorbete despre
rzboaiele Americii mpotriva terorii din Afghanistan i Iraq, scrie The Wall Street Journal.
Fost combatant n trupele Navy Seals, provenit dintr-o familie bogat, Prince este mna invizibil din
rzboaiele mpotriva terorii pe care le-a dus America. Compania pe care o conduce s-a ocupat de
pregtirea echipelor paramilitare de atac ale Ageniei Centrale de Informaii CIA i a trimis drone de
spionaj n Pakistan, n baza unui contract cu guvernul american, prin care primea 2 miliarde de dolari.
Agenii armatei private Blackwater au fost acuzai, printre altele, c au fost implicai ntr-o serie de
evenimente tragice i c aciunile lor au dus la pierderea a 17 viei umane n Iraq, ntr-o misiune de
protecie a unui angajat al Departamentului de Stat.
n prezent, Prince a renunat la afacerile care implicau pregtirea armatelor americane pentru lupta
mpotriva terorismului i i promoveaz cartea Lupttorii civili: povestea din interiorul Blackwater i
eroii necunoscui ai rzbioului mpotriva terorii, n care prezint poveti din interior, menite s clarifice
evenimentele nelese greit de ctre populaie.

Povestea lui Prince ncepe nc din facultate, cnd s-a alturat departamentului local de pompieri
voluntari, devenind un scafandru de salvare. Dup terminarea facultii, dei provenea dintr-o familie
bogat, el s-a nrolat n trupele Navy Seals. Prince a prsit armata dup moartea subit a tatlui su
i dup diagnosticarea soiei sale cu cancer la sn i a decis nfiinarea unei companii proprii,
modeste, care oferea servicii de pregtire militar.
Dup atacul terorist de la 11 septembrie 2001, afacerea sa a crescut exponenial. Prince a ctigat
numeroase contracte pentru a le asigura securitatea dipomailor i politicienilor n Iraq. De asemenea,
Informaiile furnizate de Prince n cadrul nelegerii cu fostul director CIA, Leon Panetta, au ajutat la
diminuarea puterii talibanilor i a reelei teroriste Al Qaeda. n schimb, Panetta a dezvluit locaia
bazei secrete de pregtire, care se afla pe proprietatea lui Prince, n Virginia.
De asemenea, compania sa a fost acuzat c agenii trimii n misiune de Blackwater au ieit din sfera
atribuiilor primite i au acionat pe cont propriu. Prince neag aceste acuzaii, spunnd c dimpotriv,
viaa unor americani ar fi putut fi salvat dac acetia nesocoteau instruciunile guvernului. El d
exemplu un eveniment petrecut n 2009, la o baz militar din Afghanistan, cnd un informator
iordanian considerat de ncredere a ptruns n baz i a detonat o vest cu exploziv, ducnd la
pierderea a zece viei. El spune c acest lucru nu s-ar fi ntmplat dac agenii lui ar fi nclcat regulile
i l-ar fi verificat nainte de ptrunderea n baza militar.

Activitile companiei Blackwater s-au diminuat cnd preedintele american Barack Obama s-a
distanat n 2009 de politicile de rzboi ale fostului preedinte, George W. Bush. Obama a ntrerupt
legturile cu Prince, care a vndut compania n 2010 i s-a mutat n Abu Dhali. El a fost implicat ntr-o
serie de noi controverse, printre care acuzaia de nclcare a embargoului Naiunilor Unite asupra
armelor n Somalia.
Dup ncetarea legturilor cu guvernul american, Erik Prince consider c munca sa i-a adus
satisfacia urmririlor penale motivate politic, proceselor oportuniste i caricaturizarea intens din
partea presei. Blackwater are una dintre cele mai rele reputaii n memoria colectiv recent, spune el.
n prezent, Prince ctig milioane de dolari dintr-un fond de investiii, Frontier Resource Group, care
opereaz n mai mult de 12 ri din Africa. Firma construiete o rafinrie n Sudanul de Sud, deine o
fabric de ciment n Republica Democrat Congo i vizeaz preluarea sondelor de petrol inactive,
distruse de rebelii din Nigeria.

Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary Army is a book written by
independent journalistJeremy Scahill, published by Nation Books in 2007, as a history and
analysis of Blackwater USA, now called Academi. It won a George Polk Book Award.[1]
Contents
[hide]

1 Synopsis
2 Media attention
3 Editions
4 References
5 External links

Synopsis[edit]
The book details the rise of Blackwater USA, a private military company, and the growth of
security contracting in theIraq War and the War on Terrorism. In the book, Scahill contends
that Blackwater exists as a mercenary force, and argues that Blackwater's rise is a
consequence of the demobilisation of the US military following the Cold War and its
overextension in Iraq and Afghanistan. He describes further how Blackwater (at the time of
writing) serves in Iraq and Afghanistan like, in his judgement, a Praetorian Guard, protecting
top authority figures and enjoying immunity from the usual constraints and regulations on
traditional armies. Scahill argues that Blackwater's leadership was motivated by arightwing Republican ideology, and that its founder, Erik Prince, has provided significant
assistance in that venue. Blackwater is also present in some parts of Pakistan.

A federal jury has returned guilty verdicts against four Blackwater operatives
involved in the 2007 massacre at Baghdads Nisoor Square. On Wednesday, the
jury found one guard, Nicholas Slatten, guilty of first-degree murder, while three
other guards were convicted of voluntary manslaughter: Paul Slough, Evan
Liberty and Dustin Heard. The jury is still deliberating on additional charges

against the operatives, who faced a combined 33 counts. The operatives were
tried for the deaths of 14 of the 17 Iraqi civilians who died when their Blackwater
unit opened fire. We speak to Jeremy Scahill, author of the best-selling book
"Blackwater: The Rise of the Worlds Most Powerful Mercenary Army." His most
recent article published by The Intercept is "Blackwater Founder Remains Free &
Rich While His Former Employees Go Down on Murder Charges."

TRANSCRIPT
This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.
NERMEEN SHAIKH: A federal jury has returned guilty verdicts against four
Blackwater operatives involved in the 2007 massacre at Baghdads Nisoor
Square. On Wednesday, the jury found one guard, Nicholas Slatten, guilty of firstdegree murder, while three other guards were convicted of voluntary
manslaughterPaul Slough, Evan Liberty and Dustin Heard. The jury is still
deliberating on additional charges against the operatives, who faced a combined
33 counts. The operatives were tried for the deaths of 14 of the 17 Iraqi civilians
who died when their Blackwater unit opened fire. Nisoor Square is the highestprofile deadly incident involving Blackwater or any private war contractor.
AMY GOODMAN: For more, Jeremy Scahill is still with us, co-founder
of TheIntercept.org, author of the best-selling book, Blackwater: The Rise of the
Worlds Most Powerful Mercenary Army. His most recent article published by The
Intercept is headlined "Blackwater Founder Remains Free and Rich While His
Former Employees Go Down on Murder Charges." Take it from there, Jeremy.
JEREMY SCAHILL: Yeah, I mean, the point here is that these four individuals
and then there was another Blackwater operative who pleaded to lesser charges
earlier in the process and then actually testified against his former colleagues at
Blackwaterthis is an extremely important verdict, because were talking about a
mercenary industry, a war industry, that has largely operated in a Wild West
atmosphere, where theres absolutely no accountability. So, while we only have a
handful of people being held accountable for what were very widespread crimes
committed by Blackwater and other private military companies, this is a very
important moment for the victims of Nisoor Square. And theyve fought for many
years in both civil courts and criminal courts to try to get justice for their loved
ones who were killed.
But lets be clear here. Blackwater was a part of an unlawful global war that was
borderless in nature, launched by George W. Bush and Dick Cheney, with the

support of Democrats in the U.S. Congress, and President Obama has continued
to use mercenary forces. None of the people that unleashed these forces on the
world, at the highest levels, are being held accountable. Dick Cheneys not going
to be held accountable. Donald Rumsfelds not going to be held accountable. Erik
Prince, the billionaire owner offounder of Blackwater, who has now started
another mercenary firm targeting Africa, backed by Chinese capital, hes not
going to be held accountable for this. Its just like at Abu Ghraib, where the low-On
September 16, 2007, machine gun fire erupted in Baghdads Nisour Square, leaving
seventeen Iraqi civilians dead, among them women and children. The shooting spree, labeled
Baghdads Bloody Sunday, was neither the work of Iraqi insurgents nor U.S. soldiers. The
shooters were private forces working for the secretive mercenary company, Blackwater
Worldwide.
This is the explosive story of a company that rose a decade ago from Moyock, North Carolina,
to become one of the most powerful players in the War on Terror. In his gripping bestseller,
award-winning journalist Jeremy Scahill takes us from the bloodied streets of Iraq to
hurricane-ravaged New Orleans to the chambers of power in Washington, to expose
Blackwater as the frightening new face of the U.S. war machine.

The often overlooked subplot of the wars of the post-9/11 period is their unprecedented
scale of outsourcing and privatization, author Jeremy Scahill writes in The Nation. From
the moment the US troop buildup began in advance of the invasion of Iraq, the Pentagon
made private contractors an integral part of the operations. Even as the government gave
the public appearance of attempting diplomacy, Halliburton was prepping for a massive
operation. When US tanks rolled into Baghdad in March 2003, they brought with them the
largest army of private contractors ever deployed in modern war. By the end of
Rumsfeld's tenure in late 2006, there were an estimated 100,000 private contractors on the
ground in Iraq--an almost one-to-one ratio with active-duty American soldiers. ("Bushs
Shadow Army," The Nation, 4/2/2007)
In his new book, Blackwater: The Rise of the World's Most Powerful Mercenary
Army, Jeremy Scahill traces the explosive growth of Blackwater, USA, a private and
secretive mercenary company based in the wilderness of North Carolina. Scahill writes
that in less than a decade [Blackwater] has risen out of the swamp in North Carolina to
become something of a Praetorian Guard for the Bush administration's global war on
terror.
According to Scahill, Blackwater has more than 2,300 soldiers deployed in nine countries.
It maintains a database of 21,000 special forces troops and retired police that it could
deploy at a moment's notice. It has a private fleet of more than 20 aircraft, including
helicopter gunships. Its 7000-acre headquarters is the worlds largest private military
facility. It trains tens of thousands of law enforcement officials a year from the U.S. and
other nations. It is currently constructing new facilities in California, Illinois, and a jungle
training facility in the Philippines. Blackwater has over $500 million in government
contracts and that does not include black budget operations for U.S. intelligence
agencies or contracts with private corporations or foreign governments. One U.S.

Congressmember observed that Blackwater could overthrow many of the worlds

governments.
Blackwater is a private army, Scahill writes, and it is controlled by one person: Erik
Prince, a radical right-wing mega-millionaire who has served as a bankroller not only of
President Bushs campaigns but of the broader Christian right agenda.
Erik Princes father Edgar played a major role in creating and funding many right wing
Christian political movements, such as James Dobsons Family Research Council. Scahill
documents that Erik Prince has been in the thick of the right-wing effort to unite
conservative Catholics, evangelicals, and neoconservatives in a common theoconservative
holy warwith Blackwater serving as sort of armed wing of the movement. Prince says
Everybody carries guns, just like the Prophet Jeremiah rebuilding the temple in Israela
sword in one hand and a trowel in the other.
The book brings out the political climate among what Scahill calls the theocratic
movement at the time Blackwater was founded in the mid-1990s. Many on the Christian
right considered the newly elected Clinton administration illegitimate. First Things, a
journal that Scahill calls the main organ of the theocratic movement, published a special
issue titled The End of Democracy, which featured essays that predicted a civil war
scenario or Christian insurrection against the government. Erik Princes close friend,
former Watergate conspirator turned Christian fascist, Charles Colson, wrote in the issue,
A showdown between church and state is inevitable. This is not something for which
Christians should hope. But it is something for which they need to prepare.
Blackwater and Fallujah
Immediately after 9/11 Blackwater landed a $5.4 million contract to provide 20 security
guards for the CIAs Kabul station. But a big break for the company came when it landed
a $27 million contract for providing security for Paul Bremmer, who was in charge of
running the U.S. occupation of Iraq. The senior U.S. official in Iraq and the public face of
the occupation, Bremer would not be protected by U.S. government forces or Iraqi
security but by Blackwater. Scahill writes that the Blackwater soldiers sent to guard
Bremmer embodied the ugly American persona to a tee. Its guards were chiseled like
bodybuilders and wore tackey wrap-around sunglasses. Many wore goatees and dressed in
all-khaki uniforms with ammo vests or Blackwater t-shirts with the trademark bear claw
in the crosshairs, sleeves rolled upTheir haircuts were short and they sported security
earpieces and lightweight machine guns. They bossed around journalists, ran Iraqi cars off
the road or fired rounds at cars if they got in the way of a Blackwater convoy (p. 71)
The Blackwater company first came to public attention on March 31, 2004 when four of
its private soldiers in Iraq were ambushed and killed in Fallujah. People in the city
dragged the bodies through the streets, burned them, and strung two of the mercenaries
over the bridge over the Euphrates River.
The press portrayed the incident as an Iraqi mob irrationally attacking contractorsnot
armed mercenarieswho were helping to rebuild Iraq. The headline in the Chicago
Tribune read, Iraqi Mob Mutilates Four American Civilians. Scahill illuminates the
situation in Fallujah before the attack on the Blackwater soldiers. During the 1991 Gulf
War, Fallujah had been the site of a major massacre when a precision bomb hit a
densely populated area smashing through a market and apartment complex killing over
130 civilians. After U.S. troops occupied the city in 2003, U.S. troops opened fire on a
peaceful demonstration killing 13 and wounding 75.
The attack on the mercenaries was used as a pretext to launch a massive assault on
Fallujah delivering a horrific collective punishment to the whole city. Thousands of U.S.

troops invaded the city, 1000- and 2000-pound bombs were dropped, hospitals were
closed so those injured could not get medical aid. Over 800 people died in the U.S. attack
and tens of thousands were forced to flee. A reporter from Al Jazeera wrote, I went to the
hospital. I could not see anything but a sea of corpses of children and women, and mostly
childrenThese were scenes that were unbelievable unimaginable. I was taking
photographs and forcing myself to photograph while I was at the same time crying.
Mercenaries from Titan and CAGI (two other mercenary groups) were involved in the
torture of prisoners at Abu Ghraib. According to a lawsuit filed by the Center for
Constitutional Rights, Titan and CAGI conspired with U.S. officials to humiliate, torture
and abuse persons to win more contracts for their interrogation services. (p. 157)
Not a single U.S. military contractor has been prosecuted for crimes committed in Iraq. In
fact the contractors operate in a legal black hole where they seem to be immune from
prosecution. One of Paul Bremmers last official acts before leaving Iraq was to sign
Order #17, which said that contractors shall be immune from Iraqi legal processes with
respect to acts performed by them pursuant to the terms and conditions of any Contract to
sub-contract thereto. (p. 163).
In addition, until very recently, contractors have been immune from being charged by the
U.S. under military law that governs U.S. troops. Blackwater also claims that it is immune
to civil suits filed in U.S. courts, because it is part of the U.S.s total force in Iraq. In
other words, the mercenaries in Iraq are literally above the law.
In late 2006 Congress added an amendment to a Defense Department spending bill that
said that contractors could now be prosecuted by the military in military courts. None
have yet been charged. If its mercenaries were brought in front of military tribunals,
Blackwater would likely challenge the right of the military to prosecute them.
From Azerbaijan to New Orleans to the Border
Scahills book is filled with rich exposure of the role that Blackwater is playing around
the world.
Azerbaijan: Blackwater received a government contract in 2004 to train an elite Azeri
force modeled after U.S. Navy SEALs. Torture, police abuse, and excessive use of force
by security forces is widespread in Azerbaijan, according to a Human Rights Watch
Report quoted in the book. But, as Scahill brings out, the Bush administration wanted to
build an oil pipeline through the country in order to get access to the large Caspian Sea oil
reserves without going through Iran or Russia. They also wanted to use the country as a
forward base of potential operations against Iran, which borders on Azerbaijan.
Honduras: At an army base used by the CIA during the 1980s to train Nicaraguan
Contras and the infamous U.S.-backed death squad Batallion 316, a private U.S. company
prepared Honduran soldiers to work as mercenaries in Iraq. Scahill reports that the
trainees were told that where we are going everyone would be our enemy and wed have
to look at them that way, because they would want to kill us and the gringos too. So wed
have to be heartless when it was up to us to kill someone, even if it was a child.
Chile: Blackwater has relied upon mercenaries that had served under brutal military
dictatorships. Nearly 1,000 Chileans, many of whom were part of the military dictatorship
of Augusto Pinochet have been trained by Blackwater and deployed to Iraq. Other recruits
have come from members of the military of apartheid South Africa.
New Orleans : One hundred fifty heavily armed Blackwater troops in full battle gear
including automatic weapons were deployed to New Orleans by the Department of
Homeland Security. Scahill writes, what was desperately needed [in New Orleans] was
food, water and housing. Instead what poured in fastest was guns. Lots of guns. A

Blackwater mercenary is quoted as saying: The only difference between here [New
Orleans] and Iraq is that there are no roadside bombs.
The Border: Blackwater has mounted a campaign and testified in Congressional hearings
arguing that its troops should be deployed on the U.S.-Mexico border.
The rise of Blackwater and the increasing use of mercenaries by the U.S. raises many
important questions. In a period of political crises could such a private army be part of a
military coup? Is deploying mercenary troops around the world a means by which a U.S.
empire could manage a global war for empire and domination without instituting a draft?
Would such an army feel even less compulsion to respect international rules against
torture and attacking civilians, and would the use of such forces insulate the U.S.
government from accusations that it is carrying out war crimes? Readers interested in
finding out more should check out this important book.