LITERARY PRINT CULTURE IN THE

SPANISH COLONIES
I T IS N E C E S S A R Y in an analysis of the literary canon of colonial Spanish
American literature to address certain questions which include: what was
the social value of the literary text? how did it circulate? what was its social
impact? how did it mesh with the ideology of its times? In order to begin
to answer some of these questions, it is helpful to see the literary work in
terms of its intellectual "voltage", and to grant that, although books may
look the same, their intellectual voltage often differs immensely. It is important to recall, firstly, that there were a variety of ways in which the literary
work interacted with the society which gave it being, ranging from the
officially sanctioned work (maximum voltage) to the work dismissed from
public view, that is, unpublished in the age in which it was written, and
only "coming out" in an age more curious than its own about its contents
(minimum voltage). In between these two poles, there were many fine
gradations of resistance.
It is appropriate to begin with those literary works of the colonial era
which were officially sanctioned. From its inception, printing in Spanish
America was associated with royal privilege. Thus throughout the colonial
era permission in the form of a licence from the Crown was necessary
before a printing press could be set up (which does not preclude illegal
printing). The printed word — namely Spanish as the language-of-state —
was, thus, linked indirectly to the Sovereign and directly to the Viceroyalty,
since the establishment of printing in the New World coincides almost
exactly with the creation of the first Viceroyalty. Don Antonio de
Mendoza's Viceroyalty began in 1535 and a printing press may have been
operational in Mexico City in that year (if we subscribe to Jose Toribio
Medina's notion that one Esteban Martin was at work in the capital of
New Spain from 1535 to 1538), or at least by 1539 when a native of
Brescia, Giovanni Paoli, or Juan Pablos as he came to be known, worked
as a printer in Mexico City on behalf of the leading Seville printer, Juan
Cromberger, in the service of Archbishop Zumarraga under a contract
negotiated with Antonio de Mendoza (Thompson, 12-13).
Printing, in New Spain as much as in Peru, was in the main restricted
to the publication of works for missionary purposes (catechisms and the
like).1 From its beginnings in New Spain, the art of printing gradually
spread to the rest of the Spanish empire, reaching La Ciudad de los Reyes,
or Lima, by 1584, Old Paraguay by 1700, Cuba by 1723, New Granada
(specifically Bogota) by 1738, the Rio de la Plata region by 1766, and Chile
by 1 776 (Thompson, 34, 47, 94, 76, 87). Given the missionary purpose of
much of the early printed material, and the quasi-obligatory reference to
© Forum for Modem Language Studies 2000

Vol. xxxvi Mo. I

The first work on which reliable information exists is Bishop Zumarraga's Brevey mas compendiosa doctrina Christiana. The bulk of the early literary works were published in Latin. and nautology (such as Diego Garcia de Palacio's Instrvcion nauthica para el bven Vsoy regimiento de las Naos [1587]). these works were dedicated to and funded by prominent individuals. typically the Viceroy. published by Juan Pablos in 1554). such as Bartolome de las Casas' Cancionero . the link between the printed book and royal privilege was inescapable during this period. Doctrina cristiana (1546) and Doctrina Christiana en le'gua Espanolay Mexicana (1550). by Fray Pedro de Logrono. it was published on 13 December 1540.LITERARY PRINTING IN SPANISH COLONIES 93 the sovereign's approval. sino que luego que vengan a su poder los envien al dicho nuestro Consejo de las Indias para que en el sean vistos y examinados. But some original literary works were published in Spanish. 19) A quick survey of some of the books published early in the colonial era gives some insight into the print culture of the period. Dotrina breue muy p[ro]uechosa de las cosas q[ue] p[er]tenecen a lafe catholica (1543). por el mismo caso incurra en pena de doscientos mil maravedis para la nuestra camara e fisco.2 The earliest work of which a fragment exists is the Manual de los adultos para bautizar. ix). this point was made forcefully in a royal decree published by Philip II on 14 August 1560 which forbade any publication not sanctioned by the Crown: Nos por la presente mandamos a cualesquier impresores de esas partes que no impriman los dichos libros sin expresa licencia nuestra. Expanded editions of Zumarraga's catechisms were subsequently printed. y que pierdan todas las obras que ansi imprimieren con todos los aparejos que para ello tuvieren en su imprenta. philology (the first dictionary of an Indian language was Alonso de Molina's Vocabulario en la lengua Castellanay Mexicana [1555]). During the second half of the 16th century. the catechisms were simply dedicated to God and funded by the Church. the print diversified to include theology (notably Fray Alonso de la Vera Cruz's Recognitio Summularum. ni que ningun librero los tenga ni venda. and whose only two existing pages are now housed in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (Menendez Pidal. such as Francisco Cervantes de Salazar's six dialogues in Latin (1554). three of these later editions. law-enforcing rather than politically mediational. are held in the British Library. and the Jesuits' edition of Ovid and some Emblemata by Alciato (1577). and of which no copy is now extant (Menendez Pidal. it was Crown policy that anything published about the New World was to be directly under its supervision. and is described as published "en casa de Juan Cromberger" in Mexico City. (Cacua Prada. published in 1539 on Juan Pablos' press. Unlike the missionary publications. so pena que el que los imprimiere y librero que los tuviere e vendiere. Thus. published by Pedro Ocharte in 1570). medicine (the first medicinal text was Francisco Bravo's Opera medicinalia. based as it was on a view of print as performative rather than descriptive. viii—ix).

again typical. position or land.94 STEPHEN HART Espiritual (1546). Its title. title and printer (Juan Pablos) of the work and the date it was completed (22 March 1548). This book. however. But we have to wait until the 17th century until a major original literary work is published in the New World: Balbuena's Grandeza Mexicana (1604). which could be given directly or indirectly through an intermediary. which is notarised by Fray Felix Ponce de Leon (fol. Don Antonio de Mendoza.4 It is important to note that the works of this period were not necessarily written for the benefit of posterity. the subsequent page has a table of contents and finally a page which. who was in office from 1535 until 1550. The book has 45 folios describing the Viceroy's ordenances and concludes with an authorising notice which combines the different levels of authority given to the text. was . Ortografia castellana (1609). significantly reveals the chain of command through which a work achieved publication: author.). but rather were more concerned to persuade their audience of the justice of the authors' claim to wealth. typical of many of these documents. held in the Biblioteca Nacional in Lima (Sala de Investigaciones A124. socially sanctioned link. followed by "Yo Francisco de los Covos Secretario de sus Sacras Cesareas Catolicas Magestades la hize escribir por su mandado".fig. closely followed by Mateo Aleman's treatise on peninsular orthography. and Cervantes de Salazar's Tumulo Imperial (1560) inspired by the funeral honours for Charles V in Mexico City. Ano de M. the first important political state document published in the New World. it was a concrete.3 There is perhaps no better example of the association between print and state power than the document authored by the first Viceroy of New Spain. At the top of the page are the words "Yo el Rey" followed by an illustration of the royal ensign. is grand and bears a large ensign symbolising imperial Spain. Throughout the colonial period. hecha por un testigo de vista — por los afios de 1550". with the words printed in red "Con privilegio" at the top (see Greer Johnson 1988: 10. 5 ff. as this manuscript suggests. A good example of this is the manuscript "Nueva obra y breve en metro y prosa sobre la muerte del adelantado Don Diego de Almagro. before a work could be published. printer. and printed in Mexico City by Juan Pablos in 1548.6). 5V). This work. seeks to restore the reputation of Diego de Almagro who. y por los Senores Oydores de la dicha audiencia para la buena governacw y estilo de los qficiales della. scribe. The link between print and monarchy would hold firm for more than 200 years and would only be broken with the advent of the Independence movements. It is important to underline the need for royal approval. is long: Ordenanqas y copilacion de leyes hechas por el muy Ilustre Senor don Antonio de Mendoza Visorey y Govemador dela nueva Espana: y Presidente dela audiencia Real que en ella reside. Royal Secretary on behalf of the monarch.clvin. in a kind of summation. as a result of the foul deeds of "Don Francisco y sus hermanos". The frontispiece.d. mentions the author.

all bespeak the patronage system of publication customary throughout the colonial era. literary works such as collections of poetry obeyed the same patronage system as the chronicles. famous for its press in Seville. completed in the city of Toledo on 15 February 1526. Though in a less explicit way.5 The documents which precede the text of the epic. and two sonnets which praise Ercilla's martial valour. Typical of its era. is the most significant epic poem treating the theme of the Conquest. the literary culture of this period can appropriately be seen as an integral part of what Greenblatt calls the "social energy" (or what we might call the ideological current) of the period (Greenblatt. The link was sanctioned by those publications which recorded how the royal fifth was to be calculated.LITERARY PRINTING IN SPANISH COLONIES 95 deprived of "honra.). 6). a case in point is the Cromberger family. president of the Royal Council of the Indies. and it is dedicated to Cardinal Fray Garcia Jofre de Loaysa. "Nueva obra y breve" conflates various discourses for the purely pragmatic end of persuading the addressee of its truth-value. This work crosses between the realms of literature (in the sense of a work written for aesthetic effect). vida y hazienda" (fol. This link can be gauged in concrete economic terms since wealthy individuals of the time invested in both printing and mining. The "cronica" which best illustrates the power games underlying publication of chronicles is De la natural historia de las Indias (Sumario de historia natural de las Indias) by Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes (1478—1557). La Araucana. and legal document (in the sense of claiming the right to property. As a result of this work. 94). It was sanctioned. indeed. etc. as a contemporary commentator who watched mining processes at Potosi pointed out. indeed. which had begun to break into silver-mining in New Spain by the 1540s (Griffin. The mining industry. refining and minting ore. 1578 and 1589 by Alonso de Ercilla y Ziiniga (1533-1594). iv). and the imprimatur by Antonio de Eraso on the king's behalf. was one of the greatest creators of wealth for the Spanish colonies and. the author's prologue and declaration. The high respect which it enjoyed in its day is suggested by an incident described in Cervantes' El Ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha: it is one of the few books in don Quijote's library which is not consigned to the flames by the barber and the priest. Pedro del Marmol. and which include the letter by the scribe. for example. of which fuller versions were published in 1535 and 1547. most of which are not reproduced in modern editions. an early example of which was Juan Diez Freyle's Sumario copedioso (1556). whose three parts were published successively in 1569. history (understood as a chronicle). As the above suggests. had some surprising similarities with the process of mining. The official nature of Oviedo's De la natural historia de las Indias is underlined by his claim that members of the Council of the Indies saw and corrected the manuscript. the process of extraction was largely . Oviedo was rewarded with the post of royal chronicler. supported and maintained by the crown and by the viceroy and.

the right to talk about that land. broadly speaking. Although seemingly exempt of payment. everything (the land. he had to assume a Hispanised alias. which he defines as follows: There seems to be little or no payment or reciprocal understanding or quid pro quo. then. they may . hence in the category of "things indifferent" (adiaphora): there for the taking. which in turn legitimises its exchange value. and given the royal seal. if a foreigner did manage to get there. once printed. were the parameters of official print culture during the colonial era. Objects appear to be in the public domain. The cultural capital of observed reality was too precious to allow it to be treated as "adiaphora". to use the metaphor introduced at the beginning of this essay. operated within the penumbra of that institution.96 STEPHEN HART untrammelled apart from the regulation of the royal fifth. It is not coincidental. the comparison did not escape Jose de Acosta (Acosta. becoming part of the larger spectrum of social energy. There were. the writer's prerogative) as well as the technical instrument. There also existed a cluster of works which. just as the silver ore of Potosi is subject to the royal fifth when it is imprinted with the royal seal. In a sense. ultimately. This should be seen as payment for what Greenblatt calls "appropriation". 9) To this definition of "adiaphora" might be added the images of the world as captured in the prose of the literary writer. the 20% of revenue payable directly to the Crown. to what might be called the "tax of royal dedication". [. the link between print and royal power was a sustained one. the "foundry". The important point to remember here is how crucial the royal dedication is for works printed during this period.. It also helps to explain why foreigners were forbidden to travel to colonial Latin America (any individual caught travelling to the New World without an official licence from the Casa de Contratacion forfeited all possessions to the Crown. is almost a tautology. though not sponsored directly by the power structures of viceregal print culture. this textual capture of the world. the cultural capital of the work is allowed to circulate. indeed. with one fifth going to the person reporting the violation. where coins are minted. the first printer of New Spain. Leonard.. for example. (Greenblatt.] The prime example of adiaphora is ordinary language: for literary art this is the single greatest cultural creation that may be appropriated without payment. as we see. two categories of these works: those transmitted via manuscript and those via oral/aural culture. as in the various literary works and chronicles of the colonial era. These. which. the obligatory dedication of any printed work to the monarch was like the payment of the royal fifth since it indicated that the cultural capital to which the author lay claim was performed under the understanding that. that the word "ingenio" in Spanish indicates "genius" (namely. and so forth) belonged to the monarch. 106-7). These works acted as an intermedian arena of cultural transmission. like Juan Pablos. Once printed. 1972: 7). is subject.

The "certamen poetico" would typically take as its theme an important historical event . for example. consistent during the colonial period. 3-10). the Tragedia was staged in the Jesuit College. Very common during the colonial period. for it was part of a week-long celebration in Mexico City in November 1578 in which some holy relics donated by Pope Gregorius XIII were officially transmitted to the Jesuits. To win one of these contests was a sure way of achieving literary visibility. y la prosperidad que se siguio con el Imperio de Constantino (1579). Often the requirements of the tournament were quite specific. Alongside the oral/aural transmission of literature. On the following day. especially in the large viceregal capitals of Mexico and Peru. continued to thrive in the New as well as the Old World during the 16th and 17th . won a poetic contest held in Mexico City in 1685. Vincencio Lanuchi and Juan Sanchez Baquero.the arrival of a new Viceroy or archbishop. and published by Antonio Ricardo in Mexico City.LITERARY PRINTING IN SPANISH COLONIES 97 have had a lower voltage than officially sanctioned published works but they had a positive charge in the society which housed them. for example. one organised by the University of Mexico in 1683 required that the subject be the Immaculate Conception and stated that the metrical model to be imitated would be verses 71 to 98 of the third book of Vergil's Aeneid. Just as interesting as the play itself is the social ritual which accompanied its performance. 1959: 132). indeed. 1959: 136-8). there is evidence of a vibrant manuscript culture in colonial society. the performance was four hours long and was attended by the Viceroy. The production of poetry offers a similar picture. against three hundred other contestants (Leonard. was the Tragedia intitvlada triuvmpho de los sanctos en qve se representa la persecucion de Diocleciano. a procession of great pomp and ceremony attended by every significant state and ecclesiastical dignitary took place in which the relics were transported from the Cathedral where they had been deposited to the Colegio Maximo de San Pedro y San Pablo. 2 November 1578. The most significant drama of the early colonial era. and would be underwritten by a generous patron. The rules circulated for the occasion also mentioned that authors should avoid "a false playing on words of double meaning" and that "words shall be kept in all their proper meanings" (Leonard. and later proved to be one of the most significant poets in New Spain. the celebration of a martial victory — or the reiteration of an article of faith. as well as other state and ecclesiastic officials (Rojas Garciduefias. the members of the Real Audiencia. Thus the circulation of manuscripts. probably written by two Jesuits. Bernardo de Balbuena. the Inquisition. normally a member of the aristocracy. On All Saints' Day. inherited from the medieval scribe tradition. The use of theatre to accompany state functions such as the arrival of a new Viceroy was. were the poetic contests in which aspiring poets of the day read their verses before an audience. A good example is provided by the theatre.

7 Works by Sor Juana included are four poems in Latin. As a result. incidentally. one in Latin and Castilian. or short prose passages. in order (superficially) to explain the uprising of the . especially between different wings of the church. Geronimo de la ciudad de Mexico. and some "coplas". The first concerns organisations which used print as a weapon with which to contest state power. impresso segunda vez en Madrid. Both of these. 6 A good example are the various Jiorilegia. which provides convincing evidence that the arrival of print did not suppress the manuscript but led to a new symbiosis of print and manuscript culture. particularly. of the expediente required in 1735 by the Archbishop and Viceroy of New Spain. often.98 STEPHEN HART centuries. in which print was employed as a means to express a world vision at odds with hierarchical statist ideology. they were abnormal. Poems. secondly. during the colonial era. introduced with the handwritten words "Del libro: Poemas de Soror (sic) Juana Ines de la cruz Religiosa en el monasterio de S. are included in this volume on the basis of their prior publication. they in effect became low-voltage works). 112r). 1705) held in the Biblioteca Nacional in Mexico City. Afio de 1690" (fol. however. who became very adept at using print in order to further their own version of the facts as opposed to that of the Viceroy. were hints of what would be a normal state of play in the post-Independence era but. those works whose message was modified by a process of intellectual subterfuge in order to circumvent the censorship laws. and the second the use of printed language to describe rather than prescribe the world. and Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz among others. for example. those works which were not published and. even after print had become widespread. In contradistinction to the writers treated thus far. the manuscript culture continued to flourish in the New World. circulated in manuscript form. collections of poems dedicated to the Virgin Mary and given a boost as a result of post-Tridentine orthodoxy. Typical of these Jiorilegia is the "Florilegio mariano" (c. This group had two main factions: firstly. which existed in printed or manuscript form and were often the patrimony of a particular order or institution. Vizarron. The only organisations capable of resisting state power were the religious orders and. there were writers whose works expressed a disestablishmentarian message and therefore were not canonised by the age which gave them birth (because of the degree of resistance they expressed with regard to the ideological current of their age. and. "villancicos" and "romances" as well as a "juguetillo" in Castilian (fols 112r-i igr). the authors mentioned include the Bishop of Mexico City. the Jesuits. who belong to the upper echelons of the social fabric.8 Either through lack of funds or unavailability of printed texts (it is difficult to know for sure). I need to make some observations about two other counter-currents during the colonial era. Juan de Palafox. Before going on to a discussion of disestablishmentarian works.

Richard Hawkins (called Richarte Aquines in the document). the Jesuits sent back a printed document affirming their right to self-government (which was what the whole affair was about) in a document. and dated 14 February 1736. suspected of being the author. and Gonzalez de Eslava.LITERARY PRINTING IN SPANISH COLONIES 99 Indians of Cabo de San Lucas and the subsequent deaths of Fathers Nicolas Tamaral and Lorenzo Carranco. To make matters worse. Consider the case of two late sixteenthcentury writers. Pedro de Moya de Contreras. though. ten days later some satiric pasquines (lampoons) attacking the King appeared on the wall of the cathedral. Gonzalez de Eslava wrote some satirical entremeses criticising the recently imposed alcabala (sales tax) which appeared within a play of his entitled Un coloquio en la consagracidn de Dr. however. printed by Don Ambrosio Eugenio Melgarejo.9 In a sense. but they nevertheless enable a glimpse of what would later break the state monopoly over print. Both of these documents clearly do have a performative function. There were occasional cases of this in the New World. staged in the palace of Viceroy Martin Enriquez de Almaza in Mexico City in 1574 in honour of Archbishop Moya de Contreras' inauguration. en los Autos con el Venerable Dean. entided Defensa canonica. 53 pages long. the aim of the Jesuits here was simply to reverse the power structure of the printed word and acquire for themselves the kudos attaching to print. The single most important revolutionary element. was imprisoned . O n e very early example is the Relation del espantable terremoto que agora nuevamente ha acontecido en la cibdat de Guatemala published in Mexico City in 1541 by Juan Rodriguez. the first is used by the Church to ensure repentance and the second by the Viceroy to inspire confidence in his rule. and which referred to the recent capture by an expeditionary force sent by Viceroy Luis Velasco of the English pirate.y Cabildo de la Santa Iglesia Metropolitana de Mexico. namely. D. y real por las provincias de la Compania de Jesus de la Mieva Espana. It goes without saying that a satirical work was unlikely to be published. especially if the butt of humour was either a court or an ecclesiastical dignitary. Although the frontispiece draws attention to the earthquake as a lesson in repentance ("de grande exemplo para que todos nos enmendemos de nuestros peccados y estemos aprescibidos [sic] fuere servido de nos llamar"). The second counter-current mentioned above as operating sporadically during this period was the early precursor of the modern gazette or newspaper. y Phillipinas. Another example is the document entitled Relation de lo sucedido desde ly de mayo de 1594. who had spent the previous decade terrorising the coastal ports. published in Lima in 1594. Fernan Gonzalez de Eslava (1533?— 1601?) and Francisco de Terrazas (1525?-1600?). empirical descriptions. the account is clearly printed for its newsworthiness. and they look out of place in the law-enforcing print of the early years of New Spain. in the panorama of viceregal book culture which militated against its ideological hegemony was satire.

El lazarillo de ciegos caminantes forges a unique path midway between . xv. there were a number of writers who turned to satire to express their vision of New World society. being cited in at least two contemporary documents: Baltasar Dorantes de Carranza's Sumaria relacion de las cosas de la Nueva Espana (1604) and a satirical ballad known to have been circulating in Lima in 1621 (Rosas de Oquendo. who was assumed to be his accomplice) for seventeen days on the orders of the Viceroy (Leonard. but only by camouflaging the subversiveness of their social message. Only three of Caviedes' poems were published in his lifetime. though they work within the patronage system. In this sense. 1949: 194-7). At least twelve of the doctors mentioned have been identified as real-life individuals practising medicine in Lima in the second half of the 17th century (Reedy. went to New Spain at the age of twenty. 1689 and 1694.10 It is important to recall that Caviedes was writing during a time when the link between viceroyalty and the printing press was still very strong. these works are hybrid in that. born in Gijon. It is not by accident that his works were first published after 1 790 (and specifically in El Mercurio Peruano) when the press was beginning to expand and to escape the controlling influence of the Viceroy's palace. As Pedro Lasarte has pointed out. by Rosas de Oquendo. satire emerged much more clearly as a vibrant social energy. where he worked for ten years as a merchant. In effect. ano de i§g8y to give the text its full name. we can speak of Caviedes as a writer before his time. Satire in Colonial Spanish America (1993). Caviedes' fame rests largely on his Diente del Parnaso (c. for this reason his work circulated mainly in manuscript form (Caviedes. he directs biting criticism at the doctors of his day. who. in which. he later worked as a corregidor in the 1750s and simultaneously as Captain General and General Mayor of Mines. 1). x). Indeed.100 STEPHEN HART (along with Francisco de Terrazas. and this was no doubt because of his personal attacks on powerful people. One of the best examples of this trend is El lazarillo de ciegos caminantes (1775 or 1776) by Concolorcorvo. Although he also wrote religious and didactic poetry. As Julie Greer Johnson has shown in her important study. Just as intriguing as the works which were barred from publication are those works which achieved publication. as the 17th century progressed and publishing began gradually to extricate itself from Royal patronage. n. 66). Two names stand out: Mateo Rosas de Oquendo (1559?-! 612?) and Juan del Valle y Caviedes (1651?-! 697?). though written in 1598. 1689). in 1687. A similar pattern is evident in the life and work ofJuan del Valle y Caviedes. it first emerged in excerpts prepared and published by Antonio Paz y Melia in the Bulletin Hispanique in 1906. Francisco de Quevedo. however. they subvert it from within. Sdtira hecha por Mateo Rosas de Oquendo a las cosas que pasan en el Piru. was not published until it was discovered in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid at the beginning of this century. in a style reminiscent of the social satirist par excellence. alias Alonso Carrio de la Vandera (17 15?-1783). the manuscript clearly made an impact in the 17th century.

In the prologue. xii). one of his rivals. his goods seized.His first work — El Nuevo Luciano of 1779 . ya de bolas. 3). 5). prudentes y piadosos" but rather to those "de la Hampa o Cascara amarga. he says that he does this because "soy pez entre dos aguas" (Carrio de la Vandera. and this antagonism would be one of the motives behind Carrio de la Vandera's decision to write and publish his travelogue. in which Carrio de la Vandera openly criticised his superior. carabina y pistolas. was nominated Administrador de Correos. Apestegui y Perochena. In 1771 Carrio de la Vandera was promoted to Second Commissioner of the postal system between Montevideo. their population. Subsequently. the customs of their inhabitants. or of the mining industry. copies of which were sent to the head office of the postal service in Madrid (Lorente Medina. ya sean de espada. Carrio de la Vandera has separate sections on the cities of Montevideo and Buenos Aires. the Peruvian Francisco Javier Eugenio de Santa Cruz y Espejo (1747-1795). and the important families who reside there (Carrio de la Vandera. Don Javier de Cia. for example. he describes minutely the vagaries of transport by cart between Buenos Aires and Carcaranal (Carrio de la Vandera. The perils involved in speaking out of turn in a society in which control over print culture was high are also amply illustrated by the fate of the most important essayist of the Colonial period. In some ways it fits the expected mould of those works commissioned by the Viceroy and which concern such subjects as the description of the land. Jose Antonio Pando. It therefore turns upside down the purpose of a published work within the viceregal patronage system since its anonymity forestalls social recognition or recompense. of which there are so many examples throughout the colonial period. Pando. Other details point in a similar direction. or a census of a particular city. ending his life in obscurity. In a resonant phrase. in fact. Carrio de la Vandera begins by declining to dedicate his work to "hombres sabios. Procurador y Abogado de Causas desesperadas" (Santa Cruz y Espejo.was published under the (jocular) pseudonym of "Dr. guampar y lazo". 20-3. El lazarillo de ciegos caminantes. xvii). it was published in Lima between 1775 and 1776 (Lorente Medina. Buenos Aires and Lima. and he was forcibly retired. 33—6). he was imprisoned. Thus. What finally confirms this impression of cultural hybridity is that El lazarillo de ciegos caminantes came out under the pseudonym of Concolorcorvo and its place of publication was falsified to read Gijon while. But there are indications which make of El lazarillo de ciegos caminantes more than simply a publication designed as a springboard to social success. as a result of the publication of a libellous document. The importance of El lazarillo de ciegos caminanles lies principally in its identity as a transitional text between viceregal patronage and the republican energy of print capitalism. between autobiography and novel. Since this work was written as a dialogue it effectively meant that it was difficult to pin any one . 25—9).LITERARY PRINTING IN SPANISH COLONIES 101 personal account and public census. Manifiesto.

he went on to forge a successful career as. and thirdly. Publishing radical ideas anonymously normally signals three things: firstly. that many in the society of the time accept the ideas as true (otherwise. and. after these polemics had died down. and Santa Cruz y Espejo owned up to authorship of the previous works. Santa Cruz's conflict with the Church is similar to the struggle with the Viceroy that Jose Antonio Alzate y Ramirez had in New Spain towards the end of the colonial period. an economist. this tussle with the Church did not hinder the growth of Santa Cruz y Espejo's career. It is possible to identify one further strain of the process of political subversion during the colonial era. all of which have a mystic intent and are called "Afectos". What is interesting in this chain of events is that it demonstrates that Santa Cruz y Espejo's works constitute a transitional phase between the inquisitorial control over print typical of the colonial period and the significant loosening of that control during the post-Independence period. 1694 and c. Padre Francisco de Herrera. the smokescreen was no longer possible. when she was twenty-three years old (Castillo. famous for her Afectos espirituales (written between c. buy it?). however. 48). and this was surely intended as a means of selfprotection. these works were published in Lima at a time when the Church. that the authorities do not accept the ideas. which might be translated as "emotional states". who would support the publication of the book. that it is too dangerous for one individual to declare authorship because of the expected retribution. as we shall see." Indeed.under the pseudonym Moise Blancardo. and indeed the Viceroy's political entourage. The Afectos espirituales consist of 44 prose passages followed by one poem. By the following year. and this was exposed in a particularly raw fashion in the lives and work of women within the Church. a lawyer. Offering even more protection was the fact that Santa Cruz y Espejo wrote a response to the first volume — the full title of which is Marco Porcio Catdn o Memorias Para la Impugnacion del Nuevo Luciano De Quito . took the veil in 1693 after two years as a novice. the "Colombian Santa Teresa" as she is sometimes known. Santa Cruz y Espejo's work appears to fit into this category. and became a nun the following year. secondly. to such an extent that she is . Yet. Francisca Josefa de la Concepcion de Castillo (i 671 —1742). a social reformer and a scientist (Santa Cruz y Espejo. Just as interesting as the mystical revelations of this collection of writings is the insight they provide into the way that an institution such as the Church manipulated the ideas of its subjects during the colonial era. 1716). were losing the power of monopoly over print. as a result of a no-holds-barred attack by Fray Juan de Arauz who accused the author of ElJVuevo Luciano of heresy. ix).102 STEPHEN HART view on its real author. indeed. It is clear from the Afectos espirituales themselves that Sor Francisca hung on every word of her male confessor. successively. the fact that he was eventually able to claim authorship of the previous works provides a hint of the beginnings of a sea-change.

riname y reprehendame. MS 1395). sirva esto de algo para conmigo. as suggested by "Afecto 5" (Castillo. A backdrop motif to the correspondence which gradually builds up to a grand crescendo is the matter of public and personal address.000) did not please the former who asked him to re-do the survey which Alzate. there occurred at the twilight of the colonial era an interesting clash between two spokesmen of viceregal and republican culture in which the latter got the upper hand. What the Afectos espirituales reveal is not only a seventeenth-century Colombian nun's struggle with God but also her struggle with the authority of her male confessor. is the overpowering control the Church had not only over publishing but also over writing and. para que se enderecen" (Castillo. but his final report (which indicated a population of 213. . was not always as one-way as the above would suggest. referencia del merito y circunstancias de S. n. examinelas. although signs of her ambivalence are evident sporadically throughout her writings. it is clear that more is at stake here than simply the etiquette of public address.in their different ways illustrate the dangers of attempting to break the laws underwriting print culture. Alzate had been commissioned to carry out a census in Mexico City by the Viceroy. however. 373-4)This relationship. mientras mas me esfuerzo a tomar sus consejos. Unlike Sor Juana. was loathe to do (letter by Alzate of 14 March 1792. The documents concerned are the unpublished correspondence between Viceroy Conde de Revilla Rigedo and the writer-cum-journalist-cum-editor.m. The final paragraph of "Afecto 4 3 " is addressed to Herrera. and presents him with her text in a way which is curiously similar to the writer—editor relationship: "para que V. While Santa Cruz y Espejo and Sor Castilla . What the Castillo-Herrera relationship does show. however. Jose Antonio Alzate y Ramirez ( I 7 3 9 ~ I 7 9 9 ) J between 1791 and 1792 (the documents are in the Fondo Reservado. 22r). as his subsequent letters indicate. thought itself. The original manuscript of "Afecto 4 1 " contains a written note to her confessor which describes her affliction and concludes with the following sentence: "Esto es dark cuenta de lo que me pasa. pues.P. Sor Francisca remained obedient. 46-7). 68r). The real name of the individual who went by the name of the Duque de Almodovar was Eduardo Malo de Luque and. no me permita mis faltas. para que vea si sera bueno quemar estos papeles. 353. 1). indeed.x Duque de Almodovar descubriendo un nombre que havia ocultado por modestia en la tradicion del Abate Reynal" (fol. from Alzate's reply to the Viceroy written the same day. fol.LITERARY PRINTING IN SPANISH COLONIES 103 emotionally distraught when she finds out that he will no longer be visiting her. lo vea. Biblioteca Nacional. es mas la guerra" (Castillo. descubrame los caminos torcidos de mi corazon. The text where the offensive reference appeared was the recently published Antigiiedades de Xochicalco and. Mexico City. however. y de mi intencion. In a letter dated 19 December 1791 the Viceroy complains about "el poco decoro con que en la Descripcion de Xochicalco hizo s.

S. 25r). bent on conserving the decorum of address and concerned about the proliferation of print which could damage the reputation of the aristocracy.m. A sensitivity to the social impact and value of the literary work during the colonial era is crucial to our understanding of the function of literature during that period. but also to the dubious use of titles." Duque de Almodovar cuando huviere hecho algun elogio de sus obras. was not amused.. literature functioned as a springboard for social preferment and political success. The rest of his letter rejects the Viceroy's arguments and insists that a new era has dawned in which titles are not as important as once they were thought to be. The Viceroy. Alzate's. se han imaginado miembros de una Republica en donde solo govierna la razon. and the stake that writers have in this brave new world. huviera descuvierto el oculto nombre del Exmo.12 Here Alzate is cocking a snoop at Conde de Revilla Rigedo by referring not only to a republic (which would have rung alarm bells in the Viceroy's palace). In effect Alzate is questioning the link. predictably enough. in this group of writers there were those whose message was sustained within the ebb and flow of manuscript culture. within a few decades. Within the patronage system which underwrote the sanctioned link between print and social privilege. y en donde todos los individuos solo se consideran por la parte que tiene de literatos" (fol.104 STEPHEN HART as Alzate suggests.m. 24X-V). que me parece poco digno de disculpa. occurs when he specifically refers to the implications that this new mood has for the writer of New Spain at the end of the 17th century: "los literatos. por una mutua convencion.] buelvo a repetir a v. he refers to cases when the surname only is cited and quotes Feijoo's opinion on the matter (fol. 26r-v). the other. pero descubrir una pesona venemerita. para impugnar un yerror [. the Viceroy's. Also important to recognise are the various ways in which that maecenal system was undermined by a subaltern culture which sought routes other than viceregal publication for its social expression. fue unicamente el descifrar el anagrama del nombre repuesto que havia tornado" (fol. in his reply of 21 December 1791. (fol. What this piece of correspondence demonstrates is the conflict of two worlds in the twilight zone of the Independence era: one. and there were others whose disestablishmentarian message was expressed . determined to create a new democracy of print in which the titles and dignitaries of the past had no place. it would be a defunct institution. The significant part of Alzate's argument. between the printed word and the Crown. 3ir) The days of the viceroyalty were numbered and. seria mas disimulable la falta de tratamiento. such as Juan del Valle y Caviedes and Mateo Rosas de Oquendo. which had remained unbroken and uncontested for more than 250 years.. tongue-in-cheek. he simply referred to his real name to show the witty nature of the (near) anagram: "mi objeto al expresar su nombre. however. he responds angrily: Si v.

1988: 33. for example. It is sometimes forgotten that the literary works of the colonial era had varying social impacts during the era in which they were born and demonstrated accordingly different levels of ideological voltage and conductivity. see Greer Johnson 1988: 28. for generously aiding my research on the early Hispanic holdings of the British Library and British Museum.son los mejores que. There is no reason to assume that the situation was any different in the Spanish colonies. of the Hispanic Section at the British Library. and "Copia perfecta si perfeccion cabc en tal copia de los medicos de . 8 For a brief description of a book of carols by Sorjuana. Sacados a lus del conosimiento. procesos medicales. The Biblioteca Nacional. n. London London WCiE United Kingdom NOTES ' This is largely to be expected since. while the next two have rather more creative titles: "Historia fatal. 9 The manuscript bundle of which this document is part is entitled "Expediente que por decreto del arzobispo virrcy. the "great publishing successes of the sixteenth century were achieved in the realm of theology" (Steinberg. as well as Juan Rufo's La Austriada and Cristobal de Virus' El Montsenate. 6 of the Quijote. as far as printed books were concerned." (1736). which was displayed in the exhibition "The Book in the Americas"... 142). escapo dc los errores medicos por la proteccion del glorioso Sn.L I T E R A R Y P R I N T I N G IN SPANISH C O L O N I E S 105 in printed works which were circulated anonymously. paper given on 4 September 1996 at the I Encuentro de Peruanistas held at the Universidad de Lima). en lengua castellana estan escritos. 1). 3 For a brief description and illustration of this work. 44). It is important to recall that.]. covers the years 1558-1705. I take this opportunity to thank Dr Barry Taylor. y pueden competir con los mas famosos dc Italia: guardense como las mas ricas prendas de poesia que dene Espafia" (Cervantes: I. Biblioteca Nacional. foco de interes en el quehaccr dc la critica hispanoamcricana". 4 Cruickshank has pointed out that "no labourer in seventeenth-century Europe could readily afford a book [. and makes the following comment: "Todos esos tres libros . que milagrosamente. Villancicos (1677). as Steinberg has pointed out. The earliest is simply called "Diente del parnaso de Juan de Caviedes". gucrra fisica. according to Maria Leticia Caccres Sanchez ("Don Juan del Valle y Caviedes. 10 At the present time.. Lima.. entitled "Florilegio mariano". In 1490. Spain was one of only two countries (the other being England) in which "vernacular books outnumbered Latin ones from the beginning" (Steinberg 118).dijo cl cura . Roque abogado contra Medicos. and a copy is kept in the Fondo Reservado in the Biblioteca Nacional. 6 There was also resistance to the new culture of print as expressed by the patrician class. o contra la Peste que tanto monta. see Grccr Johnson. 5 In Part I. or within a refracted prism in order to escape the dull hand of censorship. chap. a week's wages would just have bought the 1654 edition of Gongora's complete works" (Cruickshank 812. 2 Reference to these and other missionary publications may be found in Thomas. Duke Federigo of Urbino stated of his library that "all books were superlatively good and written with the pen. andfig. azafias de la ignorancia.. 7 The manuscript.figs. had there been one printed book. STEPHEN HART Department of Spanish and Latin American Studies University College. held at the John Carter Brown Library in 1987. it would have been ashamed in such company" (quoted in Steinberg. there are ten manuscripts of Caviedes' poetry in existence.31—2. Mexico. Mexico. possesses three of those manuscripts and they offer some insight into how manuscript circulation worked in the 1 7th century. en verso hcroico.. por un enfermo. This attitude continued into successive centuries. a copy is held in the Fondo Reservado. 126-7). but was in decline by the 17th century.". the priest comes across La Araucana.25.

100 fols. John Jay Allen (Madrid. 132 fols.3. J u a n . lost with the advent of the printed book. Lima. ed. Unpublished correspondence with Viceroy Conde de Revilla Rigedo between 1791 and 1792. 1967). 11 Also indicative of this sea-change is the fact that.e. especially evident in the humorous title of the third manuscript. Nolicia del establecimienta y poblacion de las colonias inglesas en la America septentrional (Madrid. azafias de la ignorancia. 1550. c. 1778). Jose Antonio.37. Fondo Rcservado. Daniel R. 120 fols. 1968). C. Su autor Don Juan Caviedesjuez pesquisador de los desaciertos medicos". 1543. Doctrina cristiana: mas ciertay verdadera pa gete sin erudiciSy Itlras: en q[ue] se cotiene el catecismo 0 informacio par indios co todo lo principaly necessano qfue] el xpamo deve sabery obrar. Alonso. Stetson Collection. 1556. REFERENCES Acosta. thereby driving up the price prohibitively (Santa Cruz y Espejo. 103 fols. 1690. Dario Acury Valenzuela (Bogota. Antonio. British Library. C. Alzate. Obras del P. El lazarilto de ciegos caminantes (Caracas. gives some indication of how each manuscript was an individualised creation. Jose de Acosta. 1569-1578. Biblioteca Nacional. escapo de los errores medicos por la protection del glorioso Sn. Biblioteca Nacional. Ercilla y Zufiiga.37.g. Historia del periodismo colombiano (Bogota. 3). D. the author notes in his prologue the greater eagerness of the public to gain knowledge of the world at large. Biblioteca Nacional. Francisco Mateos (Madrid.f. ed.. El Ingenioso Hidalgo Don Quijote de la Mancha.. 85 fols.106 STEPHEN HART Lima. British Library.". British Library. Andlisis criiico de los "Afectos espirituales" de Sor Francisco Josefa de la Concepcion de Castillo. 1995). "'Literature' and the Book Trade in Golden-Age Spain". Impressa en Mexico por mddado del Raierendissimo senor Do fray gumarraga: primer Obfisjpo de Mexico. the authorities were imposing a heavy tax on any book imported from France. -. 1954). Agora nueuamente corregiday enmedada. Sala de Investigaciones Big42. In a book on the English colonies by Francisco Alvarez in 1778. "Copia perfecta si perfection cabe en tal copia de los medicos de Lima. La Araucana. Reedy (Caracas. Sala de Investigaciones 13371. it was obligatory to have French books provided with a new binding. Juan del Valle: Obra completa. Biblioteca Nacional. Su autor Don Juan Caviedesjuez pesquisador de los desaciertos medicos". primera y segunda parks (Madrid. Alvarez. quando antes eran solamentc conocidas de los Sabios" (Alvarez. Sor Francisca Josefa de la Concepcion de. 799-824. Diez Freile. Nicolas Tamaral y Lorenzo Carranco".C28. ed. "Expediente que por decreto del arzobispo virrey Vizarron se mando formar sobre la sublevacion de los indios del Cabo dc San Lucas. guerra fisica. c-38. Carrio de la Vandera. Fondo Reservado. o contra la Peste que tanto monta. 1546. Cacua Prada. P. Cruickshank. MS 40 [1118]. Roque abogado contra Medicos. Lima. Biblioteca Nacional.C8.. The creativity with regard to the title. "Diente del parnaso dejuan de Caviedes". dofrayjua cumarraga primer ob[is]po d[e] Mexico. 156 fols. of course. British Library. haciendosc comunes a todos. Mexico City. Alonso de. Sumario cSpldioso de las quelas de platay on q[ue] en los reynos del Pint son necessarios a los mercaderes y todo genero de tratanles. procesos medicales. ed. "Historia fatal. . facsimile New York. Sacados a lus del conosimiento. MIJi 73 (1978).03 3473 m Vault. 1962). Sala de Investigaciones B374. . fols. que milagrosamente. Miguel dc. Florida. "se oyen y leen a cada paso. W. 7-11. por un enfermo. F. . 41). Doctrina Christiana en tegua Espanolay Mexicana: hecha por los religiosos de la orden de Sato Domingo.37. Copuesta por el Reveredissimo S. Francisco. a quality which was. 1977). MS 1395. 2 vols. 1690. their inhabitants. Jose de. Dotrina breue muy p[ro]uechosa de las cosas q[ue] p[er]tenecen a lafe catholicay a n[uest]ra cristinadad en estilo llano pa comu inteligecia. by the 1780s. Mexico City. Co algunas reglas tocantes al Aritmetica. Cervantes. 12 Signs of this new democratisation caused by print are legion at the end of the 18th century in the Spanish colonies. 1689. As Santa Cruz y Espejo recalls. 1736. their customs. y muerte de los PP. whereas the reaction of an earlier era was simply to ban the books. 1984). Caviedes. Castillo. the cities. Lima.

Short-Title Catalogues of Portuguese Books and of Spanish-American Books Printed Before 1601 Now in the British Museum (London. with a foreword by Beatrice Warde. Virrey. British Library. Newbury (Providence. Mateo. Irving A. Astuto (Caracas.e. ix-xxxv. Mexico City. MA. 156 fols. H. Enrique Alvarez Lopez (Madrid. y su Oydor en la Real audilcia de la dicha Ciudad. N C . del Cosejo de su Magestad.. 1981). 2nd edn. [covers years 1558-1705]. C T . 1926). De la natural hisioria de las Indies (Sumario de historic natural de las Indias). Quesada. T X . Clive. Philip L. Coleccidn de incunables americanos (Madrid.. CA. ed. pp. . Archilla (New York. Satire in Colonial Spanish America: Turning the jVew World Upside Down. Jose. MS 361. . 1558-1705. y Capitan general destos Reinos.. 1990). 1988). En casa de Pedro Ocharte. Leonard. Places and Practices (Ann Arbor.38. . "Introduccion". Vicente G. 1993).3i. su traca. Lawrence S. 1966). 1962).. Reedy. Instrvcion navthica. En Mexico. The Book in the Americas: The Role of Books and Printing in the Development of Culture and Society in Colonial Latin America. The Poetic Art ofJuan del Valle Caviedes (Chapel Hill. trans. Rojas Garciduefias. Menendez Pidal. 1587. Eugenio de. Five Hundred Tears of Printing (Harmondsworth. Gouemador. ed. y regimiento de las Naos. 1938). Poemas latinos y castellanos dedicados a la Virgen". Sigfrid Henry. Dirigido al Excellentissimo Senor Don Aluaro Manrrique. Greenblatt. MI. 1988).LITERARY PRINTING IN SPANISH COLONIES 107 Fernandez de Oviedo. I'rinting in Colonial Spanish America (Hamden. WI. RI. Marques de Villa manrrique. para el bven Vso. 77K Crombergers of Seville. The History of a Printing and Merchant Dynasty (Oxford. Steinberg. foreword by Daniel R. ed. Books of the Brave: Being an Account of Books and of Men in the Spanish Conquest and Settlement of the Sixteenth-Century New World (Cambridge. Jose J u a n . Ramon. Reedy (Austin. y el gouierno conforme a la altura de Mexico Cspuesta por el Doctor Diego garcia de Palacio. c. Colonial Travelers in I-aim America (New York. 1985). Shakespearian Negotiations (Berkeley. Biblioteca Nacional. Carrio de la Vandera. 1972). Thomas. Pedro Lasarte (Madison. Con licencia. 1964). The History of Printing and Early Publications in the Spanish American Colonies. de funiga. Fondo Reservado. Thompson. Antonio. 1988). Stephen. 409 fols. "Florilegio mariano. 1959). Gustavo E. Greer Johnson. Catalogue of an Exhibition by Julie Greer Johnson with a Bibliographical Supplement by Susan L. El lazarillo de ciegos caminantes (Caracas. . Santa Cruz y Espejo. Obra educativa. 1942). Baroque Times in Old Mexico: Seventeenth-Century Persons. Gonzalo. 1944). Tres pittas teatrales del virreinato (Mexico. Sdtira hecha por Mateo Rosas de Oquendo a las cosas que pasan en el Piru. Julie. ano de 1598. 1949). Griffin. 1976). & Arrom.. Rosas de Oquendo. Lorente Medina. Daniel R.