Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

1/230

Race File – 7wS BFJR

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

2/230

Notes
This file contains a variety of different arguments related to racism; some are fully developed, others are
the start of something good; some are anti-whiteness Ks, others are responses to those Ks. Notes on
each argument are below.
Our goals for this file as a group for this were to:
A – Investigate and cut the best of the new literature emerging from folks who were outraged by the
George Zimmerman verdict, which occurred the day before we began our research.
B – Research new literature that previous debaters hadn’t researched, particularly from books and other
hard to find peer-reviewed literature that we’re lucky enough to access at UM.
--BR
The arguments included are:
Whiteness K: Very similar to the common K of whiteness, but with a different set of authors and
literature. There’s a few relevant narratives included, and a focus on pedagogy. It’d combo well with
the:
Pedagogy K: A look at the educational aspects of whiteness. This may have particular utility as a
framework/prior question type argument against race affirmatives.
Sexual Politics: The purpose of this section is for people who are looking to reject the patriarchal norms
of society. The Millet ev is all talking about how we have blinders an making it so the lens we view
through seems right when in actuality it perpetuates the violence of the skwo. There's a link to almost
every aff relating it back to patriarchy. You should use cross ex to set up a further link the ev is really
good on the subject. The impact section of the file is realistic and should be able to be explained with
logic. Read through the entire file before you decide to run this. There are two alts in this file, feel free
to alter/ create a new one for the sake of coherence. --SC
Latino Identity: Just a couple cards about Latino identity’s relationship to the racial binary. The second
card may have some utility for answering affirmatives that attempt to conflate Latin American struggles
for freedom with racism or slavery.
“AT: Grade it like a paper:” A short criticism of the framework argument that the judge should “Grade
the 1AC like a paper.” Might or might not be useful ever.
Quar: One card about intersectionality and Quar. #unitethecrowns
Sheshadri-Crooks K: Kalpana Sheshadri-Crooks wrote a super sweet book called Desiring Whiteness: A
Lacanian Analysis of Race. This K consists of various cards from that book. The thesis, put simply, is that
Whiteness has become a master signifier, the result of which is that individuals come to desire a place
within that framework. These networks of repressed desire make impossible resistance to the ordering
force of race. A key distinction is between race, which S-C identifies as an ontology, and racism, which

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

3/230

she calls epistemological. It links particularly well to affirmative’s that claim to perform a genealogy or
use a genealogical approach. The kritik can function as an independent K of race affirmatives, or as one
link in a larger Lacanian criticism.
Loren and Metelmann: Calum talked about this argument in his Debating Race lecture. Wilderson
believes racism to be situated in the Lacanian order of the Real, while race is in the Symbolic. Loren and
Metelmann’s short article criticizes this same notion in the work of Mitchell, arguing that instead Race is
the Real, and Racism the Symbolic. Race, thus, is lacking—racism is not an inevitability but a flawed
attempt at representing/signifying race in the order of the symbolic. Only this change in
conceptualization makes possible resistance to biologism/racism. This argument is surprisingly well
evidenced, but might require a large amount of time to explain in the block…I’d recommend planning
accordingly.
Hammersley: This argument is frequently deployed as a framework argument, but the same article can
be used to criticize the model of evidence comparison that many race affirmative’s deploy. Put simply,
the argument is that evidence should be judged based on its empirical/scientific validity, not on its
functional merit, or utility for solving racism. Failure to take this into account might turn the aff or be a
reason why the judge should reject the team on presumption.
Quiet K: This argument consists of three somewhat distinct authors who all think that
resistance/speaking out is a bad model for dealing with racism and oppression.
1. Quashie—he’s specific to racism. The argument centers around aesthetics, claiming that
resistance reduces our ability to understand the interiority of blackness to the point at which the
aff will end up being reductionist and racist as supposed to productive in reducing racism. Some
teams have deployed this argument in coordination with Badiou. The cards are relatively tricky
in terms of a possible floating PIK…
2. Brown—Wendy Brown writes some very high quality cards about how “breaking silence” can
become a fetish, and thus be not liberating but oppressive overall. This would likely mix well
with Quashie, with Brown being a part of the 2NC.
3. Hundleby—this author claims that standpoint epistemology and speaking as/for the oppressed
has the unintentional result if giving away valuable secrets that are key to achieving freedom.
For example, speaking in a public space about Blackness might be tantamount to telling one’s
oppressors about the Underground Railroad. This argument may have some degree of tension
with Quashie’s position about resistance…
Nuclear Racism: These cards talk about how racism is perpetuated through nuclear risk logic. Nuclear
plants are more prevalent in minority communities.
Yancy: This critique is a performative one of sorts. It might hybrid well with the Whiteness K. The second
card isn’t quite done, so you should finish underlining it if you intend to read this argument.
Ontological Whiteness: This card is both an answer to the above Yancy argument and an independent K
of the logic of white judges voting to affirm black experience.
--LA
Alayna, Brittany, Brook, Lev, Greg, Sierra, Rubaie

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

4/230

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

5/230

Whiteness

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

6/230

1NC
This debate held a radical potential for resistance that was foreclosed by the 1ac’s glorification of
America, the world’s largest purveyor of white supremacy. Active and ever-present consciousness
raising and resistance in the wake of the Zimmeran trial is key; it’s not about developing new
alternatives, but tearing down anti-blackness
Goldberg 7/14 (Jesse, State University of New York, Do not act surprised by the verdict in the
Zimmerman trial, 7/14/13, http://liberaldogmablog.blogspot.com/2013/07/do-not-act-surprised-byverdict-in.html)//LA
Black life is not worth as much as other life. Black death is not mourned like other death. In fact, it is
celebrated, as we saw in the post-verdict press conferences and on Twitter (trigger warning: there are very
painful Tweets collected in that link). And for those who, be it consciously or unconsciously, retain a commitment
to American democracy and American justice systems because of their protection within them thanks
to the fact that both are deeply entrenched in the ideology of white supremacy (and despite what SCOTUS may
think, white supremacy was not eradicated in the 1960s), this celebration makes total sense. Celebrate the
sacrificial expenditure that makes possible the continuity of the community. That’s just what’s done.
Because in order for American society to continue, blackness must be contained, and those bearing its
mark must be ghettoized, stopped and frisked, locked up, disenfranchised, and killed in order that the
machine keeps moving. But so many folks are already saying all of this, and saying it much better than I can. So what are we to do?
First of all, we can’t do nothing, and we can’t tell folks who are doing something to slow down. If you
don’t want to change the system, you are not being cautious or careful or moderate, you are being
actively oppressive. Because the system as it currently exists is unjust; the status quo is morally
unacceptable. So to call for a halt of attempts to overhaul this status quo is to call for the continuity of
oppression – of murder. Second, we all have skin in this game. Fellow white folks, don’t you dare for a minute believe
that this isn’t a fight for us as well. (“Whiteness to me is oppression. And it oppresses not just black people, but people who think it offers them
something other than dominance over their fellow man. Poor white people have been sold a bill of goods that offers them white supremacy
and takes away jobs and economic growth.” – Steve Locke). Don’t

you dare for a minute try to silence movements
which call attention to race by shaking your white liberal finger at them and telling them that they’re
naïve and we should all really be talking about class. Instead, we must ask ourselves what we can do to actively
resist a system that is set up to our advantage. And a word of advice along the way: we must never forget our
privilege as long as it exists. As tempting as it will be to echo cries of “We are Trayvon Martin” or to
take to the streets wearing hoodies, we must remember that hoodies draped over our white bodies
do not hold the same meaning as hoodies draped over black bodies. As long as that's true, we must
fight. Third, we all can do something. Not everyone has to become a street-marching activist, or a
politician, or a director of a non-profit, or a public defense attorney, or an academic, or a journalist. But, to channel Fred Moten, and
perhaps offer a different inflection, everywhere there is the potential for performance (which is everywhere, because we
are always performing, whether we’re paid to do so or not), there is potential for resistance. My pessimism is a
resignation to the facts of history which create our contemporary moment, facts which unequivocally
demonstrate that America is a country inextricably built upon an ideology of white supremacy and
anti-blackness, and that our current systems have not exorcised this legacy. Me pessimism is an acknowledgement that
anti-blackness is not a symptom of American capitalism, but one of its fundamental principles, and
one of the foundations on which this country stands. I believe we have to acknowledge the enormity
of these things (especially white folks, since it is our interests which are most clearly served by not acknowledging these things),
but my pessimism is not a resignation to a belief that things will always be this way. I retain a
profound commitment to working towards a Justice that does not yet exist. I have no idea yet what it
will look like, but I know it will look nothing like this.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

7/230

2NC Impacts
The murder of Trayvon Martin has sent a shockwave throughout the mass media and political system
– however, Trayvon is but one piece of the puzzle – we live in an anti-black society – nowhere is this
more evident than the legal system – black bodies are marked as “born dead” – they are not
delegitimized because they were never legitimized to begin with – this system of gratuitous violence
makes possible mass extermination
Brady 12 (Nicholas Brady, activist scholar, executive board member of Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle,
BA in philosophy from Johns Hopkins, PhD student at the University of California-Irvine Culture and
Theory program, 10-26-12, “The Flesh Grinder: Prosecutorial Discretion and the Terror of Mass
Incarceration,”
http://academia.edu/2776507/The_Flesh_Grinder_Prosecutorial_Discretion_and_the_Quotidian_Terror
_of_Mass_Incarceration) gz
The recent murder of Trayvon Martin brought the national conversation back to a topic that had been
repressed for the myth of a post-racial America propagated since the election of Barack Obama to the
presidency: the fundamental openness of the black body to wanton and excessive abuse and
“premature death” (Gilmore, 28). That the national narrative around Martin’s death, even the narratives
built by black political and civil leaders, only had Emit Till to compare his death to is example par
excellance of the complete lack of any language we have to discuss the machinations that make a
phrase such as “black death” into a redundancy. Trayvon Martin was not a singular case but was one
of 120 black people killed extra-judicially (by police officers, security officials, and vigilante justice-seekers) in 2012
between January and July . That every 36 hours on average a black life is taken extra-judicially means
that Trayvon Martin is not exceptional, but we do not have a language to deal with either the
exceptional or the quotidian. Into the abyss, though the demand for justice, something productive happened: the rallying cry for
justice made an invisible and ethereal part of the justice system into something a little more material. The call to arrest and charge
George Zimmerman brought our attention to the role of the Prosecutor in the criminal punishment
system. After the protests, statement from the President, and daily media blitzes, a special prosecutor was assigned to the case to meet the
calls for justice. Angela Corey would become the face for an area of the law that is both ubiquitous and unthought. It seems she understood this
for her statement, before officially giving the charge, set up a context for evaluating prosecutors, ¶ The Supreme Court has defined our role as
Proscutors *as+ not only “ministers of justice” but “seekers of the truth.”… Every single day our prosecutors across this great country handle
difficult cases and they adhere to that same standard: a never ending search for the truth and a quest to always do the right thing for the right
reason. There is a reason cases are tried in a court of law and not in the court of public opinion or the media. Because details have to come out
in excruciating and minute fashion. Detail by detail, bit of evidence by bit of evidence. And it is only then, when the Trier of fact whether judge
or jury, gets all the details that then a decision can be rendered. ¶ Corey is laboring to legitimize a system that took weeks to actually arrest
George Zimmerman, yet this labor represses her own case history, for example the case of Marissa

Alexander. Alexander is a
mother who was convicted of attempted murder because she shot a warning shot at the father of her
children who has admitted to beating her on several occasions before. Alexander was arrested on
spot and charged within days in a case where the “stand your ground” defense was also being called
upon. This supposed contradiction of methods that meet different bodies is the norm of the criminal punishment system, and this paper will
attempt to string out some parts of the structure that make it so. ¶ In many disciplines there has been renewed attention given to mass
incarceration. Yet, in spite of the growing level of multidisciplinary scrutiny on police surveillance and violent gulags, a major actor has slipped
through virtually untouched in the humanities' attention to prisons. This major actor, regularly described in criminology and legal scholarship as
the most powerful agent in the criminal punishment system, is the Prosecutor. The office of the prosecutor exists in a place where matter
doesn't matter. Or put differently, the

prosecutor’s agency is assembled where black matter no longer matters
and where what matters, the happenings of the human and the quest for civil justice, can only be
produced through the quotidian grinding and destruction of black flesh.¶ This paper will seek to shine a light, or
better yet a shadow, on the white knights of the justice system. While one would think they know the job of a Prosecutor given its ubiquity on
television crime dramas and movies, the mundaneness of their actual day-to-day activities are mystified by television's fascination with the
drama of the trial, whether fictional or "real." In fact, it is rare that you will find a prosecutor who takes even 10 percent of their cases to trial.
Over 90 percent of cases are settled through a plea bargain where the defendant will agree to plead guilty usually for the guarantee of less
time, parole, or a lighter charge. As one law professor put it, the plea bargain is not an addendum to the criminal justice system, it is the

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

8/230

criminal justice system (Scott and Stuntz, 1912). In spite of its centrality, there is little literature on the inner-workings of the plea bargain
outside of schematic analysis in criminology. Instead of focusing on the theatrics of the trial, this paper will analyze the day-to-day grind of the
plea bargain in order to explicate the quotidian terror that lies at the heart of prosecutorial discretion. ¶ From day-to-day a Prosecutor can be
working on anywhere between 20 to 100 cases at a time (Heumann, 98). While a Prosecutor is given wide discretion to charge a case the way
they want, there are hierarchies that determine the norms and procedures of each office. There are the district attorneys that the general
population votes into office and the deputy attorneys that answer directly to him or her. Underneath them are the line prosecutors who work
on the majority of the cases but whose decisions generally follow the established protocols of the veteran prosecutors and deputies. New
prosecutors often come straight from law school with lofty dreams of becoming courtroom heroes only to learn that their job is much more
akin to assembly-line justice. Legal scholar Abraham Blumberg describes this as the, “emergence of ‘bureaucratic due process,’… consist*ing+ of
secret bargaining sessions [and] employing subtle, bureaucratically ordained modes of coercion and influence to dispose of large case loads”
(Blumberg, 69). ¶ While each office is different from the next, there is a stunning amount of unity at the procedural level. Deputy district
attorneys will reject thirty to forty percent of cases the police send to them on face. The remaining 60 percent are considered suspects that are,
according to the evidence provided, conclusively guilty. For the Prosecutor, these cases would be slam-dunk wins in front of a jury (Lewis, 51).
This begs the question: What is the dividing line between cases that are charged and cases that get dropped by Prosecutors? ¶ Some statistics
on the racial component of sentencing might lead us to an answer. In

terms of drug crimes, according to a comprehensive
report by Human Rights Watch, blacks are 14 percent of drug users, but are 37 percent of people
arrested for drug possession, and are anywhere between 45 to 60 percent of those charged . These
strings of numbers reveal an anti-black trajectory: the cases that the Prosecutor overwhelmingly
pursues are black cases, the ones he drops are overwhelmingly non-black. A defense attorney called
these for-sure-guilty cases “born dead.” This is a curious phrase, but when considering the historic
connection between blackness and crime dating back to the inception of the national polity through
slavery, the defense attorney’s phrasing gets us to a much more paradigmatic argument. Walt Lewis, a
Los Angeles prosecutor, describes a “criminal justice” continuum where bodies are transformed from being
“free” to being “incarcerated” (Lewis, 20). One is first arrested by the police and becomes a “suspect.” If
the prosecutor decides to charge, then you go from being a “suspect” to a “defendant.” Finally if you
are found guilty, you go from being a “defendant” to a “convict.” This process describes a temporality
that transforms the “human” into the incarcerated “inhuman.” As violent as this process can be, the
black’s fate is fundamentally different and more terrifying. The black is arrested, charged, and
convicted at disproportionate rates because we were never actually “suspects” or “defendants.”
Instead, we were always criminals, always already slaves-in-waiting. Instead of a continuum, the black
body floats in a “zone of non-being” where time and transformation lose all meaning. Cases involving
black bodies do not need to be rock-solid in terms of facts for their bodies have already been marked
by the law as criminal (Fanon, 2). Thus cases involving black bodies are always for-sure victories, are
always already “born dead.” ¶ In an interesting case that made it all the way to the Supreme Court titled United States versus
Armstrong, a group of black defendants levied a critique similar to this paper’s argument . A group of black men were brought
on charges of possessing 50 grams of crack cocaine. Unlike a normal defense where the details of the state’s accusation
would be called into question, the defense instead argued that the prosecution selectively charges black people
in cases involving crack cocaine. The first argument of the defense was that the majority of crack cocaine users in California are
actually whites, not black people. The second argument of the defense used testimonies from government lawyers to prove that of all 841
cases the state brought against people possessing crack cocaine, all of them were black. Using these two claims, the defense said there was
adequate proof to show that prosecutors were using unconstitutional means, racial markers, to select who would be charged and who wouldn’t
be charged. According to past rulings by the Supreme Court, if selective prosecution can be proven then that is adequate grounds to vacate the
sentence, even if the defendants were caught “red-handed.” Against this defense, the prosecution counter-argued that it does not selectively
prosecute based on race, but instead on fact and circumstance. The district court that initially heard the appeal ruled that the state should turn
over records of the 841 cases in question to prove who was right in the dispute. The state refused to reveal its documents and instead appealed
the decision all the way up to the Supreme Court. Overturning the district and federal circuit court, the

Supreme Court ruled in
favor of the prosecution for a few reasons. The first reason Rehnquist gave was that it is not in the best
interest of the government’s war on crime to monitor prosecutors. Rehnquist argued that the prosecutor must have
the freedom to operate in the way she sees fit. The second and most important reason Rehnquist gave was by far
the most explicitly racist and I will quote it in full: quote “a published 1989 Drug Enforcement
Administration report concluded that "[l]arge scale, interstate trafficking networks controlled by
Jamaicans, Haitians and Black street gangs dominate the manufacture and distribution of crack.…
[and] the most recent statistics of the United States Sentencing Commission… show that: More than

This performance or service of the angelic black would be resurrected in the . Frank Wilderson's Jncognegro. we recognize black death as a predictable and constitutive aspect of this democracy? What will happen then if instead of demanding justice we recognize (or at least consider) that the very notion of justice-indeed the gamut of political and cognitive elements that constitute formal. the sinner and enslaved endure. more ennobled formation. and reproduction of the ordinary polis rely on the exclusion of ordinary blacks and their availability for violent aggression and/ or premature death or disappearance (historically through lynching and the convict prison lease system. already guilty. the position of the hegemonic. Prosecutors act within and perpetuate this matrix of violence that precedes discourse. through the lens of the fiftieth anniversary of the English publication. and their young children. When a Prosecutor sees a case with a black body.'. 1 Redemption is a precondition of integration into the white-dominated social universe2 Integration thus requires that the black become a non-slave. and/or deliverance from slavery. etc. his wife Corella. Bayard Rustin's imploring a young Martin Luther King Jr.) The imagination. already “born dead. and depends on. George Yancy and Janine Jones)//LA What happens when. Chapter 14 in Pursuing Trayvon Martin: Historical Contexts and Contemporary Manifestations ed. E. redemption requires deliverance from sin. multiracial democratic practices and institutions-produces or requires black exclusion and death as normative? To think about Trayvon Martin's death not merely as a tragedy or media controversy but as a political marker of possibilities permits one to come to terms with several foundational and foretold stories. To word it differently. Throughout the twentieth century. s/he must either become non-black. he knows the same statistic the Supreme Court quoted and he knows. and incarcerated.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 9/230 90% of the persons sentenced in 1994 for crack cocaine trafficking were black. if not consciously then unconsciously. and virtue requires the eradication of both. 3 For a black person to be integrated. The Wretched of the Earth (or Ida B. The paradox or impossibility is that if blackness is both sin and sign of enslavement. whiteinflected gaze and predisposition. Refusing Blackness-as-Victimization: Trayvon Martin and the Black Cyborgs. the Supreme Court ruled that it was in the state’s interest to terrorize black communities because we are the most heinous drug users in the country. The Supreme Court answered the defendant’s accusation of selective prosecution by arguing that such a prosecution strategy is legitimate because it can be verified through statistics that black people are the major users and distributors of crack cocaine. Du Bois. Toni Morrison's Playing in the Dark.tive loss of social standing and life. mechanics. movements to free blacks from what followed in the wake of the abolition of chattel slavery ushered in the postbellum black cyborg: the call for a "Talented Tenth" issued by white missionaries and echoed by a young W.S. one who owns property still nonetheless remains in servitude or colonized. the mark of "Ham. then despite the legal abolition of juridical enslavement or chattel slavery or the end of the formal colony. particularly if we understand that death or killing to be prefigured by mass or collec. It departs from. Wells's Southern Horrors. University of Texas and Williams University. blacks can be redeemed neither from sin nor from slavery. The angelic negro/negress is not representative and his or her status as an acceptable marker for U. democracy is predicated upon their usefulness for the transformation of whiteness into a loftier. anti-black-which is not exclusively white but is exclusively non-black-subject and the political and cognitive schemes that guarantee her ontology and genealogy. One story is of impossible redemption in the impossible polis. The "ordinary negro" is never without sin. To be black is to be marked as a danger that must be controlled. and that the black become a non-sinner. If we theorize from the standpoint say of Frantz Fanon. Depending on the theology. The ordinary black person can therefore never be integrated. B.” Blackness is social death and unimaginable exclusion Vargas and James 13 (João Costa and Joy. instead of becoming enraged and shocked every time a black person is killed in the United States.” . or display superhuman and/or infrahuman qualities. that this case is already done. to become "angelic" in his advocacy of civil rights and to remove the men with shotguns from his front porch despite the bombings and death threats against King. Thus. we can follow a clear heuristic formulation: from the perspective of the dominant. to be sinless or angelic in order to be recognized as citizenry has been the charge for postbellum blackness. seized. today through "benign neglect" and mass incarceration).). (In Fanonian terms she would become an aggrandized slave or enfranchised slave-that is.

so much of black life. the right to fight back.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 10/230 reconstruction of Trayvon Martin as a youth worthy of the right to life. exclusion and violence. is mired in close proximity to the graveyard. particularly for the average fellah. hemmed in by the materiality of social margins and decay. That is. the right to the life of the polis. the right of refusal to wear blackness as victimization. .

desire is primary. these white preservice teachers do not speak of whiteness. This preserving and enhancing of desire coalesces with power. therefore whiteness is reinscribed as that which need not be named. put differently. 92). then their mark as white teacher remains intact. thereby reproducing what Seshadri-Crooks refers to as a 'neutral epistemology' . 2007). what spawns desire? Discussing Deleuzian desire. capitalism or communism—are produced from desires: the concrete and specific connection of bodies' (p. producing something. Race. Such silences may be produced by resistance or the attempt to maintain power that resists the 'gravity of the circle of recognition and its representations' (p. instead. individualism. Through an engagement with Deleuzian desire. Vol. For Nietzsche. instead. if not negates. In short. 2004). not in a 'repression of desire but the expansion of desire' (p. the visibleness of white as a marker of their bodies has previously been deemed invisible because of its normative presence. positive and not left wanting but. 1990. In the case of white preservice teachers. 91). in other words. reason' is nothing more than a as a lack. I focus on what is producing the silence and/or what the silence produces.e. As such. 'What we call 'thinking' .. he wants to know 'whether it works. p. they are raced. Instead of asking. but silences that are produced and competing of the passions or drives' (Smith. The charge then becomes not to define desire.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 11/230 2NC Silence Link Their silence about the structures of Whiteness is a link. Desiring Silence: Gender. The task of Deleuze's own method is to 'explain how interests—such as humanism. a desiring silence. p . Such an orientation perpetuates a racially inhabited silence that limits. Privilege remains unchallenged and is thus exercised as a desiring silence that maintains an invisible mask of whiteness. 91). 171). Gonzaga U. then we acknowledge that the desire on the part of these white preservice teachers is a desire to be recognized 'within the constraints of normativity' Jackson. puts forth an immanent concept of desire. 37. in other words. 1). If we think silence is an enactment of a desire to be recognized as governed by social norms. This failure to have previously named whiteness thereby produces a desire to protect the invisibleness and hence a . Not as in 'to desire' silence. No. 657-96)//LA In framing whiteness in the context of this paper. instead. 'What does desire ask of these students?' Not what does it mean.. gap or what is missing and. p. the notion of desire has to do with drive. emerging from a 'production of production' (O'Sullivan & Zepke. the silence or absence (that which is not spoken) of this racial identity continues to provide a framework for the analysis of the conversations I have with white teachers at both the preservice and inservice levels. I am not. emphasis in original). What matters for Deleuze is not what desire means. 2008. 2009. but to understand the interests that produce desire and the interests that desire seeks to produce and/or protect. p. 4. If white teachers continue to effectively deny or fail to see their whiteness as raced then they will continue to see students of colour as 'Other' and respond to them from that perception. What is desire? If desire does not begin from lack. Claire Colebrook (2002) writes.i. but what does it do? Deleuze draws on Nietzsche for his theory of desire. August 2011. British Educational Research Journal. 'feeling' . In other words. 22). and how it works. in this case the bodies of white preservice teachers. unnoticed and unspoken. Since whiteness as a descriptor for whites often goes unnamed. desiring what we do not have. If they are recognized within such constraints. or more specifically their own race. 'What is desire?' the impetus is instead to ask. 1. and Pedagogy in Education. 'life strives to preserve and enhance itself and does so by connecting with other desires' (p. and it has consequences—desire is productive Mazzei 11 (Lisa A. then where does it begin or. an open dialogue regarding race and culture. education as a means of transformation or change is subverted and silence as a means of control and protection of privilege is accepted. I am interested in how a lack of cognition regarding one's racial identity/position as white serves to explain away and in many cases perpetuate the existence of racial barriers to social mobility (Sleeter. Deleuze rejects desire that produce an effect. and who it works for' (Deleuze. In such an environment stereotypes are furthered rather than confronted and perceptions of self and Other are allowed to remain circumscribed in a protective caul.

while preserving it in places where reproductive rights enjoy constitutional protection -.would result in the abortion rate falling 29 percent.something the NBER .3 points. the scientists established a set of hypothetical scenarios and compared them to actual abortion data from both the pre. p. He was previously an associate editor at The Atlantic and has written for Foreign Policy and The Washington Post. //AR) Like prohibitions on other goods and services. we need to look at the way distance acts as a deterrent against abortion access. white women are able to go to longer lengths (literally) to get a legal abortion. Desiring silence then re-produces an unspoken white presence.¶ "If race serves as a crude proxy for socio-economic status. But it might be more accurate to say that it's really an attack on women of a specific stripe: those from disadvantaged minorities and the poor .¶ As national Republicans in Tampa have added a ban on abortions as an official plank in their party platform -a proposal whose draft language is so severe. and would advance little but ideology.¶ At first blush. AUG 28 2012. Where they agree is that the wealthy.com/health/archive/2012/08/the-quiet-racism-of-abortionbans/261665/. 2002. while the latter suggests cost really is a limiting factor for women in that living farther away from a legal abortion clinic tends to depress abortion rates. The former suggests that abortions will continue irrespective of the price tag. Among women overall in the 1970s after New York legalized abortion but before Roe v. is a writer at National Journal. Patrick Whelan. or they don't think it might be covered. it doesn't make exceptions for cases of rape or incest -liberal commentators have grown accustomed to speaking of the right's strict stance on reproductive issues as a war on women. "and if distance proxies the cost of an abortion. published in NBER. imagines how overturning Roe v. emphasis in original). http://www. argues that financial incentives don't work with abortion they way they might in other industries. an abortion ban would mean either carrying their unplanned pregnancies to term -.¶ What would happen if the GOP got its way and control over abortion rights were returned to the states? A new study by researchers at Yale University and the City University of New York.¶ But whatever you make of those topline numbers. ¶ Non-white and low-income women aren't so lucky.theatlantic. "cost is not a deterrent for a lot of people. ¶ "Whether that's a modesty issue. In the scenario involving a 31-state ban."¶ But we don't need to take the researchers' word for it. The Affs silence towards anti-blackness only endorses into the racism of the Status Quo Fung 12 (Brian Fung. Whelan and the NBER study appear to be saying different things. the national abortion rate would drop by 14. the difference would be 12. 'Desire ilself is power.and they affect nonwhites at far greater rates than whites. Whelan's larger point is this: financial barriers aren't enough to dissuade women from getting an abortion if they want one. In other words. banning abortion in 46 states -. an abortion ban of the kind national conservatives propose would take a disproportionate toll on those least equipped to adapt. The researchers estimate that if 31 anti-abortion states made the procedure illegal tomorrow. the researchers wrote. they're just different ways of explaining how women of different backgrounds respond to the problem of cost. Wade was decided. Whelan cited data on women who choose to pay out-of-pocket for their abortions even when they could get the procedure done for free or at a discount thanks to insurance." Whatever the reasons behind women's choices. Wade era. A powerful white presence is an unnamed and silent image that continues to be masked in the power of that which will not be named. article is based off a research study performed by Yale and the City University of New York. a power to become and produce images' (Colebrook." the authors conclude. who are generally white.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 12/230 maintenance of whiteness as an unchallenged norm. In a phone interview last week. one thing seems certain: an abortion ban would disproportionately affect women from non-white and low-income backgrounds . are better able to eat the cost of extra travel compared to low-income non-whites. ¶ These statements aren't really mutually exclusive. 94. every 100-mile increase in distance between a patient and a New York clinic corresponded to a 12 percent decrease in abortion rates.9 percent. then the racial differences are consistent with less well-off women being more sensitive to the availability of abortion services than more advantaged women. The Quiet Racism of Abortion Bans. Wade might play out.¶ To understand how that works. minorities would see their abortion rates drop 1.¶ The challenges posed by distance are still valid today -. In a more extreme example.8 percentage points more than whites. Dr. though. a Harvard rheumatologist who's studied abortion rates in Massachusetts.¶ ¶ Using analyses that predicted which states might be likeliest to ban abortion if they could.and the post-Roe v." Whelan said. or they don't want a public record of it someplace. In the extreme example of a 46-state ban. For them.

Bobo. the added economic burden on state social and health-care services.000 such incidents. and the rise of teen birth rates. Quiet Bias: The Racism of 2013 Straight Up: Let's get real -. Let's be clear: There is plenty of research showing that actual discrimination remains remarkably common.or resorting to unsafe. and their inherent racial and socio-economic unfairness. but it is screamingly plain . by their very nature. It is unclear whether the tactic has any meaningful impact on crime. Princeton sociologist Devah Pager and her colleagues showed that otherwise identical black job seekers were 50 percent less likely to achieve success in a job search (pdf) than their white counterparts. But it is typically unspoken. March 13. which is racism. there is often a plausible cover story that can be told as to why racially differential treatment was somehow justifiable or legitimate.racism permeates politics -. old racist trope from the age of the Great Chain of Being. //AR) ¶ Let's be honest: Our culture is still deeply suffused with anti-black bias. It is now quiet -.and start talking -. despite an African-American president in office. with a show almost 700. suggestions. the mockery it'd make of public statistics. and which would likely be exacerbated by conservative attempts to limit contraception access at the same time that they crack down on abortion -. Citywide polls show an enormous gap between blacks and whites in approval of the stop-and-frisk practice. The Root's editor-in-chief. much of the time. if you will. blacks constitute more than half of those so detained by police. All of this makes waging the fight against racism much tougher.B. one of the most depressing lines of research suggests a core underlining psychological association of blackness with apes. one major study of low-skilled workers in New York found high rates of bias against black job applicants."¶ There are few things as sickening as the ongoing.and seemingly. a genuine third rail -. if not altogether invisible. The level of negative stereotypes and attitudes tapped in polls and surveys may only reveal the most easily observable symptoms of the illness .Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 13/230 paper predicts could happen to some degree.com/views/quiet-bias-racism-2013?page=0. For example. There used to be something loud and obvious and terrible about racism -.. the practice would not be tolerated." but instead today's quiet bias of "Oh. 2013 http://www.S.. it's hard to see how abortion bans would advance anything except ideology. And where it's not invisible. We did not have to resort to complex surveys and experiments to reveal its depth. We have hints. an ugly. illegal abortions. Indeed.about the anti-black prejudice that infects the U. of activating these political resentments against blacks. as a consequence. Du Bois Professor of the Social Sciences at Harvard University.E. Political resentments of blacks remain a centerpiece -.indeed. Mass. Absent a deep-rooted culture of anti-black bias..circumstances with some ironic virtues. National surveys (pdf) continue to reveal commonly held stereotypes of African Americans as less hardworking and less intelligent than whites. at 80 percent (and even a plurality of New York's whites: 48 percent). by the Cambridge. in which the African was seen as closer to primitive animals in the hierarchy of species (pdf).To be sure. The last time we saw any major political figure come close to touching the rail.of American domestic politics: Do anything to seriously activate these resentments. The 1ac's silence on race IS OUR LINK -. These procedures.The discrimination was so subtle that only a systematic experiment could reveal it.the alternative is key starting point for countering anti-blackness Bobo 13(Lawrence D. of racial bias all around us today.But it is a bad thing. is the W. substantial number of blacks. He is a contributing editor for The Root. we already filled that position" or "We were actually looking for someone with more experience" or "Maybe you'd be better suited to this lower-paying job. and you run the risk of immediate political electrocution. police. this whole issue of racism had a more straightforward quality in the past. A number of powerful psychological experiments show the extent to which blackness for Americans is intimately tied to images of violence and danger .or rationalized on some nonracial grounds and thereby hidden in plain view -. This was not the loud de jure discrimination of the era of "no blacks need apply. indications. given the radically disproportionate intrusion by state police power that it involves in identifiable minority communities. saying that the police are biased in favor of whites.1 .¶ Records for 2011 In a city where blacks make up just under a quarter of the population.theroot. would be ignored by official abortion figures so that to speak of the "gains" of a ban would be to turn a blind eye to a very nasty black-market business. It'd also create new headaches for states: between the threat to public health posed by underground abortions. well-known practice of stop- and-frisk policing in New York.And that is the dilemma of racism in our times . A visible and openly declared enemy is so much more directly confronted than one that operates stealthily. occurred when Obama offered his off-the-cuff remarks about the arrest of Henry Louis Gates Jr. perhaps not such a bad thing after all. with almost nine out of 10 incidents involving African Americans or Hispanics.

remains potent enough that Obama must. And he must do all this while somehow keeping African Americans and other people of color highly politically mobilized segments of his constituency. And in this guise . He must consistently rise above prevalent stereotypes of blacks as less capable and intelligent. An insidious quiet bias remains today. Yes. For me. three-part balancing act. in fact.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 14/230 that it adds to racial tension and misunderstanding while deepening minority cynicism about the police . But such sensitivity cannot excuse silence in the face of a real problem and ongoing injustice." We will make little or no progress against this underlying illness by becoming complicit in ignoring the deep-rooted character of anti-black bias in our culture and in so many everyday practices and habits. Racism is a powerful word. however. a live germ that not only continues to make some of us ill but retains the capacity to generate new strains of a disease for which we have no certain cure.S." Like a patient told to take the full regimen of antibiotics or run the risk of the ailment coming back even more strongly in the future. But make no mistake. . Jim Crow racism has effectively been defeated. we must remain ready to challenge racism no matter how discreetly or politely it presents itself. I believe that the culture of racism still alive in the U. Using it can quickly shut down a conversation. We are all aware of how constrained President Obama is in terms of what he can say or do regarding race. This quiet bias is a routine feature of our national politics as well. a key element of the continued quest for racial justice in America is the outing of today's "quiet bias. He must never be seen as openly advocating policies that run against the third rail of resentment against blacks as a sort of untouchable special-interest category in the body politic. racism remains a living and highly adaptive thing in our times. routinely accomplish a complex. thus always standing as the exception to the assumed rule. racism is still distorting American life. History. who lack legitimate claims on the nation's resources. The late Stanford University historian George Fredrickson wrote in Racism: A Short "The legacy of past racism directed at blacks in the United States is more like a bacillus that we have failed to destroy. And so we get today's quiet bias of a major-city mayor and police commissioner defending a dubious practice of aggressive state intrusion into the lives of black and Hispanic youths on an astonishing scale.

' and 'Sometimes I am silent in this class because . over time. connect our desires with those of our students. both in the USA and the UK. however. how can desire desire its own transformation? And if so. 1994) teachers that guide the curriculum for many teacher preparation programmes. If. Gonzaga U. instead. we see the drives as always disquieted and destabilized. then the process of dis-location commences. desire is linked with recognition. If.. but the production of a desiring pedagogy. race and class inequities. Such a movement requires us to rethink desiring silence as an investment in whiteness and its attendant privileges. we provide opportunities that encourage a continual search for the potential movements of deterritorialization or possible lines of flight that may. and was in fact very progressive in many of her attitudes as demonstrated in class and her field placement. There came a point in the semester with this group of students when I recognized that I was complicit in a production of the desiring silences. 'claiming that desire is always a desire for recognition and that it is only through the experience of recognition that any of us becomes constituted as socially viable beings' (p. 'Is it ever going to stop?' was a question asked by one of my students referring to the continued emphasis on multicultural education. racial identity and a corresponding need to discuss attitudes regarding gender. Students think that by looking past skin colour they are above racist attitudes and actions. It is not possible for her. Mazzei 11 (Lisa A. 657-96)//LA Returning to Jan's statements in the previous section. August 2011. while she in some ways engages the silence. how might teacher educators further . In reading the standards for 'culturally competent' (Ladson-Billings. If white teachers name whiteness. flows and intensities. To further understand how desires connect with one another to produce silences is to return once again to NietzSche. . then students may still resist. consistent with Seshadri-Crooks's argument as to why we continue to maintain a normative distinction as defined by whiteness that refuses to be dis-located due to the regime of visibility. we fail to recognize how desire functions with white preservice teachers by failing to attend to a desiring silence. It is a recognition of these collective desires on the part of our students (and ourselves) as producing a desiring silence that maintains and sustains whiteness through a connection of desires. Leaning on Nietzsche's theory of desire. there’s only a risk of a DA. British Educational Research Journal. My methodological approach and analysis is detailed in a previous publication (Mazzei. To encounter all of her inconsistencies. but also because I permitted the silences to be ignored for fear of what they might reveal about me: as a teacher. Desiring Silence: Gender..Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 15/230 Alt—Rejection/Recognition As a K—Rejecting whiteness solves. and name the silent desires that foster a clinging to this in/visible marker. 2). it also confers 'humanness' on those with whom we can identify. desires and silences at once is too much and may result in a suicidal collapse of her subjectivity. No. or unspeakable. 4. the possibility of a desiring pedagogy. As a PIK—Recognition solves the K. 37. we engage the silence. I asked the students to complete two sentences: 'Sometimes I am silent because . what is important is how the simple act of acknowledging the presence of a purposeful silence and confronting their/our production of this silence permitted an opening up or rather undoing of the desiring silence functioning to produce and maintain privilege. but they may also begin to destratify in ways that produce the possibility of deterritorialization. produce not a desiring silence. How might we offer opportunities for detertitorialization that don't mask 'unacceptable' attitudes because silences function to preserve the system but. there is little tolerance for a voicing of racist and sexist attitudes. not just because I 'desired' acceptable responses from the students that demonstrated their genuine affirmation of difference. 2008) so I will not repeat that in the present context. as teacher educators. Judith Butler (2004) reminds us that in the Hegelian tradition. I had not yet thought of the silences as producing privilege. She goes on to argue that while to some degree this is both alluring and true. p. on the other hand. or the other students in my classes for that matter. and Pedagogy in Education. As such. . and as a white teacher educator. provide opportunities for a deterritorialization that 'outs' the silences protecting the strata.. Race. we might ask. or rather. then students can resist and reassert their power.'. Vol. her survival within a plane of whiteness. Not allowing it to stop forces a move that is a return to how our desire functions to produce 'accepted' performances of whiteness and white teacher. she is also caught in the stratification that threatens her survival. But what is possible is that as teacher educators. as a white woman. to completely destratify at once. but as masking that which was unthinkable.

as O'Sullivan aand Zepke (2008) remind us. perhaps it does so through such engagement that produces a desiring pedagogy. . it is only through an engagement with what is that we can produce something new.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 16/230 disquiet and destabilize a desiring silence toward a production of the new? For. If desire can desire its own transformation.

‘How is it possible for schools and teachers to define a majority of their clients as people who does Cassidy mean when she describes a field placement experience at an elemen. Ladson-Billings elaborated further when she asked. even if they do not notice it. the at-risk-ness that are spoken between the words that Cassidy articulates? When Cassidy and the other students speak between words and make assumptions about their entire class using the language of at-risk-ness. They are silently voicing a norming presence of whiteness that they risk losing if the silences of race and of whiteness are noticed and articulated. Citing Haberman. or people they are unable to help?’’ (p.. 15). What I find particularly troubling. Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) p. Now—Gonzaga U. ‘‘So prevalent is the language of at-risk-ness that it is not unusual for urban teachers to define their entire class as at-risk’’ (p. however.’’ What are the differences.tary school in the large urban district as her ‘‘first experience in this type of school setting *emphasis mine+. she confirmed that this is not just the language of my students but of educators in general.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 17/230 “Project Team” Link Identifying “this kind” of round or “this kind” of team perpetuates whiteness Mazzei 8 (Lisa A. Silence speaks: Whiteness Revealed in the Absence of Voice. 1125-1136)//LA Reading Ladson-Billings (2001). they are talking about race. Then—Manchester Metropolitan U. is that even those who are not yet teachers have appropriated this language. What . 15). shouldn’t be there.

the Brooklyn borough president. and Contemporary Consequences” were published in last February’s Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. Sharpton has suggested.¶ “It would be very important for The New York Post to explain what the cartoon was intended to portray. said in a statement: “I found the Post cartoon offensive and purposefully hurtful. Given the possibility that some people could conclude the cartoon had a racial subtext. and I can see why.”¶ Critics said the cartoon. Mr. The chimpanzee was an apparent reference to the 200-pound pet chimpanzee that was shot dead by a police officer in Stamford. Williams¶ University of California. Comrie Jr. Paterson.” Mr. Mr. But I think if it’s enough that people are raising this issue..nytimes. also weighed in.nytimes. racist cartoon is an insult to all New Yorkers. “This was an unfortunate incident in which a human being was seriously injured. Times’s visual Op-Ed columnist. Comrie urged New Yorkers to “demonstrate their displeasure with the New York Post by writing letters to their advertisers and simply stop purchasing a publication that clearly has no respect or sensitivity for people of color.. saying:¶ My office has received complaints about this so-called cartoon. the implicit association between Blacks and apes can lead to greater endorsement of violence against a Black suspect than against a White suspect. Berkeley¶ Matthew Christian Jackson¶ The Pennsylvania State University ‘Not Yet Human’¶ February 25. Here. yet a mental association between Blacks and apes remains. 2009 http://blow. he believed that The Post should explain it. Study 4 demonstrated that this implicit association is not due to personalized. Blacks are displayed as apes Chan and Peters 9(SEWELL CHAN and JEREMY W. Paterson said that while he had not seen the cartoon. In Study 5. //AR) Those following the New York Post cartoon flap might find this interesting.This may provide some context for considering the motives of the cartoonist and his implicit attitudes and can operate beneath conscious awareness.blogs. a Queens Democrat. called for a boycott of the newspaper. This type of cartoon serves no productive role in the public discourse. we demonstrated that. as Mr. Finally. conducts a discussion about all things statistical — from the environment to entertainment — and their visual expressions.com/2009/02/25/not-yet-human/. “To run such a violent. the Rev. on Monday evening. Senator Kirsten E. 2009. Chimp-Stimulus Cartoon Raises Racism Concerns. February 18. after it mauled a friend of his owner. editors.”¶ Mr. Al Sharpton and others expressed concern on Wednesday morning over an editorial cartoon in The New York Post that showed a police officer telling his colleague who just shot a chimpanzee.not an opportunity to sling dangerous rhetoric. It is my belief that The New York Post owes an immediate apology to this city for demonstrating such terrible judgment and insensitivity.¶ Six studies under the title “Not Yet Human: Implicit Knowledge. They do feed a kind of negative and stereotypical way that people think. “Obviously those types of associations have been made. I hope they would clarify. citizens implicitly associate Blacks and apes. BLOW . the authors demonstrate that U. Democrat of New York. Conn.” he said in a statement. http://cityroom. Eberhardt¶ Stanford University¶ Melissa J. Historical Dehumanization.”¶ Senator Gillibrand. we demonstrated that subtle media representations of Blacks as apelike are associated with jury decisions to execute Black defendants. //AR) Gov. Paterson said the newspaper needed to clarify its meaning. David A. even controlling for implicit anti-Black prejudice.”¶ On Wednesday evening. Paterson said in response to a question about whether the cartoon’s depiction of a monkey was racist. PETERS.S. Cites studies written by Phillip Atiba Goff¶ The Pennsylvania State University¶ Jennifer L. “They’ll have to find someone else to write the next stimulus bill. it just proves once again how disconnected The Post is from New York City and its .com/2009/02/18/chimp-stimulus-cartoonraises-racism-concerns/.¶ Among the relevant findings:¶ Historical representations explicitly depicting Blacks as apelike have largely disappeared in the United States.”¶ City Councilman Leroy G. and for understanding the strong public reaction. implicitly compared President Obama with the primate and evoked a history of racist imagery of blacks. ¶ And …¶ After having established that individuals mentally associate Blacks and apes.blogs..¶ Speaking at a conference of the New York Academy of Medicine on Wednesday morning. Marty Markowitz. Gillibrand. drawn by Sean Delonas. If its disturbing connection to reprehensible racial stereotyping was unintentional.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 18/230 Dehumanization Impacts Allowing Institutional racism allows for the dehumanization of blacks Blow 9(CHARLES M. in Study 6.

You can’t get any lower.” the employee said.”¶ Such images are harmful on a number of levels.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 19/230 residents. and even racist. Sharpton said he planned to hold a protest outside The Post’s Midtown offices at noon on Thursday. the reverse side. said that portrayal of non-Westerners as primates became well-established in both the United States and Europe in the late 19th century.and even themselves -. very aggressive tone. kissing the buttocks of Mr. And for such a weak joke? There’s no excuse. Al Sharpton reveals himself as nothing more than a publicity opportunist. “Even people who do not harbor deep-seated prejudices.”¶ Being that the stimulus bill unflattering subject in cartoons drawn by Mr. was a photograph of President Obama signing the stimulus bill into law in Denver.” Many Post staff members were dismayed by the cartoon.686 people. because they have stereotypes deeply embedded in their consciousness. Again.¶ “Of course I would say it’s racist.” Mr. “now they will have to find someone else to write the stimulus bill.¶ In a long-term survey of 12. to wit the shooting of a violent chimpanzee in Connecticut. Mr.” Racism has allowed blacks to be categorized into negative stereotypes making it impossible for prosperity Kaplan 9(Karen Kaplan | Kaplan is a Times staff writer. but a new study suggests that derogatory racial stereotypes are so powerful that merely being unemployed makes people more likely to be viewed by others -.”¶ Professor Pieterse. Sharpton’s assertion that the cartoon was “racially charged. “It strains credulity to imagine that there is any association between a chimpanzee that was shot because it had attacked someone and a bill that has successfully passed through Congress. Allan’s assertion that the cartoon was devoid of racial content.”¶ Mr. 2000). 1995). On Page 11. so now we ask that they do the right thing and apologize to all who were offended by this tasteless cartoon. who is Dutch. whether he did this consciously or not. Allan said:¶ The cartoon is a clear parody of a current news event. denied Mr. I‘m speaking on behalf of the offended African-American community. “The phones on the city desk have never rung like that before. Racial stereotypes and social status. editor in chief of The Post.¶ Andrew Rojecki. a professor of global studies and sociology at the University of California. who spoke on condition of anonymity because employees were not permitted to comment on the matter. “I agree the cartoon is racist. mean. the Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation denounced a cartoon of his that showed a man carrying a sheep wearing a bridal veil to a “New Jersey Marriage Licenses” window. Delonas depicted Fernando Ferrer. What possible explanation could there be?”¶ Jan Nederveen Pieterse. In 2006. ¶ A newsroom employee at The Post.¶ “It’s absolutely outrageous. associate professor of communication at the University of Illinois at Chicago and co-author of “The Black Image in the White Mind” (University of Chicago Press. One has to question whether the cartoonist is making a less than casual inference to this form of racism when. the employee added. “It makes no sense. and author of “White on Black: Images of Africa and Blacks in Western Popular Culture” (Yale University Press. for example. Delonas has drawn ire from a number of groups for past cartoons in The Post. said its newsroom received many calls of complaints on Wednesday morning after the publication of the cartoon. The Post is always quick on the attack. without a doubt.”¶ He added. “Every line was lit up for several hours.com/2008/dec/09/science/sci-race9.” Professor Rojecki said in an interview. next to the paper’s Page Six gossip column.¶ In a phone interview.” he said. The ‘editors’ overseeing such content should be ashamed—and held accountable. //AR Barack Obama's election as president may be seen as a harbinger of a colorblind society.as black. Col Allan. has been the first legislative victory of President Barack Obama (the first African American president) and has become synonymous with him it is not a reach to wonder whether the Post cartoonist was inferring that a monkey wrote it?¶ In a statement. who has been an said in a statement on his Web site:¶ The cartoon in today’s New York Post is troubling at best. a reference to the State Supreme Court’s ruling that year requiring the state to grant same-sex couples the same legal rights and benefits as heterosexual couples through civil unions. Sharpton — a depiction that was widely criticized as demeaning. given the racist attacks throughout history that have made AfricanAmericans synonymous with monkeys. “There’s no question about it.¶ The cartoon was on Page 12 of Wednesday’s edition. Sharpton. but also the Irish and Chinese. changes in social . December 9 2008 http://articles. was drawing upon a very historically deep source of images about African-Americans that African-Americans do not have a lot of control over. “ The cartoonist.¶ “What does shooting a chimpanzee have to do with a stimulus bill?” Mr. and has affected not only blacks. the police say after shooting a chimpanzee. said he found the cartoon deeply troubling. may react unconsciously when those associations are triggered.latimes.¶ A 2001 cartoon by Mr.¶ Mr. It broadly mocks Washington’s efforts to revive the economy. a study of racial attitudes and their relationship to mass media content. the Bronx borough president who was seeking the Democratic nomination for mayor that year. Delonas in The Post.¶ Professor Rojecki rejected Mr. in the cartoon. “and I think people are concerned because it sets a nasty. Santa Barbara.” ¶ He added: “I’m not speaking on behalf of the president or the chimpanzee.” he said. said. “This raises all the racial stereotypes we are trying to get away from in this country.” he said of the cartoon. he said. Sharpton said.

marital status. insurance coverage and race." said Amon Emeka. a social demographer at USC who was not involved in the study.¶ They also looked for subjects who were interviewed by the same person two years in a row. according to the study published today in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 10% of people previously described as white were reclassified as belonging to another race if they became incarcerated. a sociologist at the University of Oregon. the results were the same. it's race that shapes social status. They found changes in 0. "We're perceived a certain way and identify a certain way depending on widely held stereotypes about how people believe we should behave. It's been true for hundreds of years. "[U. "Our story is consistent with the story that there's implicit prejudice. 95% said they were white in 2002.27% of cases. but he wouldn't say that he's a white person. People who have less education. Penner said. a professor of psychology and education at Columbia Teachers College in New York who studies race. Even in those cases. Carter. 4% were reclassified as something other than white.¶ "Race isn't a characteristic that's fixed at birth.¶ Of the people who said they were white in 1979 and stayed out of jail. only 81% still said they were white in 2002. examined data from the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics' National Longitudinal Survey of Youth. but the study is the first to show that social status also affects the perception of race ." said UC Irvine sociologist Andrew Penner.S. participants have also provided interviewers with information on a variety of topics. But if they stayed out of jail. Among those who were incarcerated at some point.¶ The effect has staying power.¶ The results underscore "the pervasiveness of racial stratification in society. one of the study's authors." "black" or "other." ."¶ The researchers found that people whom the interviewers initially perceived as white were roughly twice as likely to be seen as nonwhite in their next interview if they had fallen into poverty. People previously perceived as black were twice as likely to continue being seen as black if any of those things had happened to them. he'll be no more likely to say he's a black person or any less likely to say he's a white person.¶ The researchers are examining whether other social stereotypes have a similar effect on perceived race."¶ To see if the changes were the result of simple recording errors made when interviewers filled out their surveys.¶ "It's not social status that shapes race. Survey participants were asked to state their own race when the study began in 1979 and again in 2002." he said. culture and racial identity.¶ On 18 occasions between 1979 and 1998. " The fact that both beholders and the observers of blackness attach negative associations to blackness speaks volumes to the continuing impact of racial stratification in U. but it doesn't allow us to say what was going on in these people's heads. interviewers wrote down whether the people they spoke with were "white."¶ Researchers have long recognized that a person's race affects his or her social status. Altogether. society. said he wasn't convinced that stereotypes had the power to change the perception of race. and certainly no one on the planet would say he's a white person.S.¶ The racial assumptions affected self-identity as well. live in the inner city instead of the suburbs and are on welfare are more likely to be seen as black. People who were perceived as white and then became incarcerated were more likely to be perceived as black even after they were released from prison.¶ For example.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 20/230 circumstances such as falling below the poverty line or being sent to jail made people more likely to be perceived by interviewers as black and less likely to be seen as white. Saperstein said.¶ "The data is really interesting. the perceived race of 20% of the people in the study changed at least once over a 19-year period." said Emeka. Though the ongoing survey is primarily focused on the work history of Americans born in the 1950s and 1960s.¶ "After [junk bond financier] Michael Milken goes to prison. including health." she said. suggesting that interviewers weren't being sloppy. however. when the government streamlined its categories for race and ethnicity."¶ Penner and Aliya Saperstein. Supreme Court Justice] Clarence Thomas might say he's transcended race. lost their job or been sent to prison . "Stratification on the basis of racial group membership has been an integral part of our society since prior to the inception of the United States." ¶ But Robert T. the researchers checked how often a participant's gender changed from one year to the next.

from Chambers to Laclau.thenation. executive board member of Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle. http://www. The plea bargain reveals that agonism. PhD student at the University of California-Irvine Culture and Theory program. 7/14/13. The Nation. right and center have been fanning the flames of fear-mongering. It’s because he abides by the logic of white supremacy. White Supremacy Acquits George Zimmerman. then the very life of the supposed defendant becomes an object for the amusement of this “criminal justice club. agonists are different in a way they can respect each other and mutually grow from one another. That white anxiety serves to conceal the real public threat: that a black man is killed every twenty-eight hours by a cop or vigilante.” Once a case is dead. and with good reason. People will take to the streets. yes. some people do always get away—and it tends to be those strapped with guns and the logic of white supremacy at their side. speculating that people—and black people especially—will take to the streets. it wasn’t because he’s a so-called white Hispanic. both sides must agree that the cases of the black are “born dead. they smack it around until someone wins the point. the discursive conflicts happening in the world between adversaries are secured and produced by the gratuitous violence against blackness. Then the ball is discarded and a new ball is brought out so the contest can continue ad infinitum. activist scholar. He’s not. as a democratic way of dealing with difference. and was supported by a defense team—and a swath of society—that supports the lingering idea that some black men must occasionally be killed with impunity in order to keep society-at-large safe.com/blog/175260/white-supremacy-acquits-georgezimmerman#axzz2Z1gHXtGC)//LA When Zimmerman was acquitted today. posit this democratic ideology as the response to antagonism. But the real violence in those speculations.” What is revealed in the politics of the plea bargain is how the pleasure of democracy is born from the agony of the black. The prosecutor serves it to the defense attorney. regardless of whether they prove to be true. In order for the sport of plea-bargaining to occur. To put it differently. They’ll be there because they know that. Proponents of agonism. Media on the left. Ignoring issues of White supremacy perpetuates racial violence Bogado 7/14 (Aura. “The Flesh Grinder: Prosecutorial Discretion and the Terror of Mass Incarceration. 10-26-12. and echoes Zimmerman’s fears: that black bodies on the street pose a public threat. is that it silences black anxiety. the black body is akin to a tennis ball. That fear-mongering represents a deep white anxiety about black bodies on the streets. BA in philosophy from Johns Hopkins. .Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 21/230 AT: Framework Their presumptions of democratic deliberation presume that the agons exist within a range of ontological equivalency which paves over the fungible body Brady 12 (Nicholas Brady.” http://academia. The anxiety that black men feel every time they walk outside the door—and the anxiety their loved ones feel for them as well. requires an ontological equivalency that is only produced in contradistinction to the antagonism of non-black-over-black. Where antagonist are different in such a way that one must kill the other.edu/2776507/The_Flesh_Grinder_Prosecutorial_Discretion_and_the_Quotidian_Terror _of_Mass_Incarceration) gz If the prosecutor and the defense attorney are locked in an agonistic sport.

then what implications does this have for how we ‘film’ and treat voice in qualitative inquiry? (4) How does a disequilibrium of voice occur in film and what is to be learned or gained? Question 1: (de)naturalizing voice? Before pictures became talking. in our work as researchers. we seek data and meaning in the form of a text that is directly communicated by participants. 511-23)//LA Positioned in an era of evidence-based policy and research-funding practices.ing and straining to push against the limits of the present toward a recognition of those limits that bind us and those limits which produce productive resistances. but in the sense that we narrowly define voice and thereby consider only one aspect employed by our research participants to convey meaning. whilst the intertitle or piece of writing [used to transmit dialogue] shows the law. We view artifacts and objects used by the director that ‘present us with the natural being of man in history or society’ (217). that is reinscribed when qualitative researchers privilege voice and bestow upon it a similar naturalness or innocence in presenting the unadulterated voices of their research participants. Question 2: seeing speech? If. or put differently. It is this transmitted order. and recovers . because as he states. In silent cinema. and further. What is produced by my desire to think alternative imagings of voice. In a move to unloose such strictured notions of voice. robbing the framed image because we now see based on what we hear. We gather and produce ‘evidence’ of these voiced encounters in the form of transcripts that reproduce and classify direct speech-acts. in spaces which we no longer know how to describe’ (Deleuze 1985/1989. xi). an obvious observation is that the ‘speech. It becomes direct. the visual image is presented as ‘naturalized’ and innocent. 216). Prof @ Gonzaga U. ‘points to an innocent physical nature. 5. 217).. basing what we know on what we hear. as component of the visual image. and do so in a productive resistance to those who wish to narrow notions of what counts as research and evidence – those who cling to a sameness perpetuated by maintaining a distinction between the material and the discursive.. into words’ but is instead ‘a contestation of the excessive power granted to language to determine what is real’ (121). Put differently. makes something visible in that image’ (Deleuze 1985/1989. how can thinking with Deleuze help us create a language and a way of thinking that are up to the task? It is hoped. ‘The silent film was not silent. ‘The heard speech-act. we focus only on the scripted. the transmitted order’ (216). it makes visible in itself something that did not freely appear in the silent film’ (218). they are now rendered by a spoken voice. to an immediate life which has no need of language.act . or the speech-act broadly defined. then we also fail to consider how what we know and subsequently hear might be based on what we see. Vol.tion? How do we account for doings and actions as constitutive of voice? (3) If we agree that talking cinema is much more than filmed dialogue. but only “noiseless”’ (Deleuze 1985/1989. ‘situations which we no longer know how to react to. If ‘viewed’ as an image in the visual sense of the word. Whereas before. might it be possible to read the image of voice from a multi-dimensional perspective?3 Deleuze compares the components of the silent image with the talking image and in so doing makes it possible to question what is made ‘visible’ in the image of voice. although this can be the case. p. 223). which according to Barad (2008).. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education. we can turn to a performative understanding of discursive practices. Not in a literal sense of what we see. features of “discourse” which were altered in the silent or written film’ (Deleuze 1985/1989. Sept-Oct 2010. I navigate using Deleuze’s map to think the following questions: (1) What becomes naturalized and denaturalized in the transition from silent to talking films? How does a repositioning of voice as ‘direct’ in talking cinema change the way we think of voice? (2) What does it mean to ‘see’ a speech-act according to Deleuze and how does this inform methodological thinking that discards the material/binary distinc. Such a move shifts the . No. is no longer read but heard..Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 22/230 The neg’s attempt to bracket out our discussion perpetuates exclusionary limits—we must expand our conceptions beyond the realm of evidence-based policy in order to effectively investigate Mazzei 10 (Lisa A. What are the limits that we might make better use of. What happens as a result is that the talking picture not only naturalizes speech or voice. 23. the forbidden. At the same time. I follow Deleuze’s practice of thinking with the object of cinema. especially if we are researching our Other. Thinking Data with Deleuze. what might be gained from creative stuttering – do I risk being trapped in a repetition of consonants that evoke nonsense? Deleuze maintains that it is only out of nonsense that thinking occurs. ‘is not an invitation to turn everything . ‘Looking’ at voice in cinema. interactions in the visual image constituted speech-acts. in other words... When pictures begin to talk with noise. but it denaturalizes the visual image: ‘in so far as it is heard. or voice as truth. the nature of discourse is indirect or denaturalized. In this time of researching situations that we no longer understand. that one may use such think. or trying to say. thereby limiting our understandings of what our research participants are saying. rather than hearing based on what we see. how might we think at the limit of voice2 toward new limits that produce alternative imagings of voice? To further this blurring and to engage with Deleuze and cinema is to think the ‘speech-act’ as an ‘image’ in keeping with the visual. they still conveyed speech. if properly constructed. The visual image is constructed in such a way that it. spoken words or intertitles in our strategies to capture data and make meaning. for starters..

we begin to consider the intertitles and images used by our participants that function to convey voice. To consider the voices. Prompted by Deleuze.. By so doing. In silent pictures. the voice is not contained by a speaking subject because subjects speak only indirectly through the use of intertitles. movements). not in ways that are deemed absent as silent. but in ways that are meaningful as noiseless.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 23/230 focus method. The voices of the actors are communicated through the use of a ‘seen’ image and an ‘intertitle’ that is read. then we miss the noiseless properties of voice. If we depend on the ‘filmed’ dialogue in the form of tapes and transcripts. to matters of practices/doings/actions’ (121). ‘speech-acts’.g. gestures.. The intertitles are thus used to convey in addition to other elements. visual text in the form of written documents. is to consider what is missed if we only rely on one or the other in the viewing of film (or encounter with research participants) as silent rather than noiseless.. both performed and projected through these intertitles and images. and visually constituted speech-acts (e. Deleuze continues to write that the silent film did not just call for the talkie but ‘already implied it’ (Deleuze 1985/1989. 216). . facial expressions.ologically ‘from questions of correspondence between descriptions and reality . we might consider how our participants give voice.

the philosophy of liberty. the use of explosives against the Nazis seems a tactical act. More fundamentally and universally. film critic. or think of the portrayal of the Watts riots. the only valid one. He posits phrenology.¶ I arrive slowly in the world. whereas there is no easily imagined personalized end to slavery through a few targeted acts of vengeance. and apart from some debatable features. The Jew is not liked as soon as he has been detected. “Snowball’s Chance in Hell: Django Unchained. in fact! [p. The use of bombs against slavery would border on what we call terrorism these days. as mere alterity to whiteness. Any heroic narrative set in the slave-built Southern economy is going to have a major hurdle to overcome: there is no real end in sight. the villain remains like the renewable heads of a hydra. he certainly thinks of them that way. they were denied ontological status.] Of course the Jews have been tormented — what am I saying? They have been hunted. [. I am overdetermined from the outside. there was little possibility for or hope of fundamentally destroying the system of white power that.e. I sense. (I highly recommend Domenico Losurdo’s Liberalism: A Counter-History. (Odd how the guy doesn’t know words like ‘panache’ while being up to date on phrenology. He is a white man. but these are just minor episodes in the family history. which provides a mountain of evidence for liberalism’s primary theorists either outwardly supporting or giving backhanded defense to slavery on such grounds. sudden emergences are no longer my habit.. I’m not given a second chance. We can but hope and wait. can go unnoticed. if not most.com/2013/01/snowballs-chance-in-hell-django-unchained/) gz Along with Inglourious Basterds. He is not integrally what he is. Django Unchained forms something of a diptych for Tarantino insofar as both are revenge fantasies set in two of history’s greatest atrocities: the Holocaust and American chattel slavery. Slavery gave dialectical meaning to liberty by providing the liberals with something to negate (e. exterminated. or “irrationally” violent outbursts against a society (targeting civilians who can’t do anything to change the way things are.g. one crucial difference in their respective historical situations delimited the possibilities of fantasy: one can fantasize about the end of the Holocaust by killing the highest members of the Nazi party. what it meant not to be white or a subject and. Wilderson’s terms.) Instead of racist science: the slaves had little chance of escape — only a minority could get to border countries and the free states would return them without proof of freedman status (even freedmen had trouble fighting against a legal challenge to their status). His acts and behavior are the determining factor. I have been betrayed. no place. defined them on every level of “civil” society (including free states and the minds of many. a new species. but of a new type of man.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 24/230 AT: What about the Holocaust? Despite the banality of the Holocaust as an atrocity. the American colonies would not be the slaves to the English any longer). but to my appearance. developed alongside chattel slavery..) In Frank B. White Masks:¶ The Jewishness of the Jew. he can pass undetected. For hundreds of years. Slavery was a deeply structural violence. abolitionists). A Negro. But with me things take on a new face. In the interview he gave at the screening I saw last week. But before either film could begin to be written. nor is there a place to go where the hero’s limited victory will be recognized. a logical means of warfare. As Frantz Fanon famously wrote in Black Skin.. blackness constituted as a comparison to whiteness — i. and cremated. Thus. that the black skull is built to encase a servile brain. the Whites objectively cut sections of my reality. relegated to non-being. however. but I digress …. 1-8-13. an ontological domination of a people that didn’t obtain in the instance of the Holocaust.. the markings of the Jew are not ontological – anti-Semitic violence is contingent rather than structural while black lived experience is a daily horror of gratuitous violence Reece 13 (Charles Reece. much less celebrated (excepting the audience who might applaud at the film’s end). Once their microtones are sharpened. . I am fixed. I see in this white gaze that it’s the arrival not of a new man. 95]¶ That provides an alternative to the film’s plantation owner Calvin Candie’s theory as to why slaves don’t rise up and kill their masters. It was not purely coincidence that liberalism. Blackness was placed on the outside. what it meant not to be free. I am a slave not to the “idea” others have of me. for example: why did they destroy property?).” http://hoodedutilitarian. by extension. is already dissecting me. as Fanon described. blacks experienced a structural suffering that is not analogous to the social oppression so many other groups have been under throughout history. I crawl along. The white gaze.

pharmaceutical [*422]companies have never been held liable for failing to produce vaccines. the omissions tend to fade into the surrounding situation." n28 Similar techniques shield the legal regime itself from responsibility. or even notify a nearby lifeguard. The "optionless" subjects took cover behind their assigned roles in an ostensibly valuable. throw her a life ring. n23 An unseeded hurricane is perceived as an act of nature or God. n30 Of course. the subjects without a salient choice to end the shocking (the second group) could more easily excuse themselves from blame than the subjects who were presented an alternative. For example. n22 Similarly. abnormal actions--going against the flow. no one acts. we often deem "omissions" that produce suffering far less culpable than "acts" that lead to similar suffering. even if the risk of death from foregoing the vaccination is substantially greater. scientific inquiry. the way things are. n25 Policy and policy analysis reflect that omission bias. but have sometimes been liable for the harm caused even by vaccines whose dangers are unavoidable. As Philip Bobbitt and Guido Calabresi have argued. typically are viewed less as actions causing harm than as situationally excused omissions. In the Lerner experiment. even if seeding would likely reduce the storm's expected damage. n26 Tort law traditionally has been reluctant to impose responsibility for doing nothing n27 and generally imposes no duty to rescue. But a person or institution that actively seeded a hurricane would likely be considered responsible for the actual harm that hurricane caused. a purported goal need not be the actual motivation for an act or a policy in order to have the absolving effect. When individual action is salient. n31 . but where individuals fail to act. lawmakers engage in legitimating subterfuges to avoid explicitly making "tragic choices" that would cause suffering or death. the plan. 2006) Lerner's experiment indicates just how ready we are to short-circuit potential perceptions of injustice. some people have argued that hurricanes should not be seeded. In a related phenomenon. the "sunbather who watches a child going under the waves has no duty to dive in the water. And in part because such omissions would be blameless. or an act of God--that behavior is less likely to be viewed as blameworthy than is abnormal behavior. some parents are reluctant to vaccinate their child if the vaccination has some mortality risk. For example. Often a "cover story" need not be very strong to justify harmful conduct. When behavior that causes harm is perceived as normal--part of the script. to which blame does not generally attach.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 25/230 AT: Link of Omissions Bad New link—the idea that omissions are unimportant causes greater harm Hanson 6 (Jon Hanson & Kathleen Hanson Harvard Law School Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review Summer. Stopping the experiment would have required affirmative. n29 Policies ostensibly pursuing some justified end. we see choice (and sometimes intent n24) and attribute causal responsibility accordingly. Thus risks "caused" by salient individual action (choosing the vaccine or seeding a hurricane) are perceived as worse than the greater risk posed by inaction (the virus or the flooded city). nature. In part because no one expects such actions to be taken. no blame attaches to not taking them. Thus. but having untoward consequences for some groups.

. expectations. and ultimately shot by Zimmerman. Purdue University. its public policies.blogspot. often focusing on individual behaviour change. and logics of mainstream American society. what we learn from the above example is the culture of profiling of African American youth that is inherent in the assumptions of US society.com/2013/07/that-addressinghealth-disparities-in. building self efficacy. working toward addressing the underlying racism of American society.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 26/230 Institutions Key Race is the root cause of institutional analysis—failure to recognize this perpetuates racism Dutta 7/14 (Mohan. legal system. police surveillance. In this sense then. participation. and its history of racism. The shooting was an outcome of the fight that had ensued between Zimmerman and Martin. culture. To get here. institutions. Health disparities: What the Florida rulings teach us. justice system. This deep-rooted racism of American society is intrinsic to the large disparities in health outcomes that are experienced by Blacks compared to Whites. has since offered the explanation that Martin looked threatening because he was wearing a hoodie and walking in an area where there have earlier been burglaries. its expectations. Coming back then to the fundamental structural inequities that constitute US society. the social sciences that are constituted within the broader framework of health disparities would need to be fundamentally transformed. The acknowledgment of this racism would push those of us doing health disparities work toward transformative politics that takes as its starting point the need to fundamentally rework American society. we have to collectively fight the whitewashing that is built into the funding agencies and federal structures that determine what we do and how we do what we do. who had stepped out to buy iced tea and a bag of skittles. Trayvon. Yet. http://culture-centered. These structural inequities are so fundamental. George Zimmerman not guilty on the grounds that the shooting was an act of self-defense. gun regulation and so on. values and principles governing everyday life are built on the superiority of a White mainstream that dictates the rules of representation. and at the same time being oblivious to the deeply pervasive structures of racism in US society. and jails are organised around this racist logic of systematically criminalising African Americans. educational system. who was leading a neighborhood watch team. The accounts of the exact order of events remains contested and that eventually became the basis for the judgment. and the intrinsic relationship of this industry to racism. what does remain clear is that Trayvon was profiled and chased. so normal to the framework of American society that most efforts at addressing health disparities unknowingly end up perpetuating them. What goes hidden in the mainstream narrative of health disparities is the racism that is inbuilt into the processes. Everyday conversations. Zimmerman. creating positive role models etc. This structural inequity in the organising of American society is well evident in the recent court ruling in Florida that found the killer of Trayvon Martin. and engagement.. That African Americans are perceived as criminals is an organising frame that makes up the US. employment. there are much deeper structural inequities that are played out in the very organisational structure of US society that often go unnoticed in the calls for addressing health disparities that are rooted in these very structures. and profiting from this process of criminalisation. housing.html)//LA However. 7/14/13— the day after the Zimmerman verdict. was followed and chased by George Zimmerman. Deep interrogation of health disparities work would systematically guide social scientists toward examining the power exerted by the gun industry.

and Gabby Calhoun are an extension of this system. Race was devised as a social construct in order for whites to establish and maintain their dominance in political and economic affairs in America.¶ The cancer of racism fools poor whites into voting for a political party that has no interest in solving their financial and social ills. which is pervasive throughout our culture.huffingtonpost."As the words "not guilty" fell from the lips of the six jurors in the Trayvon Martin murder case on Saturday night. Most of our white brethren still refuse to acknowledge these facts as well as the statistics proving black disenfranchisement. darkest suspicions. The cancer of racism thrives in America because the ones with the power refuse to abundantly clear from history. //AR) Famous literary stalwart James Baldwin once said. These latest atrocities of Jordan Davis. It's because we're stressed out and tired of being confined in an unjust system that was never intended for us to become successful. and. The truth is we've been living in two Americas based on race and class. judicial proceedings.This opprobrious verdict reaffirmed everything African-Americans thought about this country that our humanity and citizenship isn't recognized under the laws of the United States.¶ There have been countless examples ranging from police brutalities. it made me pause and realize that this ruling can give anyone the opportunity to take my life whenever they feel threatened because of my skin color or how I walk. African-Americans have been convicted in the court of white supremacy as being less than human. The Cancer of Racism Thrives in America 07/16/2013 3:53 pmhttp://www. The American justice system continues to set a double standard when it comes to dishing out prison sentences to AfricanAmericans and whites. educational institutions. For 394 years.As a young African-American man living in the south. Our hellacious suffering provided whites the capital to build a country based on the principles of white hegemony. they couldn't fathom the humanity of their slaves and their offspring. this ignorant denial has to cease. it's constructing private prisons and using the War on Drugs as a conduit to incarcerate AfricanAmericans at an astronomical rate. This white hegemonic system has stalled the progression of African-Americans for far too long. I insist on the right to criticize her perpetually.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 27/230 Williams Racism thrives in every core institution individual action is key to breakdown the anti-black hegemonic system of the Status Quo Williams 13 (Chris Williams. If it's not gerrymandering or redistricting to dilute our voting power. Virginia in 1619. and passage of laws that continue the troubling trend of psychological and physical oppression. African-Americans were never part of their equation other than providing a consistent source of free labor. "I love America more than any other country in this world. and blue outfit. among other ailments. The United States of America is in name only. Since arriving on the shores of Jamestown. murders. I thought to myself how those two words have never been applied to African-American humanity in America. Marissa Alexander. When the founding fathers were writing the Declaration of Independence and Constitution. white. Before we can fully progress as a society. Then. The cancer of racism has the Republican Party wanting to turn the clock back to 1913 through their divisive . Writer. you wonder why African-Americans have the highest rates of high blood pressure.com/chris-williams/the-cancer-of-racism-thri_b_3602319. I've never been more disappointed in the country of my birth. The cancer of racism thrives in the halls of Congress. and the evidence can be seen in the refusal to work with the first African-American president to pass laws to uplift minorities out of their perilous conditions . talk or dress. it's cutting social programs that ease the strenuous burden put on our households every day. exactly for this reason. we've been America's doormat and punching bag. diabetes.html . If we were truly united. But it's a testament to our character of how we've been able to rise above it and achieve numerous successes. The cancer of racism makes voting damn near impossible in the south after the Voting Rights Act was dismantled.Racism is as American as Uncle Sam and his red. but acknowledge minorities as their equals. African-Americans wouldn't have to endure systematic subjugation and degradation on a daily basis. What is a black life worth? The answer was already those six jurors confirmed our deepest. prostate and breast cancer. state legislatures. If it's not closing schools in impoverished neighborhoods across the nation.

¶ For every person in this society to begin receiving a fair shake. America will never be a post-racial society unless serious dialogue and actions to reform these inadequate measures begin. The cancer of racism allows defense attorneys Don West and Mark O'Mara and jurors to exercise their privilege in portraying Trayvon Martin as a criminal when he was an innocent child. The responsibility of tackling this dreaded disease falls at the feet of Generations X and Y. The cancer of racism provides the opportunity for police militarized states to stop and frisk young African-American men every day.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 28/230 policies. and deposed of. start treating us like family instead of like strangers. each one of us has to become proactive in fighting on the side of right and not on the side of privilege . . No more standing on the sidelines. The work needs to take place in American homes and to a larger extent our schools and lawmaking bodies. Otherwise. While you hold the cards. If our country is to become truly united. African-Americans have been fighting on the battlefield of justice for as long as you've been conspiring against us. ¶ To my white brothers and sisters. we've more than earned our seat at the playing table to start this process of gaining racial conciliation and economic empowerment.¶ ¶ The future of our society is contingent upon this potential of mutual respect. denounced. it must begin with you all. the cancer of racism will destroy this country. these unlawful injustices and practices must be addressed and policies must be enacted to curtail the centuries of damage already done. It's 2013. The time has arrived for racism to be discussed.

the half-seen glances from across the bus from eyes that fearfully refuse to meet mine. http://themolinist. We must still. to be stopped by police for walking down the street. that we still need to wear protective clothing. What I do know is what it’s like to be a Trayvon Martin. Our hopes for a world where our voices would be heard were dashed.’ Why? Because blacks with the gall to be black. I want every white person I ever complain to about the years of piling slights. 7/14/13—the day following the George Zimmerman trial verdict. Like many. Sight Karen Grigsby Bates observed today that this case has confirmed for blacks and members of many other communities of colour. all carefully considered to avoid any shred of ‘blackness. This case offered me some sliver of that recognition. much of why this decision has been met with so much anger. what it is to be a person of colour in a world that privileges whiteness. I received the news not with anger or frustration but a sort of quiet sadness that is difficult to explain. I think. MLitt Student @ U of Aberdeen. like many. day-today reality. An open letter to whites about the black community and the Trayvon Martin case on his Blog The Molinist. I wasn’t present when George Zimmerman shot Trayvon Martin.’ I want the excuses and the explanations to stop. To recognise that I experience racism. Early Modern Intellectual History Specialist. It’s about us. The way I dress in an academic setting. I know where they come from. I do know what it’s like to be followed by staff in a nice clothing store.wordpress. I followed this case intently and had (continue to have) definite opinions on them (the justice of those opinions is another matter) and.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 29/230 Simmerson-Gomes Very powerful card on whiteness and Zimmerman—critiques evidence and racial minimization—we don’t defend ableist language Simmerson-Gomes 7/14 (Matthew. the way I speak and write. I want white people to stop questioning my experience of racism. in other words. and this verdict. to respond with compassion and credulity and not to even think about explaining them away or ‘informing’ me that racism died with Rosa Park or MLK or whatever and they would know. I want racism to end but almost as much I want to stop being told by whites that it has. you have that black friend and your maternal grandmother is Chinese). That is. Deafness While I cannot speak for my community I am certain that I am not alone in the sense that what many of us were hoping for with this case was a degree of vindication. . hope that made the slights easier to endure for its impending fulfillment and that prejudiced me against any possibility of Zimmerman’s innocence in any trifling legal sense. to stop defending every offender as ‘just doing his job’ or ‘just doing whatever. the extra hours at airport security. and you’re certainly not the one who is shot in the street. so I don’t know what transpired. I know. he didn’t call me a nigger and you didn’t notice any racism and you would know). The tantalising prospect that a white-passing man with a white name would be found guilty of murdering an unarmed teenaged boy for no other reason than his race and his hoodie filled me with hope that my plight would no longer be so easily dismissed. you’re not the one who is refused service. a recognition by the courts of a Western nation that the racism we face is a real. mean for communities of colour in and outside the United States. appear church-ready whenever we walk out the door. I woke up to this. to endure the thousand micro-aggressions and the hundred fearful looks. the patronising astonishment coupled with quiet indignation at my education or erudition. B. in the hopes that I can share some insight into what this case. so I don’t know what he was thinking or with what intent he followed Martin down the street. that vindication. I know you think I’m being too sensitive or too quick to judge (after all. You are not the one who is slurred. I know that you feel like affirmative action gives me a leg up because you work just as hard and where’s your quota? I know it’s easier to pretend that racism is a thing of the past because you can get by just fine doing that so why can’t I? But here’s the thing: it’s not about you. I have long described to white friends the process of dressing (or otherwise self-presenting) to ‘white’ myself.Th St Paul University Ottowa. many people within and without the black community. I’m going to try. I know you feel accussed. though. I know you feel that you are not racist (after all.com/2013/07/14/an-open-letter-to-whites-about-the-blackcommunity-and-the-trayvon-martin-case/)//LA This morning. the extra-curricular activities I put on my resume as a teenager. in her words. I want you to acknowlegde that fact. To be suspect. I cannot peer into George Zimmerman’s soul.

I am a threat because you see me. I pray that my words will not fall only on deaf ears and blind eyes. This case. Lady Justice may be blind but George Zimmerman is not. they say. On the night he was killed. apologism. maybe the sight of a teenaged boy wearing a hoodie after dark would not have frightened him so severely that he decided to follow that boy with a firearm at the ready. In spite of that I’ve spoken only for myself. or worse yet I will simply be criminal and suspect. the cloth that the world has tied around your eyes. yet somehow you do not see this. it seems. or at least some of me. But now the world has turned away because the court has comfortably ruled that blackness really is threatening and you really are justified in keeping watch for it in your communities and resisting it with deadly force. Speech I’ve added my voice to the cacophony of this verdict in the hopes of granting a little insight to those outside my community to whom our response to the case has been opaque. instead it painted a target on his back and hung around his neck a sign that read ‘threat. because I can no more speak on behalf of blacks than you can speak on behalf of whites (not least because to some. And perform I will. Lord. He wore his hoodie over his head. how I wish I had the privilege of their naiveté. I will do so to please you and you will think it right. I’ve brought all my eloquence to bear and had a friend copy-edit my words because I know all too well the lesson we all learned from Rachel Jeantel: that black speech is suspect and blacks who speack publically on race represent us all. upon a black boy killed for blackness itself. In death he bore witness to the racism and oppression that blacks and other people of colour experience every day. Some cried victim blaming. We were wrong. an other.’ Right or not. You will not see. Maybe she would have known that by refusing to see the racial dynamics of the case before her. this ruling has reminded me why I prefer to let the rain fall unhindered onto my head. For a few short seconds all eyes turned upon a racially motivated crime. It was about evidence. a potential gangbanger who might be carrying so we better stop him just in case. If Lady Justice removed her blindfold maybe she would have seen that her scales were weighted against Trayvon Martin from his first breath. the men who watch me like hawks when I pet their dogs on the street. If he were.’ the ‘angry black guy’ who doesn’t know that MLK fixed the system. Race was at the core of this case and race it why it became a symbol of such great weight and meaning. a loadstone around my neck that I dare not draw attention to because then I will be the ‘activist. I am not one). because I want nice clothes and good jobs and to walk down the street unhindered by the authorities. because in my brown skin is the crime for which Trayvon Martin died.’ are rarely deemed worthy of your respect. Everywhere I go I am a threat. So I must perform if I am to get ahead or even to get by. and the staff who follow me in their stores. I’ve done so knowing it will open me up to dismissal and scorn (after all. Others replied ‘prudence. Blindness I have seen it observed more times than I care to count today that justice is supposed to be blind. Why was Trayvon Martin threatening to George Zimmerman? For the same reason that I am threatening to the mothers who claw their children back when I smile and wave back to them on the bus. only from my own experience and perspective. was not about race. Whoever is right. To us Trayvon Martin was not just murdered. saw. If the police were blind. I will see it every time I look in the mirror. she was blinding herself to the very substance of the case. who am I to accuse you?). maybe they would have charged a man who shot dead a 17 year old boy before mass protests forced them. In this world you have created for me my blackness is a handicap I must not acknowledge. Trayvon Martin was dressed in a way that does not please you. It was about a boy who was killed and the man who killed him. police officials and pundits suggested that Tayvon Martin’s choice of clothing was a factor in his death. an outsider. for a moment. reshuffled the deck so now that everyone gets the same hand but who still needs to be Snoop Dog. In words well-practised from the press conferences and talking heads sessions that follow every high-profile sexual assault. Trayvon Martin’s clothing was not protective.’ Black voices intoned both. . You will not see his martyrdom because it is woven into the frabic of your privilege. he was martyred.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 30/230 to act and speak as you have deemed ‘black. In Trayvon Martin’s death and George Zimmerman’s trial the world.

and ourselves. above all. and unacceptable before the law and the White Gaze. the time for responsibility is here. or for the unknowable quantity of people of color whose death and prohibition from justice will occur under similar circumstances. all in the name of white supremacy. For Trayvon. for every day of life that Trayvon. This is not about a stunning defense. It is also not a time to bend to fear. Privilege too often makes guilt seem redeeming. It is a time for grief. plain as day. male student at a private university in Boston majoring in English with a possible double or minor in Latin American Studies. Your guilt will likely be just as useless to the next person of color to be killed in America. his family. hear this: this is not the time for guilt . Emmett. It was about white supremacy when the trial became about Zimmerman’s capacity to prove he felt threatened by Trayvon. can do nothing. Guilt is useless.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 31/230 Loudmouthedbookworm NOW IS KEY—reject their evidentiary reformism in favor of pure RAGE Anonymous 7/14 (Pseudonym Loudmouthedbookworm. for these children. Last night. a 17-year-old has been killed. The reason for that fear is ever-present. so let there be rage. responsibility must manifest through our grief and rage. Your guilt will not bring Zimmerman to justice. It is not the time for these things. all for upholding the truth of the threat black and brown bodies present to whiteness simply by and for existing in public. It was there long before the night Trayvon went walking. http://loudmouthedbookworm. and the urgency of now only grows with every moment. Guilt is paralyzing and uninspiring. the value of white freedom and suspicions over black and brown death and childhood was restated.”—his own description. . tomorrow. To Anyone who Doubted (For Trayvon). unjustified. a disturbance. racism. not challenge. A “20-something. It is a time for rage . because Trayvon’s blackness marked him as a threat. But I reiterate: It is not the time for guilt. Even if black and brown grief and rage are criminalized. Now. Your guilt will not console his family. Today. It was about white supremacy when Judge Debra Nelson refused to put Zimmerman on trial for racial profiling by banning the phrase from her courtroom. Grief for Trayvon. It has been there all our lives.com/2013/07/14/toanyone-who-doubted-for-trayvon/)//LA To Anyone Who Doubted: Last night. It is a time for other emotions. cisgender. it is not. his murderer acquitted. “defensive” action in response to any suspicions held of “suspicious” bodies. To anyone who doubted this was the case. the American judicial system reiterated the right of white and white passing citizens to murder people of color with impunity in the name of security and property. It was about that from the moment Zimmerman spotted Trayvon walking down the street at night in his own father’s neighborhood. and his family left heartbroken. for me. 7/14/13—the day after the Zimmerman verdict. because none of that was present. Your guilt will not bring Trayvon back. Korean-American. For you. and now finds they cannot doubt it anymore. Guilt will do nothing. because white anxiety is enough to justify black death. This is not about idiotic jurors. it is a time for these things because. This is not about incontrovertible evidence. because the American courtroom is designed to uphold.wordpress. Brisenia. and the legitimacy of violent. This is about white supremacy. and countless unnamed children of color have been denied. the innumerable flaws in the trial and system that managed the possibility of justice for him.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 32/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 33/230 Pedagogy K .

and ignorance in order to help future teachers not just mouth the mantra of a culturally relevant pedagogy (Ladson-Billings. 1994. ‘‘Why do we need to talk about it? Isn’t it best if we don’t notice it? Isn’t it an issue because we *You+ keep making it an issue?’’ This discussion then is presented as a continuing engagement with those racially inhabited silences in an attempt to further ascertain their relevance and to formulate pedago. i. and acknowledge that we must incorporate diversity into education classes. but when asked to specifically discuss their percep. but actu. 1992).e. These racially inhabited silences are particularly noticeable in settings where white preservice teachers are challenged to deal with issues of diversity.tions or experiences based on race and ethnicity.. finding themselves uncomforta. They will talk about difference. . 2001). to the racial subject. 1125-1136)//LA Since that initial research I have continued to explore the importance of racially inhabited silence in classes with preservice teachers. Silence speaks: Whiteness Revealed in the Absence of Voice. especially when the conversation engages the social and economic implications of racial diversity and when the critical gaze is shifted from the racial object. particularly as it arises in conversations regarding issues of diversity.ally mean it and enact it..ent’’ or ‘‘Other’’ especially as those responses. serve to expose and solidify circumscribed perceptions. stereotypes. So we can adequately prepare teachers to recognize when they are responding to their students based on their own biases. In the words of one student..Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 34/230 Silence—L/O Failure to confront whiteness through an educational model prevents productive pedagogy—that's a prerequisite to chage Mazzei 8 (Lisa A. Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) p. white self (Morrison. Then—Manchester Metropolitan U. Now—Gonzaga U. i. it is as if I have asked them to divulge the password of a secret society.e. This attention serves as a means of both identifying and challenging responses to those who are ‘‘differ.gical responses so we can get students to talk about it. both silent and muted. the non-white Other.ble in the context of a discourse of diversity.

Villegas & Lucas. .g. and to deny this loss is to fail to develop a pedagogy that not only recognizes and confronts the silences. but which serves to disadvantage their students because the students cannot wear the same mask. The fact that racism is present in schools means that they participate.taged. ‘‘the issue of racism is very much alive in schools today. we can provide experiences in our classrooms that are potentially transforma. sexual orientation. be it according to race. 2002). But it is not as simple as distributing note cards and assuming that a recognition of the silences on our part as teacher educators will lead to a breaking of the silence on the part of our students. or refuted.tive. whether knowingly or not. that change in the arena of racial discourse comes by encouraging our students to brush up against their own whiteness. both our own and those of our students. Students may resist breaking the silence. Now—Gonzaga U.’’ and as future teachers they must accept the potential loss of comfort and privilege toward a recognition that they are as much a part of a racial or multicultural discourse as their non-white students. Cochran-Smith. The loss of privilege when they begin to acknowledge the norming presence of whiteness by which they are judged. there is the potential for much loss on the part of our students. our challenge as teacher educators is to engage these losses and the silences that they inhabit. unacknow. In order that we not ‘‘silence’’ the fears associated with these losses. or social class.. An awareness of loss might mean that we recognize the loss and the fear inhabiting the silence and develop pedagogical strategies that commu. gender. Silence speaks: Whiteness Revealed in the Absence of Voice. for example. for to do so means they risk a loss of privilege. identity and comfort.nicate to our students that we do not discount the fear or the loss. but to do so. Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) p. The loss of comfort. Valli. and I believe that chronicled by others in education (see for e. As acknowl. Then—Manchester Metropolitan U. but that we also refuse the silence on their part as a strategy of avoidance. 2000. 1125-1136)//LA It is my insistence. As educators. when they are ‘‘forced’’ to go into settings where they are not the majority. but also accepts and acknowledges the fears associated with such a loss. For this to happen we must attempt to develop pedagogical strategies that encourage the breaking of silences. and subsequently advan. we must admit the potential for loss that our students recognize and resist as we challenge them to engage the silences. unnoticed position of whiteness is suddenly called into question and redefined.edged by Amanda. A loss of identity when an undoing of white privilege means that their unspoken. 1995. reinscribed. As described in the previous section. and a claiming of this participation is also a claiming of innocence lost.ledged.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 35/230 Alt/Prior Question The alternative is an uncomfortable recognition of whiteness—only pedagogical spaces can reshape whiteness Mazzei 8 (Lisa A.

’ I didn’t realize that she grew up the same way as I did. Now—Gonzaga U. particularly white teachers. middle class. When Margaret in another assignment for the ‘‘Diversity and the Learner’’ class wrote of her impressions of a young woman with a Korean mother but who grew up in the United States. I had access to jobs that probably were not available to people of other cultures. They think that by looking past skin colour they are above racist attitudes and actions. dependent on a racially inhabited silence that perpetuates stereotypes of the Other also serves to define ‘‘different’’ through a racial lens which is both culturally determined by and uncritical of its racial position. Then—Manchester Metropolitan U. ‘‘Is it ever going to stop?’’ was a question asked by one of my students referring to the continued emphasis on multicultural education. race. One.e.. Yet. are unaware of our own socially con. she revealed her tendency to see life through a white racial lens.ties. both teacher educators and students. Pedagogy is a prior question—it’s a crucial part of networks of Whiteness Mazzei 8 (Lisa A. and 80’s. and a corresponding need to discuss attitudes regarding gender.structed attitudes and remain blind to our position as whites in a racial discourse. these designated multicultural students are behind or lacking in some way.’’ This statement reveals the unstated assumptions that Andrea makes about black students (i. Then—Manchester Metropolitan U. racial identity. Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) p. These advantages were present in the opportunities available to me. that they do not live with their fathers). when Jennifer asks ‘‘why *does+ it matter to even talk about race? Isn’t it best if we don’t notice it?’’ we can no longer remain silent or uncritical. or worse fail to see ourselves as ‘‘raced’’ thereby continuing a racial discourse that identifies all non-whites as ‘‘Other. In a review of educa. It is almost as if my success was jump-started from the beginning. When Linda wrote ‘‘multicultural students strug. multicultural education is for those who are other than white and is of most benefit for those students who are non. 5). but it will not arrive as long as teachers. are talking about it.’ a label that ignored the absence of white students in urban school systems’’ (p. When one of the cooperating teachers responded to a question by Linda that the Asian children ‘‘struggle with the language arts but never the subject of math. She made assumptions about the Other from an uncritical position of whiteness. she unproblemmati. Two. I began a qualitative research project whose purpose was to consider how a group of white teachers in an urban school district in the US understood their racial position and to examine how that understanding impacted their curricular decisions and work .’’ she acknowledged the advantage that white privilege and affluence afforded. 1125-1136)//LA More than a decade ago. Now—Gonzaga U. Silence speaks: Whiteness Revealed in the Absence of Voice. 73). 1125-1136)//LA They are not knowingly racist. ‘‘I looked at her as the ‘Korean girl. the discussion was framed as ‘‘preparing teachers of deprived. disadvantaged. This discourse. 70’s. Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) p. Silence speaks: Whiteness Revealed in the Absence of Voice.cally wrote in the same paper. and is thereby silent regarding how such assumptions impact the ways in which she makes judgements about the students and their families that she works with. Finally. ‘‘It is interesting that one can in fact (re)tell a white life through a racial lens y Seeing blackness was not seeing whiteness’’ (p.’’ and my student rationalized that this is because math is pretty universal and the English language is not. Weiner (1993) asserted that in each of the three periods. I questioned her knowledge of American culture just because of the way her eyes looked and the darkness of her hair. in fact many are appalled at racist attitudes and actions by others and sometimes angrily ask why we have to keep talking about the inequities they believe are no longer important or relate to them. We must understand that when we ‘‘don’t notice’’ or when we ‘‘don’t talk about it’’ we. 72–73). It is a valid question and one which gives pause to hope that such a day might come.’’ When Andrea wrote ‘‘my life as a young.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 36/230 Prior Question Questions of pedagogy come first—determines whiteness in the debate space Mazzei 8 (Lisa A.’’ she revealed two beliefs that are assumed but rarely stated by many white teachers.gle most with communicating and making friends. and class inequi. then we are engaging in a racial discourse as experienced through a white lens.native English speaking students. Caucasian American provided advantages that were not there for others in minority cultures.. I was educated in Catholic schools.’’ We must seriously expose and critique any position that fosters the view articulated by Frankenberg (1996). or at-risk students’’ (pp.. ‘‘Like so many other young black males. Further she stated that since the early 1970s ‘‘educators began to describe urban school populations as ‘multicultural.tional research that focused on the preparation of teachers for urban schools of the 60’s. John has no father in his everyday life.

55). in unique ways to the development of critical pedagogy. and the Re-Conceptualization of a Critical Race Pedagogy. have contributed. To the extent that school officials and teachers work to maintain the bureaucratic structure of schooling. To that extent. Social Reproduction theorists believe that schools maintain the status quo by making certain that existing social and economic relations remain constant. While the research and teaching described in this article have occurred in a US context. I was carefully taught this by parents who did not wish for their children to perpetuate much of what they had experienced as whites growing up long before civil rights and integration. And while the local context for my work is the Midwest region of the United States. the capitalist economy is responsible for creating and maintaining widespread poverty and disenfranchisement among minorities and the poor in most industrialized democracies. since it is highly likely that they will attend schools that foster this kind of mentality. To that extent. and (3) Theories of Resistance. 11) determine and shape the looming disparities in wealth that exist between the rich and the poor. they are implicated as agents of this capitalist domination.S. had little or no experience of themselves as having a ‘‘racial position’’ and that their experience of having lived in a world of white privilege severely limited their ability to see or express themselves as ‘‘Other. Educational Foundations. In other words. must be situated in the global context’’ (p. ‘‘race. 1976. p. The third principle recognizes that school profession. and racial identity. As a result. with its run-a-way capitalist economy. schools have not been instrumental in helping the majority of poor and working class people achieve social mobility. including myself. subsequently reflected in the pedagogical and curricular decisions made by these teachers. A silence that shields and veils until finally. and in particular whiteness.als do not necessarily reproduce social inequalities with malice of intent. 117). p. this principle recognizes the hierarchical structure of schooling and its tendency to mirror the “top-down” structure of the labor market which aids in the reproduction of social inequality. and Marvin. students from working class families are trained to work in low paying non-skilled jobs.’’ This lack of awareness led to noticeable silences in the conversations related to race. As a means of acknowledging the importance of these silences and addressing their relevance in circumscribing identity.S.1 racial position. that “market. allows the forces of the market to dictate what happens in the rest of society. schools were designed for the purpose of maintaining current economic relations. The two most notable learnings emerging from that initial research were the realization that the white teachers who participated in the study. The House That Race Built: Critical Pedagogy. and economic arrangements by preparing students for predetermined roles in the labor force. the global context for this work is teacher education that concerns itself with the development of racially aware and culturally sensitive teachers. such discussions and learnings have much wider implica.gical strategy was developed to identify and examine the significance and myriad meanings inhabiting the silences. Summer-Fall 2005. economy is a formally totalitarian system in which the actions of the vast majority (workers) are controlled by a small minority (owners and managers)” (Bowles & Gintis. something. or are taught not to notice. In the course of the research these silences were shown to be both purposeful and meaningful in reaffirming the espoused perspective of the participants. . The second.2 So what happens when we do not notice. Many who grew up in the US with white skin were taught not to notice or to mention one’s skin colour for fear of being impolite or racist. African-American Education. According to Leonardo (2004a). The very basis of the argument here is that “the U. property and power relationships” (p. (2) Cultural Reproduction Theory. 15-32)//LA Critical Pedagogy as a discourse on schooling and inequality relies mainly on three theoretic and analytic strands of thought: (1) Social Reproduction Theory.3 Pedagogy comes first Jennings and Lynn 5 (Michael E. the U. Moreover. a methodolo. The work of Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis (1976) is largely based on five key principles that undergird their political economy of education. shatters the dream. These areas of study.. UT San Antonio and U of Maryland College Park.tions. Instead. or pretend not to notice? What can happen is that we lull ourselves into a dream state induced by this soporific silence. someone.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 37/230 as teachers. social. and probably the most important principle is that schools act as agents in the regeneration and solidification of existing political. First.

and the Re-Conceptualization of a Critical Race Pedagogy.1995. In other words. any critique of schools must be situated within an understanding of the particular socio. 1990. and Marvin. whose ideas we will address later. Bourdieu middle and upper class students. 1977. 1977).historical forces that have led to current conditions within a given society.tion refers to the ways in which schools and teachers reproduce social inequalities through the promotion of certain forms of class-specific cultural knowledge. 1977). In other words.lar. the individual has some degree of agency in making choices that will benefit him or her. political and economic circumstances of the time period being described before undertaking an analysis of schooling as an agent of capitalist hegemony. In other words. Bourdieu & Passeron. p. In this (1977) is quick to point out. while one’s degree of agency is considered an important component. UT San Antonio and U of Maryland College Park. 1977) in educa. Cultural Reproduction Theory offers an important analysis of how schools. p. Delpit. 1976). 1977.dem with theories of race and pedagogical practice in ways that reflect the context of African-American education. by each individual’s habitus. Because schools are established in relation to these norms and standards. Bourdieu & Passeron. 1977. 1995). or “the way a culture is embodied” within the individual (Harker. In particu. Evidence of this can be found in critical pedagogy’s attempt to offer critique of the analytic connections between race and education within the context of the African-American struggle for humanity. Bowles and Gintis also recognize that schools can sometimes serve as sites where social awareness takes place. This idea is further expounded upon in the work of resistance theorists. This greatly disadvantages children from lower and working class backgrounds who are not aware of the rules required for successfully working within the culture of power (Bourdieu. This theory presents a departure from theories of social reproduction because it includes an analysis. begins with the notion that students who lack the cultural capital or the requisite knowledge and skills with which to successfully navigate the parameters of middle class culture inevitably fail at school (Bourdieu & Passeron. they also legitimize and therefore reinforce such standards while promoting the myth of meritocracy (Bourdieu. it is rendered nearly inconsequential when we consider how economic. Cultural Reproduction (Bourdieu. support particular patterns of behavior in school. The last principle is that the relationship between the organization of schools and the structure of the labor market changes and shifts according to the particular sociopolitical and historical context. the habitus is indeed a mitigating factor. political and social structures shape and constrict individual autonomy and agency (Bourdieu.cally privileged utilize schools as a way in which to sustain and legitimate their “high. political and economic arrangements. Educational Foundations. p. their habitus will be markedly different. it can be credited with contributing to the overall development of consciousness about social inequalities. The accumulation of cultural capital is also related to one’s degree of wealth in the sense that those who can afford it. The fourth principle is that schooling is “contradictory” in nature (Bowles & Gintis. cultural capital is a form of symbolic wealth that one acquires through membership and participation in the dominant or middle-class culture.something done to the poor” and not in the interest of the poor (MacLeod . 1999). since the majority of poor and working class students have not had the same experiences as instance. of culture. While schooling (in this sense) primarily supports the aims of the dominant class.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 38/230 Rather schools have helped solidify poor people’s position at the bottom of the economic hierarchy. African-American Education. To this extent.. 118). Bourdieu. 1977). 15-32)//LA Critical pedagogy has been widely characterized as a crucial construct in challenging the inequalities that have evolved in the context of schooling in the U.S.status knowledge” which. in the consumption of what is considered “high culture” or the arts (Bourdieu. participate. 1977). albeit a materialist one. Moreover. In this sense. The House That Race Built: Critical Pedagogy. that one’s agency is limited in a class-stratified society especially if we consider that people “can’t teach what *they+ don’t know” (Howard. critical pedagogy has functioned as a discourse on schooling and inequality that has developed in tan. The effects of cultural reproduction are mitigated. Bowles and Gintis’ (1976) attempt to first understand the particular social. Therefore. the economi. Consequently. Pedagogy is key to interrogate power Jennings and Lynn 5 (Michael E. This work expounds . “Schooling has been. in fact. to a much greater degree. One’s habitus refers to the specific way in which an individual acts and responds to the system and the practices of those who maintain it. helps to maintain existing social. the leading cultural reproduction theorist. 29). however. It also looks more micro-analytically at the ways in which school norms contribute to the systematic exclusion of ethnic minorities and poor whites from the educational system. In this regard. in some ways. Summer-Fall 2005..

Race and pedagogy are intertwined—[also. Since that time. educational institutions in America have historically reflected the same types of institutionalized racism that exist within multiple contexts of American life.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 39/230 upon our previous scholarship to offer a broadened conception of critical race pedagogy that incorporates central aspects of critical pedagogy but is drawn from African-American epistemological frameworks. racism is not an aberrant entity but is instead an integral part of the American socio-political landscape. It seeks to focus on a world becoming less free. critical theory is not simply a critique of social structures it is an analysis of power relations that asks questions regarding: what constitutes power. pervasive and constantly evolving within and across a variety of social contexts. critical race pedagogy must recognize and understand the endemic nature of racism. UT San Antonio and U of Maryland College Park. In this sense. Critical legal scholar Derrick Bell (1992) argues that racism is a permanent fixture of American society. Educational Foundations. The House That Race Built: Critical Pedagogy. and Marvin. Being such an integral part of America has allowed racism to shape and be shaped by the major institutions within American society (Feagin. 2004). 1999. 2005). Critical theory is the critique of domination. gender and sexual “norms. Sleeter & Bernal. p. gender and sexual orientation. This system is an integral part of American society and has historically reflected the racialized nature of American society. Hacker 1995). Not only do critical theorists attempt to discover why oppressive structures exist and offer criticisms of their effects. Theorizing these intersections is of high importance because individuals prioritizing one facet of their identity over another can create a false dichotomy that does not address the reality that we exist within society as subjective entities whose identities are negotiated through multiple lenses that privilege certain race. p. This is not meant to establish race as the only construct of importance when critiquing the oppressive nature of schooling in American society. they also explore the ways in which we can transform our society. It is an understanding of these complexities that is necessary precursor for the existence of any Critical Race Pedagogy. Origins of Critical Pedagogy within Critical Theory Critical pedagogy has maintained its status as an important component of educational research and inquiry since the early 1980s when critical educational theorist popularized the concept in academic writing (Bennett & LeCompte. Racism is a concept is played out world wide but has a particularly significant meaning in the history of the United States (Feagin. these theorists have continued to struggle with the central question of critical pedagogy: “Whose interests are served?” (Bennet & LeCompte 1999.” . 2001. and the Re-Conceptualization of a Critical Race Pedagogy. In other words. Among these institutions is the compulsory public education system that developed from the Common School movement of the 19th century (Spring. to cast doubt on claims of technological scientific rationality. class. Racism and education are thus tightly interwoven in a manner that is complex. 15-32)//LA First. who holds power. 2001). In answer to this query. That is. link of omission] Jennings and Lynn 5 (Michael E. Any form of Critical Race Pedagogy must be intimately cognizant of the necessary intersection of other oppressive constructs such as class. 250). 190). African-American Education. and in what ways power utilized to benefit those already in power. Gordon (1995) asserts that “Critical theory seeks to understand the origins and operation of repressive social structures. Summer-Fall 2005. and then to imply that present configurations do not have to be as they are” (p.

resistance theory points to the “dialectical” nature of oppression and sees domination as “not only [the] result of the structural and ideological constraints embedded in capitalist social relationships. Resistance theory (Giroux 1983) is grounded in the notion that the oppressed have a degree of agency that allows them to actively resist and sometimes collude with structures of domination. 1977). the social. p. In other words. and the Re-Conceptualization of a Critical Race Pedagogy. Willis (1997) and Morrow & Torres (1995) argue that these theories are overly deterministic because they fail to adequately define the role of the oppressed actor in negotiating and responding to structures of domination. . 1983. Giroux (1983).Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 40/230 AT: We solve Magnifies the link—any risk their pedagogy is flawed turns the case—makes it try or die for the alt Jennings and Lynn 5 (Michael E. a resistance model analyzes the ways in which social structures work to reproduce inequalities and tries to under. UT San Antonio and U of Maryland College Park. Therefore. for example. and political structure does not act alone. Ethnographic studies of working class students illustrate Giroux’s point clearly. 1995. provides a clear context for understanding the complex nature of the relationship between structure and agency (MacLeod.terize all oppositional behavior as counterhegemonic because it recognizes the potential for some forms of resistance to authority to be connected to patriarchal and racist motives. 283). 1998). underscores the importance of understanding the role of the oppressed in resisting and accommodating to certain forms of oppression. the resistance of working class youth to structures of domination actually served to further marginalize them. 15-32)//LA Resistance Theory expands these ideas in important ways. it is supported by the actions of people who work to maintain it or destroy it by resisting domination in myriad ways. resisted dominant modes of thinking through their nonparticipation in and subsequent devaluation of academic work deemed crucial by school authorities who symbolized the dominant culture. In other words. economic. This. but also as part of the process of self-formation within the working class itself” (Giroux. p. In both studies. Willis. Giroux (1983). and Marvin. Therefore. McLaren. resistance theory does not charac.stand how the complex web of relationships between people can either counteract or support the aims of the capitalist hegemony. African-American Education. the authors argue. 1983. Summer-Fall 2005. Willis (1977). The working class white male students in Paul Willis’ work (1977). Jay MacLeod (1987). Delgado Bernal (1997) and MacLeod (1995) argue that certain forms of oppositional behavior or resistance can and often do lead to greater degrees of social dislocation that delimits the actor’s potential for further participation in liberatory practice and struggle. in a similar study of white and African-American male working class youth. The House That Race Built: Critical Pedagogy. A theory of resistance in education necessarily begins with a critique of theories of social and cultural reproduction (Giroux. Educational Foundations.

The classroom was no longer a place of pleasure or ecstasy." We learned early that our devotion to learning. desegregated. Now. To be changed by ideas was pure pleasure. Home was the place where I was forced to conform to someone else's image of who and what I should be. We were always and only responding and reacting to white folks.ger zone. School was still a political place. were given special care. and not a zealous will to learn. where we wor. Yet. My effort and ability to learn was always contextualized within the framework of generational family experience. School was the place where I could forget that self and. Washington were black women. p. School was the place of ecstasy-plea. They were committed to nurturing intellect so that we could become scholars. through ideas.dent. our economic status.zation. a fundamental way to resist every strategy of white racist coloni. the politics were no longer counter-hegemonic. Gone was the messianic zeal to transform our minds and beings that had characterized teachers and their pedagogical practices in our all-black schools. behaved. even unable to learn. I lost my love of school. When we entered racist. gestures. reinvent myself. name intentionally left un-capitalized. we soon learned that obedience. education was no longer about the practice of freedom. I went to school at a historical moment where I was being taught by the same teachers who had taught my mother. was what was expected of us. her s1sters. To fulfill that mission. and cultural workers-black folks who used our "minds. It was no longer connected to antiracist struggle. 3-4)//LA Almost all our teachers at Booker T. gifted.shipped. For black children. black children who were deemed exceptional. thinkers. pedagogical value of the 1AC hooks 94 (bell. Though they did not define or articulate these practices in theoretical terms. to enter the dan. It had no relation to how one lived. to a life of the mind. I loved being a stu. habits of being were traced back. what our homes were like. Attending school then was sheer joy. my teachers were enacting a revolutionary pedagogy of resistance that was profoundly anticolonial. Knowledge was suddenly about information only. white schools we left a world where teachers believed that to educate black children rightly would require a political commitment. Within these segregated schools. I loved learning. But to learn ideas that ran counter to values and beliefs learned at home was to place oneself at risk. Realizing this. Bussed to white schools. we were mainly taught by white teachers whose lessons reinforced racist stereotypes. Too much eagerness to learn could easily be seen as a threat to white authority. was a counter-hegemonic act. They knew our parents. Prof @ Oberlin College. and how we were treated in the family. Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom. My teachers were on a mission.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 41/230 Bussing Link The affirmative’s pedagogical strategy is analogous to integration by bussing—in their rush to resist whiteness in debate they’ve forfeited the revolutionary. School changed utterly with racial integration.sure and danger.lectual destiny and by so doing uplift the race. . and brothers. never as capable as white peers. my teachers made sure they "knew" us. since we were always having to counter white racist assumptions that we were genetically infe· rior. Teachers worked with and for us to ensure that we would fulfill our intel. Certain behaviors.

I add my voice to the collec. There is a serious crisis in education. these essays are meant to stand as testimony. the academic public that I encounter at my lectures always shows surprise when I speak intimately and deeply about the class. .ever before in the recent history of this nation. and individuals who have entered my classes to observe.ferent strategies for the sharing of knowledge. Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom. I am rec.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 42/230 Pedagogy Turns Case MUST FOCUS ON PEDAGOGY—the use of educational spaces for opportunistic attempts at material change makes impossible radical liberation in the academy hooks 94 (bell. Urging all of us to open our minds and hearts so that we can know beyond the boundaries of what is acceptable. With these essays. It is that movement which makes education the practice of freedom. The classroom remains the most radical space of possibility in the academy. students. Students often do not want to learn and teachers do not want to teach. I was recognized in the classroom by students seen by them as a teacher who worked hard to create a dynamic learning experience for all of us. More than . Yet it must be challenged if we are to meet the needs of our students. For years it has been a place where education has been undermined by teachers and students alike who seek to use it as a platform for opportunistic concerns rather than as a place to learn.ognized more for insurgent intellectual practice. This perspective on teaching is a common one. Multilayered. p. Prof @ Oberlin College.tive call for renewal and rejuvenation in our teaching practices. then. 11-12)//LA These essays reflect my experience of critical discussions with teachers. We cannot ad. less valuable aspect of the academic profession.room. This surprise is a sad reminder of the way teaching is seen as a duller. educators are compelled to confront the biases that have shaped teaching practices in our society and to create new ways of knowing. so that we can think and rethink. so that we can create new visions' I celebrate teaching that enables transgressions-a movement against and beyond boundaries.dress this crisis if progressive critical thinkers and social critics act as though teaching is not a subject worthy of our regard. name intentionally left un-capitalized. Nowadays. dif. That public seemed particularly surprised when I said that I was working on a collection of essays about teaching. Long before a public ever recognized me as a thinker or writer. bearing witness to education as the practice of freedom. Indeed. if we are to restore to education and the classroom excitement about ideas and the will to learn.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 43/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 44/230 Sexual Politics .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 45/230 Top .

castes. The term "politics" shall refer to power-structured relationships.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. By way of parenthesis one might add that although an ideal politics might simply be conceived of as the arrangement of human life on agreeable and rational principles from whence the entire notion of power over others should be banished. The study of racism has convinced us that a truly political state of affairs operates between the races to perpetuate a series of oppressive circumstances.D. defined by birth. author." one must first answer the inevitable question "Can the relationship between the sexes be viewed in a political light at all?" The answer depends on how one defines politics.). Because the intention is to provide an overall description. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. and parties. also defined by birth. Minn.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 46/230 Sexual Politics K – 1nc The 1AC’s starting point for political liberation is built upon the subjugation of women. one must confess that this is not what constitutes the political as we know it. (The couple divorced in 1985. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. transforming Millett into a public figure. a relationship of dominance and subordinance.¶ [The American Heritage Dictionary's fourth definition is fairly approximate: "methods or tactics involved in managing a state or government. 1934. The subordinated group has inadequate redress through existing political institutions. was an overnight success. was published that same year as Sexual Politics.D. is the birthright priority whereby males rule females. the political sphere is always already masculine – politics that doesn’t begin with the question of sexuality is doomed to fail Millett 69 (Kate Millett. Groups who rule by birthright are fast disappearing. statements must be generalised. it must perforce be both tentative and imperfect. and For it is precisely because certain groups have no representation in a number of recognised political structures that their position tends to be so stable. What goes largely unexamined. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.¶ The following sketch.S. . it may serve as a model of sexual politics on an individual or personal plane. to some degree.¶ The word "politics" is enlisted here when speaking of the sexes primarily because such a word is eminently useful in outlining the real nature of their relative status. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. In introducing the term "sexual politics. Her thesis. St. Among other things. a disinterested examination of our system of sexual relationship must point out that the situation between the sexes now. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. over another collectivity.. 1994). as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work.¶ Quite in the same manner.¶ But of course the transition from such scenes of intimacy to a wider context of political reference is a great step indeed. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. 1982).¶ This essay does not define the political as that relatively narrow and exclusive world of meetings." One might expand this to a set of stratagems designed to maintain a system. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. I have therefore found it pertinent to define them on grounds of personal contact and interaction between members of well-defined and coherent groups: races. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. one has a working definition of how politics is conceived in this essay]. although of itself it appears a biological and physical activity. and subheadings overlapping and. is a case of that phenomenon Max Weber defined as herrschaft. Sita (1977) and A. and artist. it is set so deeply within the larger context of human affairs that it serves as a charged microcosm of the variety of attitudes and values to which culture subscribes." will attempt to prove that sex is a status category with political implications. The book. and it is to this that we must address ourselves. and throughout history. It is opportune. If one understands patriarchy to be an institution perpetuated by such techniques of control. Indeed. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College.the scheme that prevails in the area of sex. Kate Millett. Coitus can scarcely be said to take place in a vacuum. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. with distinction. This is from an actual book. Through this system a most sexes. however. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. 2// SC) The three instances of sexual description we have examined so far were remarkable for the large part which notions of ascendancy and power played within them. torture. perhaps today even mandatory. Flying.) At the same time. arbitrary as well. often even unacknowledged (yet is institutionalised nonetheless) in our social order. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. Something of a pioneering effort. She wrote two more autobiographical books. exceptions neglected. Sexual Politics. it may be imperative that we give some attention to defining a theory of politics which treats of power relationships on grounds less conventional than those to which we are accustomed. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. that we develop a more relevant psychology and philosophy of power relationships beyond the simple conceptual framework provided by our traditional formal politics. arrangements whereby one group of persons is controlled by another. yet there remains one ancient and universal scheme for the domination of one birth group by another . with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. Millett was back in New York City. Paul. their oppression so continuous. whose first book. recent events have forced us to acknowledge at last that the relationship between the races is indeed a political one which involves the general control of one collectivity. ¶ In America. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. classes. 2001). 1990). chairmen. which might be described as "notes toward a theory of patriarchy. historically and at the present.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost.: A Memoir (1995). 14. American feminist. and with the problems of aging. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. and is deterred thereby from organising into conventional political struggle and opposition. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. U.

(The couple divorced in 1985. St. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. S.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 47/230 ingenious form of "interior colonisation" has been achieved. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. and an oppressive situation from which the subordinated group had no redress through formal political structures whereby they might organize into conventional political struggle and opposition – just so any intelligent and of Cruelty. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. or another collectivity also defined by birth. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. Her thesis. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. or economic forms.as say between Saudi Arabia and Sweden. just as with any human institution. and finance . may at times permit women to hold power. "His" ministry. and racism Millett 69 (Kate Millett. sexual dominion obtains nevertheless as perhaps the most pervasive ideology of our culture and provides its most fundamental concept of power. torture. We have yet one ancient and universal arrangement for the political exploitation of one birth group by another – in the area of sex. Sita (1977) and A. transforming Millett into a public figure. In democracies. political office. 1982). I do not define the political area here as that narrow and exclusive sector known as institutional or official politics of the Democrat or Republican – we have all reason to be tired and suspicious of them.as T. just as it pervades all major religions. with its emphasis upon the magic and dynastic properties of blood. Bearing in mind the variation and degree in patriarchy . Minn. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. contradictions and exceptions do exist within the system. it also exhibits great variety in history and locale. What lingers historical civilisations. the principles of patriarchy appear to be two fold: male shall dominate female.¶ If one takes patriarchal government to be the institution whereby that half of the populace which is female is controlled by that half which is male. social. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. It is time we gave attention to defining a theory of politics which treats of power relationships on the less formal than establishmentarian grounds of personal intercourse between members of well defined and coherent groups – races. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. Groups who rule by birth are fast disappearing in the West and white supremacists are fated to go the way of aristocrats and other extinct upper castes. sexism. is of supernatural authority.: A Memoir (1995). as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. however. Sexual Politics.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. females have often held no office or do so (as now) in such minuscule numbers as to be below even token representation. for example. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. As the essence of politics is power. 14. 1990). including the coercive force of the police. The principle of rule by elder males is violated even more frequently. Millett was back in New York City. like all other a patriarchy. castes. elder male shall dominate younger. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. The book. one group is dominant and the other subordinate. the Deity. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics This is from an actual book. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. 1994). 1934. on the other hand. Aristocracy.S. such realisation cannot fail to carry impact. She wrote two more autobiographical books. The fact is evident at once if one recalls that the military. 2// SC) Is it possible to regard the relation of the sexes in a political light at all? It depends on how one defines politics.. U. we have been forced to acknowledge that the relationship between the races in the United States is indeed a political one – and one of the control of collectivity defined by birth. whose first book. and more rigorous than class stratification. American feminist. universities. Kate Millett. However.D.S. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular.we also recognise our own form in the U. Flying. science. . However muted its present appearance may be. technology. whether of caste or class. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.) At the same time.in short. the entire arrangement whereby one group of people is governed by another.D. industry. and with the problems of aging.¶ Just as the study of racism has convinced as that there exists a truly political relationship between races. the philosophy and art of our culture . and Europe to be much altered and attenuated by the reforms described in the next chapter. certainly more enduring.¶ It is time we developed a more cogent and relevant psychology and philosophy of power relationships not yet considered in out institutional politics. While patriarchy as an institution is a social constant so deeply entrenched as to run through all other political. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. 2001). more uniform. Paul. and artist. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. with distinction. feudality or bureaucracy. author.¶ In the recent past. was an overnight success. Eliot once observed. Indonesia and Red China .its very civilisation . is entirely in male hands. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. By politics I mean power structured relationships. The alt is to reject affirmative fiat and enable discussion to create a political space of coherent groups and dismantle patriarchal norms that reinforce oppression. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. together with the ethics and values.). It is precisely because such groups have no representation in formal political structures that their oppression is so entire and so continuous. every avenue of power within the society. It is one which tends moreover to be sturdier than any form of segregation. classes and sexes. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. there is frequently a distance between the real and the ideal. is of male manufacture.¶ This is so because our society. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement.

women who might be anxious to carry on an adult dialogue are bullied back into “their place". Even God is male – and a white male at that. are male provinces. when this arrangement of male rule and control of our society is so obvious – why is it never acknowledged or discussed? Partly. Women have been placed in the position of minority status throughout history and even after the grudging extension of certain minimal rights of citizenship and suffrage at the beginning of this century.¶ Why. I suspect because such discussion is regarded as dangerous in the extreme and because a culture does not discuss its most basic assumptions and most cherished bigotries. Previous history has made it clear that the possession of the vote for 100 years has done the black man precious little good at all.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 48/230 objective examination of our system of sexual politics or sex role structure will prove that the relationship between the sexes now – and throughout history – is one of what Max Weber once termed “Herrschaft” – or dominance and subordination – the birthright control of one group by another-the male to rule and the female to be ruled. the sciences. Men are not sexual beings – they are people – they are humanity.¶ The reasons for this gigantic evasion of the very facts of our situation are many and obvious. They are also rather amusing. Why does no one ever remark that every avenue of power in our culture including the repressive forces of the police – entirely in male hands? Money. guns. any rational discussion of the realities of sexual life degenerate as quickly as men can make them into sniggering sessions. . authority itself. Therefore. Why does no one ever remark that the military. political office and finance (despite absurd declarations to the contrary on the evidence that some little old lady owns stock over which she has no control). where through cliché so ancient as to have almost ritual value. Let’s look at a few of the thousand defenses the masculine culture has built against any infringement or even exposure of its control: is to react with ridicule and the primitive mechanism of laughter and denial. It is fatuous to suppose that women – white or black – have any greater representation now that they vote – than that they ever did. Sex is funny – it’s dirty – and it is something women have. industry.the universities.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 49/230 Links .

1990). a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. But race.S. just as it oppresses the black professional in spirit. Incidents from life (bullying.).D. Both have had the effect of obscuring the patriarchal character of Western culture and m their general tendency to attribute impossible virtues to women. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. (The couple divorced in 1985. as men who enjoy such status have more power in any case. Should this final vanity be offended. and educational circumstances of class. or hostile remarks) are probably another sort of psychological gesture of ascendancy. a truck driver or butcher has always his "manhood" to fall back upon. She wrote two more autobiographical books. for sexual status often operates in a superficially confusing way within the variable of class. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. such influence has also been vastly overestimated. have ended by confining them in a narrow and often of Cruelty. one realises how much of a concession traditional chivalrous behaviour represents . persuades the latter citizen that he belongs to a higher order of life. While a palliative to the injustice of woman's social position. 1982). Here one is confronted by what appears to be a paradox: while in the lower social strata.: A Memoir (1995). As the sociologist Hugo Beigel has observed.D. the male is more likely to claim authority on the strength of his sex rank alone. social. both the courtly and the romantic versions of love are "grants" which the male concedes out of his total powers. And yet while the existence of class division is not seriously threatened by such expressions of enmity. While this is certainly true. it is possible for certain females to appear to stand higher than some males. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. whose first book. Kate Millett. however. This is perhaps easier to see by means of analogy: a black doctor or lawyer has higher social status than a poor white sharecropper.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost.¶ The function of class or ethnic mores in patriarchy is largely a matter of how overtly displayed or how loudly enunciated the general ethic of masculine supremacy allows itself to become. In literary contexts one has to deal here with wish-fulfilment. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. Minn. transforming Millett into a public figure.¶ It is generally accepted that Western patriarchy has been much softened by the concepts of courtly and romantic love. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. and artist. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics This is from an actual book. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. Historians of courtly love stress the fact that the raptures of the poets had no effect upon the legal or economic standing of women. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. chivalry is also a technique for disguising it. Both convey more hope than reality.a sporting kind of reparation to allow the subordinate female certain means of saving face. U.. he is actually obliged more often to share power with the women of his class who are economically productive. Her thesis. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. author. St. The book. One must acknowledge that the chivalrous stance is a game the master group plays in elevating its subject to pedestal level. 1994). Sita (1977) and A. Sexual Politics. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. with distinction. Flying. there is less tendency to assert a blunt patriarchal dominance. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. 2// SC) IV Class It is in the area of class that the caste-like status of the female within patriarchy is most liable to confusion. In a society where status is dependent upon the economic. In much the same manner. the existence of sexual hierarchy has been re-affirmed and mobilised to "punish" the female quite effectively. 14. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. obscene. Millett was back in New York City. for class divisions are generally quite impervious to the hostility of individuals. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. and very little upon their social status.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 50/230 Link – Anti-Cap Affs Focusing on class liberation without first addressing the subject position of the female in the economy is doomed to fail and props up racism and sexism Millett 69 (Kate Millett. Yet not when one looks more closely at the subject. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. American feminist. In comparison with the candour of "machismo" or oriental behaviour.) At the same time. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. . was an overnight success. Paul. torture. and with the problems of aging. itself a caste system which subsumes class. The literature of the past thirty years provides a staggering number of incidents in which the caste of virility triumphs over the social status of wealthy or even educated women. whatever his material success may be. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. 2001). whereas in the middle and upper classes. 1934. he may contemplate more violent methods.

Thrown upon their own resources. empowered by his superior social and economic resources to play the estranged women against each other as rivals. part of a new. The hope of seeking liberating radical solutions of their own seems too remote for the majority to dare contemplate and remains so until consciousness on the subject is raised. and women as a group do not enjoy many of the interests and benefits any class may offer its male members.¶ One of the chief effects of class within patriarchy is to set one woman against another. racism's older protective attitudes toward (white) women also begin to give way. Through the multiple advantages of the double standard. such as D. to devote a few words to it as well. Lawrence . Traditionally. Economic dependency renders her affiliations with any class a tangential. But it is important to understand that as with any group whose existence is parasitic to its rulers. for like all persons in their situation (slaves are a classic example here) they identify their own survival with the prosperity of those who feed them. and a certain number of other working-class male attitudes. the male participates in both worlds. since love is the only circumstance in which the female is (ideologically) pardoned for sexual activity.whose contempt for what he so often designates as inferior breeds is unabashed . As to "chivalry. David Riesman has noted that as the working class has been assimilated into the middle class. in the final analysis. and contact with the great world. women are a dependency class who live on surplus And their marginal life frequently renders them conservative. Aristotle observed that the only slave to whom a commoner might lay claim was his woman. especially in a discussion of modern literature. for whatever the class of her birth and education. vicarious. and in the present between career woman and housewife. Yet as white racist ideology is exposed and begins to erode. to insist the female assume the function of serving as the male's conscience and living the life of goodness he found tedious but felt someone ought to do anyway.instances where the lower-caste male is brought on to . for example. H. sexism may be more endemic in our own society than racism. It was a Victorian habit. One envies the other her "security" and prestige.¶ Within patriarchy one must often deal with contradictions which ale simply a matter of class style.¶ The concept of romantic love affords a means of emotional manipulation which the male is free to exploit. For example. it is pertinent. in the past creating a lively antagonism between whore and matron. Women have therefore less of an investment in the class system. in her capacity as "his woman" a higher status than that ascribed to the black male. Romantic love also obscures the realities of female status and the burden of economic dependency. the female has fewer permanent class association than does the male. it is possible to argue that women tend to transcend the usual class stratifications in patriarchy. one notes in authors whom we would now term overtly racist. and the service of an unpaid domestic still provides working-class males with a "cushion" against the buffets of the class system which incidentally provides them with some of the psychic luxuries of the leisure class.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 51/230 remarkably conscribing sphere of behaviour. which scarcely serves to mask the status situation of the present." such gallant gesture as still resides in the middle classes has degenerated to a tired ritualism. but beauty and age as well. and temporary matter. who have made it. so have its sexual mores and attitudes. And the priorities of maintaining male supremacy might outweigh even those of white supremacy. The fairly blatant male chauvinism which was once a province of the lower class or immigrant male has been absorbed and taken on a certain glamour through a number of contemporary figures. the white male has been accustomed to concede the female of his own race. few women rise above working class in personal prestige and economic power. And convictions of romantic love are convenient to both parties since this is often the only condition in which the female can overcome the far more powerful conditioning she has received toward sexual inhibition. So influential is this working class ideal of brute virility (or more accurately. while the envied yearns beyond the confines of respectability for what she takes to be the other's freedom. a literary and therefore middle-class version of it) become in our time that it may replace more discreet and "gentlemanly" attitudes of the past.¶ As race is emerging as one of the final variables in sexual politics.¶ Perhaps. fashionable life style. One might also recognise subsidiary status categories among women: not only is virtue class. adventure. and at the moment.

. matrifocal) aspect of black society and the "castration" of the black male are the most deplorable symptoms of black oppression in white racist society. and tends to obscure both the true character of and the responsibility for racist injustice toward black humanity of both sexes. the female of the nonwhite races does not figure in such tales save as an exemplum of "true" womanhood's servility. Contemporary white sociology often operates under a similar patriarchal bias when its rhetoric inclines toward the assertion that the "matriarchal" (e. Needless to say. it can also be suggested that analysis of this kind presupposes patriarchal values without questioning them. worthy of imitation by other less carefully instructed females.g. with the implication that racial inequity is capable of solution by a restoration of masculine authority.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 52/230 master or humiliate the white man's own insubordinate mate. Whatever the facts of the matter may be.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

53/230

Link – Econ Education 1nc**
The Aff’s use of an educational space to advance an economic cause overlooks the legacy of
oppression of the feminine that always already foregrounds that dialogue – this promotes patriarchy
and subjugation of women
Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where
she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro,
Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the
time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a
doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book,
which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work,
Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The
Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the
political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics
of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).

This is from an actual book, “ Sexual Politics” Ch.

2// SC)
One of the most efficient branches of patriarchal government lies in the agency of its economic hold
over its female subjects. In traditional patriarchy, women, as non-persons without legal standing were
permitted no actual economic existence as they could neither own nor earn in their own right. Since
women have always worked in patriarchal societies, often at the most routine or strenuous tasks, what
is at issue here is not labor but economic reward. In modern reformed patriarchal societies, women
have certain economic rights, yet the "woman's work" in which some two thirds of the female
population in most developed countries are engaged is work that is not paid for. In a money economy
where autonomy and prestige depend upon currency, this is a fact of great importance. In general, the
position of women in patriarchy is a continuous function of their economic dependence. Just as their
social position is vicarious and achieved (often on a temporary or marginal basis) though males, their
relation to the economy is also typically vicarious or tangential.¶ Of that third of women who are
employed, their average wages represent only half of the average income enjoyed by men. These are
the U. S. Department of Labor statistics for average year-round income: white male, $6704, non-white
male $4277, white female, $3991, and non-white female $2816. The disparity is made somewhat more
remarkable because the educational level of women is generally higher than that of men in
comparable income brackets. Further, the kinds of employment open to women in modem patriarchies
are, with few exceptions, menial, ill paid and without status.¶ In modem capitalist countries women also
function as a reserve labor force, enlisted in times of war and expansion and discharged in times of
peace and recession. In this role American women have replaced immigrant labor and now compete
with the racial minorities. In socialist countries the female labor force is generally in the lower ranks as
well, despite a high incidence of women in certain professions such as medicine. The status and rewards
of such professions have declined as women enter them, and they are permitted to enter such areas
under a rationale that society or the state (and socialist countries are also patriarchal) rather than
woman is served by such activity.¶ Since woman's independence in economic life is viewed with distrust,
prescriptive agencies of all kinds (religion, psychology, advertising, etc.) continuously admonish or even
inveigh against the employment of middle-class women, particularly mothers. The toil of working class
women is more readily accepted as "need," if not always by the working-class itself, at least by the
middle-class. And to be sure, it serves the purpose of making available cheap labor in factory and lowergrade service and clerical positions. Its wages and tasks are so unremunerative that, unlike more
prestigious employment for women, it fails to threaten patriarchy financially or psychologically.
Women who are employed have two jobs since the burden of domestic service and child care is
unrelieved either by day care or other social agencies, or by the cooperation of husbands. The
invention of labor-saving devices has had no appreciable effect on the duration, even if it has affected
the quality of their drudgery. Discrimination in matters of hiring, maternity, wages and hours is very
great. In the U. S. a recent law forbidding discrimination in employment, the first and only federal

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

54/230

legislative guarantee of rights granted to American women since the vote, is not enforced, has not been
enforced since its passage, and was not enacted to be enforced.¶ In terms of industry and production,
the situation of women is in many ways comparable both to colonial and to pre-industrial peoples.
Although they achieved their first economic autonomy in the industrial revolution and now constitute a
large and underpaid factory population, women do not participate directly in technology or in
production. What they customarily produce (domestic and personal service) has no market value and is,
as it were, pre-capital. Nor, where they do participate in production of commodities through
employment, do they own or control or even comprehend the process in which they participate. An
example might make this clearer: the refrigerator is a machine all women use, some assemble it in
factories, and a very few with scientific education understand its principles of operation. Yet the heavy
industries which roll its steel and produce the dies for its parts are in male hands. The same is true of the
typewriter, the auto, etc. Now, while knowledge is fragmented even among the male population,
collectively they could reconstruct any technological device. But in the absence of males, women's
distance from technology today is sufficiently great that it is doubtful that they could replace or repair
such machines on any significant scale. Woman's distance from higher technology is even greater:
large-scale building construction; the development of computers; the moon shot, occur as further
examples. If knowledge is power, power is also knowledge, and a large factor in their subordinate
position is the fairly systematic ignorance patriarchy imposes upon women.¶ Since education and
economy are so closely related in the advanced nations, it is significant that the general level and style
of higher education for women, particularly in their many remaining segregated institutions, is closer to
that of Renaissance humanism than to the skills of mid-twentieth-century scientific and technological
society. Traditionally patriarchy permitted occasional minimal literacy to women while higher education
was closed to them. While modern patriarchies have, fairly recently, opened all educational levels to
women, the kind and quality of education is not the same for each sex. This difference is of course
apparent in early socialisation but it persists and enters into higher education as well. Universities, once
places of scholarship and the training of a few professionals, now also produce the personnel of a
technocracy. This is not the case with regard to women. Their own colleges typically produce neither
scholars nor professionals nor technocrats. Nor are they funded by government and corporations as are
male colleges and those co-educational colleges and universities whose primary function is the
education of males.¶ As patriarchy enforces a temperamental imbalance of personality traits between
the sexes, its educational institutions, segregated or coeducational, accept a cultural programming
toward the generally operative division between "masculine" and "feminine" subject matter,
assigning the humanities and certain social sciences (at least in their lower or marginal branches) to the
female - and science and technology, the professions, business and engineering to the male. Of course
the balance of employment, prestige and reward at present lie with the latter. Control of these fields
is very eminently a matter of political power. One might also point out how the exclusive dominance
of males in the more prestigious fields directly serves the interests of {patriarchal power in industry,
government, and the military. And since patriarchy encourages an imbalance in human temperament
along sex lines, both divisions of learning (science and the humanities) reflect this imbalance. The
humanities, because not exclusively male, suffer in prestige: the sciences, technology, and business,
because they are nearly exclusively male reflect the deformation of the "masculine" personality, e.g., a
certain predatory or aggressive character.¶ In keeping with the inferior sphere of culture to which
women in patriarchy have always been restricted, the present encouragement of their "artistic"
interests through study of the humanities is hardly more than an extension of the "accomplishments"
they once cultivated in preparation for the marriage market. Achievement in the arts and humanities is
reserved, now, as it has been historically, for males. Token representation, be it Susan Sontag's or Lady
Murasaki's, does not vitiate this rule.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

55/230

Link – Economics/Growth
The 1AC focuses on the national economy while overlooking the everyday economies of violence that
block female advancement and uphold patriarchal dominance
Millett 69 (Kate Millett, Kate Millett, in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14, 1934, St. Paul, Minn., U.S.), American feminist, author, and artist, an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation
movement, whose first book, Sexual Politics, began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota, where
she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro,
Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo, where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. By the
time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965, however, Millett was back in New York City, teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. (The couple divorced in 1985.) At the same time, she pursued a
doctorate at Columbia University, and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. with distinction. Her thesis, a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology, was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book,
which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement, was an overnight success, transforming Millett into a public figure.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost, as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work,
Flying, which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. She wrote two more autobiographical books, Sita (1977) and A.D.: A Memoir (1995). The
Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse, torture, and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the
political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran, 1982), with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip, 1990), with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics

This is from an actual book, “ Sexual Politics” Ch.
2// SC)
III Sociological
Patriarchy's chief institution is the family. It is both a mirror of and a connection with the larger society;
a patriarchal unit within a patriarchal whole. Mediating between the individual and the social structure,
the family effects control and conformity where political and other authorities are insufficient. As the
fundamental instrument and the foundation unit of patriarchal society the family and its roles are
prototypical. Serving as an agent of the larger society, the family not only encourages its own members
to adjust and conform, but acts as a unit in the government of the patriarchal state which rules its
citizens through its family heads. Even in patriarchal societies where they are granted legal citizenship,
women tend to be ruled through the family alone and have little or no formal relation to the state.¶ As
co-operation between the family and the larger society is essential, else both would fall apart, the fate
of three patriarchal institutions, the family, society, and the state are interrelated. In most forms of
patriarchy this has generally led to the granting of religious support in statements such as the Catholic
precept that "the father is head of the family," or Judaism's delegation of quasi-priestly authority to the
male parent. Secular governments today also confirm this, as in census practices of designating the male
as head of household, taxation, passports etc. Female heads of household tend to be regarded as
undesirable; the phenomenon is a trait of poverty or misfortune. The Confucian prescription that the
relationship between ruler and subject is parallel to that of father and children points to the essentially
feudal character of the patriarchal family (and conversely, the familial character of feudalism) even in
modern democracies.¶ Traditionally, patriarchy granted the father nearly total ownership over wife or
wives and children, including the powers of physical abuse and often even those of murder and sale.
Classically, as head of the family the father is both begetter and owner in a system in which kinship is
property. Yet in strict patriarchy, kinship is acknowledged only through association with the male line.
Agnation excludes the descendants of the female line from property right and often even from
recognition. The first formulation of the patriarchal family was made by Sir Henry Maine, a nineteenthcentury historian of ancient jurisprudence. Maine argues that the patriarchal basis of kinship is put in
terms of dominion rather than blood; wives, though outsiders, are assimilated into the line, while
sisters sons are excluded. Basing his definition of the family upon the patria potestes of Rome, Maine
defined it as follows: "The eldest male parent is absolutely supreme in his household. His dominion
extends to life and death and is as unqualified over his children and their houses as over his slaves." In
the archaic patriarchal family "the group consists of animate and inanimate property, of wife, children,
slaves, land and goods, all held together by subjection to the despotic authority of the eldest male."¶
McLennon's rebuttal to Maine argued that the Roman patria potestes was an extreme form of
patriarchy and by no means, as Maine had imagined, universal. Evidence of matrilineal societies
(preliterate societies in Africa and elsewhere) refute Maine's assumption of the universality of agnation.
Certainly Maine's central argument, as to the primeval or state of nature character of patriarchy is but a
rather naif rationalisation of an institution Maine tended to exalt. The assumption of patriarchy's
of Cruelty, 1994), and with the problems of aging, as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett, 2001).

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

56/230

primeval character is contradicted by much evidence which points to the conclusion that full patriarchal
authority, particularly that of the patria potestes is a late development and the total erosion of female
status was likely to be gradual as has been its recovery.¶ In contemporary patriarchies the male's de
jure priority has recently been modified through the granting of divorce protection, citizenship, and
property to women. Their chattel status continues in their loss of name, their obligation to adopt the
husband's domicile, and the general legal assumption that marriage involves an exchange of the
female's domestic service and (sexual) consortium in return for financial support.¶ The chief contribution
of the family in patriarchy is the socialisation of the young (largely through the example and admonition
of their parents) into patriarchal ideology's prescribed attitudes toward the categories of role,
temperament, and status. Although slight differences of definition depend here upon the parents' grasp
of cultural values, the general effect of uniformity is achieved, to be further reinforced through peers,
schools, media, and other learning sources, formal and informal. While we may niggle over the balance
of authority between the personalities of various households, one must remember that the entire
culture supports masculine authority in all areas of life and - outside of the home - permits the female
none at all.¶ To insure that its crucial functions of reproduction and socialisation of the young take place
only within its confines, the patriarchal family insists upon legitimacy. Bronislaw Malinowski describes
this as "the principle of legitimacy" formulating it as an insistence that "no child should be brought
into the world without a man - and one man at that - assuming the role of sociological father." By this
apparently consistent and universal prohibition (whose penalties vary by class and in accord with the
expected operations of the double standard) patriarchy decrees that the status of both child and
mother is primarily or ultimately dependent upon the male. And since it is not only his social status,
but even his economic power upon which his dependents generally rely, the position of the masculine
figure within the family - as without - is materially, as well as ideologically, extremely strong.¶ Although
there is no biological reason why the two central functions of the family (socialisation and
reproduction) need be inseparable from or even take place within it, revolutionary or utopian efforts
to remove these functions from the family have been so frustrated, so beset by difficulties, that most
experiments so far have involved a gradual return to tradition. This is strong evidence of how basic a
form patriarchy is within all societies, and of how pervasive its effects upon family members. It is
perhaps also an admonition that change undertaken without a thorough understanding of the
sociopolitical institution to be changed is hardly productive. And yet radical social change cannot take
place without having an effect upon patriarchy. And not simply because it is the political form which
subordinates such a large percentage of the population (women and youth) but because it serves as a
citadel of property and traditional interests. Marriages are financial alliances, and each household
operates as an economic entity much like a corporation. As one student of the family states it, "the
family is the keystone of the stratification system, the social mechanism by which it is maintained."¶

whose first book. Yes. . A group of aborigines agree with Judaism in the faith that a menstruating.the bound feet of all of old China's women – women deliberately deformed – that they might be the better controlled – (you can work with those useless feet. is another instance of not playing that Speck merely enacted the presupposition of the majority male supremacists of the sterner sort – and they are -legion.. chortling over the con-game he has played on that Rabbit. unsportsmanlike to refer to the fact that there are thousands of rapes or crimes against the female personality in New-York City every year – I speak only of those instances which are reported – probably one tenth of those which occur.” taboo. Flying. he dreams of screwing the Bunny.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. And men have always been able to believe in the innate evil of women. the enforcement of male rule which euphemism calls “the battle of the sexes". the whip and the manacle. and anti-social character of hard core pornography. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett.S. St. It is considered bad taste. untouchable. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. and with the problems of aging. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. however. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. Everything that pertains to her physical make-up or function -is despicable or subversive. was an overnight success. That his murders echo in the surrealist chambers of masculine phantasy and wish fulfillment is testified to by every sleazy essay into sadism and white slave traffic on the dirty movie belt of 42nd St. 14. The Story of O tells it like it is about masculine phantasy better than does Romeo and Juliet.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 57/230 Link – Hegemony Heg turn The declaration of being at war makes rape.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. prostitution. divorce. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. she will place a hex or spell upon them that their “masculine” owners will not survive. author. So does the Playboy. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting.' Just as behind the glowing' mirage of “darkeys" crooning in the twilight – is reality the block. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. She wrote two more autobiographical books. or woman reduced to a meek and docile animal toy. – the lash. assault. violence – personal sexual or economic. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. Minn. is possible only through the usual lies convenient to countries at war – The Enemy is Evil – the Enemy is not Human. Kate Millett. but you cannot run away) – the veil of Islam (or an attenuated existence as a human soul condemned to wear a cloth sack over her head all the days of her half-life). Her thesis. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. Paul. Should she have access to weapons or other sacred and ritual articles the male.: A Memoir (1995).. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics This is from an actual book. assault and the threat of assault. (The couple divorced in 1985. rape. physical power. Sexual Politics. It is also generally accepted that to regard Richard Speck and so many others like him in anything.. And in nearly every rod of ground on this earth they live only via the barter system of sex in return for food of the latter. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. we have our own impressive catalogue of open tyrannies. Millett was back in New York City. of exceptional and irrelevant instances of individual pathology. Studies of primitive societies just as studies of our own religious texts – illustrate over and over – the innumerable instances of taboos practiced against women. woman is “unclean. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. 1990). with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. Woman are still sold in Saudi Arabia and elsewhere. transforming Millett into a public figure. U. torture. and artist. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. The book. 2// SC) Because of the smoke-screen of masculine propaganda one hears endless cant about castration – whereas real and actual crimes men commit against women are never mentioned. domestic imprisonment through most of the world's history -rape. Sita (1977) and A. American feminist.). In Switzerland. the rod. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. Let side the village and inhabit a hut alone and without food during her period .¶ For the extent and depth of the male's hatred and hostility toward his subject colony of women is a source of continual astonishment. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. 1994). 1982). with distinction.D. 1934. the history of women is full of colorful artifact. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. Like every system of oppression male supremacy rests finally on force. they are even today disenfranchised. But the fear of force is there before every woman always as a deterrent – dismissal.¶ As in any society in a state of war. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept.D. concubinage.let her be forbidden the temple – even those outer precincts assigned to her for aof Cruelty. but the light. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. .) At the same time. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. 2001). and prostitution be ignored in the face of masculine propaganda about castration of power Millett 69 (Kate Millett. A final resource when all else has failed the male resorts to attack.

nearly every patriarchal group it is expected that the dominant male will eat first or eat better. torture. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. and even where the sexes feed together.bodily and mentally . Once she was wounded. A similar situation obtains with blacks in the United States. was an overnight success. In both cases the dilemma is generally solved in a deplorably illogical fashion by segregating the act of eating itself. With an admirable consistency. dirty. yet at the same time may be liable to spread their contagion through . and literary proscription. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. with distinction. that the penis was (until Industrialism decided to veil it again for greater effect) never considered as dirty – but so regal and imperious that its shape is the one assigned to scepters. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. probably sexual in origin. She wrote two more autobiographical books. Kate Millett. 1982). Although any physical suffering endured in defloration must be on the part of the female (and most societies cause her . 1990). 2001). (The couple divorced in 1985. Dirty and mysterious. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular." So auspicious is the event of defloration preliterates that in many tribes the owner-groom is willing to relinquish breaking the seal of his new possession to a stronger or older personality who can neutralise the attendant dangers. a mysterious good because a sign of property received intact. Flying.S. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. Some of the inspiration of such custom appears to lie in fears of In their function of domestic servants. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. 1934. On the one hand. Minn. is exclusively on the side of the male's property interest. whose first book." The Freudian description of the female genitals is in terms of a "castrated" condition. prestige. now she bleeds. is given the most crucial significance. cultural. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. The uneasiness and disgust female genitals arouse in patriarchal societies is attested to through religious. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. In ancient and preliterate societies women are generally not permitted to eat with men. . Fears of defloration appear to originate in a fear of the alien sexuality of the female. 1994). as in the belief in a castrating vagina dentata. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. and artist. Among virginity presents an interesting problem in ambivalence. or (among preliterates) hazard. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. 2// SC) Primitive peoples explain the phenomenon of the female's genitals in terms of a wound.to suffer anguish).. badge of the male's superior status in both preliterate and civilised patriarchies. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. females are forced to prepare food. and airplanes? Demeaning patriarchal practices are used to justify fear of the other Millett 69 (Kate Millett. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. In contamination. some Hindu males do not permit their wives to touch their food at all. sometimes reasoning that she was visited by a bird or snake and mutilated into her present condition.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 58/230 specified number of-days after. yet as domestics they are forced to prepare food for their queasy superiors.¶ All patriarchies have hedged virginity and defloration in elaborate rites and interdictions. as the Gospels-coolly inform us she has given birth to the very savior of the world for she is still.) At the same time. Her thesis. Millett was back in New York City. and with the problems of aging. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. while cooking is carried on out of sight by the very group who would infect the table. Have you ever thought it curious that ‘nocturnal' emissions were not regarded as either dirty or mysterious. it is. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip.: A Memoir (1995). This is from an actual book. Sita (1977) and A.D. Women eat apart today in a great number of cultures. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 14. chiefly those of the Near and Far East. institutionalised in patriarchal ritual and custom. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford.D. St. U. the subject both of endless boasting and endless anxiety. it represents an unknown evil associated with the mana of blood and terrifyingly "other. the social interest. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett.). where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. author.¶ Nearly all patriarchies enforce taboos against women touching ritual objects (those of war or religion) or food. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. The penis. guns. In preliterate groups fear is also a factor. the male shall be served by the female. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. bombs. transforming Millett into a public figure. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. Paul.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. The book. Sexual Politics.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. however. They are considered filthy and infectious. Contemporary slang for the vagina is "gash. as in every patriarchy. On the other hand. American feminist.

Indeed. then literary. or perversely rather than positively heterosexual. American feminist. Her thesis. and in the modem period. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. This association of sexuality and violence is a particularly militaristic habit of mind. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. the warrior caste of mind with its ultra-virility. and artist. this is transformed into ethical. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. scientific rationalisations for the sexual politic.. and religious factors. Sita (1977) and A. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. U. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa.D. and with the problems of aging. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. In historical cultures. the contempt in which the younger.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. in its exclusively male orientation. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. it can still claim to be a novelty. in Seignebos' famous dictum. Kate Millett. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. . and still more persuasively. 1934. 1994). or more "feminine" members are held. torture. In both cases earlier mana concepts of feminine evil have passed through a final literary phase to become highly influential ethical justifications of things as they are. But the taboo against homosexual behaviour (at least among equals) is almost universally of far stronger force than the impulse and tends to effect a rechannelling of the libido into violence. 2001). which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. since it so often bases its arguments on ethics or theories of origins.) At the same time. and sex sinful if loving.¶ Primitive society practices its misogyny in terms of taboo and mana which evolve into explanatory myth. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. Medieval opinion was firm in its conviction that love was sinful if sexual. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. the invention of the twelfth century. Sexual Politics.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 59/230 Link-LGBTQ CP Societal practices towards homosexuals reveal the misogyny to justify sexual politics Millett 69 (Kate Millett. is more incipiently homosexual. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. Flying. Most patriarchies go to great length to exclude love as a basis of mate selection. (The couple divorced in 1985. softer. The book. with distinction. This is from an actual book. 1990). 1982). (The Nazi experience is an extreme case in point here. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.) And the heterosexual role-playing indulged in. author. Myth is. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. Millett was back in New York City.S.D.¶ If a positive attitude toward heterosexual love is not quite. is proof that the actual ethos is misogynist. St. needless to say. Paul. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. The negative and militaristic coloring of such men's house homosexuality as does exist. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. however. She wrote two more autobiographical books. ethnic. was an overnight success. a felicitous advance in the level of propaganda. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. The two leading myths of Western culture are the classical tale of Pandora's box and the Biblical story of the Fall. all of it. of course. Western classical thought was prone to see in heterosexual love either a fatal stroke of ill luck bound to end in tragedy. The true inspiration of men's house association therefore comes from the patriarchal situation rather than from any circumstances inherent in the homo-amorous relationship. 14. whose first book. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. Modern patriarchies tend to do so through class.). than it is overtly homosexual. is of course by no means the whole character of homosexual sensibility.: A Memoir (1995). Minn. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. 2// SC) Considerable sexual activity does take place in the men's house. homosexual. or a contemptible and brutish consorting with inferiors. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. transforming Millett into a public figure.

St. for it represents the most crucial argument of the patriarchal tradition in the West. with distinction. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. One of its most effective agents of control is the sickness. Millett was back in New York City. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. 1994)." full of "the cruelty of desire and longings that wear out the body.: A Memoir (1995). The book. All of them revolve about sex. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. U. knowledge. Flying. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. Most of them strike us now as delightfully funny stories of primal innocents who require a good deal of helpful instruction to figure it out.a plague which men must live with. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. author. like that of Pandora. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. because she was the mother of all living things. sinful.) At the same time. which is known to be unclean."¶ Patriarchy has God on its side. 1934. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector.D.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost." a snare sent by Zeus to be "the ruin of men. The Greek example is interesting here: when it wishes to exalt sexuality it celebrates fertility through the phallus. is actually chastising him for adult heterosexual knowledge and activity. even before the narration of the fall has begun . probably unconscious. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. and the figure of Eve. blames the women for the burdens of humankind Millett 69 (Kate Millett. As the central myth of the Judeo-Christian imagination and therefore of our immediate cultural heritage. these latter afforded sufficient attraction to be the source of constant defection. Sexuality is clearly involved. evidence of this in the Biblical account which announces. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty.a perilous temptation with "the mind of a bitch and a thievish nature. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. was an overnight success. and artist. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 60/230 Link – Pandora’s Box Pandora’s Box and the Bible reinforce patriarchal religion and ethics. 1990). The patriarchal trait of male rivalry across age or status line. a narrative of how humanity invented sexual intercourse. pertains to the female. Thereby sex. 1982). taboo. There is some. (The couple divorced in 1985. Adam is forbidden to eat of the fruit of life or of the knowledge of good and evil. is present as well as the ubiquitous maligning of the female." He eats but fails to die (at least in the story)." Due to the fact that the tale represents a compilation of different oral traditions. though the fable insists it is only tangential to a higher prohibition against disobeying orders in the matter of another and less controversial appetite . transforming Millett into a public figure. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. 2001). and with the problems of aging." powerfully expeditious character of its doctrines as to the nature and origin of the female and the attribution to her alone of the dangers and evils it imputes to sexuality. sexuality. an afterthought born from his rib.¶ The tale of Adam and Eve is. and one in which Eve is fashioned later than Adam. and mana. This mythic version of the female as the cause of human suffering. 2// SC) Pandora appears to be a discredited version of a Mediterranean fertility goddess. In Works And Days Hesiod elaborates on Pandora and what she represents . it provides two contradictory schemes for Eve's creation. a rancorous and arbitrary father figure. Pandora's "Box") the male satisfies his curiosity but sustains the discovery only by punishing himself at the hands of the father god with death and the assorted calamities of postlapsarian life. from which one might infer that the serpent told the truth. Sita (1977) and A. in sending Epimetheus evil in the form of female genitalia. one in which both sexes are created at the same time. and free from all wearing Pandora was the origin of "the damnable race of women . Sexual Politics. it cites Pandora. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro.¶ The Pandora myth is one of two important Western archetypes which condemn the female through her sexuality and explain her position as her well-deserved punishment for the primal sin under whose unfortunate consequences the race yet labours. replacing the simplicities of ritual. whose first book. free from laborious work. among many other things. Kate Millett.¶ But at the moment when the pair eat of the forbidden tree they awake to their nakedness and feel shame. She wrote two more autobiographical books.¶ The myth of the Fall is a highly finished version of the same themes. when it wishes to denigrate sexuality. the warning states explicitly what should happen if he tastes of the latter: "in that day that thou eatest thereof thou shalt surely die. particularly those of powerful father and rival son. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett.one for . “ Sexual Politics” Ch.. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. Her thesis. Hesiod ascribes to her the introduction of sexuality which puts an end to the golden age when "the races of men had been living on earth free from all evils. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. Many such narratives exist in preliterate myth and folk tale. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa."Adam called his wife's name Eve. In opening the vessel she brings (the vulva or hymen. This is from an actual book. and the fist conscious experience of knowledge. it is well that we appraise and acknowledge the enormous power it still holds over us even in a rationalist era which has long ago given up literal belief in it while maintaining its emotional assent intact. Paul. Ethics have entered the scene.). and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. Patriarchal religion and ethics tend to lump the female and sex together as if the whole burden of the onus and stigma it attaches to sex were the fault of the female alone. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. In Hesiod's tale. a god who created the world without benefit of peremptory instance of the male's expropriation of the life force through female assistance." 'lies and cunning words and a deceitful soul. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran.¶ The Israelites lived in a continual state of war with the fertility cults of their neighbours. and the male identity is preserved as a human. and debilitating. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. torture." The introduction of what are seen to be the evils of the male human condition came through the introduction of the female and what is said to be her unique product. Minn. American feminist. for in Hesiod's Theogony she wears a wreath of flowers and a sculptured diadem in which are caned all the creatures of land and sea. There are other major themes in the story: the loss of primeval simplicity. 14. however.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. Zeus. has vestigial traces of a fertility goddess overthrown. rather than a sexual one.S. the arrival of death. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. The more sophisticated vehicle of myth also provides official explanations of sexual history.D. and sin is still the foundation of sexual attitudes.

and clearly a product of contact with the phallus. 'The woman whom thou gavest to be with me. And he shall rule over thee. something that has robbed mankind of happiness . . either expendable or replaceable. according to tradition. simple carnal thing that she is. Eden was a fantasy world without either effort or activity. and with him." namely the labor the male associates with civilisation. designed as it is expressly in order to blame all this world's discomfort on the female. Everywhere in the Bible "knowing" is synonymous with sexuality. has destroyed. a marginal creature. she gave me of the fruit and I did eat" is the first man's defence. in her inferiority and vulnerability the woman takes and eats. And as the myth records the original sexual adventure. Seduced by the phallic snake.¶ Adam's curse is to toil in the "sweat of his brow. Roheim points out that the Hebrew verb for "eat" can also mean coitus. whereas Eve is a mere sexual type and. "In sorrow thou shalt bring forth children. Accordingly. as in the Pandora myth." Again. which appears to be why the sexual motive is so repressed in the Biblical account. a snake. . Yet the very transparency of the serpent's universal phallic value shows how uneasy the mythic mind can be about its shifts. To blame the evils and sorrows of life . which the entrance of the female.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 61/230 food. The connection of woman.for the fable has made him the racial type. and sin constitutes the fundamental pattern of western patriarchal thought thereafter . It is easy to agree with Roheim's comment on the negative attitude the myth adopts toward sexuality: "Sexual maturity is regarded as a misfortune. and the justice of her suborned condition as dependent on her primary role in this original sin. in bringing on this plague.loss of Eden and the rest . sex. Thus Adam has "beaten the rap" of sexual guilt. Eve's sentence is far more political in nature and a brilliant "explanation" of her inferior status. transformed into something else. affected by flattery even in a reptile. and such implication is hardly the purpose of the story. who was seduced by a penis. and with her sexuality.on sexuality. And thy desire shall be to thy husband. Only after this does the male fall. would all too logically implicate the male. Therefore it is the female who is tempted first and "beguiled" by the penis. a proprietary father figure is punishing his subjects for adult heterosexuality. Adam was seduced by woman. the explanation of how death came into the world.''¶ What requires further emphasis is the responsibility of the female. here in the fable objectified as a snake. humanity . Eve is convicted for Adam's participation in sex.

blogspot. That it defines and dictates the experiences of people in color in a very real. Her race and ethnicity are powerful variables which. Trayvon is also dead because Zimmerman is a man. blog run by criminologists and criminal justice professionals. My hope is that the family of Trayvon Martin get the justice they deserve to stay to find some semblance of closure in this tragic event. Barack Obama becoming president did not change the course for all Black men and boys in this country.html)//LA The death of Trayvon Martin is a travesty. Against Me(n). to guess that he was on drugs. Racism is still alive. 3/20/12. through the lens of both race and masculinity . “Part I: Marissa Alexander Isn’t Really About Stand Your Ground.” http://crimedime. We do not live in a postracial society. And it is these notions of gender and masculinity that drove Zimmerman to pull that trigger.com/2012/05/28/marissaalexander-isnt-really-about-stand-your-ground-part-i/) gz In Alexander’s case. Notions of gender and masculinity drove Zimmerman to buy a gun. It is Racism and White privilege that made Zimmerman confront Trayvon on that gated community sidewalk. was put in her place CD 12 (CrimeDime. We address that White privilege is also very real and tangible and that too defines and dictates the experiences of White people in the US. to confront Trayvon about his presence in that gated community. educated with a master’s degree. and a mommy. to label him suspect. Trayvon is also dead because George Zimmerman. It’s not just a question of race – Marissa Alexander exists at the vertex of race and gender but the latter is never investigated – Alexander exists as a gender transgressor and as such. may have been strong enough to override her overall higher social status. It is Zimmerman having been impacted by White privilege that led him to profile Trayvon. As I write this.com/2012/03/when-race-and-gender-intersect-trayvon. 5-28-12. Alexander is also black. on his blog. Social media (at least those I follow) is up in arms as to why George Zimmerman. she is middle class. coupled with conceal and carry laws is the reason he is dead.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 62/230 Link – Race Failure to interrogate gender makes understandings of racial inequity impossible—Trayvon proves Mata 12 (Eric. Yes. Trayvon is dead because he is Black. http://ericmata. the Justice Department and the FBI and looking into the case to determine the next steps. DePaul University. masculinity and maleness also had something to do with Trayvon's death. and it was his maleness that led him to confront and ultimately shoot Trayvon. Or. and tangible way. At 17. The intersection of White privilege and gender normative male dominance is what drove Zimmerman to kill Martin. I don't want us to overlook that race had a significant impact do want us to consider that gender. We must on the events of that evening. in this case. When Race and Gender Intersect: Trayvon Martin and George Zimmerman(updated). we miss out on an opportunity to highlight an extremely important component of this atrocity. It is Racism and White privilege that caused Zimmerman to call the police. to apply for and obtain a conceal and carry license. it played a role. lives in a country where Racism dictates a lot of how he thinks about Black boys and men . It is these notions of gender and masculinity that drove Zimmerman to disobey the 911 operator. The notions of gender of masculinity is what lead Zimmerman to a Neighborhood Watch group. Police say they don't have enough evidence to arrest him. I truly believe that the combination of racial profiling and a neighborhood watch system. I also address the role that gender and masculinity play in the lives of men and boys and how that sometimes leads to violence. the man who is said to have shot and killed Martin has not been arrested. But if we fail to look at gender also . although not White. It is Racism and white privilege that caused Zimmerman to follow Trayvon. to be a threat. we must definitely address the fact that Racism is still alive and breathing in our country. to protect his community from what he determined. at the very least. Imagine for a moment a woman in .

and guns in particular. she did not cower in a corner. Was it something we think of as stereotypically feminine like teen girls shoplifting? Or was it something we think of as more masculine. Consider infanticide. . upsetting. Men commit more infanticides than women. stealing from the petty cash or the supply room. fire the weapon to protect herself and her child. are primarily the social domain of men. do this horrible thing. That transgression has helped to cost her the next twenty years of her life. she did not submit to her husband. but it just doesn’t capture our attention in the same way. Not something that shocks the social conscience. fueled by the inaccuracies of a public educated by the media. operating outside the proscribed boundaries of acceptable female behavior. how could a woman. Guns are intrinsically associated with masculinity. Is it easier to picture that woman as white? Or as a person of color?¶ Alexander’s race. we tend to think that women do this more than men. presence in our society.¶ Alexander got a gun to protect herself. Tragic. but not serious affronts to the social order. is connected to the crime she committed.¶ Marissa Alexander was a gender transgressor. Certain crimes are not exactly thought of as acceptable for women to commit. but understandable. and then did. this crime against nature? And in the social imagination. and so on. in fact. This is not how women are supposed to behave. something involving violence and a gun?¶ To the extent that a woman or girl accused of committing a crime is still performing her gender. fundamentally unnatural. Because violence perpetrated by men is treated as natural. however.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 63/230 an orange jumpsuit behind bars. she tends to still be treated reasonably fairly. knew how to use it. These include things like shoplifting. because we’ve more or less accepted male violence as an unfortunate. We ask. that’s not true. passing bad checks. in turn.¶ In fact. it is seen as an abomination.¶ Marissa Alexander did not act like a lady. but not unnatural. a mother. not femininity.¶ Violence in general. When women commit this crime.

Her thesis. was an overnight success. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. with distinction. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. as well as cultural tradition. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. These needs spring from a fear of the "otherness" of woman. Flying. religious and literary myth all attests to the politically expedient character of patriarchal convictions about women. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. What ever its origin. however. in origin. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. the function of the male's sexual antipathy is to provide a means of control over a subordinate group and a rationale which justifies the inferior station of those in a lower order. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. 1982).Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 64/230 Impact.). 1934. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. and the psycho-social effect of the stigma attached must have great effect on the female ego.D. American feminist. American feminist. 14. was an overnight success. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. One anthropologist refers to a consistent patriarchal strain of assumption that "woman's biological differences set her apart . Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford.VTL Patriarchy kills value to life of the woman until she becomes the burden it is said to be Millett 69 (Kate Millett. U. (The couple divorced in 1985." There is considerable evidence that such discomfort as women suffer during their period is often likely to be psychosomatic.S. . Minn. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. Sexual Politics. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. Sexual Politics. language. transforming Millett into a public figure. whose first book. It is striking how the notion persists today. With the Indo-European languages this is a nearly inescapable habit of mind. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. One sees evidence of it everywhere in literature. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. torture. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. 2001). 1982). torture. AS both the primitive and the civilised worlds are male worlds. 2001). Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. The book.loss of vtl Millett 69 (Kate Millett.) At the same time. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. the ideas which shaped culture in regard to the female were also of male design.D. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. 1990). an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. for example. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.D. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. 1990). Sita (1977) and A.: A Memoir (1995). In many patriarchies. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. transforming Millett into a public figure. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. socially organised attitudes toward women arise from basic tensions expressed by the male." Patriarchal circumstances and beliefs seem to have the effect of poisoning the female's own sense of physical self until it often truly becomes the burden it is said to be. The book. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. reserve the human education. She wrote two more autobiographical books. she is essentially inferior.. The image of women as we know it is an image created by men and fashioned to suit their needs. This is from an actual book. author. Millett was back in New York City. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. the fact is hardly obscured that in practice. Her thesis. 2// SC) The continual surveillance in which she is held tends to perpetuate the infantilisation of women even in situations such as those of higher The female is continually obliged to seek survival or advancement through the approval of males as those who hold power. cultural rather than biological. is a largely clandestine affair. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. rather than physiological. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. the practice of isolating offenders in huts at the edge of the village occurs throughout the primitive world.) At the same time.: A Memoir (1995). and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. (The couple divorced in 1985.D. with distinction. Minn." and since "human institutions grow from deep and primal anxieties and are shaped by irrational psychological mechanisms . As the history of patriarchal culture and the representations of herself within all levels of its cultural media. Kate Millett. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. Paul. the subject and referent to which the female is "other" or alien. general application favours the . The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse.¶ The feeling that woman's sexual functions are impure is both world-wide and persistent. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. however. She wrote two more autobiographical books. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. 1994). Kate Millett. was published that same year as Sexual Politics.. "explaining" the oppression of their lives. There is a large anthropological literature on menstrual taboo.. Flying." Under patriarchy the female did not herself develop the symbols by which she is described. This is from an actual book. Yet this notion itself presupposes that patriarchy has already been established and the male has already set himself as the human form. in primitive and civilised life. Paul. 2// SC) Evidence from anthropology. St. and artist.). Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. and artist. The event of menstruation. 14. whose first book. author. St. and with the problems of aging.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. past and present. That this may also be true to some extent of labor and delivery is attested to by the recent experiment with "painless childbirth. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. for despite all the customary pretence that "man" and "humanity" are terms which apply equally to both sexes. she is customarily deprived of any but the most trivial sources of dignity or self-respect.. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. in myth. 1934. condition for the male. Millett was back in New York City.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. Patriarchy forces women into being minorities by status not numbers. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. U. . 1994). as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. have a devastating effect upon her self image. She may do this either through appeasement or through the exchange of her sexuality for support and status. and with the problems of aging. Sita (1977) and A. Contemporary slang denominates menstruation as "the curse.S.

with distinction. that having internalised the disesteem in which they are held. A referent scarcely exists with which it might be contrasted or by which it might be confuted. gratify. torture. it has scarcely need to speak itself aloud.¶ Perhaps patriarchy's greatest psychological weapon is simply its universality and longevity. 1982). In most minority groups athletes or intellectuals are allowed to emerge as "stars. Yet the articles were identical: the reaction was dependent on the sex of the supposed author. for such designations. "A minority group is any group of people who because of their physical or cultural characteristics. 1934. 2001). In the case of women both such eventualities are discouraged on the reasonable grounds that the most popular explanations of the female's inferior status ascribe it to her physical weakness or intellectual inferiority.kills vtl Millett 69 (Kate Millett. This is particularly the case with "new" or educated women.: A Memoir (1995). 14. The remarkably small amount of modern research devoted to the psychological and social effects of masculine supremacy on the female and on the culture in general attests to the widespread ignorance or unconcern of a conservative social science which takes patriarchy to be both the status quo and the state of nature. Millett was back in New York City. U. their situation is like that of other minorities. ideology. Joan an unimpressive mind. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. Such a period is the one next under discussion. 1994). This coupled with the persistent though frequently subtle denigration women encounter daily through personal contacts. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. It is a common trait of minority status that a small percentage of the fortunate are permitted to entertain their rulers. statements of deference to justify their elevation.). Hughes speaks of marginality as a case of status dilemma experienced by women. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. please. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa." When a system of power is thoroughly in command. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. Her thesis. Patriarchy denies minorities access to a better life creating a cycle of wanting to be the fortunate who get to entertain the rulers. the impressions gathered from the images and media about them. Such exceptions are generally obliged to make ritual. American feminist. women despise both themselves and each other. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. A witty experiment by Philip Goldberg proves what everyone knows. advocates of each were fond of arguing in terms of fatality. (That they may entertain their fellow subjects in the process is less to the point. and with the problems of aging.) At the same time." namely a delight in docility and a large appetite for masculine dominance. but on its status. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. the most useful persons for such a role are entertainers and public sex objects. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.¶ As women in patriarchy are for the most part marginal citizens when they are citizens at all. whose first book. St. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. “ Sexual Politics” Ch.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota.) Women entertain. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. just as any display of serious intelligence tends to be out of place. are singled out from others in the society in which they live for differential and unequal treatment. The book.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 65/230 male far more often than the female as referent. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. Sita (1977) and A. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. Minn. 1990).S.D. And psychology has yet to produce relevant studies on the subject of ego damage to the female which might bear comparison to the excellent work done on the effects of racism on the minds of blacks and colonials. satisfy and flatter men with their sexuality. employment. exhibitions of physical courage or agility are indecorous." identification with whom should content their less fortunate fellows. transforming Millett into a public figure. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. This simple test consisted of asking women undergraduates to respond to the scholarship in an essay signed alternately by one John McKay and one Joan McKay. or irrevocable human "instinct" . To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem.. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. but even to change." Only a handful of sociologists have ever addressed themselves in any meaningful way to the minority status of women. when its workings are exposed and questioned. and artist. While the same might be said of class. it becomes not only subject to discussion. Sexual Politics. Paul. blacks. (The couple divorced in 1985. was an overnight success. These characteristically take the form of pledges of "femininity. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. here defined not as dependent upon numerical size of the group. and education which they endure. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. or even sole referent. Kate Millett. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse.even "biological origins. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. or second-generation Americans who have "come up" in the world but are often refused the rewards of their efforts on the grounds of their origins. 2// SC) As with other marginal groups a certain handful of women are accorded higher status that they may perform a species of cultural policing over the rest. patriarchy has a still more tenacious or powerful hold through its successful habit of passing itself off as nature. . and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett.¶ When in any group of persons. and tradition. the ego is subjected to such invidious versions of itself through social beliefs. Politically. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. the effect is bound to be pernicious. In making their assessments the students generally agreed that John was a remarkable thinker. Religion is also universal in human society and slavery was once nearly so. author. She wrote two more autobiographical books. This is from an actual book.D. Flying. Logically. and the discrimination in matters of behaviour. however. and often comic. should make it no very special cause for surprise that women develop group characteristics common to those who suffer minority status and a marginal existence.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 66/230 Internal Links + Impacts .

torture. with distinction. 1994). where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. and role are all value systems with endless psychological ramifications for each sex. The Western tradition was indeed moderated somewhat by the introduction of courtly love. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. Its aim is to reinforce both sexual factions in their status. whose first book. but its antisocial character as well. Sexual Politics.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. a grave animosity for sober and eternal Latin. Its resurrection in twentieth-century attitudes and literature is the result of a resentment over patriarchal reform. 1934. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. U. transforming Millett into a public figure.¶ Since the abatement of censorship. Kate Millett. the primary vehicle of masculine hostility. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. and artist. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. American feminist. Misogynist literature. 14. 2001). and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. for example) and contrasts it with Miller or William Burroughs. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. one can find both attitudes fully expressed. Boccaccio. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro.). 2// SC) Hostility is expressed in a number of ways.D. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. a courtly pose adopted for the ephemeral needs of the vernacular. it has become far easier to assess sexual antagonism in the male. (The couple divorced in 1985. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. Flying. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. and with the problems of aging. This is from an actual book. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. masculine hostility (psychological or physical) in specifically sexual contexts has become far more apparent. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. 1990).) At the same time. Minn. literary misogyny grew somewhat out of fashion. It is a matter of release and freedom to express what was once forbidden expression outside of pornography or other "underground" productions. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. was an overnight success. Kate Millett. Guilt of sexuality is placed upon women in the patriarchal system with double standards on virginity and abortion Millett 69 (Kate Millett. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. In some places in the eighteenth century it declined into ridicule and exhortative satire. with distinction. U. Millett was back in New York City. was an overnight success. 2001). Sexual Politics.D. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. Flying. whose first book. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. One is laughter. 1990). transforming Millett into a public figure. Status. and some others. Patriarchal . But the old diatribes and attacks were coterminous with the new idealisation of woman.S. Minn. and artist. Agnes). where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. 14. As courtly love was transformed to romantic love. 1994). 1934. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. Paul. In the nineteenth century its more acrimonious forms almost disappeared in English. St. and with the problems of aging. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. such as those of De Sade. one has an idea of how contemporary literature has absorbed not only the truthful explicitness of pornography. aided by the growing permissiveness in expression which has taken place at an increasing rate in the last fifty years. The book. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. is both an hortatory and comic genre. As one recalls both the euphemism and the idealism of descriptions of coitus in the Romantic poets (Keats's Eve of St. 1982). of Cruelty.) At the same time.D. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. however. Their principal result is the interiorisation of patriarchal ideology. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. Ancient. torture. however. Of all artistic forms in patriarchy it is the most frankly propagandistic. notably in the Confucian strain which held sway in Japan as well as China. Her thesis. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. or the Victorian novelists (Hardy.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics This is from an actual book. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. American feminist. and Renaissance literature in the West has each had a large element of misogyny. Paul. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. She wrote two more autobiographical books. Since this tendency to hurt or insult has been given free expression.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 67/230 Rape (IL) I/l Patriarchy’s control over pornography exposes antagonism in the male. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. (The couple divorced in 1985. presumably as evidence of different moods. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. The book.. Medieval. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. author. Millett was back in New York City. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. Yet as masculine hostility has been fairly continuous.. Sita (1977) and A. In the case of Petrarch. Sita (1977) and A. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa.D. St. Nor is the East without a strong tradition here. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. She wrote two more autobiographical books. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. 1982). In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. 2// SC) The aspects of patriarchy already described have each an effect upon the psychology of both sexes.). author. Her thesis. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement.S. temperament.: A Memoir (1995). one deals here probably less with a matter of increase than with a new frankness in expressing hostility in specifically sexual contexts.reinforces masculine hostility Millett 69 (Kate Millett. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept.: A Memoir (1995). Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost.

who is. Even where this has been partly amended the cumulative effect of religion and custom is still very powerful and has enormous psychological consequences.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 68/230 marriage and the family with its ranks and division of labor play a large part in enforcing them. This is particularly so when she is denied human rights through chattel status. the prescription against abortion. The male's superior economic position. the female's inferior one have also grave implications. held to be the culpable or the more culpable party in nearly any sexual liaison. whatever the extenuating circumstances. the double standard. . The large quantity of guilt attached to sexuality in patriarchy is overwhelmingly placed upon the female. A tendency toward the reification of the female makes her more often a sexual object than a person. and in many places because contraception is physically or psychically unavailable to her. Woman is still denied sexual freedom and the biological control over her body through the cult of virginity. culturally speaking.

such emotions were present at a barely sublimated level and were a key factor in explaining the attitude behind the author's use of language and tone. In rape. In view of the sadistic character of such public fantasy as caters to male audiences in pornography or semi-pornographic media. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. Millett was back in New York City. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. possibly hypocritical indignation. Exemplary atrocity. for example. take a form consummately appropriate to sexual politics.D. Sita (1977) and A.S. Minn. transforming Millett into a public figure. “ Sexual Politics” Ch.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. hatred. whose first book. The rule here associates sadism with the male ("the masculine role") and victimisation with the female ("the feminine role''). 1982). the latter often equated both with evil and with power. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. 2001). was an overnight success. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo." Vendetta.. The figures of rapes reported represent only a fraction of those which occur. and with the problems of aging. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. references to wife-beating. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. and the interests of property and vanity (honour). To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. Needless to say.). and racism. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. is carried out for masculine satisfaction the exhilarations of race hatred. . where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. Paul. Kate Millett.¶ Patriarchal societies typically link feelings of cruelty with sexuality. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. American feminist. The book. This is apparent both in the sexual fantasy reported by psychoanalysis and that reported by pornography.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 69/230 Rape (!) Patriarchy endorses dominance by forcing subjects into silence through rape. as the shame of the event is sufficient to deter women from the notion of civil prosecution under the public circumstances of a trial. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College.D.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. both crimes may serve the larger group as a ritual act. Her thesis. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. invariably produce laughter and some embarrassment. pornography. such as occurs in the American South. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. one might expect that a certain element of identification is by no means absent from the general response. St. Flying. This is from an actual book. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. Emotional response to violence against women in patriarchy is often curiously ambivalent. 1994). At such times one even hears from men occasional expressions of envy or amusement. this has the most far-reaching effects on the social and psychological behaviour of both sexes. is capable of eliciting a mass response of titillation at another level. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. torture. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. and the desire to break or violate personality. cathartic in effect. Unconsciously. Probably a similar collective frisson sweeps through racist society when its more "logical" members have perpetrated a lynching. 1934. contempt. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. 14. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. such as the mass murders committed by Richard Speck. She wrote two more autobiographical books. the emotions of aggression. greeted at one level with a certain scandalised. and artist.affects sexual politics Millett 69 (Kate Millett. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. with distinction. (The couple divorced in 1985. In the passages analysed at the' outset of this study.) At the same time. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. 2// SC) Before assault she is almost universally defenceless both by her physical and emotional training. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist.a matter of abusing "his woman. however.: A Memoir (1995). with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. Traditionally rape has been viewed as an offence one male commits upon another .¶ Patriarchal force also relies on a form of violence particularly sexual in character and realised most completely in the act of rape. author. 1990). U. Sexual Politics.

James Heinrich: ”I provided an important service to poor women who faced health risks in future pregnancies because of past Caesarean sections. “ Do they think they’re animals.” Montano said. even when they are in labor. and they don’t want them to breed anymore ?” Inmates told The Sacramento Bee: Michelle Anderson. it becomes a race and economic issue between the upper/lower class .dpuf. do you think the medical procedure of sterilization should be obsolete? .mL6VdbnY. The state of California made the practice of forced sterilization on prison inmates (especially those who classify as ‘mentally ill’ and poor ) illegal since 1979 . At the time most civil-rights leaders claimed sterilization and even birth control was used to regulate or reduce the number of births by women of color . Christina Nguyen who worked at Valley State Prison overheard medical staff persuading inmates who had several prison terms to become sterilized: “I was like. “I figured that’s just what happens in prison – that that’s the best kind of doctor you’re going get. Nikki Montano also had had one C-section before she landed at Valley State in 2008. A former inmate. said she’d had one prior C-section. With all the advancements in family planning and contraception. the underlying tone and purpose of the procedure is being used against women who would be labeled as secondclass citizens .’ ” said Nguyen. 28. //AR) During the years of 2006-2010.460. the doctors who performed this procedure were contracted by the CDCR. repeatedly was asked to agree to be sterilized. During the mid-twentieth century. sterilization was tested upon African –American and Latino women.” Sterilization goes beyond medical procedures. who gave birth in December 2006 while at Valley State. The women who were a part of these tests were not told the precautions of sterilization.writer. “ He never told me nothing about nothing . that isn’t a huge amount of money compared to what you save in welfare paying for these unwanted children – as they procreated more . forgery and receiving stolen property. According to OB-GYN Dr. it is illegal for prisons to use federal funds to cover the costs of sterilization. She refused.com/285399/female-prisoners-sterilized-without-consent-incalifornia-prisons/#sthash. The doctors were funded through state funds to perform the procedure. Montano. Also. Over a 10-year period. Female Prisoners Sterilized Without Consent In California Prisons July 9th.D. 2013 http://madamenoire. Anderson. was serving time after pleading guilty to burglary.” Although prison and medical staff members told female inmates the sterilization would benefit them health wise. Fox. 44. 42. These visitations give doctors the opportunity to seek approval from inmates. ‘Oh my God. Prisons are able to find a loop-hole in this law by allowing doctors to visit inmates. with expenses totaling up to $147. she said neither Heinrich nor the medical staff told her why she needed a tubal ligation. she said. pregnant and battling drug addiction.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 70/230 Forced Sterilization Institutional Racism allows for black women to be striped of their basic rights Fox 13 (Lauren R. The sterilization process is also known as tubal ligation. The mother of seven children. that’s not right. and was not told what risk factors led to the requests. the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation sterilized about 150 women without receiving approval from the state.

was an overnight success. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. Yet if as some anthropologists believe. (The couple divorced in 1985. At present. not to mention status. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. science as well assumes these psycho-social distinctions to rest upon biological where culture is acknowledged as shaping behaviour. displacing and downgrading female function in procreation and attributing the power of life to the phallus alone. Sexual Politics. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. American feminist. transforming Millett into a public figure. Speculation about prehistory. where we are left with the realities of sexual politics. the patriarchal situation regarding role and status) have been notably unsuccessful. author. It is also probably irrelevant to contemporary patriarchy. logically as well as historically. with distinction. Yet it is hardly an adequate category on which to base political relations within civilisation. or upon a later mobilisation of such strength under certain circumstances . explicable or even inevitable on the grounds of human physiology. amorphous. Male supremacy. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. St. Kate Millett. Flying. popular attitude. essentially cultural. a secondary sexual characteristic and common among mammals. temperament) are physical in origin. and contemporary civilisation has no further need of it. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. knowledge) for those of physical strength. It appears that we are not soon to be enlightened as to the existence of any significant inherent differences between male and female beyond the bio-genital ones we already know. This is from an actual book. Attempts to prove that temperamental dominance is inherent in the male (which for its advocates.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. Her thesis. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector.appears at the moment to be unanswerable.: A Memoir (1995). Sita (1977) and A.¶ The heavier differences between the sexes. 1994). Endocrinology and genetics afford no definite evidence of determining mentalemotional differences.. Millett was back in New York City. would be tantamount to validating. What would be crucial to such a premise would be a state of mind in which the primary principle would be regarded as fertility or vitalist processes. whether they be strong or not. specific. something of a miraculous event and linked analogically with the growth of the earth's vegetation. as in the past. 14. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality.¶ Not only is there insufficient evidence for the thesis that the present social distinctions of patriarchy (status. The book. patriarchy is not of primeval origin. one might argue the likelihood of a hypothetical period preceding patriarchy.it must be admitted that many of the generally understood distinctions between the sexes in the more significant areas of role and temperament. those at the bottom performing the most strenuous tasks. weaponry. Yet the temperamental distinctions created in patriarchy ("masculine" and "feminine" personality traits) do not appear to originate in human nature. 1990).¶ It is possible that the circumstance which might drastically redirect such attitudes would be the discovery of paternity. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. does not finally reside in physical strength but in the acceptance of a value system which is not biological. often even quasi-religious in phrasing . Civilisation has always been able to substitute other methods (technic. 2// SC) Patriarchal religion. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett.vide those of race and class.¶ So much for the evanescent delights afforded by the game of origins.). demoting. Such a theory grants patriarchy logical as well as historical origin. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. we are often assured.D. Unfortunately.vague. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work.S. 1934. before it developed civilisation or any but the crudest technic. is biological in origin but is also culturally encouraged through breeding. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. measurable and neutral ones of the physical sciences. like other political creeds. Superior physical strength is not a factor in political relations . since distinctions which we know to be culturally induced at present so outweigh them. and with the problems of aging. rather than biological. as the psycho-social distinctions made between the two sex groups which are said to justify their present political relationship are not the clear. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. but the most reasonable among them have despaired of the ambition of any definite equation between temperament and biological nature. but are instead of an entirely different character . To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. Whatever the . it is said to do no more than cooperate with nature. remains nothing but speculation. torture. role. or eliminating goddesses and constructing a theology whose basic postulates are male supremacist. then the argument of physical strength as a theory of patriarchal origins would hardly constitute a sufficient explanation .¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. Minn. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. have in fact.¶ It is often assumed that patriarchy is endemic in human social life. Conjecture about origins is always frustrated by lack of certain evidence. discrediting. 1982).) At the same time. physical exertion is very generally a class factor. but we are hardly in a position to assess the existing differentiations. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. and artist. humanity would perhaps find the most impressive evidence of creative force in the visible birth of children. and one of whose central functions is to uphold and validate the patriarchal structure. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. and to some degree. on nature. 2001).D. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. The question of the historical origins of patriarchy . Sources in the field are in hopeless disagreement about the nature of sexual differences. In a primitive condition. There is some evidence that fertility cults in ancient society at some point took a turn toward patriarchy. but was preceded by some other social form we shall call pre-patriarchal.unless the male's superior physical strength was released in accompaniment with some change in orientation through new values or new knowledge. which of necessity is what this must be. Paul. whose first book.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 71/230 Root Cause Patriarchy is the most controlling form of dominance against subjectivity and difference – it’s a series of social patterns that can be challenged effectively by fierce resistance Millett 69 (Kate Millett. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. Were one to indulge in it. bases. still grounded. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. Patriarchal religion could consolidate this position by the creation of a male God or gods. U. so that musculature of the male. those of role and status still less. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. diet and exercise. She wrote two more autobiographical books.whether patriarchy originated primordially in the male's superior strength. however.

whose biological identity turns out to be contrary to his gender assignment and conditioning . Every moment of the child's life is a clue to how he or she must think and behave to attain or satisfy the demands which gender places upon one. status. Important new research not only suggests that the possibilities of innate temperamental differences seem more remote than ever. as for example. in terms of masculine and feminine. The error of this traditional assumption is that the power and permanence of something learned has been underestimated. that is alike. If the proper terms for sex are "male" and "female. And this is very far from being the case at present. although the external genitalia (penis. character. that it may even be contrary to physiology: ". The experiments of animal ethologists on imprinting have now corrected this misconception. Thus. even before speech is attained. interests. Studies done in California under Stoller's direction offer proof that gender identity (I am a girl. and the culture's notions of what is appropriate to each gender by way of temperament. tickled and spoken to in terms of their sexual identity ("Is it the most considerable emphasis on purely tactile learning which would have much to do with the child's sense of self. gender psychological. the condition existing at birth and for several months thereafter is one of psycho-sexual undifferentiation. that mankind has traditionally assumed that Jerome Kagin's studies in how children of pre-speech age are handled and touched. sense of self. and therefore cultural: "Gender is a term that has psychological or cultural rather than biological "masculine" and "feminine".the first as well as the most permanent and far-reaching. feelings. the merciless task of conformity grows to crisis proportions.e." as it were. instinctive.. in this work will refer to the male or female sex and the component biological parts that determine whether one is a male or a female.¶ .than to undo the educational consequences of years.g. .Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 72/230 areal" differences between the sexes may be. I am a boy) is the primary identity any human being holds . little fellow. i. so arbitrary is gender. morphologic sexual differentiation passes from a plastic stage to one of fixed immutability. which have succeeded in making the subject temperamentally feminine in gesture. one purpose this study will be to confirm the fact that the two realms (sex and gender) are not inevitably bound in anything like a one-to-one relationship. In adolescence. In agreement with this. Since patriarchy's biological foundations appear to be so very insecure. but each may go into quite independent ways. Psychosexual personality is therefore postnatal and learned. one has some cause to admire the strength of a "socialisation" which can continue a universal condition "on faith alone." the corresponding terms for gender are maleness. not even all of them together. but even raises questions as to the validity and permanence of psycho-sexual identity. so also does psycho-sexual differentiation become fixed and immutable .. in the phrases sexual relations or the male sex.¶ John Money who is quoted above. thoughts and fantasies that are related to the sexes and yet do not have primarily biological connotations. studied at the California Gender Identity Center. Indeed. personality structure in terms of sexual category. and in contradistinction to male and female) there is no differentiation between the sexes at birth.. I agree in general with Money. the word sex. and expression. worth. gesture.so much so. Psycho-sexually (e. Stoller later makes emphatic the distinction that sex is biological. . male and female are really two cultures and their life experiences are utterly different and this is crucial. so strong and fixed a feeling as personal sexual identity must stem from something innate. Implicit in all the gender identity development which takes place through childhood is the sum total of the parents'. In the absence of complete evidence. no one of them is essential for it. Just as in the embryo. In doing so it gives fairly concrete positive evidence of the overwhelmingly cultural character of gender. ¶ a boy or a girl?" "Hello.) put Because of our social circumstances. regardless of the anatomy and physiology of the external genitalia. the word sexual will have connotations of anatomy and physiology. these latter may be quite independent of (biological) sex. It is for some of these psychological phenomena that the term gender will be used: one can speak of the male sex or the female sex. and not subject to postnatal experience and learning. while sex and gender seem to common sense inextricably bound together. or through an acquired value system exclusively.¶ What Stoller and other experts define as "core gender identity" is now thought to be established in the young by the age of eighteen months. This obviously leaves tremendous areas of behaviour.'' This would place the time of establishment at about eighteen months. the discovery was made that it is easier to change the sex of an adolescent male. the peers'.¶ In cases of genital malformation and consequent erroneous gender assignment at birth. and the Hampsons who show in their large series of intersexed patients that gender role is determined by postnatal forces. generally cooling and settling in maturity. but one can also talk about masculinity and femininity and not necessarily be implying anything about anatomy or physiology.through surgery ." "Isn't she pretty." and gender first established "with the establishment of a native language. believes that "the acquisition of a native language is a human counterpart to imprinting. scrotum) contribute to the sense of connotations. we are not likely to know them until the sexes are treated differently. testes. This is how Stoller differentiates between sex and gender:¶ Dictionaries stress that the major connotation of sex is a biological one. personality and interests. What does seem decisive in assuring the maintenance of the temperamental differences between the sexes .''¶ It is now believed that the human fetus is originally physically female until the operation of androgen at a certain stage of gestation causes those with y chromosomes to develop into males." etc.

ruthless and frightened in their censure of aberration among their numbers. contradictory. Nor do the mutually exclusive. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 73/230 is the conditioning of early childhood. might still be depended upon to rationalise the patriarchal system. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. 2// SC) the presence in women of the expected traits of minority status: group self-hatred and self-rejection." The same process of reinforcement is evident in producing the chief "feminine" virtue of passivity.¶ The arbitrary character of patriarchal ascriptions of temperament and role has little effect upon their power over us. it is still necessary to point out that the enormous area of our lives. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. Thereupon the culture consents to believe the possession of the male indicator. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. woman is rarely extrovert enough in her maladjustment to enter upon criminality. 1934. The double standard is What little literature the social sciences afford us in this context confirms applied not only in cases of sexual conduct but other contexts as well. in itself characterises the aggressive impulse. One can only advance genetic evidence when one has genetic (rather than historical) evidence to advance. This is from an actual book. and "masculine" behaviour as hyperactive or hyperaggressive. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran.often with the most dexterous ingenuity . Her thesis.¶ Here it might be added. his pretensions to physical evidence are both specious and circular. The usual hope of such line of reasoning is that "nature." But so effective is her conditioning toward passivity in patriarchy. Kate Millett. But a large number will recognise and admit their circumstances when they are properly phrased. In contemporary terminology. reiteration of her inferiority which she eventually accepts as a fact.S. docility must be the corresponding trait of a subject group. Tiger's thesis appears to be a misrepresentation of the work of Lorenz and other students of animal behaviour. Just as every minority member must either apologise for the excesses of a fellow or condemn him with a strident enthusiasm. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. 1990). which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular.¶ Patriarchy creates gender inequality which helps fuel racism Millett 69 (Kate Millett. One sees the implication of such a theory by applying its premise to any ruling group. Since his evidence of inherent trait is patriarchal history and organisation. 1994). If aggressiveness is the trait of the master class. Sita (1977) and A.were it not. To take a simple example: expectations the culture cherishes about his gender identity encourage the young male to develop aggressive impulses.). By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. with distinction. penis. by way of a coda. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. The book. St. however subtle. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. and the female to thwart her own or turn them inward. was an overnight success. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. admitting only reflexes and drives (far simpler neural responses). The result is that the male tends to have aggression reinforced in his behaviour.D. 1982). An important consideration to be remembered here is that in patriarchy. She wrote two more autobiographical books. Another index of minority status is the fierceness with which all minority group members are judged. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. one might as plausibly speak of "feminine" behaviour as active.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. whose first book. Generally an accused woman acquires a notoriety out of proportion to her acts and due to sensational publicity she may be tried largely for her "sex life. women are characteristically harsh. Sexual Politics. both in early "socialisation" and in adult experience. Politically. Conditioning runs in a circle of self-perpetuation and self-fulfilling prophecy. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. 14. author. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. and scrotum. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. that the myths propagated about his inferiority might after all be true often reaches remarkable proportions in the personal insecurities of women. American feminist. Flying. the prospects of a "bonding instinct" appear particularly forlorn. (The couple divorced in 1985. and artist. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. which are set up for us by our social environment.D. Under their aegis each personality becomes little more.responses to the patterns and attitudes.¶ Should one regard sex in humans as a drive. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. that data from physical sciences has recently been enlisted again to support sociological arguments. and often less than half. one found that one fourth . such as those of Lionel Tiger who seeks a genetic justification of patriarchy by proposing a '"bonding instinct" in males which assures their political and social control of human society.) At the same time. Millett was back in New York City. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. In the matter of conformity patriarchy is a governing ideology without peer. 2001). and with the problems of aging. As many authorities dismiss the possibility of instincts (complex inherent behavioural patterns) in humans altogether. a contempt both for herself and for her fellows the result of that continual.. So much is this the case that even the act of coitus itself is the product of a long series of learned responses .¶ The gnawing suspicion which plagues any minority member.: A Memoir (1995). it is probable that no other system has ever exercised such a complete control over its subjects. Paul. the function of norm is unthinkingly delegated to the male . Some find their subordinate position so hard to bear that they repress and deny its existence. the basic division of temperamental trait is marshalled along the line of "aggression is male" and "passivity is female. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. however. and polar qualities of the categories "masculine" and "feminine" imposed upon human personality give rise to sufficiently serious question among us. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. transforming Millett into a public figure. the fact that each group exhibits a circumscribed but complementary personality and range of activity is of secondary importance to the fact that each represents a status or power division. labelled "sexual behaviour. U." by some impossible outside chance. of its human potential." is almost entirely the product of learning. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett." All other temperamental traits are somehow . where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. and even vulgarly celebrates it in such encomiums as "that guy has balls. Of two studies which asked women if they would have preferred to be born male. often with significant anti-social possibilities. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. torture.aligned to correspond. Minn. the testes. In the relatively rare instances of female crime too: in many American states a woman convicted of crime is awarded a longer sentence. even as to the object of sexual choice.

directing its fiercest enmity at feminine guile and corruption. who have not yet developed as serviceable techniques of evasion. an instinctual or sensual gratification. and an assumed air of helplessness involving fraudulent appeals for direction through a show of ignorance." . When one inquires of children. whereas boys overwhelmingly reject the opinion of being girls. a wily habit of deceit. In the light of the imminent possibility of parents birth into the elite group. Both groups are forced to the same accommodational tactics: an ingratiating or supplicatory Myrdal.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 74/230 of the sample admitted as much. Hacker. and in another sample. one half. a contentment with their own lot which is in accord with a proof of its appropriateness. and Dixon draw between the ascribed attributes of manner invented to please. what their choice might be. "wanton. and concealment of feeling. or. an emotional nature both primitive and childlike. such a tendency is becoming the cause of some concern in scientific circles. if they had one. a tendency to study those points at which the dominant group are subject to influence or corruption. as such sources would have it. the answers of female children in a large majority of cases clearly favour The phenomenon of parents' prenatal preference for male issue is too common to require much elaboration. It is ironic how misogynist literature has for centuries concentrated on just these traits.¶ Comparisons such as blacks and women reveal that common opinion associates the same traits with both: inferior intelligence. an imagined prowess in or affinity for sexuality. and particularly that element of it which is sexual. actually choosing the sex of their child.

the same license to seduce lowerclass women as we are familiar with in Western societies. Sita (1977) and A.D. In Afghanistan and Saudi Arabia the adulteress is still stoned to death with a mullah presiding at the execution.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota.¶ Indirectly. strict patriarchies such as that of Islam. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. and in the face of public knowledge. Minn. adultery was not generally recognised in males except as an offence one male might commit against another's property interest. the lower-class male convicted of sexual intimacy with his employer's wife would. just as under other total ideologies (racism and colonialism are somewhat analogous in this respect) control in patriarchal society would be imperfect. so complete the general assent to its values. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. U. one form of "death penalty" still obtains even in America today. It is still condoned in Sicily. Kate Millett. transforming Millett into a public figure. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. to execute an adulterous wife. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. whereas a chonin (common citizen) or peasant might respond as he pleased. Significantly.¶ Excepting a social license to physical abuse among certain class and ethnic groups. Customarily. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. 1982). teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. This is from an actual book. 2001). even inoperable. whose first book. Her thesis. have implemented the prohibition against illegitimacy or sexual autonomy with a death sentence. 1990). and artist. be beheaded together with her.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 75/230 Death penalty Patriarchy deprives women of control on their own body results the death penalty of the woman and fetus Millett 69 (Kate Millett. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. Sexual Politics.¶ Historically. A samurai was entitled. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. so long and so universally has it prevailed in human society. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. 1994). Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. with distinction. that it scarcely seems to require violent implementation.D. Upper strata males had. of course.S.) At the same time. 2// SC) We are not accustomed to associate patriarchy with force. for example. Those of the present are regarded as the product of individual deviance. force itself is restricted to the male who alone is psychologically and technically equipped to perpetrate physical violence? Where differences in physical strength have become immaterial through the use of arms. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. St. an elaborate set of legal distinctions were made according to class. Paul.. Needless to say there was and is no penalty imposed upon the male correspondent. confined to pathological or exceptional behaviour.). Execution by stoning was once common practice through the Near East. In Tokugawa Japan. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. Patriarchal legal systems in depriving women of control over their own bodies drive them to illegal abortions. 14. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. Millett was back in New York City. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. it is estimated that between two and five thousand women die each year from this cause. The book. force is diffuse and generalised in most contemporary patriarchies. we view its brutalities in the past as exotic or "primitive" custom. and without general import. (The couple divorced in 1985. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. however. For example. even obliged. In cases of cross-class adultery. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. and with the problems of aging. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. She wrote two more autobiographical books. 1934.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. the female is rendered innocuous by her socialisation. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. And yet. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. author.: A Memoir (1995). torture. Flying. . So perfect is its system of socialisation. unless it had the rule of force to rely upon. Save in recent times or exceptional cases. most patriarchies have institutionalised force through their legal systems. both in emergencies and as an ever-present instrument of intimidation. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. because he had violated taboos of class and property. was an overnight success. American feminist.

To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. 14. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. where any heinousness is justified on the grounds that the enemy is either an inferior species or really not human at all. Millett was back in New York City. (The couple divorced in 1985. Sita (1977) and A. 1994).) At the same time. transforming Millett into a public figure. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. St. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics This is from an actual book.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota.. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. . was an overnight success. American feminist. involuntary and child marriages. clitoral incision.the first in Africa. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. the gynaecium. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. the latter in the Near and Far East. She wrote two more autobiographical books. the crippling deformity of foot-binding in China. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. and purdah. the sale and enslavement of women under one guise or another. U.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 76/230 Battle of the sexes Patriarchy puts the sexes at war justifying heinousness activities against woman by making her an inferior species Millett 69 (Kate Millett.D. however. Sexual Politics. still take place . concubinage and prostitution.D. author. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965.: A Memoir (1995). as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. and artist. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. 1934. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. The book. Paul. 2// SC) The history of patriarchy presents a variety of cruelties and barbarities: the suttee execution in India.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. with distinction. Her thesis. Minn. the last generally. and with the problems of aging. the lifelong ignominy of the veil in Islam. Flying. Kate Millett. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse.S. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. The patriarchal mentality has concocted a whole series of rationales about women which accomplish this purpose tolerably well. whose first book. Phenomenon such as clitoridectomy. of Cruelty. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. torture. The rationale which accompanies that imposition of male authority euphemistically referred to as "the battle of the sexes" bears a certain resemblance to the formulas of nations at war. 2001). and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. 1990). or the widespread persecution of sequestration.). And these traditional beliefs still invade our consciousness and affect our thinking to an extent few of us would be willing to admit. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. 1982).

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 77/230 Alt Solvency .

sex structure would bring up. U. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa..: A Memoir (1995). as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. The last instance of its practice on a white man in western culture was the late l8th century when the last castrati lost a vital section of his anatomy in the cause of the art of music – at the hands of another male. Her thesis. with distinction. myth either invented or disseminated to serve the political end of a rationalization or a softening and partial denial of power. Dagwood is a member of the ruling class held up both to scorn and to sympathy-scorn for being too human or too incompetent to rule. . She wrote two more autobiographical books. To those in fear of castration word one word of comfort. Sexual Politics. and artist.) At the same time. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. Like a dimwitted plantation owner who is virtually controlled by his farcleverer steward or valet. Millett was back in New York City. transforming Millett into a public figure. author.¶ The phantasy of the male victim is not only a myth. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. whose first book. (The couple divorced in 1985. everywhere he is in danger of being dethroned. 1934. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. American feminist. 1990). It was felt that women were too profane to sing the holy offices so to supply the demand for the higher musical register. 1994). Man is innocent. Dagwood – the archetypal henpecked husband – is a figure of folk fun only because the culture assumes that a man will rule his wife or cease to be very much of a man. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting.S.D. Even Albert Shanker has discovered of late that black community control. Kate Millett. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. for on every hand. masculine society has a fascinating tactic of appropriating all sympathy for itself. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. From Dagwood to the college professor. 2001). it is the male in our culture who defines reality. however. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. was an overnight success.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. 14. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. 2// SC) At the level of common attitude – sex and particularly that very explosive subject of the relationship of the sexes – is a subject closed to intelligent investigation and accessible only to persiflage and levity.). Flying. the Mayor. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College.¶ The second evasion our culture has evolved is via folk myth. In the courts of the Italian Renaissance castration was a perverse method of providing soprano voices for the Papal Choir.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. yet sympathetic because every other member of the privileged group knows in his heart how burdensome it is to maintain the illusory facade of superiority over those who are your natural equals.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 78/230 Castration Alt The alt is a rejection of the aff’s ideology to metaphorically castrate them of the patriarchal status quo Millett 69 (Kate Millett. it is politically expedient myth. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo.. torture. and the Board of Education have performed this abomination upon his person. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. Having in a confused way. the male now bellows in physical pain and true hysteria every time his social and of Cruelty. The book.D. Sita (1977) and A. we are assailed by the bogey of the overbearing woman – woman as some terrible and primitive natural evil – our twentieth-century remnant of the primitive fear of the unknown. sex is folklore and the official version of both is that the male is the “victim” of a widespread conspiracy. men today have come to see the terrible specter of the “castrating female” all about them. Minn. and with the problems of aging. associated his genitals with his power. Yet our culture seeks on every level of discussion to deny logical charge of oppression which any objective view of the. I must add.. 1982). eunuchs were created through putting young men to the knife¶ As the practice of physical castration has been abolished clear that the word in current usage must be accepted in a metaphoric rather than literal connotation. he is put upon. St. In the American South it was as a way to humiliate black victims of the Klan. The actual relation of the sexes in our culture from the dawn of history has been diametrically opposite to the of official cult of the downtrodden. and remember. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics This is from an actual book. It has lately taken up the practice of screaming out that it is the victim of unnatural surgery . From the folk figure of Jiggs or Punch to the very latest study of the damage which mothers wreak upon their sons. if we are to any sense of the fantastic anxiety contemporary male egos. in the media and in the culture both high and low. unknown at least to the male. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. it has been “castrated". their paranoiac delusions are taken for social fact. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. For castration is an ancient cruelty which males practice on each other. Paul. In the Ancient East it was a barbarous form of punishment for crime.

pleasurable or creative organ. for example. To.am very sure I don’t want. warfare (unless in the just cause of self-defense – a cause I cannot foresee ever happening in American foreign policy). but to have a fair share of what Whitey has the whole world of human possibility. . If by castration is meant a loss through being forced to share power: with oppressed groups deprived of power. or the white man's imperialist racism. or rape or the capitalist exploitation of poverty and ignorance. status is a “castrating bitch” or guilty of the obscure evil: of “penis envy” (only the consummate male chauvinist could have imagined this term) is as patently silly as to argue that dispossessed blacks want to become white men issue is not to be Whitey. a Zippo for burning down.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 79/230 political prerogatives are threatened. then there are many white men in America who will suffer this psychic operation. argue that any woman who insists on full human.¶ While I am fully aware that equal rights entail equal responsibility there are some things Whitey has which I. a Green Beret.or even of human status. the burden of the charred flesh a Vietnamese child. Nor do I have any interest in acquiring the habits of violence. but it will be the removal of a cancer in the brain and heart not of any. villages the ear of a dead of peasant.

Black people. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. etc. 1990). The book. transforming Millett into a public figure.. 1934. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. torture. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. Einstein and the care for life which we have bred into women – and accept these as human traits. U. Shakespeare.or self definition in terms of how many or how often or how efficiently he can oppress his fellow – . the social propaganda of television and the board of education's deranged whim as to what is proper male – female Role-Building.¶ There are other forces at work to change thewhole face of American society: the black movement to end racism. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. was an overnight success. It is high time we began to be reasonable about the relationship of sexuality to personality and admit the facts -the present assignment of temperamental traits to sex is moronic. . to break the old machine of sexual politics and replace it with a more human and civilized world for both sexes. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. students and women – that's alot of people with our combined numbers it is probably 70% of the population or more. She wrote two more autobiographical books. dumb cow victim. It is more than enough to change the course and character of our society – surely enough to cause a radical social revolution. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics This is from an actual book. and pick from it what we can use: Dante. and artist. Kate Millett. the passive. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. Paul.the murderer's complex.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 80/230 AT: Alt Fails The alt. Minn. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular.: A Memoir (1995).¶ We are numbers sufficient to alter the course of human history -by changing fundamental values by affecting an entire change of consciousness. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. in nationwide chapters of the National Organization for Women – in the myriad groups of Radical Women springing up in cities all over the country and the world.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. a mere change of dictators and the inevitable counter-revolution which follows upon such betrayal and loss of purpose. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. author.. the killer. 1994). We cannot have such a change of of Cruelty. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. and they are banding together. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. Lady Murasaki and Mozart. however.. 2// SC) It is time we realized that the whole structure of male and female personality is arbitrarily imposed by social conditioning a social conditioning which has taken all the possible traits of human personality – which Margaret Mead once. Sexual Politics. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. What we must now set about doing is to reexamine this whole foolish and segregated house of cards. Virility . And maybe it will also be the first Revolution to avoid the pitfall of bloodshed. American feminist. etc. tenderness feminine. 1982). Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. and to end the present system's oppression of men as well as women. whose first book. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. in the women's liberation groups of SDS and in other groups or. Then we must get busy to eliminate what are not properly humane or even human ideas – the warrior. compared to the many colors of the rainbow's spectrum – and arbitrarily assigned traits into two categories. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. (The couple divorced in 1985. is possible. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. games. Flying. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. 14. who know they were born men and don't have to prove it by killing someone or wearing crew cuts. free of the economic and racial exploitation reflex. St. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. There is a whole generation coming of age in America who have already thoroughly sickened of the military male ideal. passivity-feminine violence.D. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. intelligence masculine and emotion feminine. by way of analogy. Millett was back in New York City. the student movement with its numbers and powers for spreading the idea of a new society founded on democratic principles. limiting and hazardous. it’s a matter of us having it within our power to create a world that is bearable.) At the same time. the hero as homicide. Her thesis. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost.). she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University.¶ We must now begin to realize and to retrain ourselves to see that both intelligence and a reverence for life are HUMAN qualities. free of the war reflex.D. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph.. and they are joining together to make the beginnings of a new and massive women's movement in America and in the world – to establish true equality between the sexes. There is also a vast number of women who are beginning to wake out of the long sleep known as cooperating in one's own oppression and self-denigration. with distinction. arbitrarily departmentalizing human qualities into two neat little piles which are drilled into children by toys. on campus.S. Sita (1977) and A. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement.masculine. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. thus aggression is masculine. we hold fate in our hands Millett 69 (Kate Millett. and with the problems of aging.This has got to go. 2001).

Social and cultural revolution in America and the world depend on a change of consciousness of which a new relationship between the sexes and a new definition of humanity and human personality are an integral part. unless we end the idea of oppression itself – unless we realize-that a revolution in sexual policy is not only part of but basic to any real change in the quality life. within our power to create a world we could bear out of the desert we inhabit for we hold our very fate in our hands. white. Let us begin the revolution and let us begin it with love: All of us.' But we cannot do this or solve racial and economic crimes unless we end the oppression of all people – unless we end the idea of violence. of dominance. there will be enough of us and we will have both a purpose and a goal – the first truly human condition. black. have it. female. the first really human society.¶ As we awake and begin to take action. of power. and gold. .Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 81/230 consciousness unless we rebuild values – -we cannot rebuild values unless we ‘restructure personality. male and.

Sita (1977) and A.in the North who voted for Wallace) – in his paranoia is likely to believe that because one woman or one black man in millions can make nearly or even a bit more than he does – the whole bunch are taking over that sordid little corner of the world he regarded as his birthright because the was white and male – and on which he had staked his very identity-just because it prevented him from seeing himself as exploited by the very caste he had imagined he was part of and with whom. Political nominees announced their intention of helping asthmatic children and the mentally retarded of every age.816. for it works like a charm. and with the problems of aging. The United States has fewer women in public office than hardly any nation in the world – we are more effectively ostracized from political life – in this country than any other constituency in America – and we are 53% of its population. 1934.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 82/230 AT: Alt Causes/Alt Fails Action now is key as students we live in a utopia of being almost treated equally we can solve for a lack of representation and oppression Millett 69 (Kate Millett. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. The Department of Labor statistics can't hide the fact that this is a man's world – a white man's world: the average year-round income of the white male is $6.277. it is psychological oppression. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. And we are not represented now any more than black people. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. Let's have a look at how it works. but then it will be too late. 1994).¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. But -we didn't realize. She wrote two more autobiographical books.. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford.). of a black male $4. of a white I female $3. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics This is from an actual book. She must be pretty and assessed by the world: weighed. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. Kate Millett. both groups have only one senator one Tom apiece. torture.704. That is why you should organize now: look at your curriculum and look at your housing rules. Millett was back in New York City.. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. 2001). despite all evidence to the contrary.D. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. it means nothing at all if you are not represented in a representative democracy. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. If she's pretty.be exploded for the hoax it really is. From earliest childhood every female child is carefully taught that she is to be a life-long incompetent at every sphere of significant human activity therefore she must convert herself into a sex object – a Thing. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. 2// SC) And now we have it we realize how badly we were cheated – we had fought so long. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. Flying. . transforming Millett into a public figure. 1982). 14. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. as perhaps blacks never realized until the Civil Rights Movement. judged and measured by her looks alone. whose first book.that the sexes are now equal socially and politically . however. that the ballot is no real admission to civil life in America. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. if elected – but not a word about women half the population. Nightmare that it is. St. and other tidbits of frivolity which the speaker.) At the same time. Minn. American feminist. for it is the only moment in your lives when you will be treated nearly as equals.. strange as it may seem.S. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. The book. of Cruelty. When you get married or get a job you will be made to see where power is.D. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. that's just a part of it.¶ The actual facts of the situation of woman in America today are sufficient evidence that. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. 1990). white or black. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. But not one word. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. was an overnight success. (The couple divorced in 1985.¶ It is time the official fallacy of the West and of the United States particularly . began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. For at present any gainsaying of this piety is countered with the threat that “women have got too much power I they're running the world”. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist.but not a word – the largest minority status group in history. The oppression of women is Total and therefore it exists in the mind. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. author. On their own they are Nobody and taught every day they are Nobody and taught so well they have come to internalize that destructive notion and even believe it.. Paul. might often enough believe. – that's a start at realizing how-you are treated unfairly.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965.¶ But the oppression of women is not only economic. pushed back despair so many times that we were exhausted – we just said then give us that and we will do the rest ourselves. Her thesis. he fancied he shared the gifts of the earth and the American dream – . U. As students you live in a Utopia – enjoy it. women are at the bottom unless they sleep with the top.: A Memoir (1995). worked so hard.991. with distinction. Sexual Politics. and artist. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector. For the more petty male ego(like that of the cracker or the Union man. and of the black woman $2.

then she can concentrate rate her energies on pregnancy and diapers.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 83/230 she can marry. That's what it is to reduce and limit the expectations and potentialities of one half of the human race to the level animal behavior. That's life – that's female life. .

2202.org/pub/fia/fia.” It can readily be understood by any parent who has been interrogated by Child Protective Services.”*52+ But false and exaggerated abuse accusations against not only fathers but mothers too make it far from self-evident that these children are in fact he very issue of gay parenting has arisen as the direct and perhaps inevitable consequence once government officials got into the business — which began largely with divorce — of distributing other people’s children. Marriage.[48] Few have stopped to ask the looked at the revolution heterosexuals had wrought and noticed that. marriage could work for them. unwed parenting. most of the children sought by potential homosexual parents are existing children whose ties to one or both of their natural parents have been severed. While sperm donors and surrogate mothers supply some children for gay parents. in practice most are already taken from their natural business. Ph. “It is only because traditional understandings of marriage have already been severely undermined that homosexuals are now laying claim to it. Massachusetts Senator Therese Murray. arises whether the original parent or parents ever agreed to part with their children or did something to warrant losing them. “Commentators miss the point when they oppose homosexual marriage on the grounds that it would undermine traditional understandings of marriage. thus intensifying pressure on social service agencies and biological parents to supply such children.”*51+ parents because of divorce. urges sympathy for “children who have been neglected. ¶ The government-generated child abuse epidemic.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 84/230 Alt Solvency The alt is key to other radical reforms Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville.[50] Yet the politics of child abuse and divorce indicate that this assumption is not necessarily valid. The answer is that homosexuals get other people’s children. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC Divorce also demonstrates how sexual radicalism reproduces itself in new forms. have allowed government agencies to operate what amounts to a traffic in children.htm. so through the child abuse industry it has extended this to parenting by same-sex couples. just as the divorce revolution led to same-sex marriage. and they get them from the same courts and social service bureaucracies While attention has been focused on sperm donors and surrogate mothers.[49]¶ The question then that are operated by their feminist allies. they also acknowledge that that desire arises only by the promiscuity permitted in modern marriage.”*46+ Though gay activists cite their very desire to marry as evidence that their lifestyle is not inherently promiscuous.” writes Bryce Christensen. The explosion of foster care and the assumed but unexamined need to find permanent homes for allegedly abused children provides perhaps the strongest argument in favor of gay marriage and gay parenting. which would not be an issue today if marriage had not already been devalued by divorce. child abuse accusations.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers.D. too. and the Family (Cumberland Books). or connected reasons. http://profam. Here the discussion does not require esoteric child-development theory or psychological jargon from academic “experts. It has almost certainly led to same-sex marriage.”*47+ more momentous political question of where homosexual “parents” get children in the first place. Stephanie Coontz notes that gays are attracted to marriage only in the form debased by heterosexual divorce: “Gays and lesbians simply ¶ Same-sex marriage is therefore only a symptom of the larger politicization of private and sexual life. claiming that 40% of adoptions have gone to gay and lesbian couples. Most often. and the mushrooming foster care business which it feeds. ¶ Most critiques of homosexual parenting have focused on the therapeutic question of whether it is developmentally healthy for children to be raised by two homosexuals. with its new norms. victims of their own parents. this has happened through divorce. Current law governing divorce and child custody renders this question open. What seems inescapable is that t . abused by their own families. abandoned. The San Diego Grand Jury reports “a widely held perception within the community and even within some areas of the Department *of Social Services+ that the Department is in the ‘baby brokering’ Introducing same-sex marriage and adoption into this political dynamic could dramatically increase the demand for children to adopt. Further.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 85/230 Answers To .

" The derogation of feminine status in lesser males is a consistent patriarchal trait. religion. gratifies his sense of hostility toward the maturing male competitor. they reinforce the most saliently poweroriented characteristics of patriarchy. Paul. power-oriented. Schurtz believes an innate gregariousness and a drive toward fraternal pleasure among peers urges the male away from the inferior and constricting company of women. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. endlessly equated with other weapons is also clear. 1994). teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. or Mailer's U. Sexual Politics. Army: "It would seem that the sexual brutalising of the young boy and the effort to turn him into a woman both enhances the older warrior's desire of power. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford. whose first book. was an overnight success. American feminist. and in the Greek gymnasium.¶ The psychoanalytic term for the generalised adolescent tone of men's house culture is "phallic state. it is necessary first to intimidate them with the tutelary status of the female.D. She wrote two more autobiographical books. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. and commerce may play a role.¶ David Riesman has pointed out that sports and some other activities provide males with a supportive solidarity which society does not trouble to provide for females. While hunting. to preserve the men's house tradition from its decline.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. and one might locate its first statement in Western literature in the heroic intimacy of . frequently narcissistic in its energy and motives. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. and eventually. Women's groups are typically auxiliary in character. etc.¶ In sexually segregated situations the distinctive company. armory and the site of masculine ritual initiation ceremony. An anthropologist's comment on Melanesian men's houses is applicable equally to Genet's underworld. Flying. 1982). a relationship also encountered in the Samurai order. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. 14. The book. head-hunting celebrations. The Hungarian psychoanalytic anthropologist Geza Roheim stressed the patriarchal character of men's house organisation in the preliterate tribes he studied. strengthens the male solidarity in its symbolic attempt to do without women. Sita (1977) and A. happily inflicting their own former sufferings on the newcomer. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. political groups to male legislators.S. In the the term "wife" implying both men's houses boys have such low status they are often called the "wives" of their initiators. when he takes him into the male group. and the throb of homosexual sentiment. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. by organised effort.) At the same time. transforming Millett into a public figure.. imitative of male efforts and methods on a generally trivial or ephemeral plane. S. with distinction. and boasting sessions. 1934.). Her thesis. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept." Its sadistic and brutalising aspects are disguised in military glory and a particularly cloying species of masculine sentimentality. and latently homosexual.: A Memoir (1995). was published that same year as Sexual Politics. recreation. torture. Tiger exhorts the public. The practice of castrating prisoners is itself a comment on the cultural confusion of anatomy and status with weaponry. 2001). Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. quality of culturally enforced temperament becomes very vivid. To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. Much of the glamorisation of masculine comradery in warfare originates in what one might designate as "the men's house sensibility. church or religious groups appealing to the superior authority of a cleric. initiation once endured produces devotees who will ever after be ardent initiators. and with the problems of aging. Scholars of men's house culture from Hutton Webster and Heinrich Schurtz to Lionel Tiger tend to be sexual patriots whose aim is to justify the apartheid the institution represents. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. violence. This is from an actual book. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. They rarely operate without recourse to male authority . in oriental priesthood. the aura of the kill." The tone and ethos of men's house culture is sadistic. and artist. author. gossip.D. Millett was back in New York City. Untried youths become the erotic interest of their elders and betters. Nearly every powerful circle in contemporary patriarchy is a men's group. St. This is particularly true of those exclusively masculine organisations which anthropology generally refers to as men's house institutions. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 86/230 AT: Perm Only rejection solves—any powerful circle is controlled by man including politics means even if women initiate change it still imitates the males efforts and methods Millett 69 (Kate Millett. U. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. and religious ceremony. sport and warfare are consistently the chief cement of men's house comradery. 1990).¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota.¶ The men's house of Melanesia fulfil a variety of purposes and are both instinct" exists in males. A great deal of our culture partakes of this tradition. hospitality. But men form groups of their own on every level. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. Like any hazing procedure. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. Notwithstanding his conviction that a mystical "bonding The institution's less genial function of power center within a state of sexual antagonism is an aspect of the phenomenon which often goes unnoticed. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. Men's houses in preliterate society strengthen masculine communal experience through dances. inferiority and the status of sexual object. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. 2// SC) Patriarchal myth typically posits a golden age before the arrival of women. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. They are the scenes of scarification. however. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular." Citadels of virility. Preliterate wisdom decrees that while inculcating the young with the masculine ethos. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. politics. (The couple divorced in 1985. Kate Millett. Minn. The men's house is a fortress of patriarchal association and emotion. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse. The men's house inference that the penis is a weapon. They are also the arsenals of male weaponry. Here young men are to be "hardened" into manhood. while its social practices permit males to be relieved of female Sexual segregation is so prevalent in patriarchy that one encounters evidence of it everywhere. defining their communal and religious practices in terms of a "group of men united in the cult of an object that is a materialised penis and excluding the women from their society. Their atmosphere is not very remote from that of military institutions in the modern world: they reek of physical exertion.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 Patroclus and Achilles. Its development can be traced through the epic and the saga to the chanson de geste. flourishes in war novel and movie. 87/230 The tradition still . not to mention the comic book.

and artist. Those awarded higher status tend to adopt roles of mastery. began her exploration of the dynamics of power in relation to gender and sexuality. however. Of course. a work combining literary analysis with sociology and anthropology. which role assigns domestic service and attendance upon infants to the female. Conditioning to an ideology amounts to the former. where she taught English at Waseda University and also studied sculpting. whose first book. the rest of human achievement. Kate Millett. Paul.S. passivity. U. 14. torture. 1934. based on the needs and values of the dominant group and dictated by what its members cherish in themselves and find convenient in subordinates: aggression. a pervasive assent to the prejudice of male superiority guarantees superior status in the male. Sexual Politics. The book. In terms of activity. 1994). involves the formation of human personality along stereotyped lines of sex category ("masculine" and "feminine"). Therefore. St. temperament. After teaching English briefly at the University of North Carolina at Greensboro. The first item. sex role. as Millett revealed in a 1974 autobiographical work. force. nearly all that can be described as distinctly human rather than animal activity (in their own way animals also give birth and care for their young) is largely reserved for the male. and temperament as the psychological yet their interdependence is unquestionable and they form a chain. docility.). Sexual politics obtains consent through the "socialisation" of both sexes to basic patriarchal polities with regard to temperament. Were one to analyse the three categories one might designate status as the political component. She wrote two more autobiographical books. status again follows from such an assignment. interest. teaching English and philosophy at Barnard College. sex ignorance. was published that same year as Sexual Politics. decrees a consonant and highly elaborate code of conduct. an early and influential figure in the women’s liberation movement. and efficacy in the male. and with the problems of aging. she pursued a doctorate at Columbia University. Sita (1977) and A. gesture and attitude for each sex. with the issue of cruelty in general (The Politics of Cruelty. This is from an actual book. intelligence. This is complemented by a second factor.D. role.¶ The celebrity came at a personal cost. Millett’s subsequent books dealt with the political oppression in Iran after the rise of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (Going to Iran. and ambition to the male. role as the sociological. Millett was back in New York City. transforming Millett into a public figure. Millett moved to New York City to pursue a career as an artist. 1982). with distinction. and murder at the hands of a group of teenagers led by an older woman who had been appointed her protector.) At the same time. “ Sexual Politics” Ch. and in 1970 she was awarded a Ph. inferior in the female. The Basement (1979) is a factual account of a young woman’s abuse.D.¶ Millett earned a bachelor’s degree with honours in 1956 from the University of Minnesota. in full Katherine Murray Millett (born Sept. was an overnight success. which explains the torment she suffered as a result of her views in general and of her disclosure that she was a lesbian in particular. as seen through the struggles of her mother (Mother Millett. . Her thesis. Two years later she was awarded a master’s degree with first-class honours from the University of Oxford.: A Memoir (1995). 2001). That this is true of caste and class as well is self-evident. which defined the goals and strategies of the feminist movement. The limited role allotted the female tends to arrest her at the level of biological experience. and status. 1990). To support herself she taught kindergarten in Harlem. Flying. largely because they are first encouraged to develop temperaments of dominance. American feminist. 2// SC) Hannah Arendt has observed that government is upheld by power supported either through consent or imposed through violence.. By the time she married Japanese sculptor Fumio Yoshimura in 1965. where she was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa. As to status. "virtue.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 88/230 AT: Framework Focusing on policy at the expense of sexual politics is a form of violence through demanded consent and dominance Millett 69 (Kate Millett." and ineffectuality in the female. In 1961 she moved to Tokyo. Minn. with her own personal experiences as a psychiatric patient (The Loony Bin Trip. author. (The couple divorced in 1985.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 89/230 *AFF—Sexual Politics .

movement.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 90/230 A2: Prior question Criticism of feminist thought is a prior question Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville. an act associated at its most sublime with love. The grip that sexual politics already commands over our political culture is so profound that its most destabilizing few have even singled out sexual politics for focused critical attention. but the steady erosion of social cohesion. that “feminism is dead” and we live in a “post-feminist” age. “Feminism is the theory. The danger is not the absurdities of its extremists.¶ Meanwhile. “This is a revolutionary. the excesses of organized features are often undetected even by its harshest critics.” — George Gilder.D. Recalling Henry Adams’ definition of politics as the “systematic organization of hatreds. and philosophical means of liberation of all women from heterosexual tyranny. “Radical feminism is the most destructive and fanatical movement to come down to us from the Sixties. political.¶ No sexual ideology has ever appeared before. At the same time. sex itself is not a private but a political act.org/pub/fia/fia.¶ Feminism has now positioned itself as the vanguard of the Left. and even the Right. But it is much more. morality. Many assume it is spent as a political force.” in words attributed to Ti-Grace Atkinson. Obvious. especially males. the Center. like socialism and racial nationalism. Ph. It is bemoaned as simply another facet of leftist politics.¶ Many homosexuals. It is. equal pay. The political class of both the Left and Right have colluded to limit the debate to a series of innocuous controversies: job discrimination.2202. and that debate has been mired in stalemate. “For many of today’s feminists. gays asked mostly to be left alone and as such gained widespread sympathy. ¶ escaped most observers.”[2] Yet how precisely the scenario is playing out is far less clear and.¶ Sexual politics is the most complex and subtle political ideology today. lesbianism is the practice. probably do not consciously think about their sexuality in expressly political terms.’”[1] For sexual activists.htm. Yet homosexuality in itself can be a political statement. What was once a socialistic assault on property and enterprise has become a social and sexual attack on the family. affirmative action. Feminism has been the more overtly political doctrine. the full impact of what was once quaintly known as “women’s liberation” is at last becoming clear. 1986¶ Four decades into the boldest social experiment ever undertaken in the Western democracies. especially lesbianism. The capacity for intrusion into the private sphere of life is unrivalled since the bureaucratic dictatorships of the last century and potentially surpasses even them. unleashes energies and emotions. and its unprecedented power is at once obvious and disguised. http://profam. and masculinity. has spirit.” it requires little imagination to see that this rebellion against sexual “tyranny” has politicized and transformed sex. and disrupts relationships and institutions far more fundamental than those attacked by radical ideologies of the past. as students in many colleges learn. and above all privacy. they have permeated the mainstream and thrive unchallenged and unchallengeable on the Left. demographic trends that threaten the very survival of Western civilization. shifting the political discourse from the economic and racial to the social and increasingly the sexual. the real consequences are finally emerging: a massive restructuring of the social order. beneath the political radar screen. indeed. because it is not difficult to see that politicizing sex and sexual relations potentially penetrates far deeper into the human psyche. feminism’s formal agenda no longer command serious respect. lesbianism is far more than a sexual orientation ‘an ideological. and the Family (Cumberland Books). which for many constitutes the personal dimension of feminist ideology. or even a preference.¶ Sexual politics is both feminist and homosexual. an exponential growth in the size and power of the state — the state at its most bureaucratic and tyrannical. This marks a truly new kind of politics. unspoken feminist assumptions no longer hover in the political margins. with no distinct line separating them. Only abortion has any depth. Perhaps the greatest . civic freedom. Apart from its advocates. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers. into what may yet prove history’s purest distillation of hate.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC “All politics is on one level sexual politics. as well as the politicization of personal life by a sexual ideology that has so mesmerized us all that we are largely immune from realizing it.” writes Robert Bork. not a reformist. whom few now regard. Totalitarian in it is deeply antagonistic to traditional Western culture and proposes the complete restructuring of society. Marriage. Until recently. and human nature. the most personal and thus potentially the most total politics ever devised: the politics of private life and sexual relations. marriage. and it is meeting with considerable success. On the one hand. and perhaps least noticed.

literally emasculates its opposition. feminism neuters.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 91/230 danger is the absence of coherent opposition. For more than any other political movement. .

lose their children and everything else they possess. No free or civilized society can survive the mass criminalization of its male population.2202. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC It is well documented that virtually every social pathology today — including violent crime and the drug abuse driving much of it — is attributable to single-parent homes and fatherless children more than any other factor. while many feminists identify with the antiwar Left. “Solid research links the nightmarish increases in crime and violence among young people between 1960 to 1990 to the entry of large numbers of mothers into the work force [and] the rise in single-parent households. and the Family (Cumberland Books).htm.” If instead we see single parenthood as the deliberate product of the feminist revolution.[84] Conversely. and expanding state power generally until we confront the role of sexual ideology in family breakdown and the social anomie that ensues. http://profam. the fortress state may be developing externally as well as internally. Bork criticizes feminism for weakening our military readiness. [80] That toxic More crimes than these may be attributable to sexualized public life.org/pub/fia/fia. Men are increasingly aware how easily they can be divorced unilaterally while serving their country. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers.D. ¶ Indeed. far surpassing race and poverty. It is then far from fanciful to suggest that sexual militancy also lies behind larger trends in actual violent crime and incarceration. Indications exist that recent Islamic militancy is fueled in large part from perceptions of Western sexual decadence.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 92/230 AT: Poverty/ Racism= root cause The alt makes the skwo violence worse surpassing race and poverty Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville. Marriage.*82+ Gottschalk laments that her fellow feminists who demand more incarceration of men have “entered into some unsavory coalitions” with conservative “law-and-order groups.” But conservatives might ask if their own legitimate concern about crime has led them to serve inadvertently as the unwitting instruments of a repressive ideology.[86] . with the only available response being ever-more repressive but ineffective child-support “crackdowns. We are thus fighting a losing battle against crime.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College.[83] For ever-more-draconian police measures will only create a fortress state. the future may belong to hawks like Phyllis Chesler and Hillary Clinton.[85] Yet a more far-reaching consequence may be how divorce debilitates military men. then the explosion of crime.*81+ Feminism may be driving not only the criminalization of the innocent but also the criminality of the guilty. While increased police and penal measures are usually associated with right-wing politics. Sexuality transforms military life in complex ways. addiction. who push war as an instrument of worldwide women’s liberation and pressure governments to justify military policies in feminist terms. incarceration. it is becoming clear that the long-term force is sexual radicalism.” Bryce Christensen points out. environment is usually and resignedly attributed to paternal abandonment. and truancy — and with them the massive expansion of the penal system and state apparatus generally — takes on new significance. Marie Gottschalk describes how “women’s organizations played a central role” in the dramatic rise of the “carceral” state. emphasizing the dangers of women in combat roles. and even return home to face criminal penalties if they cannot pay child support imposed in their absence. Ph.

. every private thought and action is public and.. even the son. “Feminism today.” she observes. ultimately. this potential is obvious theoretical.2202.. politicized the private.”[9] Again. What is seldom appreciated is how far the potential has been realized. “Radical feminists must regard it as unfortunate that they lack the power and mechanisms of the state to enforce their control over thoughts as well as behavior. the father. The guilty do indeed go unpunished. “.[7] But even they did not usually make the destruction of private life their explicit aim.¶ Modern sexual politics. because today many conservatives — those otherwise most likely to challenge feminism — themselves do not value privacy and civil liberties. Human intimacy — the individual’s last refuge from state power — is not only a collateral casualty but a targeted enemy. the movement tore apart the most basic and fragile contract in human society.. ¶ “Revolutions are very hard indeed on privacy. impersonal social classes but at the most intimate personal relationships. what the feminist movement is about.org/pub/fia/fia. they have it now.” muses Bork. http://profam.”*8+ Feminism’s fundamental principle — that “the personal is political” — is so obviously totalitarian that historian Eugene Genovese (himself a former Marxist) has termed it “Stalinist. and most of the ruin is irreversible. the unit from which all other social institutions draw their strength. The charge of “oppression” is leveled not at broad.” writes Ruth Wisse of Harvard. is writing a new chapter in the dystopian tradition of surveillance and unfreedom. “Radical feminism is totalitarian because it denies the individual a private space. the principal political force driving incarceration today — of both the innocent and the guilty — is politicized sexuality.”*3+¶ Politicizing sex takes the logic of class conflict a great leap forward. but partly because the innocent are convicted in their place. if not the most extreme then certainly the most influential neo-Marxist movement in America. the all-powerful state nationalizes not only the private firm but the private family. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers.” observes our leading sociologist of revolution.”*4+ Daphne Patai also perceives this hostility to privacy.”[10] Actually. “The party or the movement claims the right to control every aspect of life.” writes Bork. leading conservatives (who at one time extolled the virtues of private life) to abandon the concept itself.htm. specifically targets privacy.whereby one’s every gesture. and especially family privacy. Ph.is.*6+ That the totalitarian governments of the twentieth century intruded themselves into the most intimate corners of personal life. Wade. This leaves the Left with a monopoly as guardians of the Bill of Rights. especially family life (which traditional dictatorships usually left alone). political. By a destructive irony. “Women’s liberation. therefore. in its erasure of the boundaries between public and private. To relieve the oppressed. feminists have already appropriated “privacy” as a rationale for abortion in legal cases like Roe v.” and two prominent feminists sneer at “the ideology of the family as a bastion of privacy. the movement is gradually gaining that coercive power in both private and public institutions. Political theorist Carol Pateman insists that denying “the dichotomy between the public and the private. has done to the American home what communism did to the Russian economy. every thought. Marriage. but few appreciate how feminism extends the socialist logic and may actually exceed its intrusive potential. by contrast. and destroyed much of family life is well known. is exposed to the judgement of one’s fellow citizens.”[5]¶ This attack on privacy is especially dangerous. “By defining relations between men and women in terms of power and competition instead of reciprocity and cooperation.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College.D. and the Family (Cumberland Books). Many conservatives also dismiss civil liberties as a pretext for acquitting criminals. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC Many have discerned a similarity between feminism and Marxism. As we will see.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 93/230 Alt fails The alt prevents the guilty from being punished while the innocent fall victim to the blame Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville. The alt creates more single mother homes increasing the likely hood of child abuse and murder . “However. The danger therefore comes not so much from the assault on freedom generally ¶ (which traditional tyrannies also threaten) but specifically from the attack on private life. The oppressor is not the entrepreneurial class or entrepreneur but the husband (or “intimate partner”).

divorce vastly expanded the cadres of feminist police — child protective services plus domestic violence and child support enforcement agents — that target men almost exclusively and operate outside due process protections.¶ To justify its growth and funding. defensively.*57+ A 2005 PBS documentary asserts without evidence that “Children are most often in danger from the father. Congress heavily subsidizes family dissolution through child abuse.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 94/230 Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers.htm. as we ¶ have seen. ¶ The growth of child abuse coincides directly with the rise of single-mother homes which are the setting for almost all of it.” Each of these hysterias originated in welfare. though government figures often include them as “fathers” to disguise the fact that biological fathers are the least likely child abusers. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC Child support was originally rationalized (and federalized) as a means of recovering welfare costs from allegedly absconding low-income fathers.”*58+ This movement makes the government corrupt and makes the welfare state dangerous Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville. and the Family (Cumberland Books). Yet most accusations are leveled against fathers in divorce cases. “The personal is political” is no longer a theoretical slogan but a codified reality institutionally enforced by new and correspondingly feminist tribunals: the “family” courts. describing “allegations which are so incredible that authorities should have been deeply concerned for the protection of the child. Marriage.”*55+ In fact. each is propagated largely by feminist social workers and feminist lawyers who receive the federal funding.”¶ Feminist child protection agents implement this propaganda as policy.2202.2202. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC The divorce machinery intertwines the personal and the political as nothing before. “The system appears to reward a parent who initiates such a complaint. regardless of any fault on her part (or absence of fault on his). “The protective effect from the father’s presence in most households was sufficiently strong to offset the risk incurred by the few paternal perpetrators. Marriage..D. and child support enforcement programs.placed the child at lesser risk for child sexual abuse.” “batterers. http://profam. domestic violence. fearing feminist accusations of being soft on “pedophiles. The .htm.[53] ¶ precisely the first person the feminist bureaucracies remove: the father.” it states. and its personal dimension is precisely what disguises the intrusiveness of its political power. It invariably approves these by near-unanimous majorities. left or right. The irony is that it is easily demonstrable that child abuse is almost entirely a product of feminism itself and its welfare bureaucracies. and the Family (Cumberland Books).” concludes one study. A San Diego grand jury found that false accusations during divorce were not only tolerated but encouraged. since it is well established that not married fathers but single mothers are most likely to injure and kill their children. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers.D. These bureaucratic pseudo-courts permit politicized wives to subject their husbands to criminal penalties for their personal conduct.org/pub/fia/fia. Child abuse hysteria targets both men and women. this government machinery in turn generated a series of hysterias against men and fathers so inflammatory and hideous that no one.[56] Sexual abuse.org/pub/fia/fia. without having to charge the men with any actionable offense for which they can be tried in a criminal court.[54] The principal impediment to child abuse is thus those living in two-parent homes.” While family law is ostensibly the province of state government. http://profam.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. Ph. much less common than severe physical abuse. and nonpayment of “child support.. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) figures demonstrate that children in single-parent households are at much higher risk for physical violence and sexual molestation than A British study found that children are up to thirty-three times more likely to be abused in single-mother homes than in intact families.” and “deadbeat dads. dared question them or defend those accused: pedophilia. wife-beating. Feminists transformed it into a huge subsidy on middle-class divorce. “The presence of the father. To enforce this. Ph. A child support schedule will tell a mother exactly how large a tax-free windfall she can force her husband to pay her simply by divorcing. is perpetrated mostly by boyfriends and stepfathers. the risk of “paternal perpetrators” is miniscule. and each is closely connected with divorce. Divorce injects state power — including the penal apparatus with its police and prisons — directly into private households and private lives.

and criminalizing fathers. the welfare machinery became a means not of distributing money but of collecting it. eroding due process.¶ Mothers are not the only ones who profit by creating fatherless children. and governments began raising revenue — which they can add to their general funds and use to expand their overall operations — by promoting single motherhood among the affluent. incentivizing them to create as many single-mother households as possible. bribing mothers. middle-class divorced fathers offer deeper pockets to loot.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 95/230 amount is set by enforcement agents and collected at gunpoint if necessary. The result is a self-financing machine. plundering family wealth. Governments also generate revenue from child support and therefore from breaking up families. Mothers are encouraged to divorce and governments simultaneously maximize revenue by setting support at levels that are generous for mothers and onerous for fathers. By including middle-class divorcees.[79]¶ This marked a new stage in the expansion and redefinition of the welfare state: from distributing largesse to collecting it. generating government profits through expanded police actions by proliferating single-parent homes and fatherless children. State governments receive federal funds for every child support dollar collected. . rendering children fatherless. The welfare state has become a self-financing perpetual growth machine for destroying families. While little government revenue is generated from the impecunious young unmarried fathers who hold most child support debt (and for whom the system was ostensibly created).

the feminine functions were traditionally private. while also driving down male wages.htm. feminism has merely inserted calculations of power into the most private corners of life. foster care providers. It has subjected family life to increasing political and bureaucratic control. The most obvious example. ¶ This trend renders the dream of a more caring public sphere through feminism not only naïve but dangerously utopian. early education. a political class paid from those taxes began to take command position in control of vastly expanded public education and social services bureaucracies. Public schools were the earliest triumph of socialism and of the state’s gradual usurpation of parental roles within the liberal ¶ ¶ democracies.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. where it encountered virtually no opposition or even notice. which it has not done and can never do. one danger of loose usage is to immunize us from recognizing the real thing. two leftist authors have perceived the danger more readily than most conservatives. Thus rather than caring for their own children within the family.” “If children are the clients.” This transformed child-rearing from a private familial into a public communal and taxable activity.”*28+ What Hewlett and West do not tell us is that this new class is driven — in addition to self-interest and bureaucratic . women began working in new professions where they care for other people’s children as part of the public economy: daycare. It has decimated families through twin processes whose direct connection with feminism have not been fully appreciated: the weakening of parents and the politicization of children. family court lawyers — who have a vested interest in taking over parental function. pursue an occupation. what the institutional Left generally and feminism in particular are constructing today is not simply tyranny but bureaucratic tyranny.org/pub/fia/fia. “— the people who threaten to take business away. but politicizing the feminine. therapists. The ideological foundation of public education in weakening parental authority and transferring it to the state emerges in the words of a political scientist: ¶ Children are owed as a matter of justice the capacity to choose to lead lives — adopt values and beliefs. Though many overuse this term. as Bork and others point out — and where. describing “a new class of professionals — social workers. Because the child cannot him or herself ensure the acquisition of such capacities and the parents may be opposed to such acquisition. even by critics such as private is that the schools were the first triumph of not simply the welfare state but the school and homeschool advocates — welfare state matriarchy. ¶ Far from softening the hard edges of power politics. expanding the tax base and with it the size and power of the state.D. Controversies over equal pay and affirmative action have diverted attention from the massive feminist breakthrough in the hidden realm private life. With striking resemblance to Djilas’ “new class” of apparatchiks. the state must ensure it for them. They even adopt Djilas’ term. ¶ Connected to this matriarchy is another that has become even more powerful and authoritarian because it has grown up upon less resistant low-income communities and. was largely hidden from the middle class: the massive and constantly expanding political underworld of the “social services” bureaucracies. The state must guarantee that children are educated for minimal autonomy. many more women entered the workforce at functions that extended the domestic roles with which they were comfortable. http://profam. Marriage. until recently. endorse new traditions — that are different from those of their parents.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 96/230 Alt=Utopian The alt is dangerously utopian it causes us to be immunized from recognizing the real thing Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville.[27]¶ What has not been appreciated — again. ¶ of bureaucratic politics. tyranny no individual consciously planned and no individual can stop.” write Sylvia Ann Hewlett and Cornel West. and “social services. again. where they supervise other women who look after other people’s children. and the Family (Cumberland Books). which is precisely what the ideological politics of Marxism-feminism have produced. Politicizing the feminine has therefore meant politicizing and bureaucratizing This is how the “totalitarian” potential which Bork and others perceive is already being realized in ways even they may have yet to grasp. Soon. some opposition has arisen — is in the politics of schooling. pointed out.2202.¶ Ironically. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers. While some among feminism’s elites moved into traditional male occupations. Ph. parents can quite easily become the adversaries. For long recognized as a defining feature of totalitarianism is that it is specifically bureaucratic dictatorship. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC This points to feminism’s most institutionalized and destructive legacy: not eliminating gender roles. For as feminists correctly further expanding the size and scope of the state into what had been private life.

child protection. By no means are they all doctrinaire when push comes to shove. child care. They are both dispensers and recipients of its $200 billion grant program (“larger than all other federal agencies combined. social work agencies. which they modified into their image from an earlier incarnation as juvenile courts (themselves created from “compassion”). child and family counseling. But what it lacks in ideological purity it more than makes up for in coercive power. and they are concerned less with ideological consistency than with political power.¶ The power of this bureaucratic underworld derives almost entirely from children. and juvenile and family courts. they know their power comes from being female. Its operatives are quasi-police functionaries with an agenda. child support enforcement. They created and control the “family law sections” of the bar associations and the family courts. But . devotées of The Feminine Mystique or The Female Eunuch.¶ These feminists created and now control the vast and impenetrable social services industries that most journalists and scholars find too dreary to scrutinize. because its matriarchs are not necessarily Vassar women’s studies majors indulging in tedious dorm-room debates about whether feminists may wear lipstick. reaching virtually into every household in the land and one that makes the former Soviet nomenklatura look ramshackle. And they dominate the forensic psychotherapy industry. with its close ties to the courts. This is not always obvious.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 97/230 aggrandizement — largely by feminist ideology.” according to HHS) among local “human services” or “social services” bureaucracies — probably the largest patronage machine ever created in the Western world. Overwhelmingly. It is the world of social work. their most potent source of power is children. child psychology. it is feminist-dominated. And again. They dominate the $47 billion federal Administration for Children and Families. itself part of the gargantuan $700 billion Department of Health and Human Services. and public schools.

perhaps inexorably.” The first and foremost assault on marriage came not from gays but from feminists. daycare is tailored to the needs of mothers.¶ Conservatives have seriously misunderstood the divorce revolution. both of whom tended to favor easy divorce. juicy. and incarceration. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers. foster care relieves single mothers who cannot provide basic care and protection.¶ Divorce demonstrates how the hoax of paternal abandonment is an optical illusion. temporarily or permanently. We have created a panoply of mechanisms and institutions allowing divorcing mothers to rid themselves.” she complained. the skwo feminist movement has already left children without vtl and parents a guilt free conscious Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville. and never one they wished to advertise (largely because they triumphed divorce became the most devastating weapon in the arsenal of gender warriors.” writes Barbara Dafoe Whitehead.”*44+ This includes divorces involving children. and the Family (Cumberland Books). poverty.” ¶ Yet feminists long ago recognized its political power. Few involve grounds. A glance at our social infrastructure reveals that. they tend to parrot the feminist line that divorce is perpetrated by philandering men who inflict hardship on “women and children. because it brought the gender war into every household in the Western world.htm. Ph. of inconvenient children: “safe havens” have legalized child abandonment by mothers. Nebulous justifications suffice: “growing apart. in Gallagher’s phrase. to “the abolition of marriage” as a legally enforceable contract. “The message *is+ that at all costs we should keep divorce off the political agenda.[43] Contrary to popular belief. such as desertion. lethal political apparatus whose fallout is hate.”¶ No American politician of national stature has seriously challenged involuntary divorce. risk -free issue. What media accounts without opposition).” says Germaine Greer. established in those early days.”*42+ ¶ Today. remained an enduring and important feature of American divorce.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 98/230 Loss of vtl The alt is a worse form of living. When the late Pope John Paul II spoke out against divorce in January 2002. nor did they want to call attention to the divorces among their own leadership. it is mothers. Maggie Gallagher once attributed this silence to “political cowardice”: “Opposing gay marriage or gays in the military is for Republicans an easy. While they bemoan mass divorce. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC The matriarchal logic of the welfare state became apparent as it expanded.”*39+ The exception proves the rule. “Exactly the thing that people tear their hair out about is exactly the thing I am very proud of.”*38+ In his famous denunciation of single parenthood.D. which it describes as “the greatest project NAWL has ever undertaken.” “not feeling loved or appreciated. Into the nineteenth century. into the middle class. facetiously laugh off as an amusing “battle of the sexes” is in reality an intrusive. adultery.” writes Whitehead. divorce has represented female rebellion: “The association of divorce with women’s freedom and prerogatives. Michael McManus of Marriage Savers writes that “divorce is a far more grievous blow to marriage than today’s challenge by gays.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. they also refuse to confront its political causes. “I am not talking about a situation where there is a divorce. http://profam. . “divorce became an increasingly important measure of women’s political freedom as well as an expression of feminine initiative and independence. the one which brought underclass problems (and the state welfare machinery that had grown up to address them) to the middle class: divorce. The National Association of Women Lawyers (NAWL) claims credit for pioneering no-fault divorce as early as 1943. divorce stands as the proudest celebration of feminine power. the overwhelming majority of divorces are filed by women. or violence.” By 1977. under feminist influence. Vice President Dan Quayle was careful to make clear. This was effected through what is by far the most subtle and potent weapon ever devised in the arsenal of sexual warfare. “the ideal of no-fault divorce became the guiding principle for reform of divorce laws in the majority of states.2202.[40] To the extent that conservatives have addressed divorce at all. As early as the American Revolution. “Democrats did not want to anger their large constituency among women who saw easy divorce as a hard-won freedom and prerogative. no less. for today it is not fathers who are abandoning both their marriages and their children en masse. not children. “Republicans did not want to alienate their upscale constituents or their libertarian wing. Marriage. ¶ Divorce has never been analyzed politically. Not generally perceived as a political issue or a gender battleground. he was attacked from the right as well as the left.org/pub/fia/fia.”*41+¶ But it was in the twentieth century that feminists teamed up with trial lawyers and other legal entrepreneurs to institutionalize “no-fault” divorce — a measure that subtly but decisively amounted. violence.

¶ When one adds the extension and proliferation of institutions not normally associated with divorce but whose purpose is to relieve parents in general and mothers in particular of childrearing duties — public schools. marginalize fathers. “SIDS” and in some countries infanticide laws have even made the murder of children semi-legal. facilitate single motherhood. organized after-school activities.[45] . convenience and fast food. and generally render parents and families redundant. And then of course there is abortion.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 99/230 “CHINS” petitions allow single mothers to turn over unruly adolescents to the care and custody of social workers. psychotropic drugs to control unruly boys — we can begin to see how massively our society and economy have been gearing up for decades to cater to divorce.

Marriage.’” says McElroy. it is nonetheless wheedling its way into the mainstream and conservative culture by appropriating traditional morality. “These ‘pro-family’ women wish to ‘harness’ what *Naomi+ Wolf calls the ‘pissed-offedness’ of mothers in order to play ‘hardball politics.D.org/pub/fia/fia. The most extreme homosexual activists renounce marriage altogether and leave it in peace. it is the “moderates” who hope to transform marriage in their image and thereby undermine it. even as the ideological purists are relegated to the margins.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 100/230 Skwo solves Skwo solves the focus of politics has shifted to the politics of maternity Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville. But they achieved it in ways much more subtle than these screeds indicate. http://profam. ideologically pure stage demanded “equality” and “rights. and the Family (Cumberland Books).” The deception is subtle but profound.… Families will be finally destroyed only when a revolutionary social and economic organization permits people’s needs for love and security to be met in ways that do not impose divisions of labor.¶ Feminism’s current campaign to appropriate motherhood.” Ms. for example. with ‘Mothers Are Victims’ writ-large on its banner. Waving the banner of motherhood.” today. that strategy could achieve nothing. are variations on the theme. Ph. unable to join together to fight for common interests. isolated units.. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC Feminism’s triumph has not come through its most extreme ideologues. the church. and more recently the militant Moms Rising.2202.¶ But feminists are not defending motherhood. ¶ The early feminist attack on marriage and the family is now largely forgotten or dismissed.”*12+ Linda Gordon elaborated in a famous 1969 article in WOMEN: A Journal of Liberation. “The nuclear family must be destroyed.” she declared:¶ The break-up of families now is an objectively revolutionary process. the state. “They want to wrest motherhood from its traditional right-wing associations and make it a left/liberal issue. “The superficially exploits the pieties of traditional morality and the sentimentalities of uninformed conservative people. ”*15] Code Pink.[14] It was by participating in marriage that feminists destroyed it. While feminism in its earliest.[13]¶ While such statements are often dismissed as the ranting of extremists.… Families make possible the super-exploitation of women by training them to look upon their work outside the home as peripheral to their “true” role. it has provoked vocal opposition.htm. the family. The feminization of a wide range of issues having no obvious connection with sexuality is now culminating in what one newspaper calls “the radicalization of America’s mothers”: the whole agenda in the US is shifting towards ‘the politics of maternity’. including the very feminine “stereotypes” against which it initially rebelled.want to thoroughly politicize the last bastion of personal life in our society: families. “We can’t destroy the inequities between men and women until we destroy marriage. Much as Stalinism inherited the methods and practices of czarist absolutism and Russian nationalism. said that “Freedom for women cannot be won without the abolition of marriage. they are politicizing it. head of the National Organization for Women. While Germaine Greer famously urged women to refuse to marry. feminists leave the patriarchy little defense.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. Motherhood is no longer a private relationship but a claim to political power and to marshal the coercive state apparatus against those depicted as the oppressors of mothers. Sisterhood is Powerful. but more subtle are the Million Mom March (criminalizing gun ownership). cynically but Feminists like Ann Crittenden have learned to extol motherhood. enabling them to pose as victims and gain sympathy from the general public and even from conservatives. homosexual marriage is not the most dangerous threat to marriage today. Not only mobilized in opposition to the Iraq war. feminists. Yet precisely because it is obvious.. some have even been enabled and abetted by conservatives. nonviolent acts). at all. ¶ Homosexual activists are now simply following the feminists’ lead.[11] Sheila Cronin. when their actual agenda is to make them dependants of the state. the triumphal phase of the new feminist and gay politics comes by commandeering and politicizing the very institutions they once renounced: motherhood. or any external roles.” writes Wendy McElroy. Mothers Against Drunk Driving (criminalizing private.… No woman should have to deny herself any opportunities because of her special responsibilities to her children.… Families have supported oppression by separating people into small. marriage. magazine editor Robin Morgan wrote in her 1970 book. “Crittenden indicts not “Some commentators argue that . He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers. ¶ The really dangerous trends are more subtle and arouse little opposition. Many are deceived into believing that feminists have become the champions of traditional motherhood and families. a glance at the state of marriage and the family today reveals that this is precisely what feminists have achieved.

child abuse. The Price of Motherhood: Why the Most Important Job in the World Is Still the Least Valued. rather than renounces. Crittenden’s 2002 book title.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 101/230 feminism. (Though here too. The shift was almost imperceptible but profound. have given way to “victim feminism” which insists that women are by definition victims. nonpayment of child support (plus lesser. They succeed because they exploit the natural desire of both men and women to protect and provide for women. sex. “as if feminism weren’t largely to blame.” McElroy paraphrases Crittenden.”*16+¶ The deception succeeds because motherhood is an easy claim to privilege and always has been. more vague offenses like “aggressive driving”). of course. these authors all share the conviction that mothers are oppressed by something.) . family. is itself a revealing sleight-of-hand. If anyone has devalued motherhood. homosexuals are following the feminists’ lead with demands for “hate crimes” laws that likewise politicize criminal justice. women’s traditional weaknesses. Feminists have turned these into claims to state intervention by posing as victims of not just an impersonal “society” but newly invented or redefined “crimes” of which only women can be victims and that only men can commit: rape. The older battle cries of liberal feminism. “Mothers do not receive sufficient respect from society. and argues for government to ‘economically recognize’ motherhood so that women will not be dependent upon husbands. opposing traditional gender roles or promoting equal pay.”¶ This is potent because it politicizes the private and cynically exploits society’s natural sympathy for women. but capitalism. which are also and always have been claims to privilege: motherhood. registering precisely the opposite gripe: The Mommy Myth: The Idealization of Motherhood and How It Has Undermined Women. Susan Douglas and Meredith Michaels demonstrate with their own book title. domesticity. These new crimes politicize precisely the spheres of life that normally we are at pains to protect from politics and the competition for power: home. children. Apparently opposites. sexual harassment. it is feminists. children — and the criminal justice system. The two titles succinctly convey feminism’s determination to depict everything pertaining specifically to women as “oppression” and highlight feminist complaints as a strategy to. This points to a trait feminism shares with all radical ideologies but carries much further: the capacity to expand its own power and that of the state by creating the very problems about which it complains. domestic violence. as they say. “have it all” without regard for consistency or logic. for the victim posture exploits.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 102/230 Impact defense .

the corruption of the rape industry is so systemic that. courage. to gain sole custody of children in divorce cases. a former Colorado prosecutor known for his zealous pursuit of alleged rapists.org/pub/fia/fia. Marriage. It is politicized chivalry. http://profam. The exoneration of the Duke lacrosse players on an obviously trumped-up charge has resulted in few attempts to determine how widespread such rigged justice is against those not wealthy or fortunate enough to garner media attention. While DNA testing has righted some wrongs. And they are the fortunate ones. to display masculinity (an emergent theme in conservative literature) by creating occasions for combat with other men. Kanin concluded that “these false allegations appear to serve three major functions for the complainants: providing an alibi.¶ This is evident in the campaign for “victims’ rights.” Unrecanted accusations mean the actual percentage of false allegations is almost certainly higher. exercised by officials with a professional or pecuniary interest. therefore. ”*19] The Center for Military Readiness provides additional motivations: “False rape accusations also have been filed to extort money from celebrities.rape is one of the most falsely reported and fabricated crimes Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville. accused of the kind of “gender” crimes that feminists have turned into a political agenda. “that is.” This began as an effort by conservatives to provide more effective recourse to crime victims. the “perpetrators” are mostly men. have been highly influential at law schools throughout the United States and with the governments of individual states and Canada.D. and the Family (Cumberland Books). displayed not by individual men but by cadres wielding state power such as police and plainclothes quasi-police functionaries.*18+ Purdue University sociologist Eugene Kanin found that “41% of the total disposed rape cases were officially declared false” during a 9-year period. and even to escape military deployments to war zones. who asks “whether consent is a meaningful concept” and who has repeatedly suggested that virtually all heterosexual intercourse amounts to rape. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers.htm. largely in response to liberal moves to weaken punishments. Ph. The chivalry feminists demand is bureaucratic. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC These are all appeals to female fear.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. ¶ There is little indication that white people are being systematically incarcerated on both white and black. hard evidence of innocence is no barrier to prosecution and conviction.”[20] ¶ Almost daily we see men released after decades in prison because DNA testing proves they were wrongly convicted. “Any honest veteran sex assault investigator will tell you that rape is one of the most falsely reported crimes. Legal theorists like Catherine MacKinnon. President Reagan’s 1982 Task Force on Victims of Crime led to the creation of US Justice Department’s Office of Victims of Crime. . and most of the “crimes” have been redefined in feminist terms: the “victims” are mostly women. This is precisely what is happening to men (and even some women).2202. by the complainant’s admission that no rape had occurred and the charge.[21] Yet there has been no systematic investigation by the media or civil libertarians as to why so many innocent citizens are regularly incarcerated on fabricated allegations and evidence. to rescue damsels in distress. fabricated accusations of non-existent crimes against blacks.[17]¶ The politicization of criminal justice is seen in the redefinition of rape and explosion of false rape accusations. It is well documented that feminist crime lab technicians fabricate and doctor evidence to frame men they know to be innocent. A glance at that agency’s website reveals that the campaign has been hijacked by feminists. But in contrast to traditional chivalry. was false. or self-sacrifice. and obtaining sympathy and attention. they are also appeals to male chivalry.[22] Even conservative critics studiously avoided acknowledging feminism’s role in the accusations at Duke but instead emphasized race — a minor feature of the case but a much safer one to criticize. as last year’s Duke University case shows. Ironically.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 103/230 Rape Rape impact is flawed. seeking revenge. this gallantry does not proceed from personal duty and requires no risk.” says Craig Silverman. and the “crimes” are mostly political.

’ you see. ruined lives.” writes attorney Gregory Hession. the welfare state . Mark Pendergrast shows how the recovered memory hoax destroyed families. Yet from today’s perspective.. SWAT teams.” As Hession comments.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. Marriage. bureaucratic child protection originated in welfare. Ph.[32]¶ Sexual Politics and the Welfare State ¶ Though child abuse officials now target middle-class families. which avoided such terms.[33] ¶ Each stage of welfare state expansion has been justified not simply for the poor but specifically for poor children. that this was not driven by feminism. “From Janet Reno’s infamous prosecutions of Grant Snowden in Florida. “with her flashing eyes and bobbed hair. Washington. The interests of these children could also be gradually divorced from their parents. the politicization of child abuse reached its apogee in the Clinton administration Justice Department. the first social experiment of government growth following the enfranchisement of feminists. Originally justified to provide for the families of men who had been laid off during economic downturns or killed in war. Texas.” The role of feminist ideology was Christ of Latter Day Saints.” that shifted poor relief from a socialist to a feminist crusade. “social workers backed up with automatic weapons.D.htm. ¶ The welfare state has traditionally been regarded as the landmark triumph of class politics within the liberal democracies — the one successful achievement of “social democracy” that has grown and survived even in countries. downplayed by the media but revealed by a spokeswoman for the state agency.org/pub/fia/fia. who justified seizing the children because of “a mindset that even the young girls report that they will marry at whatever age. snipers. resulting in torn-apart families. and Parents were unjustly separated from their children and incarcerated by setting aside constitutional safeguards while the media and civil libertarians looked the other way. the earliest institution of sexual politics was the welfare state.”*31+¶ The witch hunts were carried into adulthood through “recovered memory therapy. encouraging respect for motherhood is “abuse. prosecutors like Nancy Lamb in North Carolina whipped up public invective against parents they had jailed yet knew to be innocent. And indeed.. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC The growing political power of this bureaucratic underworld is manifested today in the rise of what amounts to a plainclothes feminist police force: the dreaded. resulting in the deaths of 24 children whom she was ostensibly protecting.”*30+ ¶ It was also during the Clinton years that child protection was elevated to a paramilitary operation. the “feminization of poverty.[34] But the feminization of poverty was a deception from the with the mothers who claimed to be the guardians of those interests: increasingly. defensively and contrary to his own evidence. hideous injustices.2202. “the Edenton case was part of a line of what only can be called witch hunts in which state social workers badgered very young children until they came up with lurid tales — after having denied that those things occurred. and the press adored her.” another feminist innovation whereby wild tales of childhood sex crimes were manufactured from a psychological theory.” who seldom see a child that is not abused. ¶ start — a creation of ideology rather than of any objective social phenomena and another example of ideology creating its own grievance. when almost five hundred children were seized from their polygamous mothers in the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus “A night-time raid with tanks. like the United States. and that it’s the highest blessing they can have to have children. when Attorney General Reno used unsubstantiated child abuse rumors to justify a violent assault against American citizens in Waco. also in Texas. normalizes poverty as means of sexual freedom Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville. In Victims of Memory. That she was making preposterous claims and attempting to destroy the lives of seven people despite all good evidence to the contrary was not even discussed.” writes Anderson. and sent innocent parents to prison. though in practice they tended to be identified The proliferation of singlemother homes lent plausibility to the feminists’ new rallying cry. federally funded “Child Protective Services. This militarization of child protection was seen more recently in the largest seizure of children in American history. writes William Anderson. Lamb was speaking ‘for the children. and the Family (Cumberland Books). and cars full of Texas Rangers and sheriff’s deputies — that is the new face of state child protection. to Wenatchee. http://profam.[29] Feminist ruined lives. riot police. waves of child abuse hysteria swept America and other countries. though as the price of getting published Pendergrast bends over backward to insist. “The press was transfixed” by Lamb.¶ During the 1980s and 1990s. single mothers.” ¶ As with false rape accusations.to the McMartin case in Los Angeles. the welfare state stands as the first salvo of gender politics.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 104/230 Poverty The alt. also without any evidence of abuse. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers.

and before the right audience feminists not only concede but boast about it. a falsehood that has served. and virtually every expansion of both social welfare spending and law-enforcement authority is readily justified and indeed.[36] It is now very clear that it has been driven throughout by feminist policies and programs. Single Mothers By Choice expresses this boast organizationally. most single mothers will insist that that is precisely what they are. This is the falsehood that government must provide for massive numbers of women and children whose men have abandoned them. It was also a declaration of bureaucratic war against what is after all the first and foremost feminist enemy. Here the implicit became explicit with an open assault on two closely connected institutions that had quietly ceased to exist in the welfare underclass but which were still thriving in the middle class: fatherhood and marriage. beneath the rhetorical fluff.¶ As the phenomenon spread to the middle class (today the fastest-growing sector of unwed childbearing). and when pressed. ¶ To justify this sleight-of-hand. regardless of the But the truth was very different.” write Barbara Ehrenreich and her colleagues. While feminists readily pose as the champions of children when it comes to perpetuating welfare dependency. the very feminist intellectuals who popularized the term “feminization of poverty” have acknowledged as much: “Independence. the architects of welfare state expansion needed a rationale. so no documentation attested to who was breaking up a “family” that had seldom really existed in intact form. directly or indirectly. “still offers more sexual freedom than affluence gained through marriage and dependence on one man. the literal embodiment of the hated “patriarchy”: fathers. that is.¶ The destructive force of this untruth is incalculable.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 105/230 quickly became a subsidy of single-mother homes and fatherless children. The same working men who had been valiantly dying in imperialism’s wars or laid off as innocent victims of heartless capitalism were suddenly and ignominiously absconding from the bastards they had sired. they were choosing it because it offered precisely the “sexual freedom” that was feminism’s seminal urge. to justify the exponential expansion of not only the welfare state but the scope and power of government in many other spheres. It had immediately set in. Accept it. Single motherhood is feminism’s most potent and most destructive accomplishment. the exhilarating power accruing to single mothers is more than adequate compensation for pulling their children into poverty. In fact. unanswerable.[35] With the abrupt reversal of an airbrushed Kremlin photograph.”*37]¶ The myth of the absconding father provided a means to leverage a massive expansion of state power through emotional blackmail. the welfare state’s rationalizing figure was demoted from a hero to a villain. the engine driving single-mother homes was not so much welfare as divorce. even in straitened and penurious forms. Single mothers were not being thrown into poverty by absconding men. to expand precisely the problem it claimed to be alleviating. the abandonment myth was only implied. Women and children are being abandoned by irresponsible men: What politician could resist that appeal?¶ No evidence indicates that the ongoing crisis of fatherless children is caused primarily by fathers abandoning their children. Everyone knew that welfare was subsidizing and proliferating single-mother homes in the inner cities. it is clear that. Most welfare mothers producing fatherless children were never married. . consequences for their children.¶ So long as the principal engine for creating single-mother homes was welfare. but until money became contentious no one was greatly bothered with assigning blame. and they found it in one of the most potent and destructive falsehoods ever foisted on a well-meaning but gullible public.

.” says one family law specialist. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC Seldom does public policy stand in such direct defiance of undisputed truths. Definitions from the US Justice Department include “jealousy and possessiveness. knowing they will never be held accountable for harm to the children. We don’t have to worry about the rights. and the Family (Cumberland Books). *67+ Domestic violence is “a backwater of ¶ tautological pseudo-theory.org/pub/fia/fia. “This bill is classic policestate legislation.” a seminar leader instructs divorcing mothers.¶ Such definitions circumvent due process protections. http://profam.” “name calling and constant criticizing. criminal justice. Appalling as it sounds.[59]¶ Like child abuse.[64]¶ Practitioners and scholars now readily report that patently trumped-up accusations are routinely used.” The father must then .”*74+ These courts may seize property. dismissing. “It’s an easy way to kick somebody out.” and “ignoring. Fathers are summarily incarcerated unless they sign confessions stating. It is adjudicated not as violent assault solution. to “make batterers and abusers take responsibility for their actions.”*60+ For such “crimes” men are jailed without trial. The burden of proof is reduced or removed.”*68+ ¶ Feminists acknowledge that most cases arise during custody battles.D.”*61+ One scholar calls it “an area of law mired in intellectual dishonesty and injustice” and “a due process fiasco.2202. without punishment..” one scholar concludes. The mammoth “domestic violence” industry arose largely as a means of evicting divorced fathers from their homes.[70] and their literature is dominated by complaints not that violent convicts are walking the streets but that fathers convicted of no infraction retain access to their children after their wives divorce them. or behavioral intervention has such weak evidence in support of mandated practice.” write Donald Dutton and Kenneth Corvo.htm.[66] and bar associations and even courts actively counsel mothers on how to fabricate accusations.”*76+ ¶ Forced confessions are also routine. Bureaucracies often expand by creating the very problem they exist to solve.*75+ Toronto lawyer Walter Fox calls them “pre-fascist”: “Domestic violence courts.[72] Due process procedures are so routinely ignored that one judge told his colleagues “not to become concerned about the constitutional rights of the man that you’re violating. however.¶ Child abuse is not the only “family violence” to be exacerbated and politicized by feminists.are designed to get around the protections of the criminal code. if they do not they may be punished by feminist-dominated bar associations and social work bureaucracies whose business and funding depend on a constant supply of abused children.. to the point where the cause of the problem is presented as the Judges are not unaware that the most dangerous environment for children is precisely the single-parent homes they create when they remove fathers in custody proceedings. “I have physically and emotionally battered my partner.[71] ¶ Restraining orders separating fathers from their children are routinely issued during divorce proceedings without any evidence. says New York’s openly feminist chief judge.. On the contrary.. the conclusion is inescapable that we have created an army of officials with a vested interest in child abuse. in custody proceedings to separate children from fathers who have committed no actionable offense. Yet the scholarly literature has long established that men and women commit domestic violence in comparable numbers. or ridiculing the victim’s needs. Marriage.”*62+ Feminists portray domestic violence as a political crime to perpetuate male power. including homes.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 106/230 Domestic Violence The negs understanding of domestic violence is flawed Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville.” It therefore obliterates the distinction between crime and disagreement and need not be violent or even physical. Ph. “With child abuse and spouse abuse you don’t have to prove anything. public health. is to understand how the explosion in accusations is connected almost entirely with family dissolution. and there’s no presumption of innocence. and vice-versa. without the accused being convicted or even formally charged or present to defend themselves.[65] Open perjury is readily acknowledged. “You just have to accuse. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers.”*73+¶ Specialized “domestic violence courts” are mandated not to dispense impartial justice but.[69] Yet they strenuously oppose divorce and custody reform. Yet they seldom hesitate to remove them. but as conflict among “intimate partners.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College.[63] More important than achieving gender balance. “domestic violence” has no precise definition. “No other area of established social welfare.

even if he insists he committed none. He is far less likely to have voluntarily abandoned the offspring he callously sired than to be an involuntarily divorced father who has been “forced to finance the filching of his own children.” reads one form.”*77+ ¶ The “deadbeat dad” is another figure largely manufactured by the divorce machinery. “I am responsible for the violence I used. “My behavior was not provoked.”*78+ .Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 107/230 describe the violence.

over centuries. but for intact.” We do not know how The latest manifestation may be the credit crisis. Ph.org/pub/fia/fia. Zimmerman emphasized how difficult the decline is to perceive while it is taking place: “These changes came about slowly. Unless we summon the courage to confront it directly.¶ Zimmerman was writing during the post-war baby boom — ¶ before “second wave” feminism.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC the housing bubble was the result of welfarestate agencies pushing home ownership as an entitlement on low-income “families. even as the family crisis becomes undeniable. no-fault divorce. . http://profam. many of these were single parents subsisting not on productive labor but on other entitlements.3%) occurs among married-couple families. The bureaucratic machinery they have constructed around the family is also much more vast and entrenched than any in those civilizations. same-sex marriage. citing Census Bureau figures that homeownership overwhelmingly (86. Yet he predicted these developments based on long-range trends — mostly elite intellectual fashions — whose significance few others grasped. “As the institution of government grows. sociologist Carle Zimmerman demonstrated that family atomization preceded civilizational collapse. This is what Zimmerman warned in the halcyon days of 1947. and few seem disposed to confront it or organizationally prepared to resist it. As Star Parker points out. there is still little awareness of its full ramifications and how close we are to the point of no return. we sadly watch the collapse of the institutions that really sustain growth of home ownership: American marriage and families.[89] Decades before the family crisis became obvious. first by educated elites and then others. it is the most intrusive and repressive government apparatus ever created in the United States. ¶ Modern sexual ideologies are much more militant than anything in Greece or Rome and more self-consciously hostile to the family. and almost imperceptibly. and argued that our own civilization is on a similar trajectory.” writes Parker. Marriage. two-parent families home ownership is not usually an impossibility at some point in life. Zimmerman showed how Greek and Roman decline was preceded by a renunciation of family life. Indeed.”*90+ Today.htm. and the Family (Cumberland Books).D. Yet today’s most outspoken family advocates show little awareness of it.2202.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 108/230 Extinction The same ideological interests of the k caused the housing bubble collapse and will lead to the collapse of civilization Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville. and “demographic winter” — when the family was generally assumed to be stable.¶ The sexualization of public life stands behind every major threat to our civilization. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers. Western society will become increasingly emasculated and will not survive. and since then his warnings have only been vindicated. Indeed.

“Who will guard the characterized by greater “caring” and “sensitivity” than traditional masculine power politics carried far-reaching implications. Marriage. words like “equality” change meanings when convenient. As with Humpty Dumpty. as evidenced by its capacity to spawn interminable discussions about its “true Women are oppressed by gender roles. ‘Who will care for the caretakers?’”*25] Professor Ferguson would have been less visionary but more perspicacious if she had asked.2202. and the caretakers have run amok. proclaims unashamedly that feminists should insist on “having it both ways”: “Feminists should embrace both horns of this dilemma.” Men and women must compete on equal terms. This is revealed by the fashionable euphemism used to disguise it: “empowerment. “interests” alone endure. and the Family (Cumberland Books).. This “rhetoric of equality” is just that: rhetoric. “For a feminist community. http://profam.”¶ The shift from liberal demands for unisex “equality” to claims of a positively superior politics What might appear as a moderating compromise with traditional gender roles was in reality a modest sacrifice of ideological purity in exchange for power. But not power. Male power brokers would be replaced by quasi-Platonic female “caretakers” whose claim to leadership would be their compassion. dangerous psychiatric medications.” she writes.. Alison Jaggar. Political theorist Kathy Ferguson envisions a world where male-dominated power politics would be supplanted with this feminine politics of empowerment. Fathers should share equally in rearing children. “Ideas. “They should use the rhetoric of equality in situations where women’s interests clearly are being damaged by being treated either differently from or identically with men. In this feminist utopia the only remaining problem would be who would minister to the needs of these saintly souls. but custody (and the power and money that accompany it) must always go to mothers. ¶ ¶ caretakers?” For her dream of a syndicalist rule by caretakers is now the reality.” wrote Milovan Djilas during the repression of the 1950s. “Children under state protection in California group and foster homes are being drugged with potent. but those same roles confer a claim to moral superiority because they make women more “caring” and “compassionate. philosophical principles.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. Plato’s question ‘Who will guard the guardians?’ might be rephrased as. author of Living with Contradictions. “Caretakers routinely drug foster children” runs a headline in the Los Angeles Times.” certain competitions so that women can win.htm. As Jaggar admits. an ideology with no fixed principles. at other times women have special “needs. at times just to keep them obedient and docile for their overburdened caretakers.”*24+ Her words are revealing. it proceeds from no principles other than power: to increase the power not so much of women. except when men must be excluded from nature”: At times all gender differences are social constructions.org/pub/fia/fia.”*26+ . "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC “Power is the alpha and the omega of contemporary Communism. as of those who claim to speak on behalf of the rest.”*23+ Something similar can be said about today’s feminism. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers. Ph. then. and moral considerations.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 109/230 Double bind Double bind either the neg gives up all their power for equality or gendered roles continue in order to gain feminist power Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville.— all can be changed and sacrificed.D.

D.org/pub/fia/fia. Immigrant “families” attracted to welfare are increasingly single mothers or become single mothers soon after arriving. and the Family (Cumberland Books). Marriage. one threatening Western civilization itself. The welfare state itself.*Stephen Baskerville teaches political science at Patrick Henry College. In Europe. certainly reduced the need for large families as an insurance policy for old age. "The Family in America” Online Edition Volume 22 Number 02) // SC Immigration pressure may also be traced to sexualized government institutions. The principal rationalization for relaxing immigration standards — low birth rates and the perceived need for younger workers and taxpayers — is another consequence of the sexual revolution. immigration is now creating a welfare underclass similar to that familiar in the United States. with its offer of a universal retirement pension.htm.[88] .2202. including contraception and abortion — which shifted reproductive decisions from the family unit to the individual woman.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 110/230 Links to politics The k links to immigration Baskerville 8 ( Stephen Baskerville. which is itself expanding through immigration. Ph.[87] Here too divorce may be the decisive factor (and again the most neglected) — not only breaking up families early but also generating fear of marriage and procreation among men. He is the author of Taken Into Custody: The War Against Fathers. Yet even more direct is sexual liberation. http://profam.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 111/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 112/230 Latino Identity .

Noel Ignatiev. Fla. Pitts also defines being white as having your suffering and perspective matter in the world.. white indentured servants) had at one point a shared.” or “what box to check” on the U. Wilkerson discursively transforms the descendants of African slaves into immigrants. we have no intellectual vocabulary to adequately discuss the racial position of non-Black people of color (NBPOC) in relation to African . as James Baldwin famously put it.” Pitts concludes that for these reasons. the increasing Latino population in the United States will change not only the racial and cultural demographics of the the country but also how we as a nation think about race. in order to survive. the reporters write. whiteness is “not simply color. and being American. One striking example of this was an op-ed published in The Orlando Sentinel written by Leonard Pitts.” Wilkerson’s commentary suffers from one of the major limitations of some of the most popular work grouped under whiteness studies (such as that by Roediger. in an article in The Washington Post titled “Who is George Zimmerman?” (and republished by The Seattle Times under the headline “Florida shooter George Zimmerman not easily pigeonholed”).” According to this framework. of receiving the benefit of the doubt and some human compassion.E. Isabel Wilkerson. may be forging a different path: “Despite all that has gone before. discussing how “unprecedented numbers of Latino immigrants have arrived at a place still scarred by the history of a vigilante-enforced caste system and the stereotypes that linger from it. Both groups were seeking the same thing and were pretty much the same people—people of the land trying to make a way for their families in forbidding and alien places. is that Latinos “are increasingly choosing to be identified as ‘other’ rather than black or white” on the U. For example. 28. U Penn. racial hierarchy.S. of being treated as if you matter. Such sentiment was expressed in discussions about Zimmerman. Zimmerman’s interracial lineage as well as his being Latino exemplified the “browning of America.S. As he puts it. census and thus may reject the pattern of European immigrants who “became white” by distancing themselves from Blacks. identity. census. no tidy way to categorize. non-Latino Americans will also have to question long standing assumptions about what race is and how it operates in the face of increasing diversity.com/2012/04/20/george-zimmerman’s-minoritydefense-and-the-1992-los-angeles-riots/)//LA In some accounts.” In other writing.” Wilkerson asserts. “In this context.” Thus. in which he responded to one reader’s frustration at his not identifying Zimmerman as Hispanic in a previous column—“‘Mr. Baldwin. and class reportedly makes it difficult for some Latino immigrants and their descendants to determine “who they are. Pitts cites David Roediger. the historian famous for drawing from W.S. according to Wilkerson. which is the assumption that certain European immigrants or poor white Americans (or in Breen’s case. there is reason for optimism…The arrival of a new kind of immigrant to a country that has endured so much discord offers a chance for re-examination and redemption. define and sort the man whose pull of a trigger on a Sanford. Just as “internal” diversity among Latinos by color. What this debate about Zimmerman’s racial identity and Black-Latino relations demonstrates is that with few exceptions.” Recounting Roediger’s basic premise that European immigrants “became white” after coming to the United States and learning. which seeks to destabilize whiteness as the normative racial position by tracing how whiteness developed as a social and legal category and how whites became dominant in the U. http://tamaranopper. census. employs aspects of whiteness studies in her discussion. Latinos. in a New York Times essay on Martin’s murder and the city of Sanford’s racial history. that “the price of the ticket” for whiteness is to distance oneself from Blacks. She writes: “One of the great tragedies of the last century was the pitting of immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe against African-Americans who had migrated from the rural South to the industrial North. or at least similar status with African Americans in the race and class hierarchy in relation to white elites. but privilege…the privilege of being seen.B. nationality.” Unlike the European immigrants. some authors were less ambivalent about Zimmerman’s race and declared him white. of having your worth presumed. and Timothy Breen). In doing so. Zimmerman is white. Specifically. migration histories. newcomers—like previous waves of immigrants in the past—may feel pressed to identify with the dominant caste and distance themselves from blacks. Zimmerman was Hispanic not White plez do your homework before writing your column!!!!’” Pitts begins his column with: “I’m here to explain why George Zimmerman is white. Similarly. Hispanic is an ethnicity and not a race.” she concludes. 20 Years in the Making: George Zimmerman’s ‘Minority Defense’ and the 1992 Los Angeles Riots. For example. Pitts draws from academic scholarship on what has come to be known as “whiteness” studies. “one of the most encouraging signs. Du Bois’s psychological wage of whiteness concept outlined in his 1935 classic Black Reconstruction in America and repackaging it as the “wages of whiteness. who “chose” whiteness.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 113/230 Trayvon L Black-White binaries ignore an intersectional approach to Latino identity Nopper 12 (Tamara.S. street is forcing America to once again confront its fraught relationship with race and identity. 4/20/12.” Pointing out that according to the U. “There may be no box to check for George Zimmerman.

Latino rioters are generally not depicted as targeting Korean storeowners for the same reason). In this spirit. as well as the changing demographics of the United States (think of the projection of the “coming white minority”). with Korean immigrant-owned businesses the hardest hit. So what does all of this have to do with the 1992 Los Angeles Riots and more specifically. necessitated that political conversations about. .” Some scholars claimed that the Black-white model of race relations was inadequate for analyzing what some (mis)labeled “America’s first multiethnic riot. some of the major patterns of progressive race scholarship emerging after. or discuss the internal diversity of Latinos in terms of color. if there had been more attention given to the experiences of other racial minority groups in public discourse and scholarship prior to the riots. Blacks would have been less likely to be susceptible to negative images of Korean immigrants circulated in the media and would have thus directed their anger at another and more appropriate target (interestingly. to say that as a Latino and thus someone who exists in the world politically as “Brown. and to large degree in response to the riots.” Whereas previous urban rebellions have been characterized by African Americans looting or destroying white owned-businesses in response to police brutality and economic and political conditions.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 114/230 Americans in the U. which appears to be both conceptual and emotional (or at the very least ethical). In other words. people. and culture. we have the following options: argue that Latinos are “acting white. future multiracial explosions (and more specifically. what do I mean when I write that Zimmerman’s “minority defense” was “20 years in the making”? In brief. a growing body of work examining the experiences of NBPOC and inter-minority relations has been published in the last 20 years. went so far as to suggest that one of the reasons Korean immigrants were targeted was because they were the victims of Blacks’ misdirected anger partially caused by their purported ignorance of Korean history. denying the material basis of conflict. Post-1992 Los Angeles Riots Race Scholarship In the wake of the riots. language.” Zimmerman or other Latinos can be anti-Black and more importantly. there is a difficulty. contribute to the logic of Zimmerman’s minority defense. have political and social power over Blacks (in the United States and in Latin America) independent of identifying with whiteness or being socially or legally classified as white. a sentiment expressed in the slogan “beyond Black and white. through educational measures.S. Some scholars. scholars argued that its multiethnic composition. More research on the shared racial oppression and community building between people of color would presumably thwart the dividing and conquering of oppressed peoples. And so it began: going beyond Black and white would not only help us better identify what caused the 1992 riots but also prevent. Instead. as in the case of Zimmerman.” that George Zimmerman is a “white” Latino (although I think he could easily be read as a “Brown” Latino). and research on race go beyond examining white America’s treatment of African Americans. “Black (misdirected) rage”). Overall. racial order. Within this scholarship there are two patterns I want to emphasize that are relevant to Zimmerman’s minority defense. and nativity and simply hope that their so-called “internal” conflicts (which are really structural) get worked out soon. the 1992 riots involved primarily Black and Latino rioters.

that class. http://tamaranopper. Hamilton’s 1967 book Black Power—which preceded the publication of Blauner’s Racial Oppression by five years—in which they applied the colonial model to African Americans in U. From this perspective we could conclude that Zimmerman. As they put it. they overlook the fact that slavery was peculiar to the blacks. U Penn. such as slavery. not race was the primary factor shaping life chances while not indicting any particular NBPOC group as dominant in relationship to African Americans. also knows discrimination and thus. while positing a shared oppressed status as non-white. Yet the return to a Blaunerian approach. “When some people compare the black American to ‘other immigrant’ groups in this country. exclusion. as Ture and Hamilton suggest. or contract labor. . colonialism. they could easily come from the pages of an academic monograph by a comparative racialization scholar. analogizing African Americans and immigrant groups. by way of racial formations.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 115/230 AT: Latinos were enslaved/Race Ks about LA You can’t group Black and Latino identity—slavery is unique Nopper 12 (Tamara. 4/20/12. Ture and Hamilton anticipated and provide a critique of the racial formations approach as well as whiteness studies’ aforementioned claim that non-Black groups could have a shared starting location on the “bottom” with African Americans despite not having been enslaved. Unfortunately. While scholars have rightfully addressed the limitations of the colonial analogy for dealing with the afterlife of slavery. Much of this research traces its roots to Michael Omi and Howard Winant’s book Racial Formations (1986. No other minority group in this country was treated as legal property. genocide. This work of comparative racialization sought to identify differences among people of color while still retaining the notion that all non-whites have a shared racial status under white supremacy. consider the epilogues of both books’ second versions as they each address the 1992 riots in ways that demonstrate competing political orientations). ignored one of the most important points of Kwame Ture and Charles V. Perhaps this is because. urban ghettoes. 1994)—treated as the bible among many progressive race scholars—which posits the primacy of race as a determinant of inequality and proposes that each group has a particular racial formation. This approach provided the best of both worlds for NBPOC progressive scholars: it rejected arguments.” In these two sentences. “was more like the boy he killed than people thought. even with the hesitance Blauner expresses in his work. 20 Years in the Making: George Zimmerman’s ‘Minority Defense’ and the 1992 Los Angeles Riots. The employment of the racial formations approach resulted in an (unstated) return of sorts. growing in popularity among a wide spectrum of ideological voices.S. will always be flawed. to Robert Blauner’s colonialism model published in his book Racial Oppression in America. it is telling that contemporary scholarship is most likely to resemble Blauner’s approach than that of Ture and Hamilton’s. today. Blauner’s framework examines the particular structural degradation of each minority group in the United States. Ture and Hamilton tend to be cited by an aging group of (primarily African American) scholars whereas Omi and Winant’s racial formations and its variants have continued to be popular among a broad array of progressives (for a clue on why this may be so. George was a minority—the other—too.” While these words were actually penned by writers of the aforementioned Washington Post article.com/2012/04/20/george-zimmerman’s-minoritydefense-and-the-1992-los-angeles-riots/)//LA Pattern 1: Comparative Racialization The first pattern is that scholars claimed Asian Americans and Latinos have unique racial experiences that cannot be adequately understood using the Black-white framework. as a “Spanish speaking minority” and son of a Peruvian mother.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 116/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 AT: “Grade it like a Paper” 117/230 .

Literacy necessarily distances and separates people: the learner from the doer. when I assign a scholarly paper. better. history. The process of evaluation. Women’s Studies Quarterly. All teaching and learning involve tensions and discomfort. Students have to be taught to honestly evaluate failure and turn mistakes into lessons as they face the difficulties associated with learning mathematics. CUNY and Consortium of black women’s organizers in Brooklyn. and. incapable of participating in the very medium and work of the academy. When students fail to write and read up to par. Such skills can assist Black women in gaining an overall and coherent way of analyzing the information they receive in the classroom and from the experi. but in creating a learning environment where Black women could feel safe about making mistakes and taking chances. one hopes. I assigned papers but did not rigorously grade them. In the beginning. No. I used to err on the side of liberalism and promoted sisterly rapport instead of directly grappling with the difficulty of teaching scholarly writing skills and critical thinking . 3/4. 38-9. By avoiding the struggle to face the weaknesses of my Black women students. Vol. By making available knowledge of their own history as well as that of the ruling elite. however. stupidly separating content from process. 35-6. JSTOR)//LA The struggle at Medgar Evers College revealed the responsibility of Black women academicians to develop the meaningful content of a pedagogy that makes rigorous academic demands and the political aim of . usually in isolation from one's family and kin. Don’t baby the *Aff/Neg+—only rejecting their flawed model can produce material change [Doubles as Pedagogy 1st card] Omolade 87 (Barbara. gender.. When my grades accurately reflected their work. p. In the past. I gave double grades on term papers: one for ideas and one for grammar.ences of their lives. information. the scholar from the worker. A Black Feminist Pedagogy. But the challenge of a Black feminist pedagogy is to use literacy to connect people with ideas and histories across racial. p. In attempting to avoid making Black women students feel uncomfortable. has usually been used in racist and sexist and elitist ways. i. I must assume the politically problematic role of evaluator.rity and humanity. But a liberal feminist stance should not be used to deny the students an honest appraisal of their learning and skills. The worker can become a scholar who does not have to abandon her class in order to become educated. I tried to protect those who wrote poorly and analyzed superficially from feeling a sense of failure. Then.e. I felt that I had abandoned all my sisterly values. Women’s Studies Quarterly. A Black Feminist Pedagogy. JSTOR)//LA However. as students unlearn and replace old ideas and limited understandings with newer. knowledge of men and women and Black and white people. No. never came into the academy unless they had exceptional literacy skills. My standards of judgment are dictated by the purpose and rationale of a college education: to produce students who can enter the professional and managerial class because they have and can communicate useful knowledge and information. Literacy itself has further class connotations because it also means having the time and space to read and write. Black working-class women. and class boundaries and to further connect Black women to each other and to their unique history.ess.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 118/230 Shell This approach is exclusionary—must open spaces for safe pedagogical investigation Omolade 87 (Barbara. Vol. and helped me avoid the truth about their writing skills and course performances. 15. I also avoided the essentials of the learning proc. 15. The double grade process. of correcting and measuring the written and spoken skills of students. which serve to diminish students' integ. The solution lay not in attempting to remove the discomfort and tension. 3/4. paper writing. protected me from guilt about grading their papers at all. satisfied that students expressed themselves and tried hard. these students. or speaking in class. we can give students a sense of their worth and their power to affect their position and condition. CUNY and Consortium of black women’s organizers in Brooklyn. they become nonstudents.

In order to assume power in the urban areas of the United States. The classroom process is one of information-sharing in which students learn to generalize their particular life experiences within a community of fellow intellectuals. Black women academicians must struggle for the power to implement their pedagogy. In order to transform current conditions and positions of powerlessness. which are increasingly populated by women and men of color. The breadth of material students receive about the diverse perspectives of women and men all over the world should give them new ideas and new models of scholarship. those people must have the capacity to run them differently and humanely. No one can teach students to "see. from ignorance and powerlessness. Then." but an instructor is responsible for providing the windows. along with those stu. Neither fairy godmothers nor godfathers can be equal partners with students engaged in a political struggle to learn enough and know enough to transform our mutual futures within and without the academy.ment of Black women. especially Black women. . the learning process. must develop the skills to take over and run urban institutions. Black women instructors and students who participated in the Medgar Evers College sit-in have de. The instructor. and the bad fairy godfathers (who are white) denying them both humanity and useful information. the absence of structure leaves students without a clear sense of where a course is going. study. They will learn in a fairy land. especially Black women.veloped the framework of that pedagogy: a Black feminist set of academic themes that centers on the research. with the good fairy godmothers (who are Black) giving them solace and approval without wisdom.vance a pedagogy that proposes to do away with all structures such as course outlines.dents. The development of these leadership skills requires that students learn differently within a liberatory classroom environment. since Black women's experiences and Black female scholarship are seldom placed within the syllabi of the academy's courses. This is especially critical for Black women students. Although some educators ad. Without an explicit pedagogy. on the other hand.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 119/230 liberating working people.room instructors must be more like consultants to. and develop. rather than controllers of. Black women and all other working-class students will continue to be disregarded as participants in the learning environment. has many maps and drives very well. It is like telling students to drive to California from New York without knowing how to drive very well and without a road map. out of which possible angles of vision emerge from a coherent ordering of information and content. the continually exploited and oppressed peoples. Class.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 120/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 121/230 Quar .

Audre Lorde told us this. and Blacks and gays should be members of that front. Marlon Riggs told us this. We must not allow one kind of oppression to displace another in our political imaginaries. We are not the same. Majors ends the article with a call for solidarity: “There has to be a broad front that pushed for increased human and civil rights for all citizens. http://thefeministwire. from how we narrate and define our struggles. Our lenses must be broadened so that at all times we are not only aware of our particular positions of oppression. Dispatch from the ‘Very House of Difference’: Anti-Black Racism and the Expansion of Sexual Citizenship – OR – We Need to Do So Much Better at Loving Each Other.”*3+ Majors points out that White gay males have benefited from racist housing and loan policies by receiving bank loans. “Black. Relinquish your guilt and use your privilege to change the structures that produce that privilege. which were previously formally denied to Blacks. and Treva. Don’t include me in your privileged . policing. they don’t just come from politicians and the HRC but also from us. We have to do better. especially if that displacement is more of an ideological fallacy than a material reality. queer. and the Mission District. Understanding privilege is not about guilt. but it might not be so easy to see the ways in which as a white women you can create systems that are oppressive and closed to women of color or people of color in general. and anti-capitalist scholars. The disaggregation of race from gender and sexuality evinced in the separation of “gay” and “Black” helps to cohere the polemic and call to action but also participates in a framework of intelligibility that renders black queerness unthinkable and ignores how White gay gentrification impacts LGBT people of color and poor White LGBT people. 7/4/13. He makes a call for White gays to be in solidarity noting that Black organizations spoke out against the Briggs Initiative. surveillance. Toni Cade Bambara told us this. We are not the same and it is our differences that give us strength.’ in which he criticizes White gay male gentrification in Alamo Square. I don’t need you to feel bad about what happened during slavery or what’s happening with the expansion of the prison industrial complex. Gloria Anzaldúa told us this.” The very question of whether “gay is the new black” requires and enacts a unconscionable forgetting of the systems of domination and creative destruction that operate in part through a construction of gay and Black as mutually exclusive.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 122/230 Intersectionality Intersectionality is inevitable—to focus on one’s own specific oppression makes impossible wider struggles for liberation Green and Ellison 7/4 (Kai M. it’s just stifling. This is why for example. Majors notes that “some Blacks” take issue with the equation of the gay rights struggle with the Black liberation struggle saying: “One of the reasons for this objection is the fact that many gays are involved in exercising White male privilege at the very time they are claiming to be members of an oppressed group. Haight-Fillmore. which sought to bar gays and lesbians from working in California schools. The Feminist Wire. These kinds of representational traps attempt to make “equality” for queer racialized sexualities unintelligible and unthinkable as they support the kinds of relations that perpetuate harm and violence. say as a white woman. These harmful dichotomies aren’t just uni-directional in flow. activists. When we frame our struggles in ways that ignore the various and complicated ways that harm and violence circulate. It is our ability to see that our freedoms are all connected and of equal value. and incarceration rely on a discursive and material separation of race from sexuality . queer youth of color can be exposed to extreme police harassment and interpersonal harm even in so-called “gay ghettos. it becomes difficult for people to show up as themselves or in some cases to show up at all.”*4+. trans. it might be easy to come together as women to rally around how this society devalues women’s lives and labor. Desires for equality have a tendency to move people to become more invested in sameness instead of thinking about the reality of difference. For those who understand oppression through one dominant identity. but our oppressions while linked are not the same. and taking advantage of the fact that Black-owned properties in Black neighborhoods were appraised at lower values. and artists based in Los Angeles”—their byline. In the November 1978 November issue of “The Black Panther” journalist Reggie Major wrote a commentary titled “The Privileged ‘Oppressed.com/2013/07/dispatch-from-the-very-houseof-difference-anti-black-racism-and-the-expansion-of-sexual-citizenship-or-we-need-to-do-so-muchbetter-at-loving-each-other/)//LA The productive tension between sexual citizenship and expansion of militarism. sometimes against the very people they purport to protect. Guilt is paralyzing and it doesn’t produce much movement or change. but also our relative positions of privilege. though this is what seems to be happening these days.

We must look for those who are lost. plan. These stories are the kinds of stories that become unspeakable and unknowable in a discursive order and model of reform that privileges single-issue politics over mobilizing around the material conditions that produce trauma. but we need to become more aware of the places and people we are asked to give up in order to receive something that could easily be retracted. we have to develop a model for recognizing the intersection. class. it means nothing if I can’t take my people with me. citizenship. The dispatch has been sent.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 123/230 ranks. Barack Obama as first Black president means nothing if Black people as a class remain in crises. We don’t have to become Black. But we must be able to build beyond our own individual positions whether we stand in the intersection or not. vulnerability and death. sexuality and ability collide (and they are always colliding). those who we’ve been asked to forget about because they are not our own. There are certainly reforms to be made. We don’t have to become gay. To dwell in the house of difference is to think. and create with the intersection in mind and in heart. these moments when race. gender. Will you heed the call? . This essay begins with recounting places and moments of injury.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 124/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 125/230 Sheshadri-Crooks K .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 126/230 1NC .

where personal (or particular) interest masquerades as public good. the order of racial difference attempts to compensate for sex's failure in language. if it is working at all. induces the social and legal validation of race as a discourse of neutral differences. Racial difference. on the contrary. The values attached to male and female are historically contingent as feminists have long suggested. This is why the order of racial difference must be distinguished from.Whiteness. The possibility of this enjoyment is at the core of "race. If such were the case. Whiteness represents complete mastery. phenotypal difference. If sex is characterized by a missing signifier. We seem to need such a refuge in order to preserve the investment we make in the signifier of Whiteness. In other words. being better. second. Groups must be differentiated and related in order to make possible the claim to power and domination. which serve as the desiderata of race. Race must therefore disavow or deny knowledge of its own historicity. The possibility of enjoyment held out by Whiteness is also horrific as it implies the annihilation of difference. which is what race as a system manages. The rationale of racial difference and its organization can be understood as a Hobbesian one. we must not therefore analogize race and sex on the sexual model of linguistic excess or contradiction. more full. is not and cannot be organized around such an absence. or risk surrendering to the discourse of exceptionality. The signifier Whiteness tries to fill the constitutive lack of the sexed subject. the possibility of wholeness and supremacy. inevitably produces anxiety. Put very simply. self-sufficiency. an overcoming of difference itself. Thus race should not be reduced to racial visibility. But race organizes difference and elicits investment in its subjects because it promises access to being itself. Visible difference in race has a contradictory function. has no other reason to be but power. which is the mistake made by some well-meaning and not-as-wellmeaning advocates of a color blind society. It offers the prestige of being better and superior. It is a social contract among potential adversaries secured to perpetuate singular claims to power and dominance. sexual difference. the so-called pre-discursive marks on the body (hair. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. Psychoanalytically. does not bear on the paradigm of failure or success of inter-subjectivity on the model of the sexual relation. it is the promise of being more human. but power cannot be the ultimate cause of sexual difference. bone). the purely symbolic origin of the signifier. less lacking. Race. therefore. Race identity is about the sense of one's exclusiveness.that escapes or confounds language and inter-subjectivity. 69)//LA I am suggesting two things: first. cannot be founded upon such a logic. but read in relation to. then a historicist genealogy of the discursive construction of race would be in order: Foucault not Lacan. It is necessary for race to seem more than its historical and cultural origin in order to aim at being. and throwing away the key of visibility because it happens to open and close is not going to make the lock inoperable. Racial visibility should be understood as that which secures the much deeper investment we have made in the racial categorization of human beings.a missing signifier. The subject of race therefore typically resists race as mere "social construction. It promises a totality. exceptionality and uniqueness. and the jouissance of Oneness. we may recall . which (like sex) seems to be more than symbolic.which offers the illegal enjoyment of absolute wholeness. p. The shared insecurity of claiming absolute humanness. race. Boston College. race identity can have only one function-it establishes differential relations among the races in order to constitute the logic of domination . Thus race secures itself through visibility. For the subject of race. It is a lock-and-key relation. If it protects against a lethal sameness. being the best. and yet it is not power in the sense of material and discursive agency that can be reduced to historical mappings. Insofar as Whiteness dissimulates the object of desire. the bodily mark. serves as a powerful prophylactic against the anxiety of race as a discursive construction. we can perceive the object cause of racial anxiety as racial visibility. Race is inextricably caught up in a Hobbesian discourse of social contract. In other words. on the other hand. on the other hand." even as it holds on to a notion of visible. Race has an all-toopresent master signifier. it is an identity that. it also facilitates the possibility of that sameness through the fantasy of wholeness. 10 any encounter with the historicity. can only be about pride. skin. discourse analysis not psychoanalysis." But enjoyment or jouissance is. Sexual difference. even as it seeks to contain the consequences of such singular interests. as many have assumed.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 127/230 1NC Shell Fighting racism in the name of race only reifies normative racial historicity—turns the case Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. By interrogating visibility we . pure unpleasure.

but to inhabit our assigned racial positions. I have been asked how my theory of race as a symbolic system sustained by a regime of visibility translates into social policy. It is to render race so objective that it is impossible to conceive human difference or inter-subjectivity anew. it suggests.' an autonomy that seems so strictly rational and all-embracing as to conceal every trace of its fundamental nature: the relation between people. an appreciation of the fact that it is an inherently contradictory discourse. The logic is that people have been constituted for material and other reasons as black and white and that this has had powerful historical consequences for peoples thus constituted. of exceptionality.a sense of wholeness. On the one hand. and thus acquires a 'phantom objectivity.the something more than symbolic. racism. insofar as they cannot be essentialized through bodily marks. and a willingness to see beyond relations of power in order to mine the depth of subjective investment in it. p. The alternative is to release the racial signifier from its historical mooring in a signified. (In fact. This rather myopic perspective refuses to address the peculiar resiliency of "race. visibility maintains a bulwark against the historicity and historicization of race. Modern civil society refuses to permit its subjects the enjoyment of supremacist rhetoric. It dismisses these issues or trivializes them because race seems a historical inevitability. whereas in the case of race. Exploring the structure of race requires a toleration of paradox. These latter forms of group identity. it suggests. and a groundless belief that power can be wished away. class." the subjective investment in racial difference. . But the immeasurable weightiness of. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. The resilience and endurability of race as a structure can thus be attributed to its denials and disavowals. Brennan suggests that the "ego's era" is characterized by a resistance to history. The capacity of visibility to secure an investment in identity also distinguishes race from other systems of difference such as caste. but that we must "celebrate difference. etc. by distinguishing between race and racism. This is how the system of "desiring Whiteness" perpetuates itself. the rhetoric of exceptionality. and why. even in the discourses that are most pragmatically aimed against racism. The liberal consensus is that we must do away with such ideological misappropriation. Race. about anti-discrimination legislations. who elaborated Marx's notion of reification in relation to the commodity form in History and Class Consciousness. (1923:89) To arrest analysis of race at the point where one discerns and marks its historical effects is to reproduce those very relations of power that one intends to oppose. It draws this distinction between a supposed ontology (the study of physical or cultural differences) and an epistemology (discriminatory logic) in the name of preserving a semblance of inter-subjectivity. about those particularly powerful modes of political mobilization that have aggregated around identity? It is sophisticated and easy to be dismissive of "identity politics" because it seems naive and essentialist. My contention that the category of race is inherently a discourse of supremacy may seem inattentive to the advances that our legal systems and liberal social ideologies have made precisely in relation to "racism" and "racist" practices. say. such social theorists effectively reify "race. according to this reasoning. can be easily historicized and textualized." It is understood as a "baby and the bath water" syndrome. it is never in the place that one expects it to be: it disavows its own historicity in order to hold out the promise of being to the subject. in which the dirty water of racism must be eliminated.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 128/230 can ask what the lock is preserving. 15860)//LA In presenting my hypothesis to various interlocutors in formal and informal settings. it must disavow this object in order to keep the system viable and to perpetuate the dialectic: the race for Whiteness. On the other hand. as a social law. Whether race exists or not. and the hyper-valorization of appearance. Boston College. In making this ostensibly "pragmatic" move. is a neutral description of human difference. racialization is a hard historical fact and a concrete instance of social reality. is the misappropriation of such difference. Nothing prevents their deconstruction. is worth recalling here: Its basis is that a relation between people takes on the character of a thing. How does it affect our thinking about affirmative action. ethnicity. Not to do so is a form of idealism. to reveal the cleansed and beloved "fact" of racial identity.) It is this function of visibility that renders cases of racial passing fraught and anxious. their approach only reifies racism and hopeless opposition Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. Modern civil society engages in such reification because ultimately its desire is to keep the dialectic between races alive. whether race and racism are artificial distinctions or not. It must thus prohibit what it terms "racism" in order to prevent the annihilation not so much of the "inferior" races but of the system of race itself." Lukacs. We have no choice.

I have laid the basis for such an aesthetics in Chapters 4 and 5. eyes. into the "cultural. it should be aimed at infiltrating . The confrontation has to entail more than an exploration of the fantasy. will inevitably end up reifying race. In fact. We must develop a new adversarial aesthetics that will throw racial signification into disarray. it is necessary that the visual itself be used against the scopic regime of race. sometimes in tandem and at others in tension with state policy. where the relation of the bodily mark to the signifier is thrown into perplexity. In Toni Morrison's "Recitatif. In addition to those I have cited earlier such as film. etc. and identity. such as ticking the "wrong" box on a questionnaire. we as spectators are asked to give up our investment in Whiteness. Rather. such as the repugnance we see exhibited by Orwell." it is racial reference that is called into question. it is imperative that we turn what is now "political. In Suture. Such a practice would not aim so much at a cross-identification. Similitude is established not on the basis of the body's gestalt. The possibility of unsettling political representation. painting and literature. The idea would be to void racial knowledge by releasing the racial signifier from its historical mooring in a signified. the practice that I am advocating will deploy the visual against the visual. as what they necessitate is a radical intervention into language and signification. so that white and black have no connotations. even if such a preposterous act were possible. the body. By emptying the racial signifier of its properties. As with Suture. Clay is Vincent if he takes up his place in the signifying chain. Such redefinition is thinkable only as a collective and normalizing project. it is such emptiness that makes love approachable. but the project of dismantling the regime of race cannot be given over to the state. A simple rejection of this fantasy of selfinflation on a political or ethical basis. Second. the argument of this book is that it also ultimately serves to reinforce the very system that is the source of the symptoms that such politics confines itself to addressing. the visa and the driver's license may renew and refresh questions of identity— what is worth preserving. It is race itself that must be dismantled as a regime of looking. Identity politics works. where race is concerned. Such intervention can and should work. For Morrison. The film puts pressure on the purely symbolic origins of race by unraveling the relation between racial gestalt and one's identity. For it is not enough to be aware of the affect of anxiety that race invariably generates. This entails the reinvention of culture as organized by differences based on other kinds of "reasonings" than race. at the "grassroots" level. The idea is not to erase identity. and by that I mean state policy. to the extent that each and every one of us must mistrust the knowledge of our racial belonging. we must rethink identity in tension with our usual habits of visual categorization of individuals. One must traverse the fundamental fantasy of singular humanity upon which racial identity is founded. or passing for another race. the only effective intervention can be cultural. Morrison renders meaningless the relations among the signifier. the relation between visibility and the signifier is refused . I am proposing an adversarial aesthetics that will destabilize racial looking so that racial identity will always be uncertain and unstable.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 129/230 the black power movement or the women's rights movement in pushing back the forces of exploitation and resuscitating devalued cultures through the redefinition of identity must give us pause. Such practices can only be. However. and must be representational. but the part object-ears. namely representation by proxy. or procedures of verification based on race such as the passport. cannot be adequate. Every medium of representation can and must be harnessed for such a practice. the point of doubt among the so-called races. The point of such a practice would be to confront the symbolic constitution of race and of racial looking as the investment we make in difference for sameness. any attempt to address race systematically through policy." an issue of social practice. but for another purpose. It is a question of resituating oneself in relation to the raced signifier. in Chapter 3. the signifier that promises access to absolute humanness. my theory is anti-policy for two reasons: first." an issue of group interests. Ideally." There we took measure of the fantasy of wholeness as the obliteration of difference that Whiteness holds out to the subject of race. we must consider the possibilities presented by that other mode of representation. Given that race discourse was produced in a thoroughly visual culture. Gramsci speaks of the necessity of transforming the cultural into the political. We cannot aim at this goal by merely formulating new social policies . what is not. In Orwell's case. for instance. which process I detailed in Chapter 2 on "The secret sharer. his liberal rejection of mastery can only lead to the reproduction of the system of race. It would confound racial signification by stressing the continuity.

is the only means of articulating the possibility of an ethics beyond the specious enjoyment promised by Whiteness.. Rather. Gramsci suggests that a philosophical movement. we will fail to address social contradiction in its specificity. The practice of "discoloration" will be more effective if it is not restricted to particular intellectual groups or artists. Thus producing a sub-culture of "discolorationists" or encouraging subjects voluntarily to refuse racial identity (as advocated for "white" people by the journal Race Traitor) possibly will not be effective. as Gramsci reminds us. even as it elaborates a form of thought superior to "common sense" and coherent on a scientific plane . never forgets to remain in contact with the "simple" and indeed finds in this contact the source of the problems it sets out to study and to resolve.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 130/230 normative bourgeois self-definition. we cannot voluntarily abandon the quotidian logic of race. An anti-race praxis must aim at a fundamental transformation of social and political logic. only marks the "'high points' of the progress made by common sense" (1971 :331 ). It cannot be a mere "phenomenon of individuals" which. Working through our fantasies will involve the risk of desubjectification that many of us dread. . As a praxis. To do so would be a form of vanguardism that will only reinforce the system as the necessary point of differentiation. it is to the common sense of race that we must appeal.. psychoanalysis is the most appropriate discourse for the examination of why we or certain groups may resist such an adversarial aesthetics. such an encounter with our own limit.. Such dread. (Gramsci 1971 :330) In other words. Otherwise.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 131/230 2NC .

exists in a relation of "extimacy" (Lacan's term for the paradox of the excluded interior) to the symbolic system it engenders. I argue.the will to preeminence. I suggested in the previous chapter that the visible bodily marks of race serve to guarantee Whiteness as something more than its discursive construction. the palsied universe lies before us as a lepe1" ( 186). For Melville. This impossibility. but only laid on from without" ( 186). It is the possibility of being itself. This cause is the "great principle of light" which "for ever remains white or colorless in itself. discloses itself as something inassimilable to the very system that it causes and upholds. Here. Boston College. and if operating without medium upon matter. would touch all objects. Melville's notion of Whiteness as the formless and dangerous essence of visibility is wholly compatible with the view of Whiteness as the master signifier of race that I have been delineating so far. In this chapter. Whiteness engenders the scale of human difference as racial embodiment. which serves to defend against the jouissance of Whiteness. the colorless. with its own blank tingepondering all this. Whiteness here is the great and immanent absence that sustains the system of chromatism. As the cause of color. The master signifier makes difference possible. Whiteness. particularly the terror that it presents as pure and blinding light. the point from which their whole system may be defined. attempts to signify being. is preserved. 5860)//LA The striking phrase "the visible absence of color" refers to Whiteness as the simultaneous presence and absence of a certain substance. it preserves that fantasy of wholeness by valorizing phenotype as something pre-discursive. but it is also excluded from the play of signification that it supports. as that which makes perception possible but is itself the blinding possibility beyond the visible. in Melville's terms. in its awesome and terrifying aspect. which is the possibility of transcending or reaching beyond the visible phenotype. where difference and lack . it is the absent cause of perceptible hues of nature which are but "the subtile deceits. This ineffable and excluded power of Whiteness. we could propose that the dual character of Whiteness. Whiteness as light is beyond mere perception. the ambivalence. based on the historicity of Whiteness.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 132/230 2NC Thesis [MUST READ] The 1AC affirmed WHITENESS as MASTER SIGNIFIER. In our terms. as the unconscious promise of wholeness. or unsignified. he who looks upon it would.which must necessarily be prohibited by social and juridical law. of visibility itself. my emphasis was on the capacity of Whiteness to engender the structure of racial difference. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. It is precisely the indefniteness. it actually enables one to see. telling people apart on basis of bodily detail. Our investment in phenotype actually serves a dual function. In the last chapter. end as "the wretched infidel [who] gazes himself blind" (l86). not actually inherent in substances. the mute meaningfulness. all-color of Whiteness that fascinates and mesmerizes the subject as the promise of being itself. This is where so-called ordinary visible difference. If we can find a non-discursive basis (the marks on the body) for our faith in race. to mastery. I will focus on the lethal and illegal fantasy of sameness and mastery that Whiteness offers as the real yet concealed motivation for the maintenance of race. On the one hand. even tulips and roses. but this ostensibly " neutral" system of differences is organized around the exclusion of Whiteness. This signifier. p. In so doing they come to define themselves and others based upon the absolute power of the master signifier—this turns the case because they’ll come to desire wholeness through the suturing of the lack Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. In Lacan's terms. comes to sustain the regime of race. to being. I argue that this " terror" should be understood as the raison d'etre for race itself. even as it presents a threat to ordinary vision. generates anxiety. should be explored as the " lure" that fuels and perpetuates racial visibility while holding out a promise of something beyond the empirical mark. it allows the co-existence of race as social construction. as support and panic-inducing kernel. I explore the lethal fantasy at the core of race. but this audacious attempt is impossible because of the simple fact that Whiteness is only a cultural invention. then the function of Whiteness. which would annihilate and erase difference. But anxiety in race identity is endemic insofar as Whiteness tries to fill a space which must remain empty. On the other.

it is Whiteness as being itself that functions as the lure-the gaze that causes desire and is at the center of the drive's trajectory. The gaze is of the order of the Real. the fruit of our active looking. to give up meaning for being. but with the "gaze. we must nevertheless take up the persistence of the fantasy of Whiteness. In other words. not with a transcendental ideal. Whiteness maintains the structure of (visible) diffe rence. but at the price of one's distinctive subject status. It is beyond reality and visual perception which.the chain of metonymic substitutions which locates the subject as desiring (thus eternally lacking) Whiteness. The gaze promotes the fantasy of wholeness. Encountering it would be lethal. Translated or extended to the sphere of race. are founded on language and thought. what we take to be the evidence of our eyes. insofar as it is contingent on the subject's constitutive lack or castration (XI: 73). the subject as manque a etre (or subject as a want-to-be. it is our drive for supremacy. The gaze thus causes desire. because it directly addresses lack. As the master signifier of race." The gaze is "that which always escapes the grasp of that form of vision that is satisfied with imagining itself as consciousness" (XI: 74). is largely caused by an unrecognized and underlying need to encounter that which Lacan terms "the gaze. to recover the missing substance of one's being. that sustains our active looking. Setting aside the historical fact that such a goal is impossible because race has no purchase on the body's jouissance. The Lacanian view about our general sense of visual reality or conscious perception is that it is itself subtended by our drive to search." that void in the Other. as Freud established.) To encounter the gaze would be to relinquish one's subject status. It would be to coincide. recognize and recover the object of desire. Put more starkly. it is the consummate version of the objet petit a. for the subject of race.the lack in the Other and the lack in the subject. some rarefied model of bodily perfection. . or in anything beyond its own cultural origins.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 133/230 are wholly extinguished. for the jouissance of absolute humanness. that could annihilate difference. a piece of the Real. and more importantly it is the object of the scopic drive. The fantasy of encountering Whiteness would be.

Boston College. To do so would not be a sufficient departure from the erroneous belief that race is purely a question of misrecognition or identification with a mirror image.) We only have to consider the numerous accounts from literature and autobiography that enact the scene of becoming racially visible to oneself." and that there are rare. "whites" are not racially embodied. etc. yellow and white rests on the position of each signifier in the signifying chain in its relation to the master signifier. who in "Minimal selves" says that for many Jamaicans like himself. who speaks of discovering that he is "black" during his first visit to France. The fact that the secondariness of race seems to apply only to so-called "people of color. James Weldon Johnson's protagonist in Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man. One must throw into doubt the security and belief in one's identity. Not all are subject to the racial signifier. all of these conclusions nevertheless presume the pre-existence of "black" and "white" as if these were natural and neutrally descriptive terms. brown. This process of introjecting the signifier is repeated by other characters such as Janie in Zora Neal Hurston's Their Eyes Were Watching God. or seeing oneself as racially marked. Such misidentification on the part of "blacks" leads to trauma when they discover the reality of their blackness (Fanon's thesis). or "whites" have no race or race consciousness.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 134/230 2NC Prior Question The normative conclusions of the aff all presume a relationship to Whiteness as a master signifier— the K comes first Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. there is Stuart Hall. not promote more fulsome claims to such identity. which engenders racial looking through a particular process of anxiety. then are all body images necessarily raced? Is Whiteness a founding signifier for the subject as such. "Black is an identity which had to be learned and could only be learned in a certain moment " ( 1996b: 116). There are doubtless numerous other examples that one could cite. red. While some of these propositions might make some ideological sense. or virtually no instances of a socalled "white" person discovering his or her race may lead to several specious speculations such as: "black" people identify with "whites" as the latter are more powerful and define the norm. Perhaps the more effective ideological stance may be not to raise race consciousness among so-called "whites. Other problematic views might be that "white" people impose an identity upon those they have colonized in order to justify their dominance. (The large point here is that race is not like sex. . and this is an index of their transparency and power. p. and of his/her ego? Is the racial signifier necessary for the constitution of the bodily ego? It is important that we not mistake the moment of the constitution of the bodily ego as the necessary moment when the body becomes racially visible." as scholars in Whiteness studies suggest. We would merely have added the factor of the racial signifier to the account of the mirror stage. There is no doubt that one can be constituted as a subject with a "unified" bodily ego without necessarily identifying with a racial signifier. 345)//LA The above view of the ego and the body image raises the question of the relation of the ego ideal to race. What is the status of the master signifier of race in the constitution of the bodily ego? If we agree that the body image is constituted with the help of the signifier. and by Oulaudah Equiano in his autobiographical narrative. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. but to trouble the relation of the subject to the master signifier. Besides Fanon. I would suggest that the difference among black.

etc." The signifier Whiteness is about gaining a monopoly on the notion of humanness. and attempts to master and overcome all difference within its boundaries. Guillaumin 's failure to discern the notion of Whiteness as the organizing principle of Eurocentrism (as distinguished from "banal ethnocentrisms") enables her to exonerate both ethnocentrism and aristocratism as not "true racism. It orders. as she suggests. when that anatomy does not exist as such. How does such an understanding of the "memory" of . Anti-racist legislations and practices. Thus the discourse of race as we understand it today is an effect of that internal splitting that we identified earlier as the cause of race. Their analysis makes racial visibility an inevitable aspect of critique—must endorse a Lacanian investigation Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. This knowledge is also the agency that produces and maintains differences through a series of socially instituted and legally enforced laws under the name of equality. p. demarcates and separates human beings on the basis of what is considered to be a natural and neutral epistemology.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 135/230 2NC Turns Case Their failure to interrogate Whiteness as master signifier turns the case—perpetuates a racist system Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. However. H. In relation to race. I would also suggest that the altero-referential system does not so much displace but is founded on the auto-referential notion of Whiteness. categorizes. with precisely the sense of its "own naturalness" that Guillaumin disavows as an element in autoreferential systems. or sovereign humanness. Race produces unconscious effects. The structure of race is totalizing. or even historicist notions of "racial memory. Whiteness also makes possible difference and racial intersubjectivity. structurally supremacist. discursively. in other words. and its illegal desire to assert sameness. in particular groups characterizing identity. race establishes and preserves difference for the ultimate goal of sameness. p." But proper attention to the crucial element of class at play in Whiteness reveals that it is not about aristocratism. but about "the people"the volk. Boston College. "other" European races such as the Mediterranean can carry the "Negro strain. the analysis of race cannot be exhausted through its historicization." or the Tartar may carry the "Asiatic. in order to reproduce the desire for Whiteness . and as a hybrid structure located somewhere between essence and construct. 2830)//LA Subjective memory works like an automaton. 556)//LA Guillaumin 's terms are useful not so much in distinguishing between premodern and contemporary notions of race. or contradiction between its need to establish absolute differences. work ultimately in the service of race . Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. one must not forget that as the unconscious principle or the master signifier of the symbolic ordering of race.Gunther's ( 1927) classification along physiognomic lines is a part of the logical nucleus of racial visibility grounded in "the narcissism of small differences" that grounds racial visibility. to memory of race as contentless signifiers. a chain of difference reproduced mechanically by the function ing of language. this model is again useful in catalyzing a major shift from essentialist. and is not simply the displaceable or reversible pinnacle of the great chain of beingY However. K.F. and that is discernible in the constitutive tension. classifies. spiritu ally. anti discrimination. but rather in discerning the emergence of race through the self-splitting referred to earlier. The structure of race is deeply fissured. Boston College. unlike the technologies of power that Foucault so painstakingly detailed. The dichotomy of self and other is within Whiteness in the competition over who properly possesses Whiteness." as hoary contents coded genetically. it determines the destiny of human bodies. which is inherently. As Foucault might have put it. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. marking and manipulating the subject even as it produces him or her in one's particularity. Thus in Gunther's classification. In fact. It is our ethical and political task to figure out how destiny comes to be inscribed as anatomy. unambiguously. multiculturalism. culturally. race separates in order to master.

the process of becoming racially visible is not coterminous with the organization of the ego or the acquisition of the body image. Racial visibility is a remainder of this symbolic system. What the unconscious also registers is the lack or the desire of the subject that can never be fully expressed in language. race must be understood as a symbolic phenomenon. "The unconscious is. Such a notion is based on a simplified account of Lacan 's concept of the imaginary and the mirror stage. that is grounded in the unconscious structured like a language. after all. Second." etc. for it does not address the issue of visibility. the inaugural point of this inquiry. It is important that one disarticulate the two processes. how do we account for the body's drives. (E: 55) In the deployment of Lacan's theory of the subject of the symbolic to "the subject of race. or the relation of the signifier to the visible body. The above questions suggest that the model of the subject as determined by a chain of signifiers is necessarily incomplete insofar as it cannot account for sexual difference or more properly for the body. and yet the place marked there by the painful shock he feels from knowing only his own lines. one must repudiate the notion that race is merely a process of specular identification. This discovery of fundamental disjunction in the subject. then how is the body constituted? If sexual difference is merely a question of the signifier." or that which is excluded by the chain? I will be suggesting that racial visibility is to be located precisely at this point of interrogation: it is the level at which race. I undertake the following discussion of the imaginary for two reasons: to suggest that insofar as the symbolic underwrites the imaginary. the visibility of the body does not necessarily have to be a racial visibility." "white.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 136/230 race affect analysis? First. .the gaps in the chain that connect the pieces. otherwise racial visibility will seem to be an ontological necessity that is a universal verity of subjective existence as such. In other words. have to "being. It is a logic of difference inaugurated by a signifier. and it is not the question of a shift in emphasis referred to earlier. in the subject. The subject goes well beyond what is experienced "subjectively" by the individual. First. where a prediscursive and pre-raced entity assumes a racial identity on the basis of certain familial others whose image it identifies with in a mirror relation. This is a fundamental proposition in Lacan. More questions emerge: If the unconscious is structured like a language. Whiteness. this truth of his history is not all contained in his script. This signifier subjects us all equally to its law regardless of our identities as "black. what kind of access does race. a limitation. the subject is also constituted or determined by the not fully inscribed page. that he/she merely marks a place between signifiers in a chain of signifiers.." to stop with the account of the symbolic function of Whiteness would be too premature. which is. it is necessary to clarify the relation between the ego as body image and racial visibility. as a chain of signifiers that determines the symbolic subject. In order to take up in earnest the question of the body and of its constitution as raced. it must be acknowledged that the account I have given of "the subject of race" using Lacan's model of the symbolic is too deterministic . a schism of the symbolic system. or for sexuality that is often at odds with the logic of sexual difference? In relation to "race. Yes. exactly as far as the truth he is able to attain . Also. is the aim of analysis. It is also incomplete. and not simply there. but also in pages whose disorder gives him little comfort." it is necessary to inquire what the subject of race desires. The subject is not simply the figure that emerges when all the dots are connected. an alienation induced by the symbolic system" (I: 196).. or more properly its master signifier "Whiteness" aspires to being ..

couched in the language of respect for difference. cultural or social cause) but rather to the phenomenon of its historicity (which is the delimitation of race as a regulative norm at the expense of its natural universality) that radically exposes the subject to its own linguistic limit. there is no "hole" where being could be promising jouissance. For what the racial symbolic promises the subject is precisely access to being.e. To encounter one's subjectivity as an effect of language . is anxiety-producing not because one is reduced to a construct (what would that really mean experientially?) but because it implies the foreclosure of desire and the possibility of being. The Other of race. but that Whiteness is merely a signifier that masquerades as being and thereby blocks access to lack. ultimately serve to protect the paradox of Whiteness. to discover that the question of one's being is not resolved by Whiteness. All of race is expressed and captured by language. i. our legal prohibitions. in short. Like the prohibition against miscegenation. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. Whiteness offers a totality. in a given moment of anxiety.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 137/230 2NC Link (Whiteness) Whiteness predetermines discussions of racial difference—their normative approach will only retrench master signifiers Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. is the law as purely symbolical. The paradox is that Whiteness attempts to signify the unsignifiable. and not as an enigma. . humanness. It is to discover that the law of racial difference is not attached to the Real . It is here that we must situate social and juridical laws against discrimination as well. Boston College. This is to confront the utter groundlessness of the law of racial difference. in order to preserve our subjective investment in race. the cause of the raced subject is its own disavowed historicity. to encounter the historicity of Whiteness is particularly anxiety-producing. I refer not so much to the fact that race is historicizable (that it has at its origin some historical. To pose the question of being in relation to race is to face that there is not one. a fullness that masquerades as being. Thus for the raced subject. p. is not lacking. What the raced subject encounters. In other words. 4445)//LA How does race articulate itself with sex? How does it produce extra-symbolic effects? I would suggest that race aims for the body in its otherness15 by disavowing its own historicity.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 138/230 2NC Link (Topic) The aff is the ultimate manifestation of Whiteness as Master Signifier—the impact is colonialism and violence on the colonially raced other Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. If anything. that Arendt marks the convergence of the device of bureaucracy with the practices of race." colonial discourse. the impossibility of cultivating democracy . she writes that her book assumes that progress and Doom are two sides of the same medal. Citing the influential colonial administrator Lord Cromer as a model of the colonial bureaucrat who articulated a " theory" of bureaucracy. As a concrete utilization of the logic of "race. and in his own words.. Cromer's perspective. on the other hand. recommended that the bureaucrat. the law courts or the press (21 4 ). It is at this moment. that both are articles of superstition. . Arendt's analysis of bureaucracy is particularly illuminating for an understanding of the relationship of colonial discourse to the order of Whiteness (or race). as the agency of a . This does not mean that she proposes adherence to English ideals as a norm from which colonial discourse has deviated.as the institution of difference and the desire for sameness. Thus the transformation of the administrator as (the great English) apostle of the rule of law to one who "no longer believed in the universal validity of law.is best discerned in the field of colonialism.mimicry. Arendt suggests.. Such a form of bureaucracy." the "quixotic" (21 0) notion of the white man's burden to slay the dragon of primitive superstition. It is these contrad ictions that Homi Bhabha ( 1994) elaborates as structural ambivalence. which she suggests were independently discovered. not of faith .. be freed from any form of accountability to public institutions such as Parliament. termed "administrative massacres" (216) in lieu of the "civilizing mission. 7982)//LA It is to Hannah Arendt ( 1973) that we owe the remarkable insight that the practice of imperialism entailed the development of two "devices". Arendt's great achievement is her delineation of the convergence of these two discourses. are in vain. Arendt characterizes the discourse of race as "the emergency explanation of human beings whom no European or civilized man could understand.an ambivalence that splits the discourse between official claims to the rule of law as a rationalization of colonial power and its practical underside.race and bureaucracy. And this is why all efforts to escape from the grimness of the present into nostalgia for a still intact past." without accountability to a legal or political policy or treaty. meant that the surreptitious exertion of violence. The conviction that everything that happens on earth must be comprehensible to man can lead to interpreting history by commonplaces . Bureaucracy. (Arendt 1973: vii-ix) Arendt's analysis of the confluence of colonial bureaucracy and race enables us to discover the contradictions built into colonial discourse. which deteriorated rapidly into boyhood ideas of adventure as selfless service to the cause of Empire (209. she suggests. was the outcome of his realization of the essential contradiction of colonial rule." was now a "realistic" alternative for containing the natives. but was convinced of his own innate capacity to rule and dominate" (221 ). This is the reality in which we live. Boston College. But such a subversive efflorescence at the very heart of the great project of freeing the natives from the shackles of their "cruel superstitions" brought bureaucracy in opposition to the foundations of colonial law. who worked anonymously behind the scenes. sly civility and hybridity. p. which was to prove definitive for colonial rule in general. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. through her reading of Cromer's letters and speeches. of the loss of faith in the so-called English ideals of parliamentary democracy and rational government.1 0). Arendt's thesis is that every discourse of progress always carries within it its own negation in the form of a "subterranean" current. but begin to dovetail with the progress of domination. and whose humanity so frightened and humiliated the immigrants that they no longer cared to belong to the same human species" (Arendt 1973: 185). .what is significant is the fact that the contradiction within the order of race. of governing "a people by a people-the people of India by the people of England" (cited in Arendt 1973:214). or into the anticipated oblivion of a better future. In her preface to the first edition of The Origins of Totalitarianism. While Bhabha pinpoints this ambivalence under various terms. Arendt argues that his gradual persuasion to the method of a "hybrid form of government" entailed the governance of subject territories through what he termed "personal influence. The subterranean stream of Western history has finally come to the surface and usurped the dignity of our tradition.that is the impossibility of "justice" in an inherently unstable and disoriented political situation. was founded on "legend.

to speak the truth about difference and prejudice under the guise of a liberal faith in race. etc. Jokes need at least three people. And basically. My literary example in the last chapter. The unconscious aspect of Whiteness guarantees just such a nonknowledge. i. and with what consequences? What does it mean for Whiteness as wholly symbolic or bound by language (in the sense that race is "successful" and is not missing a signifier) to fulfill or attempt to fulfill its promise as the master signifier? What is the consequence of its failing to do so because of its "success"? How does historicity expose the "success" of race? How does the anxiety that ensues at such exposure manifest itself? How can we map or discover such a successful failure? Since we are dealing here with the unconscious function of the signifier in the constitution of the subject of race. Slavoj Zizek's formulation of the symptom is useful here. rather. parapraxes.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 139/230 naming and an ordering of difference. But bureaucracy must not be understood as a simple and correctable error of colonial discourse. they display an anxiety that divulges all . remains repressed and unacknowledged only to return in an uncanny encounter. . and exploring this triangular relation in the context of colonialism may lead us to discern the anxious function of Whiteness. how is it encountered. dreams. inevitably produces. namely what Arendt terms bureaucracy. a residue. and since they can only be told in a public context. or more properly is founded upon. it must be understood as the "symptom" of the inherently contradictory claims of the rhetoric of colonialism (the impossibility of the rule of law) engendered as it is by an impossible desire. illustrated the fantasy of Whiteness fulfilling its promise and delivering a lethal enjoyment that logically and existentially would be impossible. he suggests that it is in a given discourse "the point of exception functioning as its internal negation" ( 1989:23). and humor in general. intersubjectivity is an indispensable element to them. the subject must have no knowledge of its logic. as they are less particularized than dreams and the lapses of speech.. In the following I use George Orwell's anecdotes of his experience as a policeman in Burma and as a visitor in Morocco as texts of the failure of Whiteness. it is incumbent on us to turn to the formations of the unconscious. articulated in the symptom of lawless bureaucracy in the scene of colonialism. jokes. Conrad's "The secret sharer" ( 1966). for the symptom to function as the necessary contradiction. slips of the tongue. Jokes. Orwell's pieces are particularly useful because in their attempt to be confessional. supported by the latent equation of Whiteness with humanness.e. are a particularly useful site for probing the working of the signifier. Such an assertion then raises the question of that impossibility. the material practice entailed by the "desire" of Whiteness for absolute mastery. while its illegal desire.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 140/230 Link XT/Answers .

and as Kripke asserts. (Kripke 1982:93-4) If we substitute "black" or "white. it is not how the speaker thinks he got the reference. Thus rather than lapse into the historicist argument. express properties. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. they are rigid designators. there is a necessary truth to that designation. which will inevitably run into the false contradiction between culture and biology. means that one passes from one chain of communication to another. and the notion of descent. too.. establishing the necessity of these concepts in every counter-factual situation will not be possible if only because national designations. raise a mustache. Obviously the name is passed on from link to link. when used as nounsworks like names. They establish a reference. reasonably argue that race does not exist insofar as the identity of a person as "black" or "white" is contingent upon a cluster of concepts that are themselves too protean to be able to uphold anything like a necessary truth. But as my discussion in Chapter l specified. I would like to suggest. quoting Bishop Butler. Certainly "cow" and "tiger" are not short for the conjunction of properties a dictionary would take to define them. are historically volatile and . but does it mean? What would be the cluster of concepts that could establish such an identity? Even in identity statements such as "blacks are people of African descent" or "whites are people of European descent.e. by this time probably do not refer to that saint. In his last lecture. he does so by passing from one chain to another: "I finally made up my mind that I would neither disclaim the black race nor claim the white race. emphasis added). when the "Ex-Colored Man" in James Weldon Johnson's Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man decides to pass from black to white. which could not. Is this not true for "black" and "white"? If someone is designated as one or the other." by displacing its so-called . Second." etc.." "fat. It seems to me wrong to think we give ourselves some properties which somehow qualitatively uniquely pick out an object and determine our reference in that manner. There may be a causal chain from our use of the term "Santa Claus" to a certain historical saint. "everything is what it is and not another thing" (Kripke 1982:94). etc. We can. For instance..10 That is. (Kripke 1982: 127.. unless being a cow counts trivially as a property.i. But of course not every sort of causal chain reaching from me to a certain man will do for me to make a reference..8) It should be noted that Kripke's use of "yellow" in the above quotation is a reference to color and not to a human race. We can cite historical evidence to show that groups that were once considered white are no longer classified as such for this or that reason. is the source of an insurmountable confusion in critical race theory. rather. 141143)//LA Racial identity. words like black and white. Kripke himself suggests the possibility of "black" and "white" as rigid designators by advocating the view that terms for natural kinds are much closer to proper names than is ordinarily supposed ..they are signifiers that have no signified. which is relevant . but still the children.e. and let the world take me for what it would" (Johnson 1995:90. according to the above logic. it is intelligible as an attempt to preserve the rigid designation of "black. p.." though the predicates supposedly define and give the meaning of black and white. . The proper name is neither wholly one's own (i. it bears no relation to a set of properties that establish either its meaning or its reference: Nixon is Nixon. but deliver no connotations or meaning whatsoever.. we can understand the utterance "black is beautiful" not as an attempt at substituting a negative cluster of concepts with a positive one in order to reclaim the properties attached to "black" identity. for Santa Claus in the above quotation. 11 As Kripke says. One inhabits the name as the reference of oneself. or as he says." as Santa Claus could to a medieval saint. the paradigm of "black" as reaching back to "Africa. we can now see that the notion of racial passing is nothing but an intervention into the passing of the name from link to link.. arguments leveled at race theory are highly ineffectual and possess insufficient explanatory power. but the actual chain of communication. we discern two things immediately: first. of course. it may be more productive to view racial color designators as operating not unlike proper names. when they use this. we are all named by others) nor is it meaningful. Perhaps some "general" names ("foolish." "yellow") express properties. In this context. such general names as "cow" and "tiger" do not. or viceversa.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 141/230 “Black” Link Identifying individuals as “Black” or “White” is not neutral—it’s part of a system of racial biologism based on the Master Signifier Whiteness Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. Changing one's identity from black to white. The idea that "black" means "people of African descent" leads into the thicket of debates about biological descent. Boston College. but that I would change my name. In a significant sense.

Boston College. everyone knows that there are contingent identities. or the description of properties.but this pointing cannot be "innocent" in the sense that it "merely" establishes reference as in: "no other than Nixon might have been Nixon" (Kripke 1982:48). it is necessary. 155)//LA What kind of an identity statement is "Maggie is black"? I have cited Kripke's thesis regarding names as rigid designators. "Black. racial identity insofar as it is entirely symbolic has no bearing on the lack in the Other . as something that exceeds the symbolic. or the concept. but of its agency. With reference to woman and sexual difference. a cover for the anxiety of racial reference which literally means nothing. as I have been delineating it. (This is the very definition of the stereotype as a form of discourse that attempts to produce meaning where none is possible. this is the excluded possibility of jouissance. such rigid designation is better understood not as an indication of the "failure" of the symbolic (a symptom that escapes meaning or the possibility of interpretation). and we have extended that thesis to race designators such as "black" and "white" to suggest that these nouns also function as names.) There is something anxiety-producing about the fullness of the signifier/referent relation that bypasses the signified. to mark its function as a general name. rather. that they have no psychoanalytic valence? That race names are rigid designators is. One points with a wordblack man. the lack in the Other." "white. "black" and "white" have no meaning. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. that determines the subject of desire as such. it is so only if we think of identity in qualitative terms . Race identity. is not contingent. Thus the absence of the signified here does not mean that the symbolic has failed. is not one of misreading the logical functioning of names. but the fraught status of the racial referent as such. p. unlike sexual identity. first of all. that would properly produce meaning and thus desire." etc. The pointing in this case involves the whole regime of racial visibility which. And as Kripke says. I suggest that insofar as race identity. it is rather that it has succeeded too well . a counterintuitive claim. “Black”=Link—it socially constructs race reps Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. we encounter not only the ideological production of specific racial content (usually referred to as stereotypes). This relation between racial naming as meaning." insofar as it is a rigid designation without qualitative criteria that can be true in all situations. There is no question of mapping racial difference onto the graph of sexual difference. are rigid designators. is founded on a certain anxiety. Like proper names. they perform the only function they can: they designate rigidly this or that individual ("everything is what it is and not another thing"). which would be the Lacanian translation of rigid designation. particularly in relation to the place of "woman" in sexual difference. We must ask what consequence race names as rigid designators have for the psychoanalytic examination of race identity. even "essential. If we consider how and why racial signifiers are used in everyday speech. Does this mean that race names as rigid designators cannot be translated into Lacanian terms. or pure designation. has no bearing on the real.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 142/230 properties onto black as a color. If the signified is a symbolic construct. insofar as they merely determine reference without recourse to qualitative descriptions that may serve as criteria for identity. This does not mean that racial identity is contingent. Racial identity is necessary in that it rigidly designates a referent . However. and neither is their reference determined through a cluster of concepts such that they are true in all situations. then. it is precisely in its absence or failure that identity is made possible. than as a property of group identity. I suggest that racial naming as referring to properties (or the stereotype) acts as an envelope. Black and white and other racial signifiers do not fail to signify properties (as "the" woman does in her position as objet a or the symptom). white woman. and racial naming as reference. and whatever qualities or signifieds we may attempt to attach to them will be determined by history . We have further extended the absence of the signified in this notion of the signifier to Lacan's notion of identity.

by the narrator. For such an opposition to work. to cite someone's race when the story is apparently "neutral. especially in relation to the fact that such reference is precisely refused. really. It is customary in most cultural theory to distinguish between identity and identification as social and psychical phenomena respectively. when we learn that someone has been designated as the "first black" to win a tennis trophy. identification is the more privileged term and is elaborated as a set of finite or incomplete processes by which identity is constituted. Therefore trying to decode the narrative to read one of the other characters as black or white is to elide the fundamental proposition of the story: racial signifiers do not mean anything in the strong sense of having "no sense. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. Freud refers to identification in several related domains."' One may refer to a person's race only when the story warrants it. though they do establish group and personal identifications of the subjects involved." or with Ashe and anonymous? In other words.2 Freud 's examples of such potentially lethal ties. in mourning. Thus. are of being in love and hypnosis. or identifications. as descriptions." Therefore. especially when recounting an unsavory narrative." This is perhaps because color identities aim at a descriptive accuracy that never finds their mark. ethnic. Freud proposes identification as "the earliest and original form of emotional tie" (Freud 1921 :39). at least in the news media. or references to achievements such as "Arthur Ashe. However. dog lover" declares herself a SWF? Are "black" and "white" in these statements on par with "tennis champion" and "single. as in one's birth. the more fundamental question." which Freud demonstrates can always be broken down to its individual libidinal origins. identity is contingent on the vagaries of unconscious identification and is not determined by either anatomy (biological differences) or destiny. To return to the context of the story. are "black" and "white" descriptions. the first black Wimbledon champion. what is the effect of Roberta's fixing of Maggie as black. The division in psychology between group formations and the constitution of the "individual" subject. given that Twyla was unaware of Maggie's identity as black? Their terminology PROVES the K—if language didn’t shape identity they wouldn’t use “Black” as a descriptive term Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. Nevertheless. Elsewhere.3 In all of these discussions.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 143/230 without need of qualitative properties. the black poet") is a dominant mode of establishing identity. that subjects effect with certain objects that replace their ego ideals." seem to indicate that these signifiers are doing some work. in narcissism. 132133)//LA Using the racial signifier to designate a person ("the black guy over there") or appending it to a name ("so-and-so. black and white do not say much about identity. or are they names? Are names descriptions? That is. national and cultural are primarily social or group phenomena. or identifications. is artificial and untenable. of course. Freud suggests that their composition is derived from the modes of libidinal ties. themes that Lacan takes up in Seminar XI in relation to transference and the gaze as objet a. Boston College. Actually. Freud invokes the concept of identification in relation to objects of the drive." or "herd instinct. in the formation of symptoms. it would entail the irreducibility of a notion such as "social instinct. including the perversions and psychoses. for Twyla and Roberta? I have suggested that one of the effects of such narrative reticence is to exemplify racial names as rigid designators without qualitative properties. p. he suggests. Most polite and "sensitive" speakers prefer the ethnic or pseudo-technical term such as "African-American" or "Caucasian. it is still fairly routine to use racial signifiers as a necessary means to establish identity. and it is not a negligible term in his theory of other pathologies. even though identities such as racial. In psychoanalysis. what does it mean to say that Maggie is black? What effect does it have. it has of late become a questionable practice. or when the "fit. especially in the absence of visual evidence such as a photograph. female. dog lover. We have thus learnt to be uncomfortable in invoking racial identity unnecessarily. In Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego. Identification is the key term in conversion hysteria and obsessional neurosis. But what do we know. . Personal ads that use abbreviations such as SWF or DBM.

which may or may not be valid. The problem is not simply a question of race disavowing the conditions of its historical emergence. functions with almost as powerful a sense of constraint as sex." a logic that is best enshrined in the Canadian phrase "visible minorities. Each term in the structure establishes its reference by referring back to the original signifier. Rather than reduce race to the workings of power.of human difference such as Indo-European or Mongoloid. I contend. The system of race as differences among black. and white makes sense only in its unconscious reference to Whiteness. uncovering "race's" genealogy is not to address racial practice. we can discern that such affect is usually produced in relation to the subject's encounter with the historicity of Whiteness. As a first step. It would also foreclose our attempts to grasp race in its historicity. Thus the site where race as biological inheritance seems most insistent.surface not depth. and the more commonplace designations of color. brown. the indeterminacy of the sexed subject is the fulcrum around which race turns. its marks. which subtends the binary opposition between "people of color" and "white. 4 We infer the audacious workings of the signifier from moments when such signifying ambition fails." This inherently asymmetrical and hierarchical opposition remains unacknowledged due to the effect of difference engendered by this master signifier." because it calls upon kinship. that one must insert itself along with sex into the structure of the subject . p. For there grasp. provides the analytical tools by which we may discern the subject of race. or cultural.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 144/230 Race=Master Signifier Whiteness is a master signifier—there is no referent by which we can understand race—this makes the 1AC’s interrogation unproductive Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. "Race. race is a less determinate concept that invokes a system of classification according to "somatic/morphological criteria" which presumes that the bodily mark precedes the classification (Guillaumin 1995: 140). the fact of visibili ty itself remains constant. Racial visibility. .that produces a logic of differential relations. "race. But one must be cautious about analogizing race with sex. While such ideological critique is indispensable. it does not adequately account for the effects of nature that race produces.6 Racial practice is ultimately an aesthetic practice. that great category of human difference whose analysis. This anxiety is the inevitable result of being subjected to the fraudulent signifier (Whiteness) which promises everything while disavowing its symbolic origins. which then implies that our task is to expose that process. red and yellow). It is this process. black. By focusing on moments of racial anxiety. the means by which we "tell people apart. or biological." who is this or that. It is necessary to focus on the way we reproduce the visibility of race as our daily common sense. The major consequence of such anxiety is the production of an object: the marks on the body that appear as prediscursive.the supposed evidence of the eyes. Boston College. and that like most inventions it veils the artifice of its origins. a process that depends upon and exploits the structure of sexual difference. and must be understood above all as a regime of looking. brown. nor is it purely "cultural. psychical.8 Unlike other forms of socially constructed difference. which entirely flout "theory. I will be interested in how race confronts its own historicity. It is neither "essential. 2 In order to understand how the signifier impacts the body. appears as a fundamental and normative factor of human embodiment." like "sex.philological. a temptation that would greatly simplify one's analysis. To assume such symmetry would be to risk eliding the particular mode of embodiment entailed by race that only psychoanalysis can properly reveal. these factors have only a partial explanatory power. While the visible references of race can realign visibility according to historical need . yellow.7 Unlike these categories. is inevitably relegated to or grounded in the domain of the family." What matters in racial practice today is visibility. and its protean capacity to is no denying the fact that race is after all a historical invention." comparable to other marks of difference displayed through clothing by members of religious orders. Though it is possible to retrace the genealogy of the visibility of race as manufactured out of purely contingent historical and material interests. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. despite historicist arguments about its social construction. for as I have already suggested. which itself remains outside the play of signification even as it enables the system . These relations among historicity. red. Race depends upon the sexed subject for its effectivity. What is confounding about race is its successful grafting to nature. often correlated with cultures or nations (white. something that one inherently is from birth. thereby indexing the subject of the unconscious as more than his/ her symbolic determination. I will focus on how race transmutes its historicity. Thus we must ask how race appears as the logic of human difference itself. However insignificant it may be scientifically or philosophically. into biological necessity. which is the "more than symbolic" aspect of the subject.it is about "telling. or the branding of slaves and convicts. we must acknowledge that nothing about the body. its functions. Thus. there is a powerful semblance of necessity built into race that makes it ultimately intractable to constructionist claims. whether biological. is visible difference. its contingent foundations." like sex. This intransigence is an outcome of the fact that the visible reference of race makes a claim to nature. it seems to be of crucial significance psychically. or class differences asserted through symbols by the aristocracy. such as class or ethnicity. anthropological. or its sensations can be expected to carry stable meanings across time or space. 1922)//LA Racialist common sense asserts that race is a familial matter because we inherit our parents' physical features: little Koen looks different from Teun his twin brother. But that in itself is not interesting. is related to an unconscious anxiety about the historicity of Whiteness. 3 Lacan's theory of sexual difference as that which marks the breakdown of language." To focus on racial visibility is not to suggest that race refers to brute marks on the body that are legible transhistorically and transculturally. and that which obsesses contemporary racialized societies." something pre-given in nature. and what insights can psychoanalysis offer in the study of the raced subject? Argument I propose the following working definition: the structure of racial difference is founded on a master signifierWhiteness. Why do we allocate difference along certain conventional lines of looking? How do we come to be racially embodied? What is the structure of racial difference. This accounts for the bifurcation in the rhetoric of race between designations that are dependent upon a "theory". or how it institutes a regime of visibility. The signifier Whiteness attempts to signify the sexed subject.

However. We cannot reach an understanding of this all-important factor of racial visibility without clarifying the status of the signifier in the constitution of the subject. promises wholeness. I take up the function of the signifier in the constitution of the subject as the subject of the unconscious. in the following. and then go on to pose the question of the relation between the signifier and the body. The phenotype secures our belief in racial difference. as it will lead to an insight into the difference and implication of race and sex in terms of the body. . A briefer statement of the argument of this book could be made as follows: Race is a regime of visibility that secures our investment in racial identity. Therefore. what guarantees Whiteness its place as a master signifier is visual difference. which is the proper site of our interrogation of racial visibility.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 145/230 the signifier. Obviously. We make such an investment because the unconscious signifier Whiteness. which founds the logic of racial difference. or that aspect of the subject which escapes language.) Whiteness attempts to signify being. it is an "insatiable desire" on the part of all raced subjects to overcome difference. and anxiety are not necessarily causal. What is the relevance here of Lacan's axiom that the unconscious is structured like a language? Is he suggesting that the signifier is the foundation of the subject? It is worthwhile to sort out this issue in the context of a discussion about race. thereby perpetuating our desire for Whiteness. such a project is impossible because Whiteness is a historical and cultural invention. to put it redundantly. situate Whiteness as the master signifier of racial difference. (This is what it means to desire Whiteness: not a desire to become Caucasian [!] but.

Race will continue to be articulated with kinship.Du Bois. though not directly. And no amount of argumentation disarticulating the two will do away with the fact that because something is inherited as "race. the issue remains that destiny is not uncorrelated to genetics. However. Rather. but also racial. and it is this synchrony that enables the simultaneous articulation of genes and identity/ destiny. Theoretical expurgations may be useful at . p. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. with which I began. Thus I would affirm Appiah 's argument that race is inextricably linked to inheritance." your life is predetermined for you. 1617)//LA While both Appiah and Goldberg offer persuasive analyses of the (academic) discourse of race. and neither is the DNA test a verification of race as much as of paternity. This does not mean that race theory is irrelevant. he has already been disqualified to borrow at a bank. or that we must focus entirely on racism and racist practice at the cost of ignoring its more institutionalized forms. given the power of the notion of heritability as such. in ways that will require repeated purges of its claims to inheritance. to define the destiny of a so-called people. of the Name of the Father. may perhaps disclaim this notion because science tells us that the relation between genes and racial identity and destiny is not one of simple predication. most of us continue to harbor deep-seated notions of racial inheritance. with culture. but it does not address the way in which race recoups inheritance through other rhetorical means. At one level. However. the DNA test establishes Koen as "black" boy (though born of a "white" mother). DNA tests can establish parentage. what Koen as a Dutch-Afro-Caribbean child seems to represent is precisely the relation between genes and destiny. Some of us. we must begin to recognize the double-edged aspect of the rhetoric of race. It is a question. and "Black people (because they are born 'black') will always be poor" (which is a factor of their social inheritance based on their racial identity). Both statements leave intact the implication of race as inheritance and destiny. Appiah demonstrates that race cannot be invoked. as committed social constructionists. where so-called theory and practice do not always coincide to produce the effect of causality. Appiah's impulse to undermine race by interrogating its scientific grounds is academically valuable. as representatives of what are now entrenched positions on the race term. as a first step. If we reduce the position of DuBois and that of Koen's father into simple propositions. interestingly enough. we see their logical similarity: "Black people (because they are born 'black') have an inherently valuable message for the world" (as this message is a factor of their racial inheritance). For instance. genetics itself which is at the heart of this little racial "mistake. Etienne Balibar suggests that we regard "shifts in doctrine and language [in race theory] as relatively incidental matters. given Appiah's view that race evaporates with the exposure of race's scientific or genetic fallibility. what is precisely at play in this case is nature and culture. However. we may say that at the age of eight months. they fail to confront the fact that racial practice is not fully covered by racial theory. Koen's parents are not suggesting that Koen is inherently incapable of borrowing at a bank. Thus to proceed as if an engagement with racial theory were to undermine the foundations of racial practice is to misrecognize the structure of the discourse of race. Thus the signifier establishes race at the same moment that genetics establishes kinship. There is a hiatus between racial theory and practice in that the two can function quite independently of each other. Boston College. but they cannot establish a trans-historical racial identity. As the Dutch parents testify. The notion of race as genetic inheritance can continue to be entertained when mediated by kinship relations: Koen 's father is a "black man" from Aruba. Nevertheless. except through a specious use of genetics." given the fact that from the point of view of the victims of racist practice. Admittedly. rather. or biology and the social problems of inclusion and exclusion that Appiah and Goldberg focus on respectively. is of genetic inheritance." In his argument with the DutchAfrican-American philosopher W. despite its scientific untenability simply due to genetic theory's claims to heritabilty as such. or to delineate group aspirations. The relation between genes and identity/destiny is no longer one of predication but implication. it is. it seems of the signifier. The inadequacy of critical race theory with reference to practice is most evident in relation to cases such as that of little Koen.B. But more seriously. my skepticism is directed not at the contents of Appiah's argument but at its utility. such as articulation with kinship and recourse to visibility. with ethnicity. no amount of disputation with racial theory can dislodge the association one makes of race with inheritance.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 146/230 AT: Historicity The argument isn’t that their analysis is wrong. though not causally. identity and destiny here are socially interpreted rather than genetically determined . None of this alters the fact that the bottom line in both arguments. Interestingly. "these justifications simply lead to the same old acts" (Bali bar 1991: 18). but rather that it’s not productive—biologism is everpresent Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. the irony of this particular case is that genetic theory here does not serve to discredit racial identity. which imparts not only sexual and familial identity. the DNA test in this case does determine Koen's racial identity (and his non-creditworthiness). It seems that.E. whether that of predication or articulation.

but from the dynamic interplay between the family as a socially regulated institution. then. . but they do not undercut the emotional force of an ethnos that race so effectively and resiliency enables. the more it contributes towards the naturalization of that construct. I argue that this effect is made possible primarily through race's ability to combine with narratives of the family and kinship in order to appear as a factor of inheritance. derives its power not from socially constructed ideologies. and biology as the site of essences and inheritances. the more one attempts to render race as merely a social construct. Race.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 147/230 one level. In fact.

Delving into contemporary biological literature on "race. As a concept it is acknowledged to matter in ever more important ways as it continues to influence social legislation. is that there are no races: there is nothing in the world that can do all we ask race to do for us . however. In our unexamined effort to perpetuate race as meaningful ." which is therefore worth salvaging for its emancipatory power? Can or should race be separated from its history of racist practice and doctrine? Can group identity organized along the lines of racial difference ever overcome the pernicious exclusivism endemic to the concept? Among the most vocal figures representing the two sides of this debate within the academy in the US today are Anthony Appiah and David Goldberg. the deployment of the term " race" itself-than over ontological considerations. and bone" ( 1992: 35) from inherited "characterological" traits supposedly coded in genes. For as Colette Guillaumin suggests. to prove that so-called racial characteristics (such as aesthetics. arguing with science is only to displace race onto another locus of scientific investigation. even when it claims to be a "socio-historical" notion. Where race is concerned. ethnic or sexual. one discovers that it has none of the cultural valence associated with "race". In other words. and intention. According to Appiah (1992).2 However.in places where "gross differences" of morphology are correlated with "subtle differences" of temperament. whether Anglo-Saxon or African. p." has a special message for the world. Discrediting the scientific validity of race based on the relative invariability of genetic characteristics among so-called racial populations cannot in itself obliterate race or scientific interest in it. it is a diffused concept that refers mostly to "human diversity" not group essence. when examined closely. Nevertheless. this ideology later shifted to the brain and nervous system. is an inherited biological essence. belief. Appiah rightly characterizes Du Bois' supposedly culturalist definition of race as produced in and as a dialectical opposition that invariably relies on the scientific or biological view which it contests. and open to affiliations. ideology.5 Separating the "visible morphological characteristics of skin. as have the philosophical. are always false if not dangerous. from destinypathological or political. (Appiah 1992:45) Thus. if one applies some pressure to the medical category of race. Insofar as race is perpetuated as a meaningful category in our language." as it was theorized in the nineteenth century. And at present that too has given way after The Bell Curve (Herrnstein and Murray 1996) to the measurement of IQ. scientific racial theory fixes on various localities of the body at different times.i.. potentialities) are not heritable. any invocation of racial identity. and has now taken refuge in the genetic and chromosome potential" (1995:63). Appiah is at pains to disarticulate appearance.3 It persists. deploying signifiers that map the body according to convenience: "Rooted at first in the body or the blood. for instance. when race works.4 Race is also frequently equated nowadays with the term "phenotype" as an acceptable term to denote what are supposedly "gross morphological differences.. overlooks an important point. hair texture and bone structure. despite (or perhaps because of) the scientific evisceration of race as meaningful. the debate over hereditary race has today been displaced onto questions of identity politics. is always biologically grounded. and the narrowing of its reference to mere bodily signifiers with no signifieds. insofar as they are grounded in an implicit biologism that is scientifically untenable. Arguing with race is at some level always a futile activity. invocations of racial belonging.it works as an attempt at metonym for culture. aspirations. hair. rather.e. Few if any liberally inclined persons today will hold that "race." or (irrelevant visible marks of skin color. "The truth.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 148/230 AT: Race=Biology/Appearance Their understanding is historicist—prevents productive critique Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. As Guillaumin says with regard to such exorcising gestures: "Negations are not recognized as such by our unconscious mental processes. Boston College. is more over the terms of the debate. whether racial . the opposition. etc. In fact. race has never been more reified as a factor of cultural identity. seem to lapse invariably into the opposition between biological essence and social construction. and it does so only at the price of biologizing what is culture. conceived as pure contingency. For. From this .. the scientific bases of race have been thoroughly discredited." Appiah further elucidates the speciousness of genetic theories of racial difference." Appiah concludes. as a concept referring to the aspirations and abilities of a homogeneous group. in medical literature as a means to map the demography of diseases and symptoms.. this has not meant the disappearance of race from science. In "Illusions of race" Appiah examines Du Bois' categorization of human races and his claim that the "Negro" race. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. science will continue to furnish explanations of it. Talk of race is particularly distressing for those of us who take culture seriously. or meanings. for Appiah. But. 1216)//LA Most contemporary debates over the definition of cultural identities and psychical identifications. to the point that race is now considered a "folk" belief. Should the term race be conceived as a neutral concept designating "human diversity. "generally of common blood and language. But Appiah's examination of the gene theory of races.

also a historicist one. valuation. (Goldberg 1993:210-ll) Goldberg's insistence on the emptiness of the concept of race is at first glance refreshing. For him a key question is whether any generally abstract characterization approaching definition can be given to the concept of race. Its meanings. thus rendering it. However." completely elides the hegemony of linguistic categories. It is a virtually "empty concept" that articulates group identity for the sake of exclusion and inclusion and can overlap with any number of discourses on community. under a culturalist interpretation . (1993:87) For Goldberg. As Guillaumin and others have argued. Moreover. and hypostasizes race itself as a "natural" element of difference that languages name in various ways. as its forces. for all it must minimally sustain is a criterion of inclusion and exclusion. Though race has tended historically to define conditions of oppression. For Goldberg ( 1993).. in and through its intersections with other forms of group identity. as race. race can be logically separated from racism. including ethnicity and nation... on the other hand. Goldberg in effect conflates the Foucauldian notion of power itself with race as the effect and cause of discourse. by suggesting that "race is whatever anyone in using that term or its cognates" means by it. and so to thrive in this age of ambiguity. a catch-all term for difference as such. his focus on the socio-historical formation of "racialized discourse. But even more importantly. It should be obvious from all I have said that race cannot be a static." combined with his inattention to the specificity of language. (ibid. race is not necessarily a biological phenomenon. any group designation one ascribes of oneself as such (that is. it could. be the site of a counterassualt. Goldberg dislodges race from any mooring in history or language. promotes. However. . . and ordering are processes central to racial creation and construction. It is precisely this unconscious resiliency of race that invites psychoanalytic exploration. Quite predi ctably. is not an entity in any objective sense at all. Goldberg reproduces the very problems of biologism that Appiah critiques with reference to Du Bois. Classification." By universalizing race. fixed entity. when he ascribes racial thinking to groups that conceive their identities on the basis of other terminologies of difference (Guillaumin 1995:61). the exclusions it sustains. His view that cognates of "race. Goldberg courts the danger of reifying race by universalizing it as the governing epistemological paradigm. by separating race from racism and attempting to deliver it to a culturalist reinterpretation. and extends .. This prevailing historical legacy of thinking racially does not necessitate that any conceptual use of or appeal to race to characterize social circumstance is inherently unjustifiable . Its virtual conceptual emptiness allows it parasitically to map its signification of naturalized differences onto prevailing social views ." Goldberg suggests. that we must take seriously. Why race should be salvaged as the only term that can offer emancipatory possibilities despite its execrable history is never clear. I am tempted to say that race is whatever anyone in using that term or its cognates conceives of collective social relations. to cover over the increasing anonymity of mass social relations in modernity" (1993:81 ). to articulate and extend racialized exclusions . .. in that the vacuity seems to account for the inexhaustible capacity of race to reproduce itself. and the valuation need not claim superiority. we must be clear about which signification we are employing.. in effect. "Race has been able. or under the sign) or which is so ascribed by others.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 149/230 point of view. mean the same thing as "race. thus making it impossible to pose the question of the historicity of "race. and that it is any "group designation" ascribed by oneself or by others. is problematic. Thus Goldberg insists that race must be grasped as a historically fluid concept that signifies differently according to the historical and material interests of the time. indeed." which refers to race as "meaning different things at different times. and remain equally present in our affective and intellectual associative networks" ( 1995: 105)." for instance. are always illocutionary. the concept of race is specific to Europe and was invented in the late eighteenth to nineteenth century. for as I have made clear it is by nature (insofar as it has one) a concept virtually vacuous in its own right.. he elevates the term to a universal generality that evacuates it of its linguistic specificity. from its legacy of racist practice . . that is. He writes: Race has been conceptually well-placed to characterize freedom's routes. . The ordering at stake need not be hierarchical but must at least identify difference. Goldberg criticizes Appiah's view (that all references to race are always grounded in a covert biologism) as being too narrow and thus as overlooking race's productive aspect as a discourse of power (1993 :86). a ground of field for launching liberatory projects or from which to expand freedom(s) and open up emancipatory spaces. prompts." There is first the sociolinguistic counterargument. to channel freedom's mobility. It serves to undermine his project.. a fact affirmed and a fact denied exist to exactly the same degree. What distinguishes a racist from a non-racist appeal to the category of race is the use into which the categorization enters. It renders languages wholly commensurate with one another. in this sense. It is. by abstracting the concept from its historical or linguistic practice.) When using "race.. Goldberg's overtly Foucauldian emphasis on the productivity of race may appear potentially useful. which is to argue for the political nature of "race .

the unspeakable wrongness. p. Also. What Orwell articulates repeatedly in his brief essays about his tenure as a police officer in colonial Burma and his sojourn in Morocco is the uncanny surprise and shock at his own responses in discovering a shared humanity." he admits. thus signalling the profound alienation or split within his own psyche between what he recognizes and what he knows. 97)//LA The issue here is not so much that of Orwell's identification with his own Whiteness. . Rather. Walking ahead on his way to the gallows. but as a technicality. Rather. unassimilable notion that the very assumption of a human subject position is to be implicated in a racial economy of meaning. Such a reading would merely reproduce the colonialist presumption about "race. the man avoids a puddle." in which case the horror of difference (the fetishizing of hair. Orwell seems to risk encountering the aspiration at the heart of the system of race. a system of ordering the world." Orwell is surprised by his own responses when he recognizes the humanity of the emaciated native prisoner. underlying his more commonplace designation of white versus non-white people. and Orwell is astonished by this simple human gesture in the face of death: "It is curious. In other words. the shock is in discovering that the continuity of humanness can be surprising. "but till that moment I had never realised what it means to destroy a healthy. Orwell's essays are not naive articulations about encountering the humanity of the "other. a discourse of differences which institutes a regime of looking. he was alive just as we were alive" (1968a: 45)." It is more interesting to note that Orwell is not speaking in terms of his belonging to Whiteness.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 150/230 AT: Whiteness is real Whiteness is a system of ordering.that is. In other words. he speaks of Whiteness not merely as a property of particular human beings. When I saw the prisoner step aside to avoid the puddle. Boston College. what is uncanny for a subject such as Orwell is the discovery that at the core exists the untenable. This man was not dying. not a description Seshadri-Crooks 2k (Kalpana. Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race. I saw the mystery. and that is founded on a core notion of wholeness (promised by the signifier "Whiteness") that mandates the very notion of humanness. in "A hanging. skin and bone) would have been the predictable response. conscious man. in the extremity of the colonial context. of cutting a life short when it is in full tide.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 151/230 *AFF—Psychoanalysis .

But this is where Cohen's argument ends up. surely. a `symbolic retrieval' of something that never existed in the ®rst place: `Community is a magical device for conjuring something apparently solidary out of the thin air of modern times. bring it to an end? And are communities always `imagined'? Or. is that there should be a public conversation about such moves and that those responsible for implementing them be at all times accountable. all attempts to legislate against ideology are bound to fail because they have to adopt `technologies of surveillance and control identical to those used by the state'. how ever. is not a radicalism at all but a prescription for a politics of quietism. 58 To justify their ¯ight from a politics holding out the prospect of radical change through self-activity. politics. this is not only non sense. There is no point in trying to resist the oppressions and injustices of modern life. for another. In their move from politics to the academy and the world of `discourse'. radical political movements go wrong. even our imagination. not just to interpret it. means based on fantasy.) Cohen reveals himself to be deeply ambivalent about punitive action against racists. they discard the emancipatory project and impulse itself . need to look elsewhere. At every turn for such theorists. think together. 62 For psychoanalysis is a grand narrative. psychoanalysis. And the claimed radicalism of psycho analysis. If someone says.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 152/230 Psychoanalysis=Bad Psychoanalysis results in fatalism. analyse together and act together as rational beings is impossible. (Orwell's image was intensely personal and destructive.as though to interpret the world is more important than to change it. . a cage far more airtight than anything Weber ever dreamed of. into which no life can break . It is indeed a strange kind of `anti-racism' that portrays active racists as the `victims'. including. Note here the Foucauldian language to set up the notion that all `surveillance' is bad. as though changing the interpretation is all we could do in a changing world' . that it offers `a world-historical alibi' for the passivity and helplessness felt by many in the 1970s. psychoanalysis. but dangerous nonsense at that. that nationalism is a form of looking for and seeking to replace the body of the mother one has lost. passivity. Race Class 2001 42: 17) The postmodernists' problem is that they cannot live with dis appointment. from the craft fraternity to the revolutionary group. as though punishment or other ®rm action against them (or anyone else transgressing agreed social or legal norms) precluded `understand ing' or even help through psychotherapy. The point. while different forms of working-class organisation. at least we can relax. and that it has nothing but contempt for those naive enough to imagine that it might be possible for modern human kind to be free. for instance. as Berman argues. as Sivanandan puts it.' As for history. Psychoanalysis and Racism: The Politics of Defeat. the disappointed intellectuals find abundant intellectual alibis for themselves in the very work they champion. Psychoanalysis and Racism: The Politics of Defeat. and did not people resist that too and. For him. a council poster about `Stamping out racism' with Orwell's horrendous prophecy in 1984 of a boot stamping on a human face is ludicrous and insulting. All the tragedies of the political project of emancipation ± the evils of Stalinism in particular ± are seen as the inevitable product of men and women trying to create a better society. for instance. in his view. Those wanting to change the world. a mechanism of reenchantment. how can this be proved? The . are they beaten out on the smithy of a people's collective struggle? Furthermore. `communities' are always `imagined'. par excellence. as Cohen does. rather than engage in a critical assessment of how. Race Class 2001 42: 17) The problem with the application of psychoanalysis to social institu tions is that there can be no testing of the claims made.' 61 Now. we are nothing but prisoners: there is no freedom in Foucault's world. fatalism and defeat. are dismissed as `fantasies of self-suf®cient combination'. those who are in need of `help'. Is history `always false'? Did the Judeocide happen or did it not? And did not some people even try to resist it? Did slavery exist or did it not. 59 Cohen's political defeatism and his conviction in the explanatory power of his new faith of psychoanalysis lead him to be contemptuous and dismissive of any attempt at political solidarity or collective action. it is always false. 60 In this scenario. the idea that people might come together. Psychoanalysis only explains individual decisions—not applicable to social experiences Gordon 1 (Psychotherapist. in the hands of the postmodernists at least. because his language forms a seamless web. once we grasp the futility of it all. but a collective evil. What Marshall Berman says of Foucault seems true also of psychoanalysis. To equate. It is a theory that seeks to account for the world and which recognises few limits on its explanatory potential. or that the popular appeal of a particular kind of story echoes the pattern of our earliest relationship to the maternal breast. But. in Cohen's case. But is it? No society can function without surveillance of some kind. The postmodernists. blame modernity for having failed them: `the intellectuals and academics have fled into discourse and deconstruction and representation -. which. the other is about the need to challenge not individuals. ultimately. The idea of a genuine community of equals becomes a pure fantasy. since `We are always dealing with invented traditions. since even our dreams of freedom only add more links to our chains. as Sivanandan states. the postmodernists may have simply exchanged one grand narrative. and inaction Gordon 1 (Psychotherapist Paul. whether in sexuality. historical materialism. Paul. .

the less purchase psycho analytic ideas can have. He imagines psychoanalysis as a swirling phantasmagoria in which language is all dissimulation and deception. creates and leaves. Psychoanalysis threatens an infinite regress of meaning. into a world without beginning in which one thinks without knowing what one [End Page 111] thinks" (35). that is. over and beyond all that he does with what he possesses. or thinks as one dreams" (40). But if every thing is true. its issue is not insofar as the tools that it uses for reflection turn out to be "some fundamental. 103-121) Levinas's hesitations about the value of psychoanalysis—indeed. a recursive process that leads from one symbol to another. . Vol. and mouth" (41). for example. Moreover. Diane. leaving no point exterior to the analysis: "I am as it were shut up in my own portrait" (35)." the main section of "The Ego and the Totality. it can only be the absolute status of an interlocutor. would alone be unequivocal. one can inaugurate the work of criticism only if one can begin with a fixed point. Psychoanalysis. It resubmerges one within the cultural and historical ethos and mythos in a way that seems to Levinas to permit no end to interpretation and thus no power to judge. fables .” Philosophy & Rhetoric. anything and everything can be true. "The real world is transformed into a poetic world. “Figurative Language and the "Face" in Levinas's Philosophy.or herself directly and "in person" through "this chaste bit of skin with brow. encourages infinite regress and transforms even the clearest components of reality into a poetic phantasmagoria Perpich 5 (Professor of Philosophy at Vanderbilt. it shares initially in this affirmation of rationalism insofar as it affirms the need for reflection and for going "underneath" or getting behind unreflected consciousness and thought. 32). The fixed point cannot be some incontestable truth. 38. if its impetus is philosophical. Levinas admits. a face) is hitched to the fate of psychoanalysis and both linked to participation. However. then nothing can be false and therefore nothing can be true." To affirm humankind as a power to judge history. which. still capable of a relation with exteriority. to the irrationalism of myth and poetry rather than liberating one from them. and the further one moves from the individual patient. the fate of Heideggerian fundamental ontology that is an understanding of Being rather than a relation to beings (or to a being. In this last claim. nose. Outside the therapeutic encounter. a 'certain' statement that would always be subject [End Page 112] to psychoanalysis. No. all of the ego's protests against the interpretations of analysis are themselves subject to further analysis. there can be no such verification process. that is. against both religious and psychoanalytic participations. the "nocturnal chaos" that threatens to drown the ego in the totality. Psychological states in which the ego seems to have a "clear and distinct" grasp of itself are reread by psychoanalysis as symbols for a "reality that is totally inaccessible" to the self and that is the expression of "a social reality or a historical influence totally distinct from its [the ego's] own intention" (34). Levinas picks up the thread of this worry about psychoanalysis in "Ethics and Discourse. within a totality but still separate from it. Levinas says. . does not have the substance of a cynic" (35). for a relationship in which the ego is an "absolute. To seek such a relation is. he writes. what might be called his allergic reactions to psychoanalysis—are similarly based. alone not translate (or mask or symbolize) a reality more profound than themselves " (40). psychoanalytically speaking. from Freud onwards. Outside of the con sulting room. his uncharacteristic allusion to "clear and distinct" ideas betrays his intention: to seek. Zero truth value to psychoanalysis – can’t make truth claims. all derived their ideas in the context of their work with individual patients and their ideas can be examined in the everyday laboratory of the therapeutic encounter where the validity of an interpretation. a being. incomprehensibly. then. . Levinas's worry is that psychoanalysis furnishes us with no fixed point or firm footing from which to launch a critique and to break with social and historical determinations of the psyche in order to judge society and history and to call both to account. "casts a basic suspicion on the most unimpeachable testimony of self- consciousness" (1987b. and not a truth about beings" (41). the naked being that I am myself and whose being "counts as such" is now naked not with an erotic nudity but with the nudity of a cynic who has thrown off the cloak of culture in order to present him. that is. "One can find one's bearings in all this phantasmagoria. The impetus for psychoanalysis is philosophical. Psychoanalysis returns one." "irreducible" singularity. The naked being who confronts me with his or her alterity. is to affirm rationalism and to reject "the merely poetic thought which thinks without knowing what it things. eyes. he claims.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 153/230 pioneers of psychoanalysis. p. 2. Put less poetically. from one symptom to another with no end in sight and no way to break into or out of the chain of signifiers in the name of a signified. "to ask whether a living man [sic] does not have the power to judge the history in which he is engaged. is a matter for dialogue between therapist and patient. whether the thinker as an ego. that is. but elementary. Indeed.

then isn’t psychoanalysis implicitly making promises it cannot redeem? Might not massive social and political transformations be the condition for the efficacious practice of psychoanalysis? And so. Freud and Bullitt’s (1967) assessment of the psychosexual determinants of Woodrow Wilson’s political aspirations and impediments. one cannot but wonder: to what extent. especially that singular irrationality of joining the national-socialist movement. collective subjects (nations. “Menu Cards in Time of Famine: On Psychoanalysis and Politics. which is this: might the very seductiveness of psychoanalytic theory and practice—specifically. or whomever). psychoanalysis seems to promote the sorts of subjective dispositions and habits requisite for a thriving democracy. Bin Laden. let alone flourish. then the question is: are the contributions of psychoanalytically inclined political theory anything more than tantalizing menu cards for meals it cannot deliver? As I said. 1. the forms of life—cultivated by psychoanalytic practice survive. for example. Visiting Professor of Philosophy at Bard College. These are two folds of a related problem. might not the so-called interventions and proposals of psychoanalytically inclined political theory similarly sidestep the question of the institutional transformations necessary for their realization. can we avoid experiencing the forms of life nascently cultivated by psychoanalytic practice as something of a tease. as well as Marcuse’s (1970) proposal that we attend to the weakening of Eros and the growth of aggression that results from the coercive enforcement of the reality principle upon the sociopolitically weakened ego. by releasing individuals from self-defeating. might not massive institutional transformations be necessary conditions for the efficacy of psychoanalytic practice. 2010. the worry is twofold. or complex political situations with the idealized efficacy of a successful clinical intervention? If so. while Irigaray (1985) diagnoses the desire for the Same. for what they can tell us about what a viable political culture requires. can the habits and dispositions—broadly. especially as this concerns religion and bourgeois sexual ideology. the One. the Phallus as a desire for a sociosymbolic order that assures masculine dominance. or urgent “political” situations register an anxiety regarding political impotence or “castration” that is pacified and modified by the fantasmatic frame wherein the psychoanalytically inclined political theorist situates himor herself as diagnosing or interpretively intervening in the lives of political figures. respectively? In other words. under current conditions. Vol. if at all. though in these ways and many others. and though in a variety of ways psychoanalysis contributes to personal emancipation— say. and so forth). or even a source of deep frustration? (2) Concerning psychoanalysis as a politically inclined theoretical enterprise. p. under modern social and political conditions? If the emancipatory inclinations and democratic virtues that psychoanalytic practice promotes are systematically crushed or at least regularly unsupported by the world in which they would be realized. Žižek (2004) contends that only a psychoanalytic exposition of the disavowed beliefs and suppositions of the United States political elite can get at the fundamental determinants of the Iraq War. I want to read the limits of psychoanalytically inclined political theory for what they can tell us about the lasting eclipse of the political. collective political subjects. and especially to the channeling of this aggression into hatred of enemies.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 154/230 Psychoanalysis=Bad Policy Psychoanalytic affirmation does not spill over to government policy Rosen-Carole 10 (Professor of Philosophy @ Bard. inversely. and the like—in light of the very uniqueness of what it has to offer. object attachment. 205-207) On the other hand. just as I want to read the limits of the political efficacy of psychoanalytic practice for what they can tell us about what would be required for their successful realization . or Reich’s (1972) suggestion that Marxism should appeal to psychoanalysis in order to illuminate and redress neurotic phenomena that generate disturbances in working capacity. Stavrakakis (1999) advocates that we recognize and traverse the residues of utopian fantasy in our contemporary political imagination. No.” Psychoanalytic Quarterly. the worry is whether political diagnoses and proposals that proceed on the basis of psychoanalytic insights and forms of attention partake of a fantasy of interpretive efficacy (all the world’s a couch. Also relevant are Freud’s. blinding us to the necessity of largescale institutional reforms? Indeed. you might say). damaging. 2004). LXXIX. then. Reich (1972) and Fromm (1932) suggest that psychoanalysis be employed to explore the motivations to political irrationality. Žižek’s (1993. Rose (1993) argues that it was the paranoiac paradox of sensing both that there is every reason to be frightened and that everything is under control that allowed Thatcher “to make this paradox the basis of political identity so that subjects could take pleasure in violence as force and legitimacy while always locating ‘real’ violence somewhere else—illegitimate violence and illicitness increasingly made subject to the law” (p. might not the politically salient transformations of subjectivity to which psychoanalysis can contribute overburden subjectivity as the site of political transformation. both personally and politically? Further. Adam Rosen-Carole 10. wherein our profound alienation from the conditions for robust political agency are registered and repudiated? Consider. ethnic groups.2 .1 Might not the psychoanalytic interpretation of powerful figures (Bush. is to use the limits of psychoanalytic practice and psychoanalytically inclined political theory as a form of social diagnosis. Derrida’s (2002) and others’ insistence that we draw the juridical and political consequences of the hypothesis of an irreducible death drive . the seductiveness of its political promise—register the lasting eclipse of the political and the objectivity of the social. might not everything that makes psychoanalytic theory and practice so politically attractive indicate precisely the necessity of wide-ranging social/institutional transformations that far exceed the powers of psychoanalysis? And so. and so. and so conspire with our blindness to the enormous institutional impediments to a progressive political future? The idea. 64). or petrified forms action and reaction.

. traumas. No. To risk a hypothesis: as alienation from political efficacy increases and becomes more palpable. . Within such fantasy frames. which are increasingly prevalent in these days of excruciating political alienation. upon whom the analysand depends. [p. whose advice—even if not directly heeded—cannot but make some sort of impact. 41] Rather than explore collective subjects through analyses of their individual members. . anxieties pertaining to a sense of oneself as politically inefficacious. all that we miss in our earthly lives. 27. It becomes the stand-in for . who knows the analysand inside and out. we might think here of the innumerable discussions of “America’s death drive” as propelling the recent invasions in the Middle East. the sujet supposé savoir. but nevertheless run into the same problem. pp. [1993. a non-agent in most relevant senses—is both registered and mitigated by the fantasmatic satisfaction of imagining oneself interpretively intervening in the lives of political figures or collective political subjects with the efficacy of a clinically successful psychoanalytic interpretation . idealized form.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 155/230 Attaching the plan to psychoanalytic prescriptions is particularly dangerous Rosen-Carole 10 (Professor of Philosophy @ Bard. “Menu Cards in Time of Famine: On Psychoanalysis and Politics. 2010. who commands psychoanalytic knowledge. 1. etc. registers a certain anxiety regarding political impotence and provokes a fantasy that. [2004. in a manner identical to an individual psyche in a therapeutic context. . Vol. . it is the Jewish attachment to their land and Jerusalem . *2004. p. etc. italics added+ • There is in fact something of a neurotic symptom in the Middle Eastern conflict—everyone recognizes the way to get rid of the obstacle. and perhaps even to intervention. or of the collective racist fantasies and paranoiac traits that organize various nation- states’s domestic and foreign policies. Take the following passage from Žižek (1993) as symptomatic of the trend I have in mind: In Eastern Europe. . . defensive repudiations. as our sense of ourselves as political agents diminishes. or even the psychoanalytic interpretation of powerful political figures. Eastern Europe functions for the West as its Ego-Ideal (Ich-Ideal): the point from which [the] West sees itself in a likable. as worthy of love. italics added+ • If there was ever a passionate attachment to the lost object. . an ethnic group. or of the ways in which the motivation for the Persian Gulf Wars of the 1990s was a collective attempt “to kick the Vietnam War Syndrome”— that is. might be said to function as a barometer of incipient trends: • What is therefore at stake in ethnic tensions is always the possession of the national Thing. a region. as a result of his popularity. 226-229) The second approach to the problem has to do with psychoanalytic contributions to political theory that avoid Freud’s methodological individualism. 202-203+ • Beneath the derision for the new Eastern European post. But if the transpositions of psychoanalytic concepts into political theory are epistemically questionable. p. . to solidify a national sense of power and prominence in the recognitive regard of the international community— or of the psychoanalytic speculations concerning the psychodynamics of various nations involved in the Cold War (here. LXXIX. of course.7 Here are some further examples from Žižek. one approaches a powerful political figure (or collective subject) as if s/he were “on the couch. Or if such fantasies also provide for the satisfaction of sadistic desires provoked by political frustration and “castration” (a sense of oneself as politically voiceless. 39. pacifies and modifies—defends against—that anxiety. perhaps the very figure whom the psychoanalytically inclined interpreter fears. a refusal to come to terms with its loss.” In other words. by her/his very involvement in the scene of analysis. Here the analyst becomes the one who directs and organizes the analytic encounter. fantasies of interpretive intervention abound. moot. operate within a fantasmatic frame wherein the anxiety of political exclusion and “castration”—that is.” Psychoanalytic Quarterly. Visiting Professor of Philosophy at Bard College. We always impute to the “other” *ethnic group. yet nonetheless. 9 One approaches such a powerful political figure or ethnic group or nation as if s/he (or it) desired one’s interpretations and acknowledged her/his suffering. Adam Rosen-Carole 10. etc. uninvolved.] an excessive enjoyment: he wants to steal our enjoyment (by ruining our way of life) and/or he has access to some secret. then one’s place within the fantasy might be that of the allpowerful analyst. The real object of fascination for the West is thus the gaze. who is in a position of having something to offer. fascinated by its democracy.8 the question is: why are they so prevalent? Perhaps the psychoanalytic interpretation of collective subjects (nations. it is easy to discern the contours of the wounded narcissism of the European “great nations. regions. and other such “psychic phenomena” of collective subjects as if such subjects were ontologically discrete and determinate. at least implicitly. etc. italics in original] Also. p.Communist states.) as if it were simply amenable to explanation. who. what I want to underscore here is that (1) a sense of political alienation may be . as I believe they are.” open and amenable to one’s interpretation . p. to an extent. this type of psychoanalytically inclined engagement with politics treats a collective subject (a nation. no one wants to remove it. as they very well might. who is thus powerful. An expanding trend in social criticism involves a tendency to discuss the death or aggressive drives. Perhaps such engagements. its own lost original experience of “democratic invention. projective identifications. and in the face of whom the analysand is quite vulnerable. to whom the analysand must speak. the analyst presumptively in control of her-/himself and her/his emotions. race. . in control . 201. fantasy formations. I have in mind Segal’s *1997+ work). namely the supposedly naive gaze by means of which Eastern Europe stares back at the West. as if there is some kind of pathological libidinal profit gained by persisting in the deadlock. “Jerusalem” became much more than a piece of land . When the Jews lost their land and elevated it into the mythical lost object. Minimally.). perverse enjoyment. the West seeks for its own lost origins. irrelevant).” *2004. nation.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 156/230 registered and fantasmatically mitigated by treating political subjects . as if they were “on the couch”. and (2) expectations concerning the expository and therapeutic efficacy of psychoanalytic interpretations of political subjects may be conditioned by such a fantasy . . individual or collective.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 157/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 Loren and Metelmann 158/230 .

.. opposed to each other by their very nature.[I]t is the meeting of two forces. Fanon’s Black patient is “overwhelmed. White & Black: Cinema and the Structure of US Antagonisms. As a psychoanalyst. Middle Passage.. despite changes in its “performance” over time— slave ship.by the wish to be white” (BSWM 100). whose first encounter and existence together is marked by violence. “As a psychoanalyst. But unlike Lacan’s diagnosis of the analysand. There is a monumental disavowal of emptiness involved in hallucinatory whitening. Fanon makes a direct and self-conscious connection between his patient’s hallucinatory whitening and the stability of White society.. strewn with prohibitions. for not only does he want the analysand to surrender to the void of language. For Fanon the trauma of Blackness lies in its absolute Otherness in relation to Whites. it is because Fanon understands that “outside *his+ psychoanalytic office. My intention is to interrogate the breadth of full speech’s descriptive universality and the depth of its prescriptive cure—to interrogate its foundation by staging an encounter between.. the grammar of suffering of the Black itself is on the level of the Real. In this emblematic passage. “hallucinatory whitening. as the force of that relation is felt in their texts. paradigmatically. slave estate.. in essence. toward the social structures” (BSWM 100).[T]his narrow world. It is not my intention to dwell on Lacan’s lack of political activism or to roll out Fanon’s revolutionary war record.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 159/230 Wilderson Link Their conceptualization of race and racism links to this argument.. Fanon does not dispute Lacan’s claim that suffering and freedom are produced and attained. Red. obviously.Their first encounter was marked by violence and their existence together. [he must] incorporate [his+ conclusions into the context of the world. If Fanon’s texts ratchet violently and unpredictably between the body of the subject and the body of the socius. I should help my patient to become conscious of his unconscious and abandon his attempts at a hallucinatory whitening. through which the subject comes to know her/himself.. p. violence or what Loic Wacquant calls the “carceral continuum. Duke U Press. That is. Lacan and his interlocutors and.with respect to the real source of the conflict— that is. France’s brutal occupation of Algeria. by extension. respectively. To this end alone do I note the two men’s relation to French colonialism. “decolonization” and “the end of the world” (BSWM 96) resonate with Lacan’s categories of empty speech and full speech. the ghetto. in the realm of Symbolic. Their Author. can only be called in question by absolute violence. the prison industrial complex. but between contemporaries of all sorts and slaves. or absolute. is.. In short. a program of complete disorder. Decolonization. Fanon does for violence what Lacan does for alienation: namely. on the other hand. Thus..e.” is not a Black experience but a condition of Black “life. 101-104)//LA Jacques Lacan and Frantz Fanon grappled with the question what does it mean to be free? and its corollary what does it mean to suffer? at the same moment in history. for Fanon. To say that they both appeared at the same time is to say that they both have. he divides the world not between cured contemporaries and uncured contemporaries. Frantz Fanon’s psychoanalytic description of Black neurosis.was carried on by dint of a great array of bayonets and cannons. a “cure” but a process promoting psychic disorder. but also to “act in the direction of a change.” It remains constant. not as a stable relation to a true “self”—the Imaginary—but as a void constituted only by . (The Wretched of the Earth 36-37) This is because the structural. The other half of suffering and freedom is violence.. He lays the groundwork for a theory of antagonism over and above a theory of conflict. he has extended the logic of disorder and death from the Symbolic into the Real. is only half of the modality of existence. He also raises within Lacan’s schema of suffering and freedom a contradiction between the idea of universal un-raced contemporaries and two forces opposed to each other. Jim Crow.xxviii There is an uncanny connection between Fanon’s absolute violence and Lacan’s Real. White people make Black people by recognizing only their skin color. By the time Fanon has woven the description of his patient’s condition (i... which sets out to change the order of the world. on the one hand.” The room is too small to contain the encounter.” Here we have a dismantling of all the fantasms that constitute the patient’s ego and which s/he projects onto the analyst that resonates with the process of attaining what Lacan calls full speech. Wilerson 10 (Frank B... his own life as a Black doctor in France) into the prescription of a cure (his commitment to armed struggle in Algeria). and disorder and death certainly characterize decolonization. as their intellectual condition of possibility. But Fanon takes this a step further. he removes the negative stigma such a term would otherwise incur in the hands of theorists and practitioners who seek coherence and stability.” and his prescriptions for a cure. If Lacan’s full speech is not.. Fanon and his interlocutors. but this.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 160/230 language. he did not have Fanon’s awareness of how violence also precedes and exceeds Blacks. Whereas Lacan was aware of how language “precedes and exceeds us” (Silverman 2000: 157).63-65. That is to say.xxix The process of full speech rests on a tremendous disavowal which re-monumentalizes the (White) ego because it sutures. is always already a formally stagnated monument. and (2) the process by which full speech is performed brokers simultaneously two relations for the analysand. the terrain upon which the analysand performs full speech. I am arguing that (1) civil society. An awareness of this would have disturbed the coherence of the taxonomy implied by the personal pronoun “us.. one new and one old. the effects of “transgressions” (acts of rebellion or refusal) within a Symbolic Order.” The trajectory of Lacan’s full speech therefore is only able to make sense of violence as contingent phenomena. formal stagnation by fortifying and extending the interlocutory life of intra-Human discussions. Here. Ecrits 47) are White or Human. rather than cancels. . violence. respectively. at least in the first instance. Male Subjectivity. is neither sense-less (gratuitous) nor is it a matrix of human (im)possibility: it is what happens after some form of breach occurs in the realm of signification. The process by which full speech is performed brokers a (new) deconstructive relationship between the analysand and his/her formal stagnation within civil society and a (pre-existing or) reconstructive relationship between the analysand and the formal stagnation that constitutes civil society.. it is contingent. a becoming toward death in relation to the Other—the Symbolic—then we will see how this symbolic self-cancellation (Silverman. 126-128) is possible only when the subject and “his contemporaries” (Lacan.

We have seen too much of race projected through the lens of racism. In order to do so without compromising the useful notion of race as a medium. and thereby negotiated. through which meaning and relations native to various social spaces are given utterance. Nevertheless. ‘Race’ is a lack around which various discourses are constructed. 10(3). What’s the Matter: Race as Res. First. race might be thought of as having a relay function. Thought alongside Linda Williams’ work on race. It gives form to perception and does so through differentiation. is the iconic location where the mediation necessary for sense-making takes place. Journal of Visual Culture. Gallen. As such. He claims. Mitchell alters Lacan’s triadic syntax by extending a fourth axis upward. Thus. of the real. It is a medium . that if race is a medium. engendering trauma. visualized. one might claim that according to Mitchell’s argument. 397-405)//LA As such. we would like to propose that Mitchell’s own argument can only be fortified by not inverting race’s grammar mapped onto the Lacanian registers. making visualization through race an essentially political act. implying that race would have previously been associated with the real and racism with representation. Mitchell proposes an inversion of the usual grammar of race as it has been mapped onto Lacan’s ontological registers of the real. or rather as ontos (of being) without logos (speech. race performs the work of a visual medium in so far as ideas and perceptions are not merely given form through the visual. an image of the mind. for example). pre-symbolic material. the imaginary and the symbolic. University of St. Accordingly. but are themselves formed through the visual. It might be thought of as the presymbolic material of bodily fluids. culture. Strictly speaking. ‘Below’ the symbolic and the imaginary is the location of the real. discourse. but by aligning race with the mute material of the real and locating racism within representation. albeit a very particular type of representation. we need to distinguish between two separate racial orders: race in its mute material form and race in its meaning-making. so to speak. race performs the functions of vision and division. placing racism at the locus of the Lacanian real gives way to a variety of complications. of nonrepresentation. such an inversion also runs the risk of falling into the melodramatic trap of classifying through Manichaean binaries. placing racism per se within the register of the Lacanian real is an impossibility. Race. Incredibly stubborn. but certainly not as history. flesh and bone. genealogy. Though it is important to iterate that traumatic encounters with the real can very well be generated through racism (racist acts of physical or political violence. As a medium. If we are to maintain theoretical rigor regarding the Lacanian register of the real. some of racism’s characteristics lend themselves to association with the Lacanian real. The intentions motivating this inversion of grammar is one we support: at first sight it appears without a doubt preferable not to have racism as that which mediates race. This is visualization as the sorting and mapping of social reality. How is this done? First. of genetic coding. though. of dumb. There are more effective ways to stress the signifying magnitude of race as a medium and to theorize the tenacious and socially traumatic potential of racism through Lacanian theory. this is race as a non-ontology. Thought of within the framework of visual culture. racism must . an inversion calls for moving race to the location of representation and racism to the location of the real. then it must be moved away from the mute material of pre-symbolic ‘nature’. we should claim that there is no race. imagined and imaged. socially significant (in all possible senses) capacity. it is this first order of ‘race’ in its mute material capacity that we might leave in scare quotes precisely because of its connection to the real. Against the tendency of putting race in scare quotes because of a lack of consensus on what the term signifies. etc. p. an enduring thing in need of (the right kind of) mediation. the Kantian Ding an sich. Race might thus be thought of as a conceptual icon. into the realm of representation. above and between the symbolic and the imaginary in order to indicate that this is the space of representation (Figures 2 and 3). a location for the generation and transfer of meaning. representation). ‘Race’ as the Lacanian real does not signify anything. In order to properly classify and understand race as a conceptual icon with a politico-structural function. on the other hand. what we need to reconceptualize in its place is racism.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 161/230 Impact/Alt Cards The 1A/NC posits racism as the Lacanian Real—this is backwards and makes racism an inevitability— only shifting our conceptualization to place RACE in the realm of the Real and RACISM in that of representation can solve Loren and Metelmann 11 (Scott and Jörg. Mitchell’s argument assumes that the real is the locus ‘race’ has previously been linked to.

p. For Lacan. Lacan suggests that the psychotic is he who is trapped within the phantasmatic relay of imaginary desire in an attempt to block out the condition of lack and threat of castration. strong adherence to the imaginary is not only a defense against castration (or lack). It has no ontos without logos. ‘race’ in the signifying function of a point de capiton. we not only risk taking recourse to a form of essentialism. a relay for meaning. If we want to indulge a certain theoretical flexibility and conceive of the Lacanian real not as mute material. land. University of St. though. of exclusive access to metaphysical truths. as speech. Gallen. Meaning is always in a state of negotiation. we risk making racism immovable. These signifiers would have a markedly larger cluster of associations directly attached to them. though. What’s the Matter: Race as Res. One might thus claim that whereas the nature of the symbolic also serves to narrate and visualize lack in the real. This is one reason it cannot be placed at the locus of the Lacanian real. but the fault of neglecting to recognize its . Before going on to talk about how to usefully theorize racism in the field of representation. of power. Tenacious adherence to the imaginary is symptomatic of a refusal to acknowledge the lack constituting the signifier. but as a combination of Hegelian second nature linked with the Lacanian real’s capacity to engender trauma (if we are not mistaken. as res. the anxiety of castrative loss generally directs itself at something always already lost and produces a denial of loss/lack as a symptom. It is not surprising that these are all things colonialism made such strident efforts to accumulate. How to avoid. we’d like to clarify second order race: race in its meaning. etc. and ‘race’ as lack. Racist anxieties about loss might concern the loss of jobs. which we view as both an ontological impossibility and a counterproductive means of indicating its traumatic potential. it makes fully apparent the anxiety of castrative loss. we suggest designating a first order ‘race’. as discourse. thereby linking first and second order race: ‘race’ as dumb matter. and a second order race. with constant slippage in the chain of signification. but rather comes into being through expression. capital. the postmodern swamp of unending fluidity in meaning? Lacan proposes the point de capiton (quilting point): certain signifiers have a greater organizing function than others (Lacan. There is nothing mute nor material about racism. 397-405)//LA The phantasmatic content and context of racism become evident in the discourses of potential loss it constructs. In order to make this transition. to do with racism? If it is not placed in the realm of the real. These orders are inherently linked as dumb matter and lack are both void of meaning. 1993). What. which has limited and perhaps more importantly limiting use in theorizing social discourses. the kernel around which language and the entirety of the symbolic order are constructed is lack. can help us get beyond the discussion of the pre-symbolic real. stopping up the fluidity and slippage in signification and helping to fix meaning. the stability of socio-economic or political hierarchy. 10(3). and by extension constituting community. it would probably look a lot like Mitchell’s graph of race as a medium. Thinking about race as a potential medium. it is thus that Mitchell wants us to understand racism as real). If one were to visualize these. one should place racism in the realm of the Symbolic—only this disavows the inevitability of Racism and makes possible change Loren and Metelmann 11 (Scott and Jörg. and should within the context of race be thought of as a refusal to forgo exceptionalist status in the face of difference – that constitutes socio-pathological behavior. This is a second reason for not linking racism with the Lacanian real. as action. Racism is thus better placed at the location of the imaginary.making capacity. as representation. Journal of Visual Culture.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 162/230 continue to be thought of as one possible attempt at articulating this lack. One must point out that. it is essential to distinguish between the structures and functions of Lacan’s symbolic and imaginary registers. as with the lack that constitutes the signifier. where it has the function of re-presenting the real and of covering over lack. It is precisely indulgence in imaginary fantasies of wholeness – which in psychoanalytical terms might be thought of as a refusal to forgo the object of desire. we will continue to think about race and the Lacanian real in semiotic terms. then it must be within representation. Instead. in particularly if one were to visualize race as a point de capiton. ‘race’ as res. If we are to mobilize ‘race’ in a meaningful way through Lacanian theory. With our claim that racism re-presents ‘race’.

It is the role of the symbolic as mediator of imaginary dualisms that establish the symbolic as the true realm of the political. then race would necessarily always be linked to a pejorative ‘nature’. this kind of structure resolves an additional complication that arises if we place racism in the real. It is through forms of racial victimization within the melodramatic mode – the beaten/tortured black male body and the threatened/raped white female body – that the ‘white supremacist American culture first turned its deepest guilt into a testament of virtue’ (Williams. In order to keep race from becoming or remaining an imaginarily bound idol of the mind. She argues that ‘since the midnineteenth century. What’s the Matter: Race as Res. Dixon and Griffith ‘trumped Stowe’s race card by inverting its racial polarities to show white women threatened by emancipated black men’ (Williams. traumatic real is not only problematic in a strictly Lacanian or social constructivist sense. There is not just one race card to be played. ‘Racism’ as an immovable pejorative that serves as the foundation for concepts of race within representation feeds into the archetypal Manichaean structure central to melodrama: the eternal battle between good and evil. As. there is an ongoing melodramatic Manichaean split of race into ‘Tom’ and ‘anti-Tom’ lenses. One of the points raised during Mitchell’s talk was that if racism were to act as a kind of ontological basis for race. we would like to point to the possible dangers of Mitchell’s re-articulation of race and racism: calling into question the over-hasty . Playing the Race Card (2001). That is. Such classification helps to explain the tenacity of racism. what are you suffering from?’ Race would be interminable suffering as a derivative of racism. that imperialist cultures inflict on colonized cultures? If racism is an essentialist truth. and its need of further mediation. It is this essential link between wound/trauma (in Greek it is literally the same). we might borrow Jameson’s injunction to ‘always historicize’ and claim that one should always racialize: making sense of and within the social through the concept of race becomes a process of racialization. 2001: 43). How. race and the paradoxical location of strength in weakness that we want to stress in our response to Mitchell: What does it mean against this background to position racism within the traumatic real? Does it not imply that we simply have to accept the wounds that white hands inflict on black bodies. Here. Turns the case—makes racism inevitable and prevents productive scholarship Loren and Metelmann 11 (Scott and Jörg. The problem with Mitchell’s proposition is the following: What starts as an effort to prevent cultural studies from the overly hasty and perhaps naive move to hail the end of race threatens to default into a melodramatic reaffirmation of binaries on the basis of the classic victim paradigm. the primary way in which mainstream American culture has dealt with the moral dilemma of having first enslaved and then withheld equal rights to generations of African Americans’ (2001: 44). 2001: 5). its capacity for engendering trauma. Simpson have shown. Gallen.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 163/230 own split status as a social fiction and not an essentialist truism. 2001: 44). but through their ‘capacity for suffering and trauma’ (Williams. Williams mobilizes the logic of pain as the core of personhood by applying it to the melodramas of racially beset victims. can we achieve the proper mediation and politicization of racism within the Lacanian schema of the three registers structuring ontology? By linking processes of racialization to the symbolic.J. not only would racism take on an immovable and essentialist quality: race would also always be an extension of this pejorative essentialism. The structure presents us with a variation on the Amfortas question: ‘Race. the case of Rodney King and the trial of O. Mitchell’s re-articulation of the Lacanian triad might be seen as a theoretical version of the American melodramatic racial fix that Williams put forth in her seminal book. but troublesome from within race theory. Accordingly. an immovable matter of fact. for better or worse. then. for example. all of which Mitchell sought to achieve by placing it in the real. with racism as the real and race as the derivative term. As Williams ends her book by advocating intellectual rigor in the analysis of melodrama whenever it appears. particularly in the context of Linda Williams’ linking of melodrama and race. we can see how the notion of racism as immovable. Journal of Visual Culture. melodrama has been. 10(3). Taking recourse to Lauren Berlant’s theory that individual citizens are not identified through a universalist rhetoric. p. we suggest the mapping of race as an ontology onto the Lacanian registers as shown in Figure 5. 397-405)//LA Beyond the noted benefits of placing racism in the order of the imaginary. University of St. then the tortures will go on forever. This could be fully consistent with Mitchell’s claim that race is itself the medium if he were not to give in to the melodramatic temptation to completely section off racism from its societal negotiations. After Harriet Beecher Stowe’s articulation of sympathy for black suffering (Tom. Eliza). but different versions of racial victimization and vilification played out over time.

not racism. was not Mitchell’s intention. . Seeing race. as the matter that on the one hand has to be socially negotiated and. Because the imaginary is inherent in the seeable. This. acts as a lens for social negotiation. the scrutiny of imaginary projections where they meet social ontologies might be understood as one of the important political functions of visual culture studies. is crucial for understanding the durable. we know. and in Lacanian terms imaginary. on the other.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 164/230 proclamations of a post-racial era should not lead us to a new fixing of racial ‘realities’ that we have to accept with all of their hatred and pain. nature of racism.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 165/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 166/230 Hammersley .

they ought to consider its validity seriously and not simply ignore. as well as in Marxism. Accepting this would not involve a denial that there may be features of the British education system and society that generate the underachievement of black pupils. it seems to me. 22 I will consider such arguments as they apply to the issue of the relevance or value of his work later. here I am concerned simply with the epistemological interpretation of instrumentalism. JSTOR)//LA It would be a mistake. And. Here. Thus. This is because claims about the effects of acting on the beliefs being assessed cannot themselves be judged instrumentally (otherwise we are in an infinite regress).3. then.3. And this seems to me to be decidedly weak. there is apparently intractable disagreement at the level of substantive and methodological arguments between Foster and his critics. there is instrumentalism. Indeed. traces of which can be found in the writings of Foster's critics. In so far as the production of desirable consequences is taken as defining validity.45 It may point to a necessary reconstruction of 'anti-racism'. the validity of knowledge is defined solely according to whether action on the basis of it has desirable effects. this assumes a much stronger relationship between the truth of a belief and the practical consequences of acting on it than is justifiable: it is clear. Effectively. and the implications of this for the debates around Foster's work. that validity is neither a necessary nor a sufficient condition of practical success. Prof @ Open University. And it seems that this probably results. We can find this idea among pragmatist philosophers like James and Dewey. I do not want to speculate about this . Reject the aff—our argument isn’t that WE’VE sufficiently undermined their epistemology but that their stance with respect to our arguments prevents the possibility of productive racial scholarship Hammersley 93 (Martyn. British Journal of Sociology. indeed. this position proposes a replacement for the correspondence theory of truth. Critical Theory and some forms offeminism. This might be required if it were true that racism on the part of British teachers was not widespread or that it did not play a significant role in the generation of 'racial' inequality. a position that does not seem to be defensible. to summarise. To the extent that it throws doubt on the accuracy of some of the assumptions on which they operate. he is accused of empiricist foundationalism. differences that are indicated by what I have called meta-methodological criticisms. If it facilitates their success it is true. While we may recognise that the value of academic work should be judged partly in terms of its political and social relevance. not their empirical basis Hammersley 93 (Martyn. Prof @ Open University. if it does not it is false. JSTOR)//LA Finally. the validity of Foster's work could be assessed in terms of whether or not it serves the fight against racism. reject or even try to suppress it . there still remains the question of what level or sort of evidence should persuade 'anti-racists' that Foster is right. the claim that its validity should be judged in these terms is much more questionable. for 'anti-racists' to dismiss Foster's work. Foster himself suggests one mechanism for this: the allocation of black pupils to schools that are less effective educationally. in part at least. from some more profound differences of view. 429-448.21 The implication of this position is that research must be pursued in close association with practical activities and judged in terms of its contribution to those activities. 44. I think. criticisms that challenge the methodological framework on which Foster is assumed to be operating. 44.46 Of course. and it is my task in the next section of this paper to try to show how it might be resolved. Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics. This clearly leaves us with a problem. yet implicitly relies on that theory. Where instrumentalism implies treating desirable consequences as an indicator of validity. British Journal of Sociology. Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics. I examined three currently fashionable alternatives to this view. But I argued that none of these alternatives is sound.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 167/230 1NC Shell The affirmative’s arguments about epistemology reveal an instrumentalist mindset—they judge the VALIDITY of arguments based on the VALUE. So. 429-448. some of the criticism of his work does focus on its assumed consequences in this respect.

according to their suitability for propaganda purposes. with research results being selected. The virtue of the research community is that it is. And even if Foster does not provide that level of evidence. they can make an important contribution to those assessments. to give separate consideration to the informational and the propaganda implications of arguments and evidence. as for practitioners of other kinds engaged in pressure group politics.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 168/230 here. not with their propaganda significance . even in part. racists have seldom found it difficult to invent arguments and evidence to support their position. his work could be accepted by them as making a potential contribution to increasing the effectiveness of their activities. and have generally shown scant regard for the difference between such inventions and more soundly based scientific conclusions. One reason for this is that the propaganda capacity of research is to a large extent parasitic upon the conventional model. or ought to be. I want to conclude by going even further than this and suggesting that 'anti-racists' are unwise to reject the conventional model of research in favour of an activist conception. Once research becomes seen as geared to the pursuit of particular political goals. . There are also dangers in integrating research with other sorts of practical activity. And while the judgments of the research community in this respect are no substitute for practitioners making their own assessments. merely to point out that there should be some level of confirming evidence at which 'anti-racists' would accept his arguments. It is likely to be difficult for practitioners of 'anti-racist' education. its propaganda value is gone. concerned exclusively with the validity of those findings.47 In my view these considerations should outweigh any negative propaganda effects that Foster's work is likely to have. After all.

This model can be elaborated by the addition of a distinction (or. Ideas that are in conflict with existing beliefs will be initially resisted and subjected to severe scrutiny. But. to find a method that would terminate debate by necessarily convincing anyone relying solely on reason. where there are debates among parties adopting sharply discrepant assumptions. Kuhn. though even this usually depends on generational replacement of the 'old guard' by the new. argues that over a period when scientific work in a particular field is dominated by a single paradigm. (Of course. And once we switch to a nonfoundationalist position. where these would simply be accepted if supported by decisive evidence. 429-448. Obversely. I think we get the following result. given the absence of any foundation of absolutely certain knowledge. British Journal of Sociology. What distinguishes core and peripheral beliefs is the extent to which other beliefs depend on them.26 Thus. in terms of the reorganisation of existing beliefs. 24 An obvious implication of this model is that evidence running counter to accepted core beliefs may not be taken seriously. however apparently strong the evidence available in support of them. it may make this less likely than on the foundationalist model. whether others would accept Foster's arguments would depend entirely on whether he shows that the findings of the studies he criticises do not derive logically from brute data and that those of his own study do.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 169/230 2NC Empiricism The 1AC is not falsifiable—there’s no way to determine the truth value of responses to their conception of society Hammersley 93 (Martyn. change may occur without much resistance.3. On the foundationalist model. Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics. where new ideas challenge core beliefs change is much less likely. for instance. Ease of acceptance is an inverse product of how much reassessment and reorganisation of what is currently taken to be established knowledge would be required to accept the new claim and retain overall consistency. Where new ideas threaten relatively peripheral existing beliefs. better. exactly the same applies to his critics' substantive and methodological questioning of Foster's own empirical research. Furthermore. the goal of the early advocates of the foundationalist model. we can see why discussions among them may well be inconclusive. If we look at the case ofF oster and his critics from this point of view. While this model does not rule out the acceptance of new ideas that are incompatible with existing beliefs. defensive cognitive strategies may be developed specifically to protect the core from criticism. so that if they are modified much of the rest of the belief system will need to change. at which point there may be a scientific revolution leading to paradigm change.23 This involves a process in which consistency with existing beliefs plays a key role. seems to be beyond reach. the nonfoundationalist model makes the acceptance of new ideas that are consistent with existing beliefs easier than it would be on the basis of foundationalism: in this case little evidence may be needed. and this will vary among audiences. 44.25 If we apply this to the multi-paradigmatic case of the social sciences. Prof @ Open University. we no longer have an absolute standard by which to decide even whether Foster's criticisms of others' work are sufficiently convincing to be accepted. a dimension) between core and peripheral beliefs. Whether or not they are accepted will depend in part on judgments about the relative benefits and costs of accepting them. or at least will take a very long time to resolve. evidence that cannot be accounted for within that paradigm) accumulates but is ignored.) . It only becomes significant if and when an alternative paradigm is identified that looks as though it may be able to account for all the evidence covered by the old one and the anomalies. anomalous evidence (that is. JSTOR)//LA In the discussions of non-foundationalist philosophers of science and others we can identify an empirical model of how scientists actually judge claims in the absence of a foundation. Foster can only do the former not the latter. However.

that it is part of the fundamental structure of that society. 14 Foundationalism has. what seems to be implied in these arguments is that the evidence which Foster offers in his study. of course. and they are sometimes used in combination. However. 429-448. must be rejected because they are incompatible with the widely accepted theory that racism is institutionalised in British society. and instrumentalism. because it consists of reports of intersubjectively observable behaviour). and I think it is clear that it is not defensible.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 170/230 AT: Racism=RC This doesn’t disprove anything we’ve said—the burden of proof is on them here to justify foundationalism over micro-empiricism Hammersley 93 (Martyn. There is no single. . This is the notion that research conclusions are founded. 44. standpoint theory. 13 What is being rejected here can be more usefully (because more specifically) referred to as a foundationalist epistemology. one which gives a misleading priority to micro-empirical evidence at the expense of macro-theoretical perspective. as well as in the social sciences . and whose influence is detectable in the writings of some of Foster's critics. So. in which the empiricism of quantitative research. JSTOR)//LA In part. 12 And. agreed alternative to foundationalism. British Journal of Sociology. once we view this setting in the context of British (or English) society as a whole it will be seen to form part of a larger pattern of racism. but we can identify three radical alternatives that have become increasingly influential in social research in recent years. and his questioning of the findings of other studies. These alternatives are: relativism. been subjected to very damaging criticism in philosophy. Troyna criticises Foster for 'methodological purism'. These are not always clearly distinguished. on a body of evidence whose own validity is beyond question (for example. is challenged on the basis of alternative epistemological assumptions. Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics. this argument connects with much discussion of the methodology of qualitative research today. here Foster's claims are being questioned on the grounds of his presumed commitment to an inadequate methodological framework. This can be summarised as the charge that Foster's work is empiricist. in some rigorously determinate fashion.3. of course. On this basis his critics argue that while discrimination may not seem to be occurring in some particular setting. which he interprets as requiring evidence that rules out all possible alternative interpretations. over the past 30 or 40 years. Thus. Prof @ Open University. I will try to show that none of them is very satisfactory. and of some qualitative work.

3. However. but it is Marx and Marxist theorists who confer this privilege on them by means of a dubious philosophy of history. British Journal of Sociology. but must be kept separate because it involves a quite distinctive and incompatible element. this argument has the effect of apparently undercutting Foster's empirical research in the sense that it need no longer be treated by others as representing reality. whereas a relativist critic could not make the same claim for her or his views but must treat them simply as representing a particular framework of beliefs to which he or she happens to be committed. JSTOR)//LA The second view I want to consider is sometimes associated with versions of the first. B. 18 Something similar occurs in the case of feminist standpoint theory. so that from other points of view it remains false. 17 Here again Foster's arguments may be dismissed because they reflect his background and experience as a white. decide to treat the claims of some black pupils that they and others have been subjected to racist treatment by teachers as necessarily true in their own terms. 16 As a non-relativist. in practice. giving them . for instance. And. 19 However. otherwise everyone could make the same claim with the same legitimacy (we would be back to relativism). male teacher. it is suggested. but what could this be? In the Marxist version of this argument the working class (or. 429-448. Here people's experience and knowledge is treated as valid or invalid by dint of their membership in some social category. This means that some other form of ultimate justification is involved. JSTOR)//LA Applying relativism to the case under discussion. Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics. Something like this may underlie Connolly's question: 'how can Foster as a White middle class male construct his own definition of racism to then use to judge the accuracy of Black working class students' definitions?' 15 If treated as valid. and that other frameworks would produce different conclusions.3. this leaves Foster free to claim quite legitimately (even from the point of view of relativism) that his views represent reality. This seems to lead to a sort of stalemate. that framework being incommensurable with the one adopted by Foster. not the stalemate that seems to result from relativism. This cannot be simply because they declare that they have this insight. Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics. British Journal of Sociology. We must ask on what grounds we can decide that one group has superior insight into reality. it would be argued that the validity of Foster's appeal to the canons of good research is relative to a particular methodological framework. at the same time. where the feminist theorist ascribes privileged insight to women. But in other respects this position is no more satisfactory than relativism.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 171/230 AT: “Your epistemology is bad cuz you’re white” They say our epistemology is bad because of our standpoint—they’re in a double bind between relativism and standpoint epistemology A. I will refer to this as standpoint theory. the oppressed (black. Yet. namely positivism or postpositivism. Relativism means they lose on presumption Hammersley 93 (Martyn. in fact. 44. the validity of Foster's views can therefore be dismissed. there is the problem that relativism is self-undermining: if it is true. By contrast. the Communist Party) are the group with privileged insight into the nature of social reality. of course. they remain as valid as those of his critics. then in its own terms it can only be true relative to a relativist framework. Standpoint epistemology is silly (like clowns) Hammersley 93 (Martyn. 44. Prof @ Open University. We may. Prof @ Open University. from this point of view Foster's arguments remain valid in their own terms. 429-448. as reflecting their experience and the framework of assumptions that constitute it. This argument produces a victory for one side. middle class. or to feminists engaged in the struggle for women's emancipation. this time the implication is that reality is obscured from those with this background because of the effects of ideology. while we must recognise that people in different social locations may have divergent perspectives. female and/or working class people) have privileged insight into the nature of society.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 172/230 distinctive insights. 20 . it is not clear why we should believe the implausible claim that some people have privileged access to knowledge while others are blinded by ideology.

Examples are the charges that he 'lacks commitment to racial equality' and that his research 'disables' those fighting racism . suggesting for instance that he 'has not stopped to critically examine the ideology which informs his own practice' and that in his empirical research he was 'keen to demonstrate that (the) teachers were not racist'.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 173/230 AT: “Your scholarship=racist/politically motivated” Burden of proof is on them—claiming scholarship to be bad because of its motivations requires PROOF and isn’t in of itself a reason to reject its empirical validity Hammersley 93 (Martyn. and thereby gave these respectability.34 Finally. however. and dismissal of Foster's work on these grounds without strong evidence is itself a breach of the norms. 39 This does not mean that these criticisms should automatically be ruled out of account by those operating on the basis of the model. There are two indirect ways in which ethical issues can still be relevant. 429-448. and with what they see as the consequences of the publication of his work. with some features of his research practice.36 In terms of the model of the research community I outlined in the previous section.37 The implication here seems to be that he had a hidden political agenda. of course. being willing to change their views on the basis of compelling evidence.3. British Journal of Sociology. thereby undermining the efforts of 'anti-racist' activists: it is 'disabling rather than enabling'. Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics. JSTOR)//LA The practical value criticisms made by Foster's critics are concerned with his intentions. 44. and assuming that all this is true of other researchers unless strong evidence to the contrary emerges. however. He has been accused. these practical value criticisms are only directly relevant if they indicate deviation on Foster's part from the proper orientation of the researcher specified in that model. 311 Most of the value criticisms of Foster's work. it is suggested that he can and will be read as 'blaming the victim' . . This orientation involves researchers being primarily committed to the discovery of the truth by means of rational discussion.33 It has also been claimed that one of the interview questions he used with teachers invited them 'to articulate racist stereotypes'.35 and that the publication of his work plays into the hands of those who seek to deny the existence of racism for political reasons. fall outside of what is directly relevant according to the model outlined in the previous section. Prof @ Open University. Some of the practical value criticisms of Foster imply such deviation. of lacking proper commitment to racial equality. being prepared to offer evidence for their claims where there is disagreement. for instance. Convincing evidence is required to establish this claim. indeed of producing work that is racist.

In such debate dissembling. in such contacts practical considerations will be most salient. there will be particular concern with the accuracy and relevance of the information provided. on the basis of practical experience and commitment. First. in discourse with fellow practitioners. it may be used to legitimate the goals and means adopted or to criticise those of opponents. we can access all our arguments. they will need to take account of what is and is not shared knowledge. of course. including for instance the costs of different sorts of error. including coercion. Much political activity involves debate between opponents. that this is how politics is today. Central here is a distinction between two ways in which research may serve practical purposes. propaganda is a factor that has some weight (especially in liberal democratic societies).Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 174/230 AT: “Judge evidence by its activist potential” EVEN IF this is the model you use to evaluate evidence. While I do not assume that for action to be successful it must be based on true assumptions. British Journal of Sociology. I think questions can be raised about the practical value criticisms made of Foster's work even from the point of view of this activist conception of social research. However. accusations of ideology and racism etc. negotiation. as they are in the case of 'anti-racism'. 43 This is not to say that practitioners. I do believe that there is a positive relationship between the two. should simply ignore the findings of research. Now. Furthermore. JSTOR)//LA Nevertheless. I think we need to recognise that the judgments that 'anti-racist' activists will and should make about the validity. especially where the boundaries of the practitioner community are politically defined. and with those with whom they must deal in the course of their practice. This is not a novel view of politics. 44. though they would be foolish to completely ignore those doubts. 429-448. it may serve a propaganda role. By contrast. Finally. Research and 'anti-racism': the case of Peter Foster and his critics. and while no-one would suggest that conflicts are usually resolved in a purely discursive way. Prof @ Open University. of course. Recognising the propaganda role of information involves a view of political debate and conflict that places it at a considerable distance from the sort of rational discourse that is central to the model of the research community which I outlined in the previous section. . Looking at the critical response to Foster's work in the light of this. such as 'anti-racist' educators. manipulation. Not only may the belief in widespread teacher racism be more deeply entrenched for them than it is for some researchers. not least in mobilising the support of others. On this basis it might be quite reasonable for 'anti-racists' to continue with their campaign against racism among teachers despite the doubts that Foster has raised. of Foster's work may be different to those that researchers (on my model) should make. for the sake of argument. democracy. at least from a short-term and partisan perspective. or at least the implications. but how findings are assessed by political activists will usually vary depending on which function is treated as primary. it may provide information about the world in which a practical activity is carried out and on the basis of which its goals and means should be developed.3. from a propaganda point of view the truth of the findings is less significant than whether relevant others regard them as true and what they take their implications to be. market forces etc. And it matters not at all for my argument here whether this is taken to be the universal character of politics or whether it is specific to a particular historical period. The point is rather that they should judge those findings in relation to their own practical knowledge and according to what is required to pursue their work well. disagreements may be resolved (legitimately or illegitimately) by other means than rational discussion. this may be different to what is accepted by researchers. If the first is dominant.42 Let us simply accept. the same research findings may serve both of these functions. Second. may be rational techniques. reviewed and perhaps changed. the suppression of evidence. delegation. Hammersley 93 (Martyn. nor that true assumptions will automatically lead to success. Of course. but also they are not under the same obligation as researchers to treat as in need of supporting argument all that the research community does not currently accept as beyond reasonable doubt. the dismissal of opponents' views on the basis of their motives. What is important here is what role the findings can play in the propaganda war.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 175/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 176/230 Quiet K .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 177/230 Quashie .

an argument against the limits of black. especially the artist. Camp notices how black women's acts of resistance appear in day-to. since it has been so essential to every black freedom movement. and even intimate worlds" [3]) constitute a defiance of the vagaries of enslavement.awareness of a reader whose presence-whether critical or sympathetic. or loud. There is an instructive example of this tension in Stephanie Camp's Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in rhe Piamarion Sortr/1. And still. noting that "The Negro is America's metaphor" (109). Smith College. The result is that black culture is celebrated for the exem.ness as a concept. is racist. where black subjectivity exists for its social and political meaningfulness rather than as a marker of the human individuality of the person who is black. The point here is not to dismiss the intensity and vulgarity of slav. The Sovereignty of Quiet: Beyond Resistance in Black Culture. . or about America.cally thwarts other ways of reading. but it also summarizes the exceptional role that black experi. and even if Camp reads these lives as moments of resistance. and it practi. the frame for the book is resistance. as the imperative to represent. as such. concealed. As an identity. this expectation is so widely familiar that it does not require explanation or qualification. Indeed. when the term ''resistance" is used. Richard Wright captures this sentiment. p. the dominant expectation we have of black culture. These include recent scholarly work by Robert Reid-Pharr. a compelling work on the lives of black women during slavery. Such expectation is part of the inclina. as if there were no inner life. blackness is always supposed to tell us something about race or racism. in fact. especially in terms of nationalism. Resistance is hard to argue against. Wright's comment might be hyperbolic. we should affirm an Aesthetics of Quiet that makes possible a more productive relationship to Blackness Quashie 12 (Kevin Everod. these women's everyday lives are brought into fuller relief. but also more generally: it creeps into the consciousness of the black subject. All of this suggests that the common frameworks for thinking about blackness are limited. but instead to restore a broader picture of the humanity of the people who were enslaved. sometimes. The case for quiet is.day activities as much as (if not more than) in formal planned rebellions or revolts.it comes from the language of racial superiority and is a practice intended to dehumanize black people.mination to see blackness only through a social public lens. their aliveness jumps out beyond that equation to offer something more. a hyper. This is the politics of representation.it is too clunky and vague and imprecise to be a catch-all for a whole range of behaviors and ambitions. 3-9)//LA This book explores what a concept of quiet could mean to how we think about black culture. As Camp's title suggests. The exploration is a shift in how we commonly under. And yet even Camp realizes that the meaning of black women's everyday lives was not shaped entirely by their engagement with and resist.ance to the institution of slavery-that black women and men who were enslaved grew gardens and decorated their living spaces and organized par. These assumptions are noticeable in the ways that blackness serves as an emblem of social ailment and progress.ties in the woods (the chapter "The Intoxication of Pleasurable Amusement: Secret Parties and the Politics of the Body" is beautifully imagined and written). which is often described as expressive. In an essay from his 1957 collection White Man Listen!. These qualities inherently reflect the equivalence between resistance and blackness.shapes what is expressed. dramatic. Like Deborah Gray White and others before her.plary ways it employs doubleness as well as for its capacity to manipulate social opinion and challenge racism. Under Camp's careful eye. Resistance is.tion to understand black culture through a lens of resistance. implicitly. for sure. it is practically unconscious. or violence and struggle and triumph or poverty and hopefulness. And yet resistance is too broad a term. The deter. the ways that black women's everyday lives ("private. It is not nuanced enough to characterize the totality of black culture or expression. One result of this dynamic is a quality of selfconsciousness in black literature. But it has also been adopted by black culture. Such self-consciousness is an example of the concept of doubleness that has become the preeminent trope of black cultural studies. this book exists alongside many others that have questioned the boundaries of racial identity.ence has played in American social consciousness: Blackness here is not a term of intimacy or human vagary but of publicness. Resistance exists. and deserves to be named and studied. what is being described is something finer.ery's violence on black people.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 178/230 Aesthetics 1NC The 1AC represents Blackness as resistance—this narrow view precludes the possibility of a more capacious understanding of Black subjectivity—rather.stand blackness.

They look familiar to us even if it is rare to see black faces represented in such a studied. never for its own vagary. It is already there. though this time on paper. consist of a series of tableaux and full-room installations that display the daily lives of anonymous African Americans. making the place where one might expect a shirt collar. It is hard to see. especially if we distinguish the term "expressive" from the notion of public. Such blackness is dramatic. This doesn't really create a sense of doubleness because the portrait is intended to be prominent. barbed wire. but neither is it determined entirely by publicness. a 2007 MacArthur fellow whose work has been show. ambitions. It requires paying attention in a different way. still proximity is contagion. There is also a large body of work by black women scholars. So much of the discourse of racial blackness imagines black people as public subjects with identities formed and articulated and resisted in public. Quiet is antithetical to how we think about black culture. always representative and engaged with how it is imagined publicly. More recently. quiet is inevitable. Localized and domesticated. An aesthetic of quiet is not incompatible with black culture. These characterizations are the legacy of racism and they become the common way we understand and represent blackness. but no less potent in its ineffability. as if more and more of the image will manifest if you look long enough. Because of the flowers. Quiet. we can wonder if he loved pink and purple tones.) The key is to let the unexpected be possible.his killed body marked by a wreath. essential.ably with silence or stillness. literally they become a lingua franca. Kenneth Warren.cased at the Smithsonian. a private and unusua l explosion of color? The flowers he gave to a date or the ones he brought to a funeral? A sign of his desire to visit all the world's spectacular gardens? We might pick up the title's reference to Billie Holiday's thick voice on "Strange Fruit" ("scent of magnolia sweet and fresh/the sudden smell of burning flesh") which might lead to a more omi. charcoal drawings of posed studio photo· graphs found at flea markets or town archi\•es (largely from the 1900s to the 1940s) are paired with various objects (boxing gloves. Lovell seems to aim for a balance between the social or public meaning of a person or object. and what we expect. Trey Ellis. In humanity. the black artist lives within the crosshairs of publicness and. if she or he is to produce meaningful work.ning collection entitled Kin. His use of shadow is astute. This shift can fed like a kind of heresy if the interior is thought of as apolitical or inexpressive. this argument for quiet aims to give up resistance as a framework in search of what is lost in its all-encompassing reach.parts of fences or walls-and seem to bring domestic scenes to life. In KIN VII (Scent of Magnolia). Afaa M. and by exten. Like quiet. the wreath's randomness becomes specific to this bold beautiful black face. The idea of quiet. barbed wire.is a stay against the dominance of the social world. is a metaphor for the full range of one's inner life—one's desires. but to notice and understand it requires a shift in how we read. wary and resolute. Inspired by these artists. it has its own sovereignty. in a stun. if one is looking to understand it. Thelma Golden. a knife. and its intimacy. the textured quality of the hair). yes. he can be a subject more than an emblem. fears. which is a tribute to his skill in drawing: His portraits render their subjects in terrific clarity (the intensity in the eyes. symbolic. even harder to describe. Lovell is a giant in contemporary art. Lovell has cont inued d rawing portraits o f anonymous black people. the defined neck and cheek. and especially David Lionel Smith. The idea of quiet is compelling because the term is not fancy. Hazel Carby. Thomas Holt.not symbols of a discourse of racism. the clean juxtaposition of locating each near the other without abrasion or overlap. hungers. Indeed the . Quiet is often used interchange. The inner life is not apolitical or without social value. Kimberly Nichele Brown. It is a simple. Gene Andrew Jarrett.it is an everyday word-but it is also conceptual.which is as it would be. and Rita Dove.sion. that has posed consistent challenges to the singularity of race.nous reading. instead. whose essay "What Is Black Culture?" is dazzling and indispensible. what we look for.chains. without ignoring the possibility of racist violence. Michelle Wright. these figures are made from identification photographs (headshots from passports or mug shots. Weaver. for a black person in the United States. and Ralph Ellison. o ften is. but the notion of quiet in the pages that follow is neither motionless nor without sound. elegant way. Whitfield Lovell's KIN Vll (Scent o[Mt~gnolia). foreboding is only part of one's life story. Whispers from the Walls and Sanctuary. Where his earlier work created tableaux using full-bodied figures. Langston Hughes. vulnerabilities. And still. but people in the everyday. Quiet.but it is unsatisfying to be so singular and definitive with this image. the interior. alive. which it is not: one's inner life is raucous and full of expression. The drawings are made on pieces of wood. to Zora Neale Hurston. has to construct a consciousness that exists beyond the expectation of resistance. The specific concern about the dominance of resistance as a framework. targets. and the result is images of people who look like people.4 Resistance. how. This point about how we read is especially relevant to the image in the frontispiece.ever. Critics note the dignity of Lovell's figures. the MOMA. a bucket). But the dignity is related also to the pairing of image and artifact. even what we remain open to. and it should not overwhelm how we think of the breadth of humanity.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 179/230 Paul Gilroy. 'Whatever the story. black people. And the subject is clarified by the artifact: Are these flowers from his room. for example) and are often paired with an object. In these installatio ns. can shift attention to what is interior. (This is especially true of Lovell's drawings that lack a corresponding artifact. especially since the 1970s. rope. but there is something else there: a ravishing quiet. but other capacities too. is exposed by black artists who have always struggled with the politics of representation. In fact. beautiful part of what it means to be alive. the Whitney. a piece of jewelry. its human relevance. From Zadie Smith. the outline of a chest. and the artifact insinuates itself on the portrait. the cloth wreath becomes part of the male figure's body. then. We might want to read a narrative of resistance on KIN \riT (Scent of Magnolia). and in various other locations in the United States and abroad.thetic of juxtaposition in these more recent pieces is what evokes narrative. The foreboding is there to be read in some of the objects in Lovell's work.dynamic and ravishing. His most well-known exhibits. as if we are seeing the unfolding of a scene of human life. the aes. the flowers are a surprise that interrupt the dominant narratives that might be ascribed to the profile of a black man of that age.

For sure. as a frame for reading black culture. that his life is wide-open and possible. what other frameworks might help to illuminate aspects of the work produced by black writers and thinkers? How can quiet. but to ask what else--what else can we say about black culture. however. It is remarkable. It is remarkable for a black artist working with black subjects (and in a visual medium) to restore humanity without being apolitical. as is the grace and necessity of the fight. But what else is there to black humanity. There are many books on black expressiveness and resistance.ance and protest to black culture. the threat and violence of racism is one story. This is the agency in Lovell's piece. It is a simple beautiful part of what it means to be alive. This is challenging territory to navigate. to make the argument that Lo vell makes so well with his work. familiar and unknowable. given the importance of resist. all living is political—every human action means something—but all living is not in protest. But the intent here is not to disregard these terms. It is already there.that anything we do is shaped by the range of desires and capacities of our inner life. that his life is more than familiar characterizations of victimization by or triumph over racism. The question is an invitation to imagine an inner life of the broadest terrain. to assume such is to disregard the richness of life. there will be-and should be-many more. This book is about quiet. In humanity. quiet is inevitable. is not one of them. also. This. essential. this piece seems to ask. the way that what is implied is a full range of human life: that we don't know the subject just by looking at him or noticing the artifact. expose life that is not already determined by narratives of the social world? After all. if one is looking to understand it.that what is black is at once particular and universal.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 180/230 interior could be understood as the source of human action. .

Summer/Fall 2009. not necessarily their advocacy statement. and is the ultimate archetype of the culture. expressiveness has been vital to promoting black culture and liberation. The Trouble with Publicness: Toward a Theory of Black Quiet. doubleness. these concepts say less about the interior of black subjectivity. what expressiveness means. In light of the discourse of publicness. or made possible. rather than being a function of the public sphere. This means Aesthetics 1st is also an answer to the perm] . African American Review. p. resistance becomes the dominant idiom for reading and describing black culture. There is little liberty or reason to consider other kinds of expressivities.) Yet this appreciation leaves untouched the ways that the relationship between blackness and publicness overdetermines how expressiveness is read. 329-43)//LA In this way. Indeed this failure to imagine other expressivities obscures and even disavows manifestations of black culture that fall outside the aesthetic that publicness has either made. is an African cultural retention. The case could even be made that black expressiveness. which is what Robert Farris Thompson proposes in Flash of the Spirit. As a consequence of this historical significance of public expressiveness. and leave us without a general concept that aims to describe or reference the inner life. In this light. 43(2-3). in fact it is not an overstatement to say that it is closely linked to every black civil rights effort. the mask) are engaged largely for their capacity to support the idea of resistance. ones that are animated less by a sense of audience and more by the wide range of human impulses. (Vlach himself argues convincingly that the aesthetic expressiveness found in early black folk art is both a retention and a functional reality of enslaved people. expressiveness is reduced to being contrarian and resistant. Smith College. signifying. NOTE: *Remember to say that the K only rejects the aff’s aesthetics.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 181/230 2NC Perm The logic of the aff exists only insofar as it ensures effective resistance—that already precludes an effective investigation of interiority Quashie 9 (Kevin Everod. One result of this dominance is that the major concepts used to discuss black culture (for example.

but rather just the aff’s public conception of resistance NOTE: [this is distinct from the perm because it rejects PUBLICNESS. In humanity. It is represented by our interior. that an aesthetic of quiet makes possible. p. a black subject in the undisputed dignity of its humanity. quiet is inevitable and essential—it is our dignity. honors the contemplative quality that is also characteristic of black culture. and our death” (Goldberg 28).” and in doing so. more complicated than a discourse of resistance can paint. this thing that is sublime— inexpressible. it is an invitation to consider cultural identity from somewhere other than the conceptual places that we have come to accept as definitive of black culture—not the “hip personality” exposed to and performed for the world. fuller. The point is more simply that resistance alone is not (or is no longer) a sufficient frame for understanding black culture. None of this is intended to dismiss the importance of resistance in black culture. Smith College. the reservoir of human complexity that is deep inside. and the lives it represents. Summer/Fall 2009. this reach toward the inner life. our words. Quiet compels us to “explore the beauty of the quality of being human.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 182/230 2NC Alt/FPIK Reject the aff’s simplistic conception of Black interiority in favor of a new aesthetics of Quiet—this doesn’t preclude resistance to racism. but the interior charisma. that “place in us below our hip personality that is connected to our breath.21 Hence quiet. In its magnificence. The Trouble with Publicness: Toward a Theory of Black Quiet. 329-43)//LA Exploring the connection between the discourse of resistance and the notion of publicness is important to understanding how it is that resistance manifests as both the (sole?) subject and intent of black aesthetics. It is this that is the path to a sweet freedom: a black expressiveness without publicness as its forebear.23 .” not only our “lives weighed down by the suppositions of identity. thunderous. Black culture. 43(2-3). African American Review. full of awe. is richer. while the permutation would include it or else they sever] Quashie 9 (Kevin Everod.22 It is this exploration.

through exterior manifestations. It is indeed the combination of the interior’s expressiveness. the interior shifts in regard to life’s stimuli but it is neither resistant to nor overdetermined by the vagaries of the outer world. 329-43)//LA What. or even stand as a metaphor for the interior? In everyday discourse. 43(2-3). interiority is a quality of being inward. Smith College.20 Bonner doesn’t offer a public call to arms or a private rant. a woman and colored. that makes interiority such a meaningful idiom for rethinking the nature of black expressiveness. a “metaphor” for “life and creativity beyond the public face of stereotype and limited imagination” (Alexander x). the edges of all the humanity one has. Yet the interior is expressive. and suggests what is essentially and indescribably human. original emphasis). or wants to be. a decided step away from the tone and topic and advice that one might expect of an essay on being young. the interior is expansive. and the inability to articulately it fully. African American Review. Despite its name. it is articulate and meaningful and has social impact. desires. African American Review. it is more akin to hunger. but its vastness and wildness escape definitive characterization. the interior is largely known through language or behavior. would a concept of expressiveness look like if it were not tethered to publicness? The performative aspects of black culture are well noted. and it captures precisely the value of the concept of the interior—that it gestures away from the caricatures of racial subjectivity that are either racist or intended to counter racism. This notion of the interior is elusive but is nonetheless important to understanding quiet. voluptuous. dangerous. At best. fears. Furthermore. then. then. Said another way.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 183/230 AT: “You Talk. it can be approximated or implied. Quiet. and is therefore hard to know on its own terms. and her freedom informs the narrative choices of her poetic and wandering essay. Summer/Fall 2009. p. the interior is not unconnected to the world of things (the public or political or social world). but for the idea of quiet to be useful here. since it is something more chaotic than that. Smith College. expresses—some of the capacity of the interior. p. her subject is free. Bro” Brief explanation of alt vs aff Quashie 9 (Kevin Everod. The Trouble with Publicness: Toward a Theory of Black Quiet. Instead. and not subject to one’s control—it has to be taken on its own terms. 43(2-3). Quiet is not silence—it’s a productive window into the interior—the distinction isn’t whether we use words is HOW we use them—for an INTENTIONAL purpose or as a mere EXPLORTATION of Black interiority Quashie 9 (Kevin Everod. creative. 329-43)//LA This characterization of waiting as a quiet expressiveness is a rejection of publicness. but instead is the expressiveness of the quiet symbolizes—and if interrogated. ambitions that shape a human self. an inexpressible expressiveness that . but what else can be said here? Could the concept of quiet help to articulate a different kind of expressiveness. Summer/Fall 2009. This latter description is from Elizabeth Alexander’s collection Black Interior. it is both a space of a wild self-indulgence and “the locus at which selfinterrogation takes place” (Spillers 383. impulsive. The Trouble with Publicness: Toward a Theory of Black Quiet. she doesn’t present her protagonist as bothered and bothersome. Instead.12 There is in trying to describe the interior a predicament of expression since the interior is not really discursive—it cannot be represented fully and is largely indescribable. The interior is the inner reservoir of thoughts. The interior has its own ineffable integrity. forgetting. It is not to be confused with intentionality or consciousness. nor is it an exact antonym for exterior. is the expressiveness of this interior. memory. it will need to be understood as a quality or a sensibility of being. Most simply. feelings. quiet is synonymous with silence and is the absence of sound or movement. Such expressiveness is not concerned with publicness. as a manner of expression.

indirection. In fact. the trope of signifying is widely considered distinctive of black cultural expression. quiet. since the interior is not essentially resistant. The expressiveness of silence is often aware of an audience. even surprising. in a purely denotative sense. signifying is a transcendent expressiveness. Conceptually. indirection and juxtaposition coalesce to create meaning that is complicated and subtle. a watcher or listener whose presence is the reason for the withholding. conscious of the listening audience. more simply. then quiet is an expressiveness that is not consumed with intentionality.13 The Signifying Subject and the Aesthetic of Quiet The idea of an aesthetic of quiet is foreign to but not incompatible with black cultural studies. The power of signifying as a rhetorical act lies in the third component—the dialectic produced between what is spoken and what is not—as irony. quiet is not necessarily or essentially stillness. can encompass and represent wild motion. It is in this regard that the distinction between quiet and silence is more clear: silence. The piece that is said is often demonstrative. relying unreliably on prolific interplay between said and unsaid.. is presence.” the concept of signifying celebrates the use of humor. one cannot appreciate it by only paying attention to what is said. and contrasts with the silence of what is unspoken. it is never assured that the act of signifying will yield. the desired expression. In this regard. in fact quiet. on the demonstrative and cocksure exteriority of the trope rather than its capacity to serve as an idiom of interiority. This emphasis categorizes signifying as an essentially public expressivity.14 . implies something that is suppressed or repressed. the aesthetic of quiet watcher-less. (One can. the meaningfulness of the signifying act depends on the concept of publicness (e. or talks about someone. something hidden or absent. to make a point or sometimes just for fun.g. Nevertheless. For example.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 184/230 can appear publicly. needles. Black Talk 207). the general discussion of signifying as verbal exchange tends to focus on its public dimension. This is a key difference between the two terms because in its inwardness. explicitly or directly. audience). for the reader or listener. and word play (Smitherman. public and private.) It is true that silence can be expressive. Based on the “verbal art of ritualized insult in which the speaker puts down. Finally. but its expression is often based on refusal or protest. an interiority that is about withholding. verbal signifying has three rhetorical components—what is said. That is. for example. though none of this is its aim or essence. not the abundance of the interior described above. what is unsaid. and challenge or counter social discourse. as the expressiveness of inner life. describe a sound or prose as quiet. have and affect social and political meaning. for even when the act of signifying is not in reference to a discourse of resistance. and the relationship between the two.

that they are strong but also vulnerable. . But there is still an important question about the other qualities of black culture that are overwhelmed by the dominance of resistance as an aesthetic. if we can remember to ask questions about their hearts in excited flutter. Hortense Spillers is right when she notes that “every feature of social and human differentiation disappears in public discourses regarding African-Americans” (224). In this context. since there is no question about the meaningfulness of race and especially racism in American culture. because it can allow a group to speak with a sense of singular purpose.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 185/230 AT: “Must Resist” We don’t preclude the possibility of breaking down dominant structures or white supremacy—it’s just that our strategy cannot be one of resistance—an aesthetics of Quiet is preferable Quashie 9 (Kevin Everod. 329-43)//LA The interest in quiet arrives because of the trouble posed by public expressiveness. as individual and collective action or as an aesthetic. As it is engaged. Summer/Fall 2009. though they do not speak. the glimpse of their exquisite interiors. 43(2-3). the important role expressiveness plays in the struggles for civil rights—it goes largely unchallenged. particularly the assumption that black culture is predominantly resistant. But even at its most horrible. clearly and definitively. as an alternative—to do so is to disregard the evidence of their humanity for its own sake. on the other hand. the way racism influences and shapes black culture.17 This interior expressiveness is already present in Smith’s and Carlos’s protest. We should be wary of the dominance of expressiveness as a black aesthetic and of the easy conclusions that it makes possible. Simply. two people in a moment of grace.18 But there is also a danger in only reading their moment for the way it counters the violence of white supremacy. messy. Smith College. Furthermore. In this regard. It is not only the explicit public argument that they are making about racism and poverty that should be important to us. This is precisely the need for a concept of interiority. is alive. all thrill and tremble and loveliness. What must also matter is the argument announced in their posture of surrender. p. Smith’s and Carlos’s image. is a meaningful part of black culture. public expressiveness is the workhorse of nationalism. This characterization is so ordinary that it ends up simplifying blackness. their heads bowed. Perhaps this makes sense. their language is a generous vocabulary of humanity. what else beyond resistance can we say about the shape and meaning of black culture and subjectivity?16 The contention is in the way publicness has a chokehold on black culture and identity. beautiful alternative. and is vital to any marginalized population. the inwardness of their bodies in prayer. Part of what makes their protest so striking is its stark contrast with another iconic image of black publicness—the black body hanging from a tree. Smith and Carlos are a triumphant. The Trouble with Publicness: Toward a Theory of Black Quiet. African American Review. This is why it is useful to political discourse. so that it may support representations of blackness that are irreverent. It is hard to imagine a conceptualization of blackness that does not already envision itself—and the humanness of its struggle to be free—within the context set by publicness: as a subjectivity whose expressiveness is demonstrative and resistant. or even their implied contrast with untold numbers of murdered others. there is also no question that resistance. because the characterization is supported by the political and historical reality of black people—for example. the image of the lynchee is one of silence and speaks through the alphabet of violent repression. complicated—representations that have greater human texture and specificity than the broad caption of resistance can offer. Their protest is more fluent because of this expressiveness that is not dependent on publicness. this concept of public expressiveness presumes to know and to say everything. they are compelling as much for their quiet as for the very publicity of their expression. historically and in the present. The magnitude of the contrast is heightened by the aesthetic similarity between photographs of their 1968 protest and images of lynched bodies. but that black expressiveness is so tethered to what is public and to a discourse of resistance. is articulate in its quiet. The problem here is not expressiveness per se.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 186/230 Brown .

whether through slave ballads. or the quantification of housework. Speech harbors silences. Here is the way this problem unfolds politically: insurrection re.tivities is redressed. from normative violence. Silence. Scott’s problematization of experi. so is silence con. as well as from the scorching rays of public exposure. A link is examined. In the course of this inquiry. establishes regula. events.ence.1 the essay asks whether our contemporary crisis of truth has not been displaced into an endless stream of words about ourselves.plosive counter tales. it may feed the powers it meant to starve. the unpropertied: all have pressed themselves into civic belonging not simply through asserting their personhood but through politicizing—articulating—the silent workings of their internally excluded presence within prevailing notions of personhood. 83-97)//LA As freedom is both realized and negated by choice. this essay interrogates the presumed authenticity of “voice” in the implicit equa.ent kinds of articulation that produce as well as negate each other. When silence is broken by speech. and organized by speech. when speech ends. it is also possible to make a fetish of breaking silence.tions of breaking silence. is neither more nor less “truthful” than speech is. Edgework: Critical Essays on Knowledge and Politics. Freedom’s Silences. histories. Borrowing tacitly from Foucault’s theorization of confessional discourse.ble as a historically injurious force. homosexuals. in short. . They are differ.vened. or ac.ing most contemporary discourse about censorship and silence. Silence and speech are not only constitutive of but also modalities of one another. Nor are the silences constituted in discourses of subordi. Joan W. coincides with the disciplinary power of ubiquitous confessional practices.quires breaking silence about the very existence as well as the activity or injury of the collective insurrectionary subject. what emerges is truth borne by the vessel of authenticity or experience. vanquishes other possible speech. and neither more nor less regulatory. It is possible as well that this ostensible tool of emancipation carries its own techniques of subjugation—that it converges with une. thus producing the conviction that silence speaks. Si. too. new silences are fabricated and enforced. immigrants. Jews.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 187/230 Brown 1NC The 1AC is symptomatic of the modern liberal order’s fetishization of breaking silence—this aesthetic is flawed and will only retrench systems of domination Brown 5 (Wendy. the labor theory of value. while they are the corridors to be filled with ex. women. Neither a defense of silence nor an injunction to silence.cluded from liberal personhood have proceeded against the spectrum of silences limning the universal claims of humanist discourse for the past several centuries. broken. Even dreams of emancipation cannot take shape unless the discursively shadowy or altogether invisible character of those subjects. silences harbor meaning.tion between speech and freedom entailed in contemporary affirma. wounds. both constituted and broken by particular speech. silence is considered as not simply an aesthetic but a political value. people of color. those historically ex. theories. yet speech.forced silence is broken. But while the silences in discourses of domination are a site for insurrectionary noise. This conceit enables both the assumption that censorship converts the truth of speech to the lie of silence and the assumption that when an en. In this way. Prof @ UC Berkeley.mancipatory tendencies in contemporary culture. and discourses in alternate registers until the silence itself is rendered routinely intelligi. but must be as. and Shoshana Felman’s and Dori Laub’s identification of our time as the age of testimony.lence calls for speech. a means of preserving certain practices and dimensions of existence from regulatory power. The belief that silence and speech are opposites is a conceit underly.tory norms. They do not shatter the moment their strategic function has been exposed. because it is always particular speech. thus canceling the promise of full representation heralded by silence. It asks as well whether this stream of words does not perpetuate the crisis of which it is a symptom. the flaunting of forbidden love. Calling these assumptions into question means not only thinking about the relation between silence and speech differently but also rethinking the powers and potentials of silence. words that presume to escape epistemological challenges to truth because they are personal or experiential.saulted repeatedly with stories. p.nation broken forever when they are broken once. the ensuing silence carries meaning that can only be metaphorized by speech.

these productions of truth may have the capacity not only to chain us to our injurious histories as well as the stations of our small lives. . but to instigate the further regulation of those lives while depoliticizing their conditions.sonal life––and.tion specific to our age that is not simply confessional but empties pri. and the compulsive and compulsory cataloguing of the details of marginalized lives on the other—I want to highlight a modality of regulation and depoliticiza. and emotions already achieved by the market and to usurp public space with often trivial matters. and economic pow.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 188/230 between. on the one hand. The effect is both to abet the steady commercialization and homogenization of intimate attachments. political. while intended as a practice of freedom (premised on the modernist conceit that the truth makes us free). from chronicles of eating disor.patory practice: the compulsive putting into public discourse of heretofore hidden or private experiences. therapeutic. a putatively countercultural or emanci. a contemporary tendency concerning the lives of public figures—the confession or extraction of every detail (sexual. In short. financial) of private and per.ers unremarked and untouched. from catalogues of sexual pleasures to litanies of sexual abuses. expe. on the other. rendering the political personal in a fashion that leaves injurious social. In linking these two phenomena—the privatization of public life via the mechanism of public exposure of private life on the one hand.riences.vate life into the public domain.ders to diaries of home births and gay parenting. familial.

course has not penetrated. I do not think he is reneging on this emphasis or suggesting a prediscursive existence to things. as part of dis. Yet.lizing precisely this power against discourse. In casting silence as a potential refuge from power. It instead signi. which regulate and colonize.courses. as well as a possible niche for the practice of freedom within those discourses. silence—even that produced within discourse—may also function as that which dis. Freedom’s Silences.S.course. .Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 189/230 2NC Silence Solves The kritik is the debate equivalent of the 5th amendment—silence makes possible resistance to the structures of power Brown 5 (Wendy. and those that do not perform these functions with the same social pervasiveness. as Foucault affirms it. even as the amendment itself functions discursively and leads a distinctly discursive life. judicial. then silences themselves must be understood as discursively produced.” or his troubling example of the village simpleton whose “inconsequential” sexual game with a little girl was suddenly subjected to medical. Constitution may be understood as mobi.fies a particular relation to regulatory discourses.cursive existence. p.ganization by power than speech is.tory functions of discourse.atry. if discourses posit and organize silences. even while they do not escape the tendency of all discourse to establish norms by which it regulates and excludes. is then identical neither with secrecy nor with not speaking. rather than as its opposite. existence to certain practices does he appear to mean that they really occurred “outside” discourse. Through this distinction one can make sense of Foucault’s otherwise inexplicable reference to sex in the eighteenth century as being “driven out of hiding and constrained to lead a dis. psychi. and popular scrutiny and condemna.sive disciplinary or biopolitical discourses of the age—science. the point is rather that they had not yet been brought into the perva. Hence silences are no more free of or. pedagogy. Edgework: Critical Essays on Knowledge and Politics. and paradoxically.10 Silence. 83-97)//LA The paradoxical capacity of silence to engage opposites with regard to power—both to shelter power and to serve as a barrier against power—is rarely accented in Foucault’s thinking as a consequence of his emphasis (elsewhere) on discourse as a vehicle of power. medicine. The Fifth Amendment to the U. Critical here is the difference between what Foucault calls unitary dis. law. nor are they any more inventable or protectable by us than speech is. It is this latter function that renders silence itself a source of protection and potentially even a source of power.” because prediscursive.tion. Put differently. Prof @ UC Berkeley. as a scene of practices that escape the regula.9 Neither in these cases nor in others where Foucault seems to imply a “freer.

tends to reinstate a unified discourse in which the story of greatest suffering becomes the true story of woman. from the “real woman” rejoinder to poststructuralist decon. In an age of social identification through attributes marked as culturally significant— gender. as sexual abuse and violation oc.nized and perhaps more disquieting in putatively countercultural discourse. But what if speech and silence aren’t really opposites? Indeed. Rather. eating disorders have become the femi.lates the confessor in the name of freeing her. when confessing injury can become that which attaches us to the injury. sexuality. on the one hand. This phe. although it emerges with particular acuteness in both. the woman of color who does not primarily or “correctly” identify with her marking as such—these figures are excluded as bona fide members of the identity categories that also claim them. 83-97)//LA This problem is not specific to MacKinnon’s work nor even to femi. as the girl with math anxieties constitutes the feminist truth about women and math. p.” or of being a “race traitor. for example.dents of legal and bureaucratic discourse. and so forth—confessional discourse. the porn star who feels miserably exploited. converging with feminist suspicion and de-authorization of truth from other sources. and prevents us from seeking or even desiring a status other than that of injured. (This may con. God.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 190/230 2NC Turns Case Speaking out makes liberation impossible and turns the case—endorse instead a productive silence with the potential to actualize freedom Brown 5 (Wendy.” of suffering from “false consciousness. race.cupy the feminist knowledge terrain of women and sexuality.fied and then ignored them when they made their appearance. they also condemn those whose sufferings they record to a permanent identification with that suffering. how our truths can become our rulers rather than our emancipators.” This is the norm-making process in traditions of “breaking silence. traumatized. the adult who does not manifestly suffer from her or his childhood sexual experience.similable) zones of one’s own experience? Conversely. Prof @ UC Berkeley. even as feminism aims to affirm diversity among women and women’s experiences. Though this kind of regulatory function is familiar enough to stu. Their status within these discourses is that of being “in denial. of living beyond it. Here. or unas. MacKinnon’s and kindred efforts at bringing subjugated discourses into the law merely constitute examples of what Foucault identified as the risk of recodification and recolonization of “disin. not only regu. fragmentary.structions of her to totalizing descriptions of women’s experience that are the inadvertent effects of various kinds of survivor stories.nist truth about women and food. it is less frequently recog.periences of those whose suffering is most marked (or whom the discourse produces as suffering markedly).) Thus. but extends beyond the confessing individual to constitute a regulatory truth about the identity group: confessed truths are assembled and deployed as “knowledge” about the group.cessantly of one’s suffering is to silence the possibilities of overcoming it.nomenon would seem to undergird a range of recurring troubles in feminism. there is a temporal ensnaring in “the folds of our own discourses” insofar as our manner of identifying ourselves in speech condemns us to live in a present dominated by the past. which first disquali. While these practices tacitly silence those who do not share the ex. silence and exclude the very persons these traditions mean to empower.terred knowledges” by those “unitary discourses. paralyzes us within it. violated. and for generalized truth claims rooted in science. Edgework: Critical Essays on Knowledge and Politics. ironically. what if a certain modality of silence about one’s suffering—and we might consider modalities of silence to be as varied as modalities of speech—articulates a variety of possibilities not otherwise available to the sufferer? . Thus. and humiliated in her work invariably monopolizes the feminist truth about sex work. the lesbian who does not feel shame.nist legal reform. with its truth-bearing status in a postepistemological universe. how our confessions become the norms by which we are regulated. as Foucault described that logic. confession as the site of production of truth. what if to speak in. of identifying as something other than it? What if this incessant speech overwhelms not only the experiences of others but also alternative (unutterable.stitute part of the rhetorical purchase of confessional discourse in a postfoundational epistemological era: confession substitutes for the largely discredited charge of false consciousness. Freedom’s Silences.” These efforts suggest how the work of breaking silence can metamorphose into new techniques of domination. In other words. or nature on the other.” which.

can produce a certain set of diabolical practices. whether women and men.” It also permits the slip from religion to race when the Millennium Machine video on terrorism asks viewers whether racial profiling is an acceptable security measure in the aftermath of an attack by Islamic terrorists. or Jew or Christian. p. the natural diffidence of difference becomes the engine of human history. race. as sites of deep difference. this logic affirms the tribalism it claims to deplore. the United Farm Workers’ struggle can be included under tolerance because this economic justice project happens to attach to brown bodies. The amalgamation makes possible an especially pernicious interchangeability between religion. hegemony and marginalization. and race. and once identity itself is ontologized. constitute the basis for disparate beliefs and practices. then it contours belief and practice even where these do not take expressly religious or cultural shape. sexism and racism are reduced to the failure to treat “difference” with respect. Moreover. 143-4)//LA [NOTE: MOT = Museum of Tolerance] Fourth. ethnicity. in turn. ethnicity. It makes identity ontological rather than as an effect of the powers that produce it—indeed. the naturalization and amalgamation of difference inscribes the very racism. this chain of logic becomes possible.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 191/230 General Impact to Identity The aff ontologizes identity as monolithic—this locks in racism and makes resistance to domination impossible Brown 6 (Wendy. to accord it human dignity despite its strangeness. and interchangeability that isn’t entirely reducible to analytic sloppiness or to the effect of extending the model of Judaism to everything else. and religion are all part of the generic problem of difference. Regulation Aversion: Tolerance in the Age of Identity and Empire. So race and gender. and homophobia is purports to redress. Rather. Yet this derivation of belief and practices from race is what the MOT elsewhere defines as stereotyping and condemns as an enemy of tolerance. But this is also the logic that permits a definition of tolerance as “the acceptance of beliefs and practices that differ from one’s own” to be sustained when dealing with categories such as race and gender that would seemingly undermine it. for example. If difference is natural and deep. Korean and black. culture. . Prof @ UC Berkeley. in the process. homosexual and heterosexual. that produce every Us and Them. In this radically depoliticized account of subordination and domination. The implication is that people of a certain phenotype or appearance inherently hew to a particular set of beliefs and that those beliefs. In casting difference as an inherent ground of hostility. This ontologization is what makes perversely intelligible the inclusion of racial difference as a candidate for tolerance within a definition of tolerance as “the acceptance of beliefs and practice that differ from one’s own. sexism. this amalgamation of differences facilitates slides between them. Once culture. these categories become fungible when identity is ontologized such that belief and practice are derived from blood or phenotype.

p. Edgework: Critical Essays on Knowledge and Politics. But it favors one side of a paradox about silence and silencing without recalling the other. 83-97)//LA It is tempting to end on this note.lence as discourse. for it is. Freedom’s Silences. Perhaps then.”23 In this paradoxical locution. like most rights claims. Prof @ UC Berkeley. one to which.chased emancipation from slavery conferred a right to silence. rather than a sign of emancipation from it. one historical-political place of silence for collective sub. Yet it would be a mistake to value this resistance too highly. Here. Following a disturbing encounter with some ob. “Manumitted into silence”— emancipated into silence—no longer a subject of coerced speech. of refusing complicity in injurious interpella.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 192/230 *AFF—No Alt Solvency Your author concludes aff—silence doesn’t solve oppression Brown 5 (Wendy.egy for negotiating domination. however. manumitted into silence. including to our own pro. For while silence can be a mode of resistance to power. In The Alchemy of Race and Rights.noxious young students who jostled her off the sidewalk in a largely white college town. she is also condemned. Put another way. . Williams intimates that pur.ductions of regulatory power. the black legal scholar Patricia Williams coins a provocative phrase that captures this feature of si. wanted as a speaking being in the public or social realm. no longer invaded in every domain of her being. seen. recognized. a strat.tains to the practice of “refusing to speak” as a mode of resistance. yet a place of “freedom from” that is not yet freedom to make the world. it is not enforced from above but rather deployed from below: refusing to speak is a method of refusing colonization. a defense in the context of domination.tions or in subjection through regulation. yet also not heard. even as silence is a response to domination. it is not yet freedom precisely insofar as it constitutes resistance to domination rather than its own discursive bid for hegemony. she speaks of “pursuing her way.jects emerging into history is this crossed one: a place of potentially pleasurable reprieve in newly acquired zones of freedom and privacy. one challenge to the convention of equating speaking with power and silence with powerlessness per.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 193/230 Hundleby .

cance of exposing hidden understanding reduces in cases of extreme political vulnerability that morally require secrecy. the epistemological value of oppositional secrecy seems to conflict with standpoint theorists’ advice of emancipatory activism. but only a limited case of. standpoint theorists argue. sometimes only mentioning them. Hartsock 1986. The cognitive signifi. and in so doing shares their secrets—this undermines the potential for resistance. or otherwise—that there is cognitive value in learning from people’s experiences of oppression (Harding 1991. 20(4). turning the case Hundleby 5 (Catherine. to begin thought from the perspective of “others” and “other ‘others. Political considerations do not bar some of the understandings that might be gained. Even though I am told over and over by white feminists that we must reveal ourselves. Mills 1998). revealing aspects of resistance so vulnerable that they are kept secret threatens to undermine the potential of those secrets for resisting and opposing oppression. open ourselves. Whether or not one shares similar experiences. women’s shelters. because activism is supposed to be necessary to acquire the advantage. The case of oppositional secrecy seems to indicate an exception to standpoint theory. Moving beyond colonialism and other forms of oppres. must be especially valuable and relevant to developing knowledge from a standpoint. the question arises in what circumstances feminists should expect the secrets of oppressed people to be shared. Hypatia. . the need to preserve oppositional secrecy is not an exception to. U of Windsor. The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets. provides an epistemic advantage. a case in which emancipatory politics does not encourage but prohibits sharing understanding. Secrets concerned with resistance. as I argue in this essay. —Mar a Lugones Postcolonial and other oppositional literature introduces many readers to secrets from the social margins. Yet. and lesbian passing. standpoint epistemology. p. Disclosing our secrets threatens our survival. However. I keep secrets. and so in what circumstances we should investigate or reveal them. 44-58)//LA I keep secrets. Because survival may be threatened.’” as Sandra Harding puts it.sion is as much a goal as a description of this writing. such as in the Underground Railroad.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 194/230 Routes of the Oppressed 1NC The aff reveals the perspective of the oppressed. Fall 2005. Thus. sometimes sharing their content. feminist. This issue seems to confound the central claim of standpoint epistemologists—postcolonial. but political distinctions do indicate when and where the cognitive value of such understandings tapers off.

4 The more removed one is from the content being hidden—whether or not the circumstance involves oppression. or shares the secret itself. but with special care if it does—the less political authority one has to evaluate that circumstance and to investigate or share the secret. p. and those who are already trusted in sharing the secret. however noble one’s intentions. one appeals to the immorality of disrespecting the secrets of others. Clearly. The decision of when and how to reveal a secret is left as much as possible to the judgment of those whose secret it is. no foreseeable substantial moral or political threat to the participants in a secret can result from a permissible revelation. The political project of emancipa.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 195/230 Turns Case Secrets are a prerequisite to liberation—revealing them endangers the lives and freedoms of the oppressed Hundleby 5 (Catherine. In the wrong hands. 44-58)//LA Given the two distinguishable forms of oppositional secrecy. one avoids revealing or inquiring into the sexual or racial identity of others.ence of oppression. know when to resist revealing or investigating politically justified secrecy? Whether one shares the particular experience of oppression. The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets. 20(4). and so an inquirer must be aware that violating that secrecy jeopardizes those who participate in it. The cost may be even their lives .tion depends on keeping the secret . Consider how white or straight folks may be oblivious as they “out” and thus endanger a person who is passing. the most obvious reasons for respecting the secrets of the oppressed rely on moral and political considerations. Hypatia. The person or people in question judge best the full practical and political import of open identification.5 So. . secrets are dangerous. can be misused. the question remains what political reasons generally keep people who oppose oppression from revealing or investigating the secrets of the oppressed despite the potential understanding to be gained. at least to some extent or in some way. The type of ignorance encouraged by social privilege may make a knower unaware of the dangerous implications of a particular piece of knowledge for the welfare of marginalized people. U of Windsor. How does a person guided by standpoint theory decide when an oppositional secret may be revealed? How does an intellectual activist against oppression. How is the threat to the oppositional project recognized and evaluated? People tend to resolve such dilemmas by seeking out those who share in the form of oppression. and indeed can reinforce the circumstances of oppression. who may or may not share a particular experi. To ward off potential danger. Fall 2005.

and strict privacy policies that keep the shelter beyond easy access by abusers. and ignorance of marginalized lives can be a source of oppression. 20(4). or burns dinner and breaks dishes. So. indeed. The goal is to secure safe passage. Thus. collaboration may result indirectly from even the most pointed of oppositional actions. First.rant. In no immediate sense does a slave owner’s ignorance of how to survive in the wild oppress the slaves. However. same-sex couples in the United States seeking access to marriage may use networks to provide temporary addresses and pass as residents of states that provide access to legal marriage.litionists gained inspiration from hearing of it. as in the Underground Railroad or illegal systems providing contraceptive informa.tion and services. 120). Another hybrid of passing and networking that disrupts oppression is secret sabotage. On the oppositional side. any case of passing can perpetuate servility to the dominant culture and so undermine personal dignity (Card 1995. Passing as a typical house or generic institution may be important for a women’s shelter. However.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 196/230 AT: “But our project is important” All the reasons why your project is important are reasons to keep it secret—comparative evidence Hundleby 5 (Catherine. who may therefore perceive themselves and be perceived by others as traitors. not of whole people or physical provisions. Note how passing as white is fraught for African Americans seeking the benefits of skin privilege. and generally involves both. even the very limited awareness of it available to slaveholders. as abolitionist and escaped slave Frederick Douglass warned. and we can consider it an ad hoc networking provision. p. even a thoroughly privileged Western feminist can discern two forms of oppositional secrecy. people belonging to an oppressed group may “pass” as having a more politically central identity. The effects of secrecy vary according to context and are difficult to predict. passing entails a special risk of collaboration: the invisibility of lesbian identity encourages neglect of lesbian issues and dismissal of specific lesbian concerns as merely personal or at best marginal and insignificant. including feigned helplessness. they may pass as parent and child to gain access to the property rights otherwise afforded to couples (Maree 2004). What is meant to be oppositional may instead be collaborative. Yet. indeed. Admittedly. 44-58)//LA The very nature of secrecy makes it difficult to find examples—and so much the worse because suppression and underdevelopment make understanding from an oppressed perspective difficult to recognize. Second. (More completely covert networks may be necessary for highly endangered clients. both blended with repressive aspects and ambiguous in the face of interlocking oppressions (Lugones 2003. Any oppositional activity is likely to be “curdled. a casual form of secret arises when people covertly share information by using a language different from the politically dominant tongue. but this requires a network of support by volunteers. oppressed people build covert networks to escape or mitigate oppression. just as some birth control networks provide. lesbian invis- ibility can perpetuate lesbians’ minority status. Unintentional collaboration in oppressive systems is less a danger for delib. For instance.2 The occupation of separate physical and linguistic domains may support oppressive social systems. the strategy of passing is easily corrupted. or a Canadian anglophone’s ignorance of the French language oppress francophones. 5–6).erate underground avenues of resistance.3 However. The ignorance that makes possible underground networks does not directly create the oppressive environment. U of Windsor. blacks may pass as white.) Likewise. all sorts of passing is possible through marriage and name-changes. a reprieve pro- may confront het.” that is. for lesbians. A slave who intentionally damages farm machinery to provide another slave time to recuperate from an illness wishes to pass as a dutiful slave but also to negotiate systematic reprieve for the other (Douglass 1995). Appearing dutiful is also necessary for the unhappy mother who intentionally asks nonsensical questions. Hypatia. Some oppositional secrets combine the two strategies of passing and net. a casual linguistic secret or underground network depends on those in power being substantially igno. 8–16). For instance. or gays and lesbians pass as straight.working. but of information alone. and thus to hidden emancipatory networks. The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets. some slaves gained hope and abo. Of course. Yet employing the marginalized environment as an avenue for resistance need not validate the system of privilege in the same way or to nearly the same degree as acquiring the privileges of the political center by passing. Francophones in anglophone Canada and Latino/as in the United States occasionally make use of this tool for secrecy. an awareness . Fall 2005. an Underground Railroad in microcosm. and in Japan.erosexism without the complications of sexism (Card 1995). an underground activity that depends on passing. all this together makes it possible for residents to hide their identities. Her behavior provides reprieve from the indignity that can infect vided by demonstrating to herself her own measure of independence (Lugones 2003. These two types of oppositional secrecy take special forms. consider how passing tends be more useful for lesbians than gay men who mothering. The success of the Underground Railroad was double-edged.

whether the goal is politically justified. standpoint theorists can find little of cognitive significance in Gertrude’s friend Clare passing as white insofar as it is motivated by luxury.ground network. Apparent similarities between oppositional secrets and other forms of secrecy need not confound people who use standpoint epistemology. and so it is interesting for standpoint theory. means that resemble those of Jews in a concentration camp for sharing food and water. lead them to steal in order to eat.works mobilized against oppression. underground systems of prisoners whose social suppression is politically warranted can be left out of this discussion. could make the slaveholders extra vigilant. Covert networks and disguises also undermine legitimate forms of social control. for instance. productive alternative perspectives. have oppositional knowledge. which only illustrate the contrast with net. and it is not a strategy unique to the oppressed. As for networks. What morally distinguishes the cases—or aspects of the cases. Still. yet revealing unjust networks poses no problem for standpoint theory. By contrast. at least insofar as we can distinguish between oppression and politically warranted suppression. and may ultimately have served their interests more than the slaves (Douglass 1995. so for passing. as they are curdled—is the purpose for the form of under. Their perspective provides cognitive advantage. it cer. .Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 197/230 that might be dismissed as rumor.tainly can be very effective. Gertrude’s passing as white motivated by love is sympathetic. People imprisoned as a result of racist or classist social policies that may. The relevant difference is not the materials exchanged and particular activities of networks. Straightforward social climbing is not politically justified and reflects only a mainstream perspective. Inmates in a prison may find means of sharing drugs and weapons. 60). Consider the moral dilemmas of blacks passing as white in the Harlem renaissance that provide the backdrop for Nella Larsen’s novella Passing (1997). Despite such frequently ambiguous implications of political secrecy. and for continued illegal and immoral behavior.

The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets. and particularly by standpoint theorists (Hartsock 1983. secrecy restricts access to certain information and cognitive skills. speaking as if cognition can be wholly separated from and contrasted with political or ethical values not only sounds crass but can only be a heuristic for identifying conflicting interests. A certain cognitive value derives from a particular form of oppression up until the point at which we eradicate it. Without oppression. Admittedly. both personal and scientific. The epistemological value of a standpoint depends on there being a political center and contrasting social margins. who maintain that the cognitive value to accrue from obtaining an oppositional standpoint is always politically dependent.tional secrecy. Distinguishing epistemological concerns may be artificial. Nelson and Nelson 1995). batterers. and especially for those whom are pointedly deceived—the slaveholders. and so it brings no special cognitive advantage (Figure 1). detracting from the flow of information that makes multiple perspectives available. . U of Windsor. Little potential for gaining understanding about the world can arise from perspectives that are extremely vulnerable because of political circumstances. Yet an account of the intersection between political and epistemological interests can aid responsible inquiry. p. politi. if only because people tend to divide up human interests by separating cognitive from ethical and political values. and which benefits a community in general.cal conditions can be portrayed in epistemological terms in the case of opposi.tion. What appears to be an ethical trumping of cognitive interests is simply a nonstarter in cognitive terms that cannot motivate the revelation of politically necessitated secrets. but it is not clear just how much priority relative to the epistemological interests. no perspective provides a special epistemological advantage. 44-58)//LA Can cognitive advantage to the general community be sufficient to outweigh the political disadvantage of marginalized people losing a strategic secret? Does it make sense to think this way? On the one hand. On the other hand. Fall 2005. and homophobes—the withheld wisdom could be very valuable . With the achievement of social justice comes the elimination of what made that perspective demand special political and cognitive atten. the political interests clearly take priority. but still informative.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 198/230 Impact Calc/AT: Case OWs The K outweighs—there’s no risk that the political efficacy of the aff outweighs its epistemic harms— default to EXPLICIT impact comparison Hundleby 5 (Catherine. Without the existence of oppression. and are not simply a matter of the political values outweighing the epistemological. There are both cognitive and political reasons for respecting the authority of those experiencing oppression. If the secrets are used to resist oppression. This means that decisions about investigating or revealing secrets can be covered in the terms of a standpoint epistemology. Hypatia. Epistemological Value I suggest that just as for both suppressed and underdeveloped knowledge. Rose 1983). 20(4). Such dichotomies are denied by feminist philosophers of science (Longino 1997. weighing cognitive against political values seems like comparing apples with oranges. For those who don’t share the secret. understanding from a particular social perspective is no longer underdeveloped or suppressed.

For instance. If an understanding is extremely vulnerable in the current political climate. sharing knowledge of the existence of a secret may encourage others to seek out further details. The extreme case of genocide demonstrates vividly how political necessity mitigates epistemological values. Hypatia. Although there is much to learn from them about their oppression. 20(4). Whatever aspect of a secret is revealed. p. that oppression stops being part of the world as those oppressed people stop being part of the world. Fall 2005. but valuable because of and therefore contingent on the possibility of social change. U of Windsor. Such understandings are not merely suppressed or underdeveloped. revelation of the information tends to change the political nature of the world and can undermine the secret’s cognitive potential if that potential is fragile. 44-58)//LA The benefit for an outsider’s understanding of the world diminishes with the preciousness of the secret. and endanger the plans and corresponding projection of the world. The world becomes less the world those people lived in and understood. as Douglass worried. Their watchful eyes will make it difficult for her to continue to act out. . and 7 their perspectives decline in relevance and epistemological value. The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets. and so will amplify the oppression she experiences. there is only a small chance that it will bear out. There approaches nothing to learn of the future world from the understandings of peoples who do not survive.taging wife should others become aware that there is some secret regarding her behavior. The project served by the secret is likely to fail.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 199/230 2NC Link Revealing the secrets of the oppressed destroys the value to life and turns the case—any risk of a link outweighs since minor revelations snowball Hundleby 5 (Catherine. Fresh scrutiny will face the sabo.

the less the Underground Railroad can work to develop and preserve African Americans’ culture. 44-58)//LA Whatever motivation there is for secret understandings.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 200/230 *AFF—Case OWs Case comes first—secrets are only relevant if the oppressed have value. their cognitive value largely depends on how the world is shaped by politics now and in the possible future. . Secrets of the oppressed are meaningful views of the world and have cognitively important consequences especially to the extent that those secrets support an otherwise endangered moral status and provide for political emancipation. and the less real is the content of those secrets. Hypatia. and so less informative that they do. 20(4). self-esteem. to the extent that oppositional politics require secrecy on moral grounds. a possibility that is threatened and undermined by oppression. The knowledge kept secret by people who suffer these forms of oppression is useful and true only to the extent that the world might support the value and the legitimacy of those people’s lives. It is less possible for gays and lesbians to pass. so long as they are persecuted. and only the aff can maintain that Hundleby 5 (Catherine. The more thoroughgoing and accepted is slavery. the less difference the victims’ meager secrets can make. Likewise. p. which is to say. The more access abusers have to their victims. in both a literal and a psychological sense. even to the victims themselves. Fall 2005. and individual lives. to the extent that they have morally desirable consequences. the cognitive returns of revealing those secrets diminish and little is told of the present world. The Epistemological Evaluation of Oppositional Secrets. U of Windsor.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 201/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 202/230 Nuclear Racism .

restraints and limitations. and unjust. and cultural racism can be destroyed. but are offered the vision and the possibility of freedom. . whicha are the marks of our white prison. inhuman. will inevitably destroy us as well. institutional. ghettos and prisons.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 203/230 Cards The “acceptable risk” mentality of the affirmative is a tacit endorsement of this racism Green 99 (Jim Green is the national anti-nuclear campaigner with Friends of the Earth Australia and Australian coordinator of the Beyond Nuclear Initiative. It shackles the victimizer as well as the victim.nytimes. The limitations imposed on people of color by poverty. ''the staff must lift some rocks and look under them. 155)//BK To study racism is to study walls.html)//BK The commission's Atomic Safety and Licensing Board. and powerlessness are cruel. The results of centuries of national and worldwide conquest and colonialism. We are not condemned to an inexorable fate. people of color and white people alike. We have looked at barriers and fences. privilage. Three years ago. said its own staff must more thoroughly examine accusations that Louisiana Energy Services purposely chose to locate the plant close to poor. would they continue to dump nuclear waste in those areas? If tailings from uranium mining were located next to the homes of investment bankers instead of the homes of indigenous people." Racism must be rejected in every instance Barndt 91 (Joseph R. stone by stone. The prison of racism confines us all. If the white people who make decisions about nuclear waste felt that the people of color in poor areas are as valuable as the decision makers' own mothers and fathers and sons and daughters. For the sake of the world and ourselves. Barndt co-director of Ministry Working to Dismantle Racism "Dismantling Racism" p. the prison of individual. of overconsumption and environmental destruction may be reaching a point of no return. in our separate prisons we are all prevented from achieving the human potential God intends for us. the walls of racism.[1] Green is a regular media commentator on nuclear waste issues. A small and predominantly white minority of the global population derives its power and privelage from the sufferings of vast majority of peoples of all color.com/1997/05/04/us/power-plant-is-rejected-over-racism-concerns. You and I are urgently called to joing the efforst of those who know it is time to tear down. Clinton's order is to have any weight. and greed.. Brick by brick. ''Certainly the possibility that racial considerations played a part in the site selection cannot be passed off as mere coincidence. The danger point of self-destruction seems to be drawing even more near.[2] He has an honors degree in public health and was awarded a PhD in science and technology studies for his analysis of the Lucas Heights research reactor debate “Radioactive racism” http://www.. It depends on affluent whites deciding to risk the health and lives of people who are not affluent or white. The walls forcibly keep people of color and white people separate from each other. black neighborhoods in northern Louisiana. we dare not allow it to continue. between Forest Grove. the board said. once and for all. would uranium mining continue? The continuation of the nuclear fuel cycle depends .'' The consortium chose in 1989 to build the plant about 40 miles northeast of Shreveport. the effects of uncontrolled power. in a decision issued on Friday. President Clinton ordered Federal agencies to protect minorities from disproportionately large exposure to pollution. This is what 'acceptable risk' often means in practice.'' the board wrote. of military buildups and violent aggression. If Mr.reocities. But we have also seen that the walls of racism can be dismantled. subservience.html)//BK "Racism makes the continuing production of nuclear waste possible.com/jimgreen3/racism. on the practice of human sacrifice. It is no accident that Nuclear plants are located in minority communities NY Times 97 (“Power Plant Is Rejected Over Racism Concerns” http://www.

Jan. . . thereby subsidizing their earnings at the expense of health. 59). These waste sites will inevitably create health problems for future generations – all the result of attempts to increase profits. the landfills will eventually leak poisons into the environment" (ibid. protective systems work according to plan. . even if these toxic waste sites are safe for the present generation-a rather dubious proposition at best-they will pose an increasingly greater health and safety risk for all future generations.S. Therefore. and Center Springs. founded by freed slaves. founded around the turn of the century. The U. land and water" (Angel 1991. http://www. Vol. “Environmental Genocide: Native Americans and Toxic Waste.org/stable/pdfplus/3487423. and the environment.. Native people (and others) will eventually pay the costs of these toxic pollutants with their lives.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 204/230 population 150. In this way.). Brook 98 *Daniel. it is a sad but true fact that "virtually every landfill leaks. 105-113. safety.pdf] Unfortunately. No. 1. pp. population 100. and every incinerator emits hundreds of toxic chemicals into the air. "costs to which [corporate] executives are conveniently immune" (Parker 1983.jstor. 3). Environmental Protection Agency concedes that "[e]ven if the . private corporations are able to externalize their costs onto the commons.” American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 57.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 205/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 206/230 Yancy .

though. a Negro!” It is repetitive and effectively communicates something of a spectacle to behold. they are hypersexual. “strangled” by the attention. something that the Negro will do.” translated by Charles Lam Markmann. he is learning. a Negro!” The circle was drawing a bit tighter. but the schematic foreshadowing of an accusation. mesmerizingly so. “Look. the power of racial speech. Fanon writes. the Negro is bad. The tight smile on Fanon’s face is a forced smile. Yes. And given his “cannibal” nature. philosopher. “Black Skin. It is an anterior guilt that always haunts the Negro and his or her present and future actions. The white boy. revolutionary. “Mama. all around cool dude. I made no secret of my amusement. Their abruptly turned white bodies help to “materialize” the threat through white collusion. clad in mourning in that white winter day. He has become a peculiar thing. as it were. “Look a White!” pp 2-5) gz Note the iterative “Look. Everyone is now looking. The turned heads and twisted bodies that move suddenly to catch a glimpse of the object of the white boy’s alarm function as confirmation that something has gone awry. bracing for something to happen. they cheat. see the Negro! I’m frightened!” Frightened! Frightened! Now they were beginning to be afraid of me. professor of philosophy at Dusquesne University. it takes its phenomenological or lived toll on the black body . As Fanon writes. a nigger. this is what it means to be a Negro—to have done something wrong. 2012.”5 Fanon is clear that the white boy. After all. and the quintessence of evil and danger. uncomfortable.”3 One can imagine the “innocent” white index finger pointing to the black body. a thing of fear. I made up my mind to laugh myself to tears. look. The white boy has triggered something of an optical frenzy. the Negro is mean. it is an expression that calls forth an entire white racist worldview. “The *white+ boy’s expression of fear posits a typified image of the Negro as behaving in threatening ways. Fanon implies. He is. a formation that is fundamentally linked to the . psychological. recolored. the Negro is ugly. “The little white boy throws himself into his mother’s arms: Mama. “Here the ‘pointing’ is not only an indicative. “Look. The little white boy’s utterance is felicitous against a backdrop of white lies and myths about the black body. Fanon feels the impact of the collective white gaze. “My body was given back to me sprawled out.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 207/230 1NC (unfinished) (Frantz Fanon. but laughter had become impossible If you think this story is rooted solely in the past you’ve got another thing coming – this accusation is an act of performative policing by white civil society – the lived experience of the black subject becomes simultaneously dangerous and fungible – this reality is not contingent but rather a structural ontology imposed on black experience that unlocks gratuitous violence Yancy 12 (George Yancy.”4 The act of pointing is by no means benign. distorted. He is undergoing white subject formation.”2 Fanon has done nothing save be a Negro. a Negro!” It was true. p 84) gz “Look. has actually distorted his (Fanon’s) body. and phenomenological implications. “Look. This image has a narrative significance. perhaps the Negro is hungry. tolerant. a Negro!” is rendered intelligible vis-à-vis an entire play of white racist signifiers that ontologically truncate the black body. is not a mere innocent proxy for whiteness. as it portrays the Negro as acting precisely as historically received legends and stories about Negros generally portray them as acting. 1952. I made a tight smile. one which carries the performative force to constitute that danger which it fears and defends against. the nigger’s going to eat me up. at that very moment. PhD in philosophy from Dusquesne University. The Negro is an animal. He is learning how to think about and feel toward the so-called dark Other. It’s a Negro! Be careful! Negroes steal. Yet this is sufficient. As Robert GoodingWilliams writes. a frightening and ominous presence. It amused me. Rather. He becomes a dreaded object. The Negro has always already done something by virtue of being a Negro. while not fully realizing the complex historical. a Negro!” It was an external stimulus that flicked over me as I passed by. the power of racial gesturing. White Masks.

the group first repeatedly beat him. who since has been indicted on charges of capital murder and a hate crime. Either way. within the world. “Therefore. as I would argue. the white boy’s racial practices are learned effortlessly. The black lone figure already has a name. “When [white] people like me. To invoke Fanon. PhD in philosophy from Dusquesne University. white modes of racial and racist practice. One is in clear view: “Look.” Call: “Look. “I ran that nigger over. After driving over and killing Anderson. it is not easy to hide.”8 “Look. I hear the words of many of my white students: “But our generation has changed when it comes to racism. This is why Fanon also writes. within the field of culturally available racial descriptors. Fanon writes. violence filled with white desire and bloodlust. It is alleged that the expression “White Power!” was also yelled out by one of the white youth. It is the social world of white normativity and white meaning making that creates the conditions under which black people are always already marked as different/deviant/ dangerous. the white boy’s performance of whiteness is not simply the successful result of a superimposed superstructural grid of racist ideology.” “savage. professor of philosophy at Dusquesne University. a Negro-nigger!” There is no escape.” Apparently. it is a Sisyphean mode of existence.”10 Yet as Fanon makes clear. Eastwood’s central character is the man with no name. Indeed.” Fanon writes.”16 While many of the details of this crime are still unknown as of this writing. thoughtlessly. a Negro!” draws its force from collective fear and misrecognition. they tell me it is in spite of my color. ‘Look.” 13 To be the black or the Negro. “without a name” or “nameless. “‘Dirty nigger!’ Or simply. it is the result of what I shall call the unreflected imposition of a culture. from the perspectives of whites. the white boy’s performance points to fundamental ways in which many white children are oriented.7 It is a process. is to be immediately recognized and recognizable. he is on the verge of “whipping it out. an event captured on surveillance tape. there are no exceptions. ontological. “Look. “Look a White!” pp 5-12) gz . he has multiple names: “nigger.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 208/230 object that he fears and dreads.”15 something to be marked. simply. Indeed. a Negro!” Response: “Get a rope!” Call: “Rape!” Response: “Castrate the nigger!” The black body is deemed a threat vis-à-vis the “virgin sanctity of whiteness. In short. a Negro!” (or perhaps. James Craig Anderson. it is to “see” a problem—a problem that is deemed. I am locked into the infernal circle. and covers an occluded racial proximity. Call: “Look. a Negro!” Response: “Rape the black bitch!” Call: “Look. Metaphorically.”6 Or. and in many cases killed—just for fun. to be ordinary qua human. white ways of being. Although Fanon does grant that. “Let’s go fuck with some niggers. 2012. “the distance implicit in presumptive white purity is false. as shown in the comedy Blazing Saddles (1974). he was then brutally run over by a truck driven by the white eighteen-year-old. said to his white friends. allegedly said to his friends. As Anderson staggered. In the face of so many white gazes. to be white. they know that even as a man of the law.” “rapist. In fact. etymologically. then. the white male. “The Negro is the incarnation of a genital potency beyond all moralities and prohibitions. When they dislike me. the racist narrative is certainly consistent with the historical legacy of whiteness in North America as it relates to black people. according to law enforcement officials.” On seeing a black man standing in a parking lot (“Look. sequestered. As I write about this incident. Rather. though. it is true that he is a “Negro. at the level of everyday practices. he describes how his “long antennae pick up the catch-phrases strewn over the surface of things—nigger underwear smells of nigger— nigger teeth are white—nigger feet are big—the nigger’s barrel chest.12 They are like Clint Eastwood’s white stock characters in his Western shoot-’em-up movies who come into town nameless and mysterious.” as Mike Hill argues in reference to Toni Morrison’s insightful concept of American Africanism.” he recognizes how the term is fundamentally linked to various racist myths. who.” The white townspeople become fearful as he moves through the street. to go unmarked and unnamed—in essence. where the white embodied subject is intimately linked to the black embodied subject. a Negro!” Response: “Run the nigger over!” It’s time to flip the script – vote aff/neg to affirm a counter-gift that reveals the invisible practices of whiteness Yancy 12 (George Yancy. “Look. they point out that it is not because of my color. where their bodily orientations are unreflected expressions of the background lived orientations of whiteness. “the *white+ collective unconscious is not dependent on cerebral heredity. was targeted primarily by a white eighteen-year-old male. This is the portrayal of white liberalism perhaps at its best. the wretched and forlorn nigger!”) has the perlocutionary power to incite violence. Mississippi. in 2011 in Jackson. only whites have that wonderful capacity to live anonymously. practices that are always already in process. To “see” a Negro is to “see” a nigger. a Negro!”). one desires to “slip into corners.”14 Yet this infernal circle is not of Fanon’s doing.”11 He cannot live a life of anonymity. a forty-nine-year-old black man. a Negro!’”9 There is no distinction here within the context of the white gaze.

and the meaningful declaration. says.”24 Flipping the script. public repetition functions to further an antiracist authority over a visual field20 historically dominated by whites. “Look. “But you still think.”25 According to . a sense of humility. however. I know that not all gifts are free of discomfort. a white!” returns to white people the problem of whiteness. a white!” Such naming and marking function to flip the script. as the unseen or the unmarked. is about us—collectively. “Look. I give you your problem back.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 209/230 “Look. one that would be cited often and by many. a gift offering: an opportunity. I gather. and death.’ it must see the world as other. a white!” is not a sovereign. We have heard. one might say. the absent presence or hidden referent. that the ‘nigger’ is necessary. and perhaps create a moment of uptake that induces a form of white identity crisis. in this case the mirror speaks back: “You’re damn right. speaking to white North America with eloquence and incredible psychological insight. when examined closely. “Those white people who want to continue the dominant subordinate relationship so endemic to racist exploitation by insisting that we ‘serve’ them—that we do the work of challenging and changing their consciousness—are acting in bad faith. dehumanization. Indeed. While I see it as a gift. and an opportunity to give thanks—not the sort of attitude that reinscribes white entitlement. “I see you for what and who you are!” Flipping the script is. But he’s unnecessary to me. a Negro!” is already embedded within citationality conditions that involve larger racist assumptions and accusations as they relate to the black body that shape the intelligibility. so he must be necessary to you. One might ask. It is important to note. where Robert De Niro poses this question. In this case. and that the other on whom the ‘gift’ is bestowed (imposed) be grateful. a jolt that awakens a sudden and startling sense of having been seen. some are heavy laden with great responsibility. In response. they see themselves. I would argue that the whites who engage in a surveillance of Fanon’s body don’t really “see” him. You’re the ‘nigger’. neutral subject that has absolute control over the impact of the utterance. “Look. as non-colour. ahistorical. I am!” “Look. it was a process of self-naming that functioned to “justify. “You talkin’ to me?” But unlike the scenario played out in Taxi Driver (1976).”22 The gift is not all about you. Moreover. a Negro!” presupposes a white subject who is historically embedded within racist social relations and a racist discursive field that preexists the speaker. baby. “Look. within the context of this book.”23 But your cry to the world was followed by exploitation. of the utterance. one might hear. that the subject of the utterance. One might say that the “Negro” is that which whites create as the specter/phantom of their own fear.21 Indeed. As bell hooks writes. which is a way of changing an outcome by reversing the terms or. “Look.”18 What is so powerful here is the profound act of transposition. though. against which all other colours are measured as forms of deviance. a call to responsibility—perhaps even to greater maturity. reveals whites to themselves. This process of self-naming was not a gift but a manifestation of white messianic imperialism. divine thief. your “mighty cry reverberating through the world. it isn’t me. As white. recasting the script19 of those who reap the benefits of white privilege says. against which it demands of its own citizens (the white members of the white nation) that they stand in allegiance and solidarity. Sara Ahmed writes. yes. a Negro!” is a form of racist interpellation that. you are used to everything always being about you. Flipping the script. “I am white!” was egomaniacal and thanatological. Public repetition of this expression and the realities of whiteness that are so identified and marked is one way of installing the legitimacy that there is something even seeable when it comes to whiteness.17 Thus. “As a ‘gift. a white!” has the potential to create conditions that work to install an intersubjective intelligibility and social force that effectively counter the direction of the gaze. James Baldwin. it was a deathdealing superimposition of white power. “Will the real ‘nigger’ please stand up?” Ah. “Look. a white!” is disruptive and clears a space for new forms of recognition. ‘I am white!’ Well and good. As Steve Martinot notes. As a form of repetition. “It has become commonplace for whiteness to be represented as invisible. as Du Bois writes. in this case. O Prometheus. the actions of whites in their quest to dominate those “backward” and “inferior” others. Yet it is a gift that ought to engender a sense of gratitude. a site traditionally monopolized by whites.” through racial myth making.

which emphasizes the importance of studying whiteness and its significance to antiracism. is itself an act of historicizing whiteness. and concerns of white folk. then. Marking whiteness is about exposing the ways in which whites have created a form of “humanism” that obfuscates their hegemonic efforts to treat their experiences as universal and representative.S. or delegitimation of voices that speak about whiteness from a nonwhite location.). especially as examining whiteness has the potential of becoming a narcissistic project that elides its dialectical relationship with people of color—that is. Crispin Sartwell writes. black people can locate whiteness as a specific historical and ideological configuration. at all levels of its complex expression. Pointing to the importance of Audre Lorde’s work. though it does mean that there will be white structural blinkers that occlude specific and complex insights by virtue of being white. for white people.30 to those who have come to see whiteness and what it means to be human as isomorphic. people of color are necessary to the project of critically thinking through whiteness. somatic orders. it’s just that we couch it in terms of ‘people’ in general. but it is very hard to see. Yet this is a specific type of threat. “White people remain ignorant of white privilege because of the fact that all aspects of our lives—our institutions. Ahmed argues that if the examination of whiteness “is to be more than ‘about’ whiteness. whiteness never has to speak its name. individuals. this is impossible. prestige. “One of the major strategies for preserving white invisibility to ourselves is the silencing.”26 He goes on to say. for as whites continue to strive to make whiteness visible. then. this does not . to understand. it has become a “mythical norm. residential orders.”34 On this score. that whites who choose to give their attention to thinking critically about whiteness are incapable of doing so. to see the working of the powerful.”27 Richard Dyer writes. lacks the ability to comprehend.”28 Finally. and opportunity. the colonial desires of whiteness.”35 While it is true that not all people of color have the same understanding of the operations of whiteness. whites are not the targets of their own whiteness. as Terrance MacMullan sees it. ideals.”32 The fact of the matter is that. not from the perspective of those who constitute the embodied subjectivities that undergo the existential traumas due to whiteness (the terror of whiteness. *it must begin] with the Black critique of how whiteness works as a form of racial privilege. and laws—were defined and tailored to fit the needs. According to bell hooks. however. for most of the time white people speak about nothing but white people. culture. black subjectivity poses a threat to the invisibility of whiteness. Black people and people of color thus strive to disarticulate the link between whiteness and the assumption of just being human.”29 But to whom is whiteness invisible? Ahmed is clear that whiteness is invisible to those who inhabit it. wants. “Whiteness is everywhere in U. People of color. Therefore. “Many [whites] are shocked that black people think critically about whiteness because racist thinking perpetuates the fantasy that the Other who is subjugated. does not affect them in the same way.”31 This does not mean. its status as normative. who is subhuman. For them. judicial orders. Speaking directly to the ramifications of this specific threat. In fact. however.”33 The act of marking whiteness. the possessive investments in whiteness that perpetuate problematic race-based economic orders. “In fact. to create a critical slippage. never has to acknowledge its rule as an organizing principle in social and cultural relations. practices. they do so from their perspective (which is precisely embedded within the context of white power and privilege). as well as the effects of that privilege on the bodies of those who are recognized as black.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 210/230 George Lipsitz. “As the unmarked category against which difference is constructed. revealing it as “an identity created and continued with all-too-real consequences for the distribution of wealth. Because of the profound relational reality of whiteness to the nonwhite Other. so the reality of the invisibility of whiteness. not as an abstract concept but in the form of embodied whites who engage in racist practices that negatively affect their lives. an act of situating whiteness within the context of material forces and raced interest-laden values that reinforce whiteness as a site of privilege and hegemony. By marking whiteness. etc. those who continue to suffer under the regime of white power and privilege. segregation. confront whiteness in their everyday lives. whiteness is the transcendental norm in terms of which they live their lives as persons.

” One often gets the impression that they would rather return to a more “innocent” time.41 As Zeus Leonardo and Ronald K. that they are part of the very “workings of race” that they are beginning to recognize. Important to this learning process. The process dares to mark whites as racists. a white!” presupposes this counter-gaze. I see the working of their entrails. Being “a wise Latina woman. Whiteness as normative and their whiteness as unremarkable thus remain in place. “There must be white bodies (it must be possible to see such bodies as white bodies). Indeed. For them. The black counter-gaze is a species of flipping the script. the process of disentangling the sight of white bodies from the sight of such bodies as just bodies is not easy. though. After taking my courses. whiteness has not really been marked as a raced category to begin with. when it comes to white people. and yet the power of whiteness is that we don’t see those bodies as white bodies.” Hence. experiences that have deep socio-ontological and epistemic implications. a white!”) is not just difficult but threatening. For many whites. white souls] undressed and from the back and side. as it were. It’s everywhere. there is no real need to lie about whiteness. Yet what do they have to protect? As Richard Wright notes. They do not recognize the normative status of whiteness that the marking is designed to expose. before taking my course. Furthermore. before they learned how to see so much more. This act is not frightening for people of color but for whites. cars. The reality is that the “workings of race” are precisely what people of color see/experience most of the time.”40 In short. for most of them. in terms of which whiteness becomes more recognizable in its daily manifestations. a gaze that recognizes the ways of whiteness. the process dares to mark whites as raced beings. uninterrogated.39 For most of my white students. their mania for radios. many white students say. the script has already been written in their favor. the process encourages a slippage not only at the site of seeing themselves as innocent of racism but also at the site of seeing themselves as unraced. People of color have nothing to lose. and a thousand other trinkets. “Look. This knowledge makes them now embarrassed. “Their constant outward-looking.”42 It is frightening because whites must begin to see themselves through gazes that are not prone to lie/obfuscate when it comes to the “workings of race” qua whiteness. “I see these souls *that is. We just see them as bodies. Indeed. It is time for the mirror to speak through a different script. whites have so much to protect. and Du Bois emphasize the necessity of a black countergaze. hooks. as perpetuators and sustainers of racism. Indeed. White people see themselves through epistemic and axiological orders that reflect back to them their own normative status and importance. Of course. Sara Ahmed writes. are “bone of their thought and flesh of their language. “Hiding behind the veil of color-blindness means that lifting it would force whites to confront their self-image. Yet how can people of color not have this epistemic advantage? After all.” from the perspective of a form of raced positional knowledge. The words of their souls were the syllables of popular songs. as inextricably bound to the historical legacy of the “workings of race.”43 The use of the mirror is effective as a metaphor. from the perspective of lived experiences of those bodies of color that encounter white people on a daily basis as a problem or perhaps even as a . before taking my course their own whiteness is just a benign phenotypic marker. thinking critically with them about whiteness enables these students to become more cognizant of the obfuscatory ways in which whiteness conceals its own visibility. made them dream and fix their eyes upon the trash of life. sees beyond its “invisibility. I know their thoughts and they know that I know. I encourage my white students to mark whiteness everywhere they recognize it. now furious!”38 Ahmed. is reminding my white students that they are white. Indeed. “to be white” means “I am not like you guys”—those people of color.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 211/230 negate the fact that people of color undergo raced experiences vis-à-vis whiteness that lead to specific insights that render whiteness visible. the expression. unblemished.”37 As Du Bois writes. the process of marking the white body (“Look. but it is necessary.”36 for example. made it impossible for them to learn a language that could have taught them to speak of what was in theirs or others’ hearts. is one mode of expression of such raced experiences. “I can’t stop seeing the workings of race. Porter write. The critical process creates a more complex epistemic field. with people of color acting as the mirror. black people and people of color.

In Fanon’s case. a white!” is an act of ostension. calling it forth from a different perspective. Whites must also be humbled by the gift of seeing more of themselves. To go it alone implies that whites themselves can solve the problems of whiteness. “Damn. though this necessarily shows up in the act of ostension. “Look. and of recognizing a different side. “Look.”46 Instead. “Look. I treat it as such. it functioned as a penalty. a white!” has the goal of complicating white identity. Whiteness as a site of privilege and power is named and identified. a perspective critically cultivated by black people and others of color. and it is about finding the courage to say. “Look. it is this black gaze that I encourage my white students to cultivate. “Look. Indeed. It is a gift that invites an opening. Within the context of whiteness. There is no room for white territorialization or white appropriation. It would be like men getting together by themselves to solve the historical problem of male hegemony and sexism without the critical voices of women. And while it is true that I always fail to comprehend the sheer complexity of what it is like to be a woman in a world that is based on male patriarchy. Sleeter writes. unremarkable. “Look. But we also had this ability to notice so many things that adults had relegated to the background. and with such clarity!” I have had this experience while reading works by feminist theorists. features that are symptomatic of whiteness itself. As children. do not see themselves as racist. and the multiple forms of male violence toward women. through critical thought and daring action. in this case. I can see me differently. they do not magically become black. what a sexist! I overlooked that one. As a powerful act of pointing. “Look. It is about turning our bodies (and our attention) in the direction of white discourse and white social performances that attempt to pass themselves off as racially neutral. “Look. a Negro!” was never intended as a gift. chairs. As whites use the mirror to see and name whiteness. I can use that mirror to make a difference. There is no desire to fix white people “in the sense in which a chemical solution is fixed by a dye. that results in a form of unveiling. a white!” points to what has been deemed invisible. And as a gift. “Look. but it is not limited to phenotype. Seeing the world from the perspective of a flipped script (“Look.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 212/230 site of terror. this phrase meant that there was a price to be paid. we count the days of the week—the things that apparently “really” matter. some of us liked counting anything at all. The mirror will tell the truth: “No. we count our money. to forewarn those whites within earshot that a “beastly” threat was near. perhaps having a Hubble telescope–like impact: “I had no idea that there was so much more to see. The public declaration was designed to fix the black body racially. damn it! Snow White is not the ‘ fairest’ of them all. after the gift has been given. She is precisely the problem!” This returns us to the issue of the gift. a white!”) does not. normative. a white!” presupposes a black counter-gaze. a white!” is not meant to seal white bodies “into that crushing objecthood”45 that Fanon speaks of vis-à-vis the white gaze. a white!” As Christine E. from their experiences of male dominant culture. accepting the gift ought to involve the recognition of important boundaries. As adults. I can see the operations of male hegemony differently. more of the complex manifestations of their whiteness. a white!” tells us to be attentive to what has become the background. To say. ensconced within a white social structure that not only continues to confer privileges but also militates against one even knowing “that *whiteness+ is there to be shown. a white!” is a way of engaging the white world. “While in an abstract sense white people may not like the ideas of reproducing white racism.” Yet I am thankful for their gift. For the “object” so identified. It has the goal of fissuring white identity. not stabilizing it according to racist myths and legends. to see things differently. Whiteness as an embedded set of social practices that render white people complicit in larger social practices of white racism is nominated. from their mirror. I am humbled by it. of seeing. birds on a rooftop. in ways that implicate me. I have dared to see the world and my identity through their critical analyses. “Look. and in a personal sense. one still remains white. black people functions as an invitation to see more. passing cars. however. Seeing whiteness from the perspective of. as seen through black experiences of whiteness. It is a perspective gained through pain and suffering. a white!” brings whiteness to the foreground.”44 As stated previously. Moreover. It is a special call that reframes. And we counted them partly because we just loved to count. reinscribe a form of race essentialism. in their talk and . a form of showing.

they are. which function as forms of gluttony and fanaticism that would dare to consume the entire earth. normative. “Look. epistemologically. publicly. “Look. intentional acts of racism only. “Look. a white!” also points to the historical white regulatory. a white!” points to “the *white racist+ discursive rules and regulations that dictated the biological chain that produced these hands.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 213/230 actions. white. The strategy is to have my white students see the white world through our eyes. “Look. a white!” dares to mark those whites who deem themselves “ethically superior” because they have a “better” grasp of the operations of white racism than those other complacent whites. to be dangerous to whites themselves.”50 In this way.” 49 “Look. Amen!”52 I want my white students to shout. “reverse discrimination. “Look. and skin tone”48 that have become privileged as beautiful. somehow. a white!” also identifies “what one is in a social framework or system of social categorizations. a white!” flags whiteness in the form of colonialism and imperialism. . revealing them as forms of “mystificatory digression from the clearly asymmetrical and enduring system of white power itself. a white!” signifies “compulsory repetitions *that+ construct illusory origins of [whiteness] that function as regulatory regimes to keep [whites] within a particular grid of intelligibility by governing and punishing nonnormative behavior. Instead.”51 “Look. a perspective that will challenge whiteness. a white!” unveils the ways in which white bodies are linked to white discursive practices and racist power relations that define those white bodies. interpellating [whites] back into the normative discourse [and back into normative spaces+. On this score. to call whiteness out. these eyes. “Look. a white!” marks those whites who see themselves as radically “progressive” now that they are able to confess their racism publicly or because they publicly demonstrate intellectual savvy in how they engage whiteness with sophistication. “Look. a white!” becomes a shared perspective. “Look. I am given to understand that whiteness is the ownership of the earth forever and ever. I encourage them to develop a form of “double consciousness. antimiscegenation norms that produced white bodies.” one that enables them to see the world differently and to see themselves differently through the experiences of black people and people of color. Du Bois asks. silently but clearly.” and the rhetoric of a so-called color-blind. “‘But what on earth is whiteness that one should so desire it?’ Then always. buttressed and informed by the insights regarding whiteness that black people and people of color have acquired. “Look. not deteriorate into white guilt or take new forms of white pity to help the so-called helpless. a white!” assiduously nominates white bodies within the context of a stream of history dominated by white racism. “Look. As intimated previously. and otherwise. a white!” militates against its reduction to identifying singular.”47 “Look. some way. a white!” on a daily basis. a shared dynamic naming process. a white!” is meant to be unsafe. indeed. “Look. By “dangerous” I mean threatening to a white self and a white social system predicated on a vicious lie that white is right— morally. a white!” does not open the door to facile claims about symmetrically hurtful racial stereotypes. individual. “Look. a white!” marks such moves as sites of obfuscation. perpetrator perspective.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 214/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 Ontological Whiteness 215/230 .

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

216/230

1NC
[AT: Yancy] The judge’s perspective will inevitably intervene into the aff’s project—that perpetuates
racism and whiteness. White guilt and shame only recreate the systems of domination that created
racism in the first place.
Sullivan 12 (Shannon, Penn State U, On the Need for a New Ethos of White Antiracism, philoSOPHIA
vol. 2 Issue 1, project MUSE)//LA
Today, however, guilt and especially shame, rather than fear, hatred, and greed, tend to be the recommended affects
for white people who care about racial justice. As Alexis Shotwell (2010, 73) claims, “A certain kind of feeling bad can be
important for producing meaningful solidarity across difference, particularly for individuals who benefit from racist social/political structures.”
Some of those bad feelings might include “guilt, anger, sadness, panic, shame, embarrassment, and other emotions not easy to name” (2010,
74; see also Bartky 1999, Macmullan 2009, Morgan 2008, and Sedgwick 2003). In my view, however, affects

of white guilt and
shame ultimately tend to be counterproductive for antiracist movements. This is for two reasons.
First, in the case of white people’s contributions to racial justice movements, I am skeptical that guilt
and shame can sustain the ongoing, difficult political work of changing institutional structures and
practices that perpetuate white privilege and domination. The personal, here in the form of affect and ontology, is
related to the political, and negative affects generally are insufficient for motivating and sustaining
meaningful efforts on the part of dominant groups to make political change. Guilt and shame about white racism
might lead, and sometimes have led white people to do something to fight white racism. But I am doubtful that guilt and shame
can support much more than a brief gesture that ultimately serves more to relieve white people of
their racially affective burdens than to further racial justice. White guilt and shame about white racism are not a radical
difference in kind from the negative affects that historically have constituted white people: white hatred and fear of people of color. Guilt and
shame represent merely a difference of degree of the negative affects with which white people are racially constituted.4 Whether the negative
affects in question are white guilt and shame or white hatred and fear, however, the

issue of negative versus positive affects
is not one of personal feelings at the expense of political action. The question of which affects
constitute white people is intimately connected, not antithetical to the issue of white people’s ability
to help bring about institutional and political change regarding race. In my view, positive affects, such as bestowing
self-love, tend to provide the affective soil in which the roots of effective white action for racial justice best grow. The second reason
that I think promoting white guilt and shame generally is counterproductive to racial justice
movements is that these affects tend to turn white antiracist efforts into a narrow quest for white
moral salvation. Rather than the achievement of racial justice, relief from racial guilt and shame
seems to be what is at stake for many white people in their dealings with people of color. This is an
inappropriate and unfair burden for white people to ask them to bear. As Thurgood Marshall once said, “You know, sometimes I
get awfully tired of trying to save the white man’s soul” (quoted in Hobson 1999, 17). *End Page 25+ White people’s souls may indeed need
saving, but to demand that black and other nonwhite people be the vehicle for white salvation merely replicates the racial inequalities and
abuses that led to their damnation. As feminist sociologist Sarita Srivastava has documented in her research on white feminists in antiracist
organizations, white women in particular tend to “become mired in self-examination and stuck in deliberations on morality and salvation. Not
surprisingly, this ethical self-transformation is still framed by the poles of good versus evil, newly interpreted as the fraudulent nonracist versus
the authentic antiracist” (Srivastava 2005, 50). I’ll return later to the point about the ethical framing of good versus evil in the context of white
antiracism. Here I want to point out that self-examination can take many different forms, not all of which result in a mired or stuck self. The
turn to oneself (“self-examination”) that I wish to encourage here is a process through which a white person would reconstitute and transform
herself, not a self-examination undertaken to reassure her existing self by satisfying her “desire for innocence” (2005, 45). Instead

of
being constituted primarily by white guilt and shame, white people who want to work toward racial
justice need to be fueled by a bestowing love for or affirmation of themselves and other white people.
I deliberately say “love themselves and other white people,” rather than “love other people, white and nonwhite” because I’m concerned about
cross-racial, universal love being used by white people as an evasion of the meaning and effects of their whiteness and thus as an extension of
their white privilege. Let

me be clear that I am not arguing that white people and people of color should
never love each other. What I am arguing is that white people need to stop overly focusing on people
of color when they consider how to combat racial injustice. More than anything, white people need to turn
to themselves and clean up their own house. I realize that this suggestion might seem to only

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

217/230

exacerbate white domination, white racism, and the specific problem of the white quest for racial
salvation. Aren’t white people already too focused on themselves? Don’t they need to think more about the plight
and lives of people of color? Won’t loving or affirming themselves only increase the amount of white hubris,
white pride, white selfishness, and white supremacy that exists in the world today? The answer to
these questions is no, or at least, not necessarily. This is not because white people have nothing in their racial past or present to feel
ashamed about. They do. I am not claiming that white people should never feel guilty or ashamed about their whiteness or their white history.
What I am claiming is that guilt

and shame should not be the primary affects that constitute a white person’s
relationship to her racial identity. While white people myopically have engaged in what Adrienne Rich (1979, 306) calls “white
solipsism,” in which only white people and their interests are recognized or seen as important, the best corrective for white
solipsism is not necessarily for white people to do the opposite and “selflessly” focus only on people
of color. [End Page 26] White self-denial and self-hatred can be the flip side of the same coin of white
solipsism, after all. What is needed instead is for white people to develop a different kind of relationship
to their whiteness. In my view, an increase of white “selfishness” is needed to help prevent white involvement in antiracist movements
from becoming a disguised form of condescending charity toward people of color. As Nietzsche’s Zarathustra explains, the selflessness
of those who would try to help others first often is a covert form of self-hatred. Speaking to the weak,
Zarathustra charges “your love of your neighbors is your bad love of yourselves. You flee to your neighbor away from yourselves and would like
to make a virtue of it; but I see through your ‘selflessness’” (Nietzsche 1969, 86). Nietzsche’s harsh indictment of Christian forms of charity is
echoed by W. E. B. Du Bois’s scathing criticism of white philanthropists who think of themselves as uplifting poor, ignoble people of color across
the world. As Du Bois (1999, 18–19) bitingly charges, these “worthy souls in whom consciousness of high descent brings burning desire to
spread the gift abroad” receive a great deal of “mental peace and moral satisfaction” when “humble black folk, voluble with thanks, receive
barrels of old clothes from lordly and generous whites.” But when

black recipients of white charity begin to challenge
white authority and accept white “gifts” sullenly rather than gratefully, “then the spell is suddenly
broken” and the true, even if unconscious purpose of white charity is revealed (1999, 19). It has very
little to do with genuinely increasing the flourishing of black people, and everything to do with
covertly using black people to generate white people’s moral sense of goodness.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

218/230

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013

219/230

Fanon Cards

” The Negro. The black human carries the black man’s burden. the contemporary White man (person) feels the need to recall the times of cannibalism. No. do I have to pose the problem of black truth? Do I have to be limited to the justification of a facial conformation? I as a man of color do not have the right to seek to know in what respect my race is superior or inferior to another race. p. A German philosopher described this mechanism as the pathology of freedom . My freedom turns me back on myself . p. is the slave of the past. I have neither the right nor the duty to claim reparation for the domestication of my ancestors.. There is no Negro mission. a burden to prove themselves human Fanon ‘8 (Frantz Fanon. I do not have the right to be a Negro. the Negro has a past to legitimate. p. and in this sense the Peloponnesian War is as much mine as the invention of the compass. psychiatrist. I do not have the duty to be this or that . I as a man of color do not have the right to hope that in the White man there will be a crystallization of guilt toward the past of my race. I should constantly remind myself that the real leap consists in introducing invention into existence. in a World Where the other endlessly hardens himself. Those Negroes and White men (people)Will be disalienated Who refuse to let themselves be sealed away in the materialized Tower of the Past. 64 Written in 1952. there is no White ethic. Face to face with the White man. Black Skin. I do not have the duty to murmur my gratitude to the White man. and author. I did not have to take up a position on behalf of Negro music against white music. but rather to redraw the image of the black being Fanon 8 (Frantz Fanon.179 Written in 1952. psychiatrist. and author. Knowing exactly what I Was doing. face to face With the Negro. The problem considered here is one of time. the body is no longer a cause of the structure of consciousness. Long ago the black man admitted the unarguable superiority of the White man. a World in which I am summoned into battle. White Masks. philosopher. I find myself suddenly in a World in which things do evil. philosopher. therefore we must reject the consciousness of the past and shape a new consciousness Fanon 8 (Frantz Fanon. new edition published in 2008)//BG There are times when the black man (person) is locked into his (their) body. No. however sincere.. If the White man challenges my humanity. it has become an object of consciousness. psychiatrist. Have I no other purpose on earth. then.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 220/230 Psychology The consciousness of the past shapes the consciousness of the future. and all his efforts are aimed at achieving a White existence. White Masks. revolutionary. I do not have the right to go and cry out my hatred at the White man. None the less I am a man. but rather to help my brother to rid himself of an attitude in which there was nothing healthful. disalienation will come into being through their refusal to accept the present as dehnitive. new edition published in 2008)//BG The black man Wants to be like the White man. And it is White. I Will impose my Whole Weight as a man on his life and show him that I am not that “sho’ good eatin’” that he persists in imagining. the Lyon branch of the Union of Students From Overseas France asked me to reply to an article that made jazz music literally an irruption of cannibalism into the modern World. new edition published in 2008)//BG There is no White World. For the black man there is only one destiny. revolutionary. any more than there is a White intelligence. a Vengeance to exact. I . My life is caught in the lasso of existence. I as a man of color do not have the right to seek Ways of stamping down the pride of my former master. a man-in a World Where Words Wrap themselves in silence. Now. In the World through which I travel. “for a being who has acquired consciousness of himself and of his body. a World in which it is always a question of annihilation or triumph. philosopher. I am not a prisoner of history. For many other Negroes. I find myself-I. there is no White burden. I rejected the premises on which the request was based. A few years ago. Black Skin. but to avenge the Negro of the seventeenth century? In this World. which is already trying to disappear. In the circumstances. There are in every part of the World men who search.. Solving the problem of racism does not mean to rewrite history. and author. I should not seek there for the meaning of my destiny. Black Skin. revolutionary. White Masks. in other Ways. Who has attained to the dialectic of subject and obj ect. Some men Want to H11 the World with their presence. 178-179 Written in 1952. and I suggested to the defender of European purity that he cure himself of a spasm that had nothing cultural in it.

psychiatrist. I am a part of Being to the degree that I go beyond it. That is. “embarked. What is more. But I as a man of color. The disaster of the man of color lies in the fact that he was enslaved. of a bastard child. Black Skin. am I going to gather Weapons? Am I going to ask the contemporary White man to answer for the slave-ships of the seventeenth century? Am I going to ask the contemporary white man to answer for the slave-ships of the seventeenth century? Am I going to try by every possible means to cause Guilt to be born in minds? Moral anguish in the face of the massiveness of the Past? I am a Negro.But I do not have the right to allow myself to bog down. instrumental hypothesis that I Will initiate the cycle of my freedom. I am my own foundation.” as Pascal would have it. I should be very happy to know that a correspondence had flourished between some Negro philosopher and Plato. White Masks. for it is his (their) destiny to be set free. of one by another. shall he feverishly seek to discover a Negro civilization? Let us be clearly understood. p. The disaster and the inhumanity of the White man lie in the fact that somewhere he has killed man. revolutionary. new edition published in 2008)//BG To many colored intellectuals European culture has a quality of exteriority. to the extent that it becomes possible for me to exist absolutely. The body of history does not determine a single one of my actions. in a situation. The black being has no home because their civilization has been ruined Fanon ‘8 (Frantz Fanon. rivers of expectoration flow down my shoulders. I. White Masks. the man of color. and author. Want only this: That the tool never possess the man. And it is by going beyond the historical. philosopher. through a private problem. philosopher. I do not have the right to allow myself to be mired in what the past has determined . and tons of chains. I do not have the right to allow the slightest fragment to remain in my existence. Black Skin. That it be possible for me to discover and to love man. psychiatrist. We must free ourselves from the chains of history Fanon ‘8 (Frantz Fanon. 180 Written in 1952. in human relationships. I am convinced that it Would be of the greatest interest to be able to have contact with a Negro literature or architecture of the third century before Christ. 178-179 Written in 1952.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 221/230 am endlessly creating myself. Not Wanting to live the part of a poor relative. of an adopted son. Placed in this World. to organize this dehumanization rationally. and author. new edition published in 2008)//BG No attempt must be made to encase man (humans). We see the outline of the problem of Action. But I can absolutely not see how this fact would change anything in the lives of the eight-year-old children who labor in the cane fields of Martinique or Guadeloupe. revolutionary.I am not the slave of the Slavery that dehumanized my ancestors. do not have the right to lock myself into a World of retroactive reparations. p. And. storms of blows. Wherever he may be. . That the enslavement of man by man Cease forever. And even today they subsist. the Negro may feel himself a stranger to the Western World.

for the generation of economic activity. and collectivism-were already prevalent in old books and manuscripts written about the Afro-American experience. Such an approach means that we must reconstruct how we think about race and economics in America. in the form of economic enclaves. Black Skin. Thus. One can say without a doubt and based on available data. and scholarship. is an interesting comment on American societv. and this year holds the same status at Peking University in China. He is the Director of the Herb Kelleher Center for Entrepreneurship and the Director of the Institute for Innovation. Creativity and Capital (IC²). Afro-Americans were instrumental in the development of service enterprises. 178-179 Written in 1952. and about policy which relates to that experience. White Masks. those of today who can trace their roots back to entrepreneurship and the self-help experience possess a set of values which are similar-if not identical-to middleman ethnic groups. His research is in the areas of organizational behavior and new venture development. in itself.328. Mainly because of scholarship done on Afro-American entrepreneurs bejinre the Civil War. revolutionary. prejudice. but scholarship-mostly by AfroAmericans-has also been overlooked. Professor John Sibley Butler holds the Gale Chair in Entrepreneurship and Small Business in the Graduate School of Business (Department of Management). Economics are rooted in race Butler ‘5 (John Sibely Butler. For the last eight summers Professor Butler has occupied the Distinguished Visiting Professor position at Aoyama Gakuin University in Tokyo Japan. Volume II. and author. This manuscript has also argued that. psychiatrist. the sociohistorical examples which interact with theoretical ideas have stressed the ethnic experience. The sociology of entrepreneurship. it is quite ironic that most of the major ideas developed in theories-such as middleman. Entrepreneurship and Self-Help among Black Americans A Reconsideration of Race and Ethics. and discrimination. This. In New York City one ofthe best restaurants in the Wall Street area was owned by Afro-Americans. Professor John Sibley Butler holds the Gale Chair in Entrepreneurship and Small Business in the Graduate School of Business (Department of Management). changed due to the immigration of other ethnic groups in large numbers to the northeastern part of the United States and the influences of increased racial discrimination. that they controlled service enterprises during this time period. ln Philadelphia. This was also true in Cincinnati. His research is in the areas of organizational behavior and new venture development. entrenching racist ideals Butler ‘5 (John Sibely Butler. For the last eight summers Professor Butler has occupied the Distinguished Visiting Professor position at Aoyama Gakuin University in Tokyo Japan.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 222/230 Economics We must free ourselves from the chains of history Fanon ‘8 (Frantz Fanon. philosopher. they operated under racial hostility. Economic engagement is based off of the institution of slavery. not only is the Afro-American experience overlooked in the sociology of entrepreneurship. Even in the South. as well. has almost completely ignored the Afro-American experience. we were able to show the development of economic enclaves during that time period in such cities as Philadelphia and Cincinnati. ethnic enclave. was very prevalent among free Afro-Americans before the Civil War. the pattern of small business activity. He is the Director of the Herb Kelleher Center for Entrepreneurship and the Director of the Institute for Innovation. Creativity and Capital (IC²). As with other middleman groups who have played this role throughout history. which was actually one of the stronger cities for enterprise before the Civil War. was part of the Afro-American experience as early as the 1700s. but included people of European descent. Google Books)//BG We have shown that business activity. especially as regards clientele. Thus. Their clients were not limited to Afro-Americans. which is concerned with the relationship between ethnicity and business activity. p. although all Afro-Americans have had to face racism. and this year holds the same status at Peking University in . p. Although this is certainly fine. This pattern of business activity. race. new edition published in 2008)//BG The major purpose of this manuscript has been to reconstruct the sociology of entrepreneurship by giving a special consideration to the Afro-American experience.

. The systematic conscious program of Jim Crow segregation was designed to re-create the analog of slavery. those who had fought so strongly against America during the Civil War developed laws to exclude Afro-Americans from full participation in that society. After the Civil War. although the latter clearly fought on the side of the Union. In the South. Afro-Americans were quite active in inventing new products which were-and still are-important in this country. some Afro-Americans showed a propensity to enter enterprise in order to generate income. Entrepreneurship and Self-Help among Black Americans A Reconsideration of Race and Ethics.328. p. representing adjustment under severe conditions of racism and discrimination. In addition. This activity in itself was a significant entrepreneurial one. Sometimes this income was used for the purchase of their loved ones' freedom from slave masters. Google Books)//BG Also discussed was the rich and interesting data on Afro-America entrepreneurship under the institution of slavery. Afro-Americans were faced with the problem of adjusting to hostility in both the North and the South.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 223/230 China. Volume II. while at other times it was used to enhance their own plantations. Even while in bondage.

This “crisis” in debate has no end in sight. black culture and history. though we must admit that we are flattered that our efforts have affected the community enough to result in such a hyberbolic labeling. new edition published in 2008)//BG In this connection. all progress.” We will no longer wait for the community to respond. . philosopher. the concerns of those for whom this system is not working. all discovery. it seemed appropriate in this context to play the discriminative logics at work against themselves by demonstrating just what “value” or “cost” our evaluations could have. “An Open Letter to Sarah Spring” http://resistanceanddebate. revolutionary. We believe that debaters deserve to have black. MPJ: A) Limits judging opportunities for blacks. We think this is a question of ethics and a question of pedagogy.” in the unfair burdens placed on the aggrieved as a pre-requisite for engagement. The community pays lip service to. The effect is: A) That the evaluations of these categorically marginalized critics are deemed not valuable or costly. gender.wordpress. in which the air is tainted.com/2012/11/12/an-open-letterto-sarah-spring/)//BG Lack of community discussion is neither random nor power-neutral. but because the system produces the effect of magnifying and enforcing on a social scale the delegitimation of blacks. we have been listening to the liberal. We think the community deserves to know what we have to say. since largely the community seems incapable of producing a consensus for responding to what “we all agree” is blatant structural inequity. p.it begins with ending intellectual alienation Fanon ‘8 (Frantz Fanon. black feminist theory. Now it is everyone’s concern. browns. I call middleclass a closed society in which life has no taste. It seems this system works as long as it is comfortable for the majority or the major powerbrokers. We have been talking for over a decade. What I call middle-class society is any society that becomes rigidified in predetermined forms. White Masks. Resistance and Debate. 61 Written in 1952. An Assistant Professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Pittsburgh. B) That the debate efforts of categorically marginalized debaters are deemed not valuable. Read the last ten years of these discussions on edebate archives: Ede Warner on edebate and move forward to Rashad Evans diversity discussion from 2010 to Deven Cooper to Amber Kelsie’s discussion on CEDA Forums and the NDT CEDA Traditions page. all gains.” We have been quite vocal—and we believe that it is this very vocalness (and the development of a diversity of tactics in response to status quo stalling tactics) that has provoked response when response was given. where she also serves as the Director of Debate for the William Pitt Debating Union. And I think that a man (person) who takes a stand against this death is in a sense a revolutionary. It is not people in the Resistance Facebook group that comprise these silent figures—it is (as has been described) “the old boys club. in which ideas and men (people) are corrupt. I should like to say something that I have found in many other Writers: Intellectual alienation is a creation of middle-class society. brown. We worked with the limited options available to us. Therefore. to engage in authentic discussion. and womyn. and womyn B) Limits opportunities for debaters who are (and are not) black. and author. browns. moderate refrain of “we agree with your goals but not with your method. and we hoped that changing our point scale was a small but significant tactic that was available to the disenfranchised in this community. To be clear: we did not alter our point scale because we believe we are not preferred for unjust reasons (we know we are not preferred for unjust reasons). We have tried to have discussions. in the demand for “evidence. We recognize that MPJ produces effects. psychiatrist. Sarah Spring’s cedadebate post is a case in point. forbidding all evolution. Black Skin. It seems that meta-debates/discussions about debate are generally met with denial. to relinquish privilege. the debate community should take it as an indication that our calls for change are serious. The rationale for changing the point scale was not simply to “reward” people for preferring the unpreferred critic. We will continue to innovate and collaborate on tactics of resistance. it is something that stunts the growth of all members of this community regardless of identity or social positioning. She is a national award winner for her published work on critical theory. and womyn critics (in general debaters should be judged by multiply situated critics across varying social locations). These discussions have been regularly derailed—in “wrong forum” arguments. Shanara Reed-Brinkley. This silence is in fact a focused silence. brown. It indicates that civil disobedience is still an effective tactic. The decision to change our speaker point scale is not in order to produce a “judging doomsday apparatus” (this kind of apocalyptic rhetoric might more aptly be applied to the current racist/sexist/classist state of affairs in this community). or simply ignores.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 224/230 Debate Key The debate space is key to stopping racism. and hip hop culture and theory. The debate space has failed in breaking down the structures of race by excluding discussion-now is the time for change to occur Brinkley ’12 (Dr. and womyn to be judged by such critics. hostility and—more often—silence. we have been reaching out for years.

so people request admission through the relationships they have cultivated with already existing members. black feminist theory. “An Open Letter to Sarah Spring” http://resistanceanddebate.” The Resistance Facebook group has a wide range of members.) is reactionary conservativism. and hip hop culture and theory. To even describe the gathering of people in the group as a clique demonstrates the very invisibility and lack of concern that people of color face in this community. refusing to listen to certain arguments. Discussions that begin in the group are often taken to wider groups within the debate community to broaden the discussion and yet they are often derailed and then we must retreat and regroup. was hashed out for months on the resistance page before many of us began to speak publicly about the issue. review our strategies. “An Open Letter to Sarah Spring” http://resistanceanddebate. and even refusing to listen to particular teams. The argument here is likened to the question. If our experiences were real to the majority.wordpress. It is the job of the whites to solve for the social segregation Brinkley ’12 (Dr. it is because they lack authentic relationships with any of the members—perhaps the perceived secrecy of the group could be better understood as a symptom of the lack of social relations you have with a wide group of differently situated people. coaches. She is a national award winner for her published work on critical theory. Blacks. black feminist theory. former debaters. discuss. But those discussions also do not stop there. All members of the group are granted administrative access once they are admitted. The fact that the existence of the group was what was critiqued rather than the necessity of the group is deeply troubling to us. lift spirits and figure out how to resist while maintaining sanity.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 225/230 There is a crisis in the community because of the self-segregation-only discussions can solve Brinkley ’12 (Dr. The Resistance Facebook group is such a forum.” unethical engagements with arguments. browns. where she also serves as the Director of Debate for the William Pitt Debating Union. We see nothing wrong with this. Shanara Reed-Brinkley. Shanara Reed-Brinkley. any review of the history of social movements and activism would demonstrate the necessity of building spaces for the disenfranchised to speak and plan resistance to a powerful majority. Often it is a rare place where the K v K or Performance v Performance debate can be considered in its practical and ethical implications. It was through that vibrant debate in the Resistance Facebook group that produced the very conditions for the open discussion you mention. It is precisely the kind of place for open discussion that Sarah Spring calls for—the kind of place where discussion that needs to take place often does. The group is a forum for ally building. We are always already aware that this community would prefer an empty celebration of diversity without the critical re-interrogation of the activity that our very presence demands. regroup. black culture and history.” This community is in crisis because the reality of debate has changed. The Resistance Facebook page is a response to the increasing ghettoization of some bodies and some discursive forms in debate—not the other way around. and that the whites cannot be faulted for choosing to maintain distance. and hip hop culture and theory. “why are all the black kids sitting together in the cafeteria?”—an argument meant to imply that it is the burden of the black students to make friends with the whites. Our experiences of discomfort and horror stories of blatant hostility are invisible in this framing. etc. and seek advice. high school students. where she also serves as the Director of Debate for the William Pitt Debating Union. In these kinds of hostile environments. Note that the example of the “active and lively debate” about the hotel architecture at the Clay mentioned in Sarah’s post. The backlash we have faced in response to this crisis (“breaking up with the K. Sarah Spring is upset that she has not been able to see what mischief the slaves are hatching “in the slave quarters on the plantation. discuss potential options. homophobic) which produces disenfranchized discussion As far as we can tell. radical community activists. Resistance and Debate. rather than just what some students are using to win debate rounds. gender. Sometimes it is outright hostility. then the necessity for the Resistance Facebook group would be clear. and womyn face micro-aggressions in this activity constantly. It includes current debaters. resentment. Resistance and Debate. judges. In fact.wordpress. academics (with no relationship to debate).com/2012/11/12/an-open-letterto-sarah-spring/)//BG It is unclear what the bright line is between “group discussions or backchannels or facebook groups” and a discussion group (articulated as “closed backroom discussion” – which is by the way.com/2012/11/12/an-open-letterto-sarah-spring/)//BG Stuart Hall said “crisis occur when the social formation can no longer be reproduced on the basis of the pre- existing system of social relation. gender. An Assistant Professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Pittsburgh. black culture and history. self-segregation is a self-protective measure. We produce safe-spaces where we may gather. We are always already uncomfortable in this space that many so easily call a community. If someone has not been invited to the group. She is a national award winner for her published work on critical theory. An Assistant Professor in the Department of Communication at the University of Pittsburgh. There are a .

It is no longer called the Dixie Classic. before black studies would come “to realize that *its+ place was the very house of difference rather than the security of any one particular difference. the priority of race. although we have since learned that people have been talking about it (not to us) throughout the day. E.4)//BG Despite its theoretical and political shortcomings. the privileging of a racialist dis-course demanded the deployment of a sexist and homophobic rhetoric in order to mark. Johnson performs nationally and internationally and has published widely in the areas of race. "Speaking In Tongues: Dialogics. We are not secret. able-bodiedness. "Speaking In Tongues: Dialogics. Mae G. On the other hand.” Tag Johnson & Henerson ‘5 (E. In the context of an expansive American imperialism in which the separation of church and state (if they ever really were separate) remains so only by the most tenuous membrane and in which a sitting . Tag Johnson & Henerson ‘5 (E. including the widely anthologized essay.4)//BG Given the status of women (and class not lagging too far behind) within black studies. cannot afford to theorize their lives based on “single-variable” politics. race. it is not surprising that sexuality. if not erased. sexuality and performance. For example.g.Black Queer Studies: A Critical Anthology." She is editor of Black Queer Studies: A Critical Anthology (2005).”9 Lesbians. We are not hiding. Boundaries and Frames (1995). as well as black feminist criticism and theory. E. and masculine/ feminine as well as the concept of heteronormativity in general. queer studies. Dialectics.S. Borders. including the widely anthologized essay. gender. Patrick Johnson is the Carlos Montezuma Professor of Performance Studies and African American Studies at Northwestern University. due principally to an identitarian politics aimed at forging a unified front under racialized blackness.. as Audre Lorde discovered in the bars of New York during her sexual awakening. A scholar/artist. sexuality and performance.” fre-quently framed by outspoken heterosexual black male intellectuals theoriz-ing the “black male phallus” in relation to “the black (w)hole” and other priapic riffs sounding the legendary potency of the heterosexual black man or. If you are excluding yourself from us—via MPJ. like black studies. and especially homosexuality. not us. as some theorists have noted. the deconstruction of binaries and the explicit “unmarking” of difference (e. gender. 2005. Patrick Johnson. p. alternatively.Black Queer Studies: A Critical Anthology. region. the category of (homo)sexuality. on the quad. and transgendered people of color who are committed to the demise of oppression in its various forms. many of us did not discover the existence of Sarah’s post until the last round of the evening. Henderson. to ignore the multiple subjectivities of the minoritarian subject within and without political movements and theo-retical paradigms is not only theoretically and politically naive. professor of English at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. A scholar/artist. disrupts dominant and hegemonic discourses by consistently destabilizing fixed notions of identity by deconstructing binaries such as heterosexual/homosexual. gender. On the one hand.) have serious implications for those for whom these other differences “matter. p. by contrast. homosexuality was effectively “theorized” as a “White disease” that had “in-fected” the black community? In fact. Henderson has also published the Critical Foreword and Notes to the Modern Library edition of Nella Larsen's Passing (2002). then. and co-editor (with John Blassingame) of the five-volume Antislavery Newspapers and Periodicals: An Annotated Index of Letters. and the Black Woman Writer's Literary Tradition. She is the author of numerous articles on pedagogy. She is the author of numerous articles on pedagogy. etc. 1817-1871 (1980)." She is editor of Black Queer Studies: A Critical Anthology (2005). diasporic writing and performance. queer studies has the potential to transform how We theorize sexuality in conjunction with other identity formations? Yet. but also potentially dangerous. Patrick Johnson is the Carlos Montezuma Professor of Performance Studies and African American Studies at Northwestern University. gay/ lesbian. cultural studies and cultural criticism. class. sexuality as an object of discourse circulated mainly by way of defensive disavowals of “sexual deviance. like those of gender and class. Borders. Given its currency in the academic marketplace. 2005. in the hallway. Patrick Johnson. Mae G. and the Black Woman Writer's Literary Tradition. As many of the essays in this volume demonstrate. professor of English at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. at the hotel—then you should hold yourself accountable. Henderson. Henderson has also published the Critical Foreword and Notes to the Modern Library edition of Nella Larsen's Passing (2002). remained necessarily subordinated to that of race in the discourse of black studies.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 226/230 number of issues that marginalized members of the community simply do not know about. 1817-1871 (1980). gays. cultural studies and cultural criticism. While black (heterosexual) women’s intellectual and community work were marginalized. but also one with which the discourse was paradoxically preoccupied. as well as black feminist criticism and theory. Johnson performs nationally and internationally and has published widely in the areas of race. Boundaries and Frames (1995). bisexuals. became not only a repressed site of study within the Held. bewailing his historical emasculation at the hands of over-bearing and domineering black women. We are just invisible to you P.4‘ It would be some time. diasporic writing and performance. and co-editor (with John Blassingame) of the five-volume Antislavery Newspapers and Periodicals: An Annotated Index of Letters. if only to deny and disavow its place in the discursive sphere of black studies. Dialectics.

Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 227/230 president homophobically refers to as “sinners” certain U. American. Anglo-Saxon. citizens seeking the protection of marriage. heterosexual. the socalled axis of evil is likely to cut across every identity category that is not marked White. and male. . Protestant.S.

p. Dr. p. treat policy creation as a logical step-by. Iverson.step process in which facts are analyzed to arrive at the best policy solution (Bacchi. Dowd. adding more complexity to how actors create and implement policy. these frameworks have been critiqued for failing to account for the oppression and often marginalization of racialized populations written into policies (Marshall. Doctoral student at the Center for Urban Education. traditional policy approaches tended to view the actor from the political economy perspective. Chase.. Parker. p.The more traditional approaches assume that race and ethnicity are not rele-vant in policy. This approach divided the policy process into a series of stages-typically “agenda setting. 1999). 2005). p. which assumed the actor’s behavior was guided by weighing costs and benefits and using information in a rational way to maximize material self-interest (Ostrom. Dowd's research focuses on political-economic issues of public college finance equity. and evaluation” (Sabatier. 2002. Doctoral student at the Center for Urban Education. Proponents of this approach assume that policy creation and analysis are value-neutral processes (Allan. Los Angeles Alicia C. Anderson. http://rossier. associate professor of education at the University of Southern California's Rossier School of Education and co-director of the Center for Urban Education. policy for-mulation and legitimation. 2012).edu/faculty/Educational%20Policy-2012-Chase-0895904812468227. University of Southern California. and accountability and the factors affecting student attainment in higher education. 1999. Kingdon. The punctuated equilibrium theory (Baumgaltner & Jones. associate professor of education at the University of Southern California's Rossier School of Education and co-director of the Center for Urban Education. 6). 2010. 1999). 2004). Researchers working from this perspective focused on the “technical properties” of the policy or the extent to which a policy is delivered to the targeted population in the mamier intended by policy designers (O’Dom1ell. 1999). fail to capture the full complexity of policy environments.pdf)//BG Traditional methods of policy analysis. Pérez. Rossier School of Education. organizational effectiveness. These. beliefs. University of Southern California. More specifically. “have been advanced to acknowledge policy as a political and value-laden process”(Allan et al.usc. Reiser.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 228/230 FW Cards Tag Chase & Dowd ’12 (Megan M. Chase. Rivas. 2007. Dr. Stein. 1987). 1988). & Roper-Huilman. Such an actor used information as a tool to ensure beneficial economic outcomes tor the self Rarely had weight been given to the actor’s values. Nakamura. Dowd's research focuses on political-economic issues of public college finance equity.6. organizational effectiveness. along with other contem-porary policy frameworks. Finally. For example multiple streams theory (Kingdon. information processing capabilities. views policy as being unpredictable and complicated to manage. referred to as rational scientyic approaches. 7 December 2012. 1984. 1988) focuses on the interaction of advocacy coalitionseach consisting of actors from a variety of institutions who share a set of policy beliefs-within a policy subsystem. Educational Policy “Transfer Equity for "Minoritized" Students: A Critical Policy Analysis of Seven States”. 2010. 2007. 1993) attempted to explain how policy domains are characterized by long periods of stability and incremental change but still experience short periods of great change. & Winstead. & Reimer. Educational Policy “Transfer Equity for "Minoritized" Students: A Critical Policy Analysis of Seven States”. Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith. the advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier &. resources. This approach allowed for the examination of distinct decision-making moments (Mulholland & Shakespeare. These frameworks have since moved away from the more functionalist views. MartinezAleman. Young. 22). such as critical policy analysis (CPA). Sutton. & Solorzano.5. Critical . Rossier School of Education. 2007. Tag Chase & Dowd ’12 (Megan M. http://rossier.usc. The critical approach to educational policy emerged in the 1980s as a critique of social reproduction and discourse and detines policy as the practice of power (Levinson. 2008. 1988). 2003. 1985). and do not account for all the components that influence policy creation and implementation over time. or their external environment (Ostrom. still rely on several rationalist undertones. More specifically. the most influential approach for understanding the policy process was the “stages heuristic” or “textbook approach” (J. and accountability and the factors affecting student attainment in higher education. information. 1984). 7 December 2012. Ostrom. Jenkins-Smith. Plunty. in the past 30 years. and thus camouflage the differential impact of educational policy on minoritized and White students (Iverson. but often neglected the policy’s social or cultural context (Sabatier & Jenkins-Smith. Spillane. 1999). 1993. 1975. 1997. Alvarez. 2010).1980s.edu/faculty/Educational%20Policy-2012-Chase-0895904812468227.pdf)//BG Alternative models. Until the mid. Although a thorough discussion is beyond the scope of this article. and suggests that policy streams come together during windows of opportunity. Dowd. a number of new theoretical frameworks of the policy process have either been developed or modified to address the criticisms of the textbook approach to policy research (Baumgartner & Jones. implementation. Los Angeles Alicia C.

university diversity policy (Iverson. 1976). Patton. Doctoral student at the Center for Urban Education. classes. interpret data. Iverson (2007) conducted a study that exam-ined how university diversity policies shape the reality of students of color on campus. 2007). 2008). and gender groups ( Crotty.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 229/230 researchers tend to view the process of knowledge generation as subjective. For scholars concerned with exposing and ameliorating the ways in that educational policy and practice subordinate racial and ethnic minority groups.pdf)//BG The work of Young (1999) and others demonstrates how using CPA is especially important in a highly stratified society like the United States because otherwise the impact of status differentials such as race. Pusser and Marginson (2012) argue that. such as those having to do with transfer. & Wooden. Critical policy analysts work to “illuminate the ways in which power oper-ates through policy by drawing attention to hidden assumptions or policy silences and unintended consequences of policy practices” (Allan et al. concluding that such policies serve to (re)pro-duce the subordination of students of color. Dowd. and cultural assumptions within the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 (Stein. Rather than focusing policy analysis on how to create more effective policies. community college mission statements (Ayers. tracking (Oakes. Educational Policy “Transfer Equity for "Minoritized" Students: A Critical Policy Analysis of Seven States”.. For example. 2005). and accountability and the factors affecting student attainment in higher education. University of Southern California. usually in a manner that supports certain racial. 2004). Dr. Dowd's research focuses on political-economic issues of public college finance equity. 2007). perpetuate racial and gender inequity (Harper. Only a critical approach to policy making can solve for racial equality Chase & Dowd ’12 (Megan M. organizational effectiveness. Chase. She found that the dominant discourses in diversity plans construct students of color as outsiders. practices. school finance (Aleman. associate professor of education at the University of Southern California's Rossier School of Education and co-director of the Center for Urban Education. and propose changes to policies. associate professor of education at the University of Southern California's Rossier School of Education and co-director of the Center for Urban Education. Dumas &Anyon. boys education policy (Weaver-Hightower. This policy approach has been used to study multiple issues pertaining to education. 1997). Dowd. scholars have gener-ally failed to understand postsecondary higher education due to a lack of attention “to theories that address the nature and sources of power” (p. Dr. and gender remain hidden. These examples highlight how utilizing a critical policy framework can aid researchers in understanding how well-intentioned policy can potentially harm marginalized populations. to date. Doctoral student at the Center for Urban Education. Young (i 1999) demonstrates the limitations of the traditional rationalist approach to policy analysis in her bi-theoretical study ofthe failure of a parental involvement policy. 1985). Los Angeles Alicia C. 2006). Marshall. welfare and other reform (Shaw.” and “How do low-income and minoritized students fare as a result of the policy? ” (Bacchi. University of Southern California. class. such as social reproduction (Bowles & Gintis. A critical analysis is useful because it provides a lens that helps us see the ways in that everyday policies and practices. The rationalist approach did not reveal. 7 December 2012. Chase. Rossier School of Education. 2004). 24). In addition. p. how the inequitable distribution of power and knowl-edge of parents at the school was implicated in the policy’s failure.” “Who loses?. 2004). applying a critical perspective requires analysts to assess policy by asking questions such as “Who benefits?. Dowd's research focuses on political-economic issues of public college finance equity. p. Shaw (2004) ana-lyzed welfare reform legislation from a critical policy perspective. CPA provides a lens to formulate research questions.edu/faculty/Educational%20Policy-2012-Chase-0895904812468227.usc.7. 2009). and institutions (Heck. 2010. where she found that welfare policy perpetuates social stratification by creating onerous barriers to education for women on welfare. 1999. 2003. where truth is believed to be socially constructed. and accountability and the factors affecting student . Los Angeles Alicia C. organizational effectiveness. http://rossier. Rossier School of Education. 2). Critical policy analysis exposes the Chase & Dowd ’12 (Megan M. as her critical analysis.

organizational procedures can have discriminatory impact even if individual actors are unaware of such impacts or are nondiscriminatory in their personal beliefs. Doctoral student at the Center for Urban Education. In addition. CPA includes the examination of state transfer policies with the goal of understanding if such policies are a form of institutionalized rac-ism. However. 436). Rossier School of Education. Chase. http://rossier.. written texts contribute to the construction of social reality. _ in opportunity and other outcomes that still exist between people of color and White persons” (ip. Chesler and Crowfoot (2000) note that. it is important to note that institutionalized racism in the form of policy is most often uninten-tional.pdf)//BG Racism in organizational policy can also include acts of omission. Dowd. . and allocation of resources that result in or reinforce racial inequity (Chesler & Crowfoot. transfer policies can be enacted without conscious discriminatory intent.” such as deciding which groups gain access to the baccalaureate and which do not (Chesler & Crowfoot. 7 December 2012. In this study. Referred to as indirect institutionalized discrimination. 1989). Los Angeles Alicia C. As an example. and accountability and the factors affecting student attainment in higher education. where institutionalized racism is defined as racism that occurs in structures and operations at the organizational level (Jones. Fairclough. despite its negative and differential impacts on minoritized populations (Chesler & Crowfoot.usc. From this view. 2000). CPA is used to identify indirect forms of institutional discrimination. we recognize problem identification is a necessary but insufficient step toward reducing structural barriers to transfer for minoritized students. This notion emphasizes how large-scale institutional structures and policies “operate to pass on and reinforce historic patterns of privilege and disadvantage. Educational Policy “Transfer Equity for "Minoritized" Students: A Critical Policy Analysis of Seven States”. Dowd's research focuses on political-economic issues of public college finance equity. by analyzing texts (in the case of this study. 2000. Demonstrating how to critically evaluate policies in terms of their potential for discriminatory impact provides the basis for redesigning policies in a more equitable manner. Dr. p.Race File 7wS BFJR 2013 230/230 attainment in higher education.8 http://rossier. 2000). Policy making omits the fact that it is institutionalized and racist Chase & Dowd ’12 (Megan M. practices. thus. Educational Policy “Transfer Equity for "Minoritized" Students: A Critical Policy Analysis of Seven States”. 2000).pdf)//BG A critical approach to policy analysis emphasizes the need to counter the policies. and even if their behavior appears to be a fair-minded application of ‘race-neutral’ or ‘color-blind’ rules (p. structures. 441). p. . 442). associate professor of education at the University of Southern California's Rossier School of Education and co-director of the Center for Urban Education. CPA was chosen as the preferred method of analysis because. and is reflected in the dramatic differentials . organizational effectiveness. University of Southern California.usc. as other authors have indicated. p. As Chesler and Crowfoot (2000) argue “our history of racial injustice is maintained through contemporary policies and practices.edu/faculty/Educational%20Policy-2012-Chase-0895904812468227. such as failing to recruit minority students or hiring policies that exclude scholars of color. yet can produce results with inequitable and negative effects on students of color. written policies). Knowing that policies do not fully drive behaviors. this form of racism occurs with no prejudice or intent to harm. 2010. we were able to examine what is missing from enacted policy and who is privileged as a result (Allan et al. transfer poli-cies and practices can be discriminatory and function as a form of institutionalized racism.edu/faculty/Educational%20Policy-2012-Chase-0895904812468227. 7 December 2012.