Spondylus in Prehistory

New data and approaches
Contributions to the archaeology of shell technologies

Edited by

Fotis Ifantidis
Marianna Nikolaidou

BAR International Series 2216
2011

Spondylus in Prehistory
New data and approaches
Contributions to the archaeology of shell technologies

Edited by

Fotis Ifantidis
Marianna Nikolaidou

BAR International Series 2216
2011

com www. is available free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.hadrianbooks. Contributions to the archaeology of shell technologies © Archaeopress and the individual authors 2011 ISBN 978 1 4073 0774 9 Printed in England by Blenheim Colour Ltd All BAR titles are available from: Hadrian Books Ltd 122 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7BP England www. prices and means of payment.Published by Archaeopress Publishers of British Archaeological Reports Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England bar@archaeopress.com .archaeopress.co.uk The current BAR catalogue with details of all titles in print.com BAR S2216 Spondylus in Prehistory: New data and approaches.

.

.

..... Chapman..........25-37 Maria Angelica Borrello & Roberto Micheli CHAPTER 4 Status of Spondylus Artifacts within the LBK Grave Goods.............xiv InTroduCTIon A Volume on Spondylus Marianna Nikolaidou & Fotis Ifantidis 3-8 I – spannIng spaCe and TIme In SpondyluS sTudIes: arTIfaCTs.......... IdenTITIes CHAPTER 1 Spondylus Shells at Prehistoric Sites in the Iberian Peninsula................................................................................ at Lezetxiki Cave (Basque Country......................................ix-x List of Figures.................................. Bisserka I.Table of ConTenTs Lis of Contributors.......................47-62 Zsuzsanna Siklósi & Piroska Csengeri CHAPTER 6 Spondylus in South American Prehistory................xii-xii List of Tables... Greece..................19-24 Álvaro Arrizabalaga............. Greece...... Evangelia Skaida & Stella Souvatzi CHAPTER 11 Spondylus Objects from Theopetra Cave......... Gaydarska..............................................................13-18 Esteban Álvarez-Fernández CHAPTER 2 Spondylus sp............................................................................139-160 John C....................................... Spain): First Evidence of its Use in Symbolic Behavior during the Aurignacian in Europe. Carter II – VIews from The “Threshold”: SpondyluS TeChnologIes In The aegean CHAPTER 7 Spondylus gaederopus in Aegean Prehistory: Deciphering Shapes from Northern Greece......... Greece: Imported of Local Production?................... Esteban Álvarez-Fernández & María-José Iriarte CHAPTER 3 Spondylus gaederopus in Prehistoric Italy: Jewels from Neolithic and Copper Age Sites...................................................................... Northern Greece: Evidence from the Spondylus gaederopus Artifacts..................39-45 Jan John CHAPTER 5 Reconsideration of Spondylus Usage in the Middle and Late Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin........................... symbols...............................................................................123-137 Fotis Ifantidis CHAPTER 10 Personhood and the Life Cycle of Spondylus Rings: An Example from Late Neolithic..............93-104 Tatiana Theodoropoulou CHAPTER 8 The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos..........................................................105-121 Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou CHAPTER 9 Cosmos in Fragments: Spondylus and Glycymeris Adornment at Neolithic Dispilio.........................161-167 Nina Kyparissi-Apostolika ............................63-89 Benjamin P.................................................................................................................................................................................................................

.................209-219 Adrián Velázquez Castro.................................................. of Spondylus and People: A Story to Conclude Marianna Nikolaidou 223-237 ................................................... Mexico........................ Czech Republic)..191-208 Rena Veropoulidou CHAPTER 15 Pre-Hispanic Attire made of Spondylus from Tula...................III – reConsTruCTIng lIVes: arChaeomeTrIC and experImenTal analyses CHAPTER 12 The Contribution of Archaeometry to the Study of Prehistoric Marine Shells.........................................................171-180 Katerina Douka CHAPTER 13 Paleobiological Study of Spondylus Jewelry found in Neolithic (LPC) Graves at the Locality Vedrovice (Moravia.........................181-189 Šárka Hladilová CHAPTER 14 Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece from the 3rd to the Early 1st Millennium BCE....... Belem Zúñiga Arellano & Norma Valentín Maldonado ConCludIng CommenTary Lives and Journeys..............................

CH-1211 Genève 4. United Kingdom E-mail: katerina.com.co. Spain E-mail: epanik@usal. Theagenous Charisi str. Durham University DH1 3LE. OX1 3QY.lIsT of ConTrIbuTors esTeban ÁlVarez-fernÁndez Departamento de Prehistoria.ac. United Kingdom E-mail: b_gaydarska@yahoo.uk ŠÁrka hladIloVÁ Institute of Geological Sciences.ox. Pennsylvania. 77140. 611 37. Olomouc. Plzeň. Spain E-mail: alvaro.muni. PA 18104-5586. Durham. 40 Bd du Pont-d’Arve. Greece E-mail: fotisif@hotmail. Universidad de Salamanca C.com kaTerIna douka Research Laboratory for Archaeology & the History of Art. Allentown.gr maría-josé IrIarTe Departament of Geography. CarTer Department of Sociology & Anthropology.es marIa angelICa borello Département de Géographie. 01006 Vitoria. Palacky University Purkrabska 2. University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Sedláčkova 15. Durham.zcu. Masaryk University Kotlářská 2. estebanalfer@hotmail. 16th Ephoreia of Prehistoric & Classical Antiquities – Thessaloniki Metro 94. 28..ac. Durham University DH1 3LE. gaydarska Department of Archaeology. USA E-mail: bcarter@muhlenberg. Czech Republic E-mail: jjohn@kar. Miskolc. United Kingdom E-mail: j. Cerrada de Serranos S/N. Thessaloniki. Vitoria. Czech Republic Department of Biology.auth.uk pIroska CsengerI Herman Ottó Museum Görgey Artúr u. Hungary E-mail: csengerip@gmail.edu john C.c. Faculty of Science. Prehistory & Archaeology. Université de Genève Uni Mail. Brno.chapman@dur.com ÁlVaro arrIzabalaga Departament of Geography.arrizabalaga@ehu. 54453.es. H-3529. Prehistory & Archaeology.fr benjamIn p. Chapman Department of Archaeology. Czech Republic E-mail: sarka@sci. University of Basque Country C/ Francisco Tomás y Valiente s/n. Chew St. University of Oxford Dyson Perrins Building.iriarte@ehu.cz foTIs IfanTIdIs Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. 30614. Oxford. Spain E-mail: mariajose. E-37002 Salamanca. Faculté des Sciences Economiques et Sociales. South Parks Road.uk bIsserka I. 01006. Historia Antigua y Arqueología. Faculty of Education. ifantidi@hist.douka@rlaha.es jan john Department of Archaeology.cz ix . University of Basque Country C/ Francisco Tomás y Valiente s/n. Switzerland E-mail: borelloarch@yahoo. Muhlenberg College 2400.

4/B. Athens. Mexico E-mail: adrianveca@yahoo.. Solonos str. colonia Centro. México D.nIna kyparIssI-aposTolIka Ephoreia of Palaeoanthropology & Speleology of Southern Greece 34b. N.. Greece E-mail: nkyparissi@hotmail.F. Ginouvès. Viale Miramare. 54646. Greece E-mail: mpappa@culture.com norma ValenTín maldonado Subdirección de Laboratorios y Apoyo Académico del INAH Moneda 16.auth. 06060. 11636. Mexico E-mail: nvalentinm@hotmail.com adrIÁn VelÁzquez CasTro Museo del Templo Mayor Seminario 8.gr belem zúñIga arellano Proyecto Técnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del México prehispánico..com x . Athens. 06060. University of California. siklosi. Thessaloniki 25. Ardittou str. 10676.F. Institute of Archaeological Sciences Múzeum krt. California.zsuzsanna@btk. Museo del Templo Mayor Seminario 8. Arcadia. Greece E-mail: verren@hist.hu eVangelIa skafIda Archaeological Museum of Volos 1. México D.. Mexico E-mail: belemzu@yahoo. colonia Centro.com sTella souVaTzI Hellenic Open University 2. 06060. CA 91006. The American School of Classical Studies at Athens 54. Hungary E-mail: siklosizs@gmail.F. Thessaloniki. I-34135. France E-mail: tatheod@hotmail.gr zsuzsanna sIklósI Eötvös Loránd University. Greece E-mail: eskaida@gmail.com rena VeropoulIdou Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Greece E-mail: stellasouvatzi@hotmail. Plastira str. Athens. Los Angeles 1748.com.micheli@beniculturali. Volos. allée de l’Université. Budapest. Museum of Byzantine Culture.. 54644.elte.. Thessaloniki. Athanassaki str. H-1088. Souidias str.com roberTo mIChelI Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Friuli Venezia Giulia 9. colonia Centro. Orangewood Ln. 38001.com TaTIana Theodoropoulou The Wiener Laboratory. USA E-mail: marianna@ucla. 92023. 21. Trieste. Greece Equipe de Protohistoire Egéenne UMR7041 (Archéologie et Sciences de l’Antiquité) Maison R. México D. 13561.it marIanna nIkolaIdou Cotsen Institute of Archaeology. Nanterre.com marIa pappa 16th Ephoreia of Prehistoric & Classical Antiquities Megalou Alexandrou (opposite to Poseidonion) str. Italy E-mail: roberto.

This work highlights the incorporation of ecological and archeological data to produce a rich and interesting cultural history of the famous shellish. . Secondly. I also present a complete and current cultural chronology of Spondylus in South America because. was likely not easy. the shellish inhabits coastal waters that are much shallower than previously believed. Recent archaeological and ecological data is scattered through a wide variety of published and “gray” literature. Five major updates. yet we know relatively little about the living shellish or its role within the cultures of this area. this shellish was used as a semiprecious material and incorporated into the political. This is an attempt to bring this material together to provide a broader perspective of the use of Spondylus in Andean and Paciic South America. IFantIdIs & M. however. now there is evidence of a decline in Spondylus usage late in prehistory (after ca. Contrary to the accepted story. are provided in this work that contradict the accepted story of Spondylus. In fact. turbid waters. 1100 BC. orange. 1999). however. including purple. It is now clear. it is often stated that Spondylus recovered from an archaeological site in Peru is an indicator of ancient exchange with peoples from the region known today as Ecuador. because of the depths at which Spondylus lives. but. especially the deeper water resident Spondylus princeps. both of which make Spondylus even more attractive to the elite. two ecological and three archaeological. Marcos 1977: 108) and later (ca. Second. Shady Solís. many of these works are based uncritically on early works. Spondylus. that these dates need to be reversed. economic and religious realms of many cultures in the Andes and along the Paciic Coast of South America. however. it is now clear that waters of modern-day Peru also harbor Spondylus. at approximately 1400 BC (Bruhns 1989). archaeological Spondylus recovered in Peru does not necessarily indicate trade with Ecuador. SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes CHAPTER 6 SpondyluS in South AmericAn PrehiStory benjamIn p. Spondylus arrived in coastal Peru irst. appearance in archaeological sites beyond its natural range. AD 1300). Fourth. 1400 BC) rather than the reverse as was originally proposed. The exterior shell and margin of this shellish is thick and durable. broad-ranging chronologies of Spondylus were presented by Paulsen (1974) and later by Marcos (1977). Spondylus recovered to the south and east of extreme northwestern Peru is a likely marker of long distance exchange. First. Diving for these shellish. red. but were available in shallow waters (intertidally or below 3 meters for Spondylus calcifer and Spondylus princeps. recent publications indicate that it resides in shallower waters as well. Haas & Creamer 2001). It was originally thought that exchange was initiated with the peoples of the Ecuadorian highlands irst (by ca. see also 1995. InTroduCTIon Marine bivalves of the Spondylus genus have been used by South American peoples for a wide variety of purposes beginning ive thousand years ago. This has been recognized since before John Murra’s plea (1975. Davidson 1980. vast quantities of archaeological information have been recovered throughout Andean South America. While early works are invaluable and still heavily cited.into the highlands and south of Cabo Blanco. Though valuable and insightful. and presents a variety of colors. Third. It appears. however. Fifth. and strong attachment to substrate may have made these shellish dificult to harvest even at shallower depths than originally thought. This is signiicant because it is often explicitly stated that. it has often been stated that Spondylus is present only to southern Ecuador. The latter also provided an initial theoretical grounding for Spondylus exchange in South and Central America. Spondylus research. Since these original works. especially iconography (Cordy-Collins 1990.F. has been limited to studies of single geographic areas (Glowacki 2005. 2002) only one review of the prehistoric use of Spondylus (Blower 1995) has been presented despite the collection of signiicant data over the past three decades. Since the original works of Paulsen (1974) and Marcos (1977. 2006.e. can be shaped into a variety of forms. it now appears that Spondylus arrived in the Central Andes (possibly as early as 2500 BC) before it arrived in the Ecuadorian highlands (at ca. natural camoulage. pink and white. Hocquenghem & Peña Ruiz 1994) or speciic topics. Spondylus is present (and presumably was present in the prehistoric past) along the coast of extreme northwest Peru. while it has been oft-cited that Spondylus is present only in deep waters. First. In response to that appeal. 2500 BC.). Pillsbury 1996. that Spondylus may not have lived at such depth. Paulsen 1974) with those who lived in modern-day Peru. while the original chronologies were very broadly accurate. CarTer The mollusk Spondylus was one of the most widely exchanged marine resources in Prehispanic Andean South America. strong currents. Olsson 1961). sometime between 2600 and 2000 BC (Shady Solís 2005. 1999. This chapter makes several arguments based upon recent ecological and archaeological data to reconstruct Prehispanic Spondylus use. 1981. recent inds illustrate a much more complex history. as far south as Cabo Blanco (Carter 2008: 107-120. it has been assumed that Spondylus consumption increased throughout prehistory reaching a maximum during the Inka Empire. As such. divers must have been specialists or that acquiring Spondylus was particularly “expensive”. and did not arrive in the Ecuadorian highlands until later. new data contradict many of the assumptions and conclusions within these works. nIkolaIdou (eds. Peru) needs to be modiied. respectively). 2001. 1982) to study the shellish. The third update is that the dating of the initial signs of Spondylus exchange (i.

Spondylus leucacanthus is currently present at depths much greater than the other two (ca. Lamprell 2006: 36. Spondylus princeps is more often found in sandy areas and. Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 102) and thicker shell with fewer. which tends to have a smaller (up to 145mm. 2006) with a few important exceptions (de León González. Norton 1986: 133). 1990. Although coloration can vary between individuals and even within a single specimen. 1999. Lamprell 2006: 36. which gives each species differing degrees of “thornyness” (see Fig. 1 Lamprell (2006: 36) has proposed that Spondylus limbatus Sowerby. a stone or other shellish) or not at all (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 102. the term Spondylus refers to bivalves of the genus Spondylus. Table 1) and has little of the red/purple/orange shell so often used to make artifacts. Leija Tristán & Salazar-Vallejo 1993.g. which.g. the bright coloration of Spondylus shells does not appear to have a role in ecology. Skoglund & Mulliner 1996). Skoglund & Mulliner 1996. 28-29). not defense as was originally believed (Feifarek 1987. Olsson 1961. 1971. update is to highlight the great variability of Spondylus consumption by Prehispanic South Americans through time and space. the attachment area may be smaller or even absent due to its attachment to a small object (e. and worms (Keen 1971: 96. therefore. see also Lamprell 2006: 36. Spondylus princeps tends to be covered with mainly sponges and coralline algae (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 99. Morris 1966. Keen 1971. 1847 is the appropriate nomenclature for Spondylus calcifer. the two species are different in size and “thornyness”. we must irst rectify current conceptions about its morphology and ecology. Although the distance between the Gulf of California and the coasts of Ecuador and Peru makes the direct projection of information from this study to South America dificult.SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes The fourth update is the recognition that. known as the spiny or thorny oyster. to study the taxonomy and ecology of Spondylids. current evidence suggests that Spondylus use peaked on the north coast of Peru among the Moche and Sicán (a. The spines provide a framework to which plants and animals attach themselves. a Spondylus calcifer shell tends to be purple and orange. This is quite understandable since the Moche and Sicán were located on the North coast of Peru relatively close to the Spondylus beds of extreme northern Peru and Ecuador. 2006. Direct research on Ecuadorian and Peruvian Spondylids is still needed. Keen 1971. Spondylus calcifer tends to inhabit rocky areas and. Spondylus calcifer Carpenter 18571. more pointed spines. Paulsen 1974). Though mobile as a juvenile. 1982. contains three species: Spondylus princeps Broderip 1833. This means that archaeologically recovered Spondylus calcifer shells are more heavily marred by boring and encrusted with calcareous epibionts. The ifth. characteristic used to identify Spondylus in iconography (e. cf. Izla Danzante in the Gulf of California. Morris 1966. morphology and eCology of SpondyluS In order to understand the cultural history and use of Spondylus. Information on Spondylids of the eastern Paciic is mainly limited to descriptions in shell compendiums (Abbot 1974. Olsson 1961: 153. Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: ig. Villalejo-Fuerte & García-Domínguez 1998. much of the information presented by Skoglund and Mulliner (1996) is supported by evidence from coastal South America. Spondylid spines provide camoulage. Lambayeque) cultures and decreased during the Inka Empire. In the eastern Paciic. Although signiicant overlap makes it dificult to identify Spondylus artifacts or fragments to species. Since it is less likely that Pre-Columbian people used this species with any regularity. 2006. Olsson 1961). thereby camoulaging the shellish. Shellish in the genus Spondylus. On the other hand. see also Lamprell 1986. In general. while there is overlap. While there is a high degree of overlap between species. are marine bivalves more similar to scallops than oysters. Murra 1975. 27) as well as marine worms. it is most probable that a red object is made from Spondylus princeps and a purple object to be made from Spondylus calcifer. Mata et al. They are moderately large and are “strongly sculptured with spinose radial ribs” (Keen 1971: 96). although it was originally proposed that Spondylus consumption increased through time peaking with the Inka empire (e. 80). is often attached by a large portion of its right shell. Leija Tristán & Salazar-Vallejo 1993. though not sole. Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 99) and thinner shell with longer. Pillsbury 1996: 318). Spondylus calcifer tends to have more invasive epibionts such as small boring clams. Spondylus shells have bright coloration on the interior margin and much or all of the exterior of the shell. see also Lamprell 2006) is particularly helpful because they use both museum specimens as well as detailed research at a single locale. Keen 1958. Villalejo-Fuerte et al. Jones 2003. Marcos 1977. while prehistoric Spondylus princeps tend to be relatively free of epibionts because many of them lacked mineral exoskeletons. Spondylus calcifer tends to have a larger (up to 249mm. Olsson 1961. see also Abbot 1974. while Spondylus princeps tends to be orange and red (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996. only Spondylus princeps and Spondylus calcifer are discussed below (see Fig. 64 . therefore. mollusks and more (de León González. Lamprell 1986. 1-3).g. The taxonomic work by Skoglund and Mulliner (1996. differ between species. and Spondylus leucacanthus Broderip 1833 (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996.k. While spines clearly served a function. Lamprell 2006: 36). adult Spondylids are most often cemented directly to bedrock or other hard substrate via its right (lower) shell. shorter spines than Spondylus princeps.a. ig. boring sponges. 2002). known as epibionts. Cordy-Collins 1990. Pillsbury 1996). 18-90 meters below sea surface Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 96. The creatures growing on the exterior of Spondylus. 1-3). and perhaps most important. It is these thorns or spines that are the principal. orange or pink objects may be from either species. Lamprell 1986. This generalization is complicated by the recognition that juveniles of both species may have long spines and gerontic specimens may lack them completely (Abbot 1974. in this region.

Marcos (1995. Gulf of California.8cm across [photo courtesy of Chris Brown] VerTICal horIzonTal dIsTrIbuTIon SpondyluS calcifer and princepS and of been needed (e. especially the red/orange Spondylus princeps. SpondyluS The depth at which Spondylus princeps and Spondylus calcifer reside is particularly important because this information has been used to suggest that harvesting Spondylus. Immature Spondylus calcifer from Puerto Peñasco. from deep water would have been “expensive” and/or that specialized divers would have Originally.benjaMIn P. carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory Figure 1. Immature Spondylus princeps from Salango [photo by the author] Figure 2. Cordy-Collins 1990: 306. Manteño) state of the Ecuadorian Integration Period (ca.g.e. Paulsen 1974: 597) 65 . it was thought that Paciic Spondylids resided between 20 to 60 feet (ca. AD 500–1500). 6 to 18 meters. Marcos 2002: 28. Paulsen 1974: 597). 7. 2002) has made such specialization one of the keys to the rise of the “Huancavilca” (i.

Anne Marie Hocquenghem (1999: 59). that other factors suggest that knowledge may have been more important than the ability to dive deeply. citing Béarez 1996). in the Gulf of California.SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes Figure 3. it appears that both species may have been available in waters that were relatively easy to access. Pillsbury 1996. citing Philippe Béarez who also dove in waters around Salango. Gerontic Spondylus calcifer from just below low tide. Dan Bauer. Archaeologically there is very little evidence for specialized Spondylus harvesting. More recently. Norton (1986) and Béarez (cited in Hocquenghem 1999: 5960). however. Spondylus calcifer is available at fairly shallow depths (intertidal to 18m). 1984: 14). Presley Norton indicated that Spondylus calcifer was present as shallow as 3 meters. Experienced divers. indicated that both Spondylus princeps and Spondylus calcifer are currently available on reefs and rocky outcrops between 4 and 20 meters (Bauer 2007. Spondylus calcifer was likely available intertidally and Spondylus princeps probably began to appear somewhere between 3 and 5 meters below the surface of the ocean. VillalejoFuerte et al. Even the “diving weights” regularly found in the waters of Salango. This may have changed in certain areas as the shellish may have been overexploited locally (Hocquenghem 1999: 59. indicate diving. Although specialized diving cannot be eliminated as one of the possible ways in which Spondylus was harvested. it now appears that both species may have been available at depths accessible by divers with limited ability. Although it is unclear under what conditions specialist divers are needed. indicates that Spondylus calcifer was probably available in the intertidal zone but is no longer due to recent overharvesting. not specialized diving for Spondylus as has been argued. Spondylus divers may have been maritime generalists whose submarine prey in- 66 . but such evidence would be particularly dificult to identify. It is possible that the images of Spondylus harvesting in Sicán and Chimú iconography (e. Puerto Peñasco. 2002: 105) recent review. the degree to which Spondylids (especially Spondylus calcifer) are cemented to the substrate as well as other factors may have presented problems for divers. a cultural anthropologist sudying marine resource utilization in Salango. Marcos 1977). have suggested that the ability for Spondylids to be disguised by epibionts. These did not necessarily increase the cost in physical effort. that Spondylus princeps was present only beyond 15 meters (Marcos & Norton 1981: 148. While research on the modern Spondylids of the coast of South America and critical application of modern data to the past are still needed. but maintained. 15cm across [photo courtesy of Chris Brown] or 80-200 feet (25 to 60 meters. see also Fabara 2003: 25. One must note. but it may be that Spondylus acquisition was the only pursuit performed by divers that the Sicán and Chimú regarded as important enough to enter into their iconography. see below) suggest specialization.g. while Spondylus princeps resides in slightly deeper waters (3 to 28m). These depths are supported by the admittedly sparse information available from Peru and Ecuador. Cordy-Collins 1990. Gulf of California. Therefore acquisition of Spondylus may not have been “expensive” or required a specialist. based upon his own diving experience near Salango. 2008). indicates that. Ecuador. such as the ability to identify Spondylus through the epibiotic camoulage and/or speciic techniques to separate Spondylus from its substrate. see also Lamprell 2006: 36. Skoglund and Mulliner’s (1996. especially for coastal peoples who were experienced in utilizing a wide variety of marine resources. but may have required specialized knowledge. however. it also cannot be demonstrated that it was necessary. 80.

It has been suggested that the shift southward of warm water during an El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) event may allow Spondylids to temporarily survive hundreds of miles farther south than their natural range (Lumbreras 1987. Both species of Spondylus appear to prefer waters with an average annual temperature greater than 20˚ C (see Fig. Recent investigation of the movement of mollusks due to ENSOs between 1972 and 2003 have yielded evidence for the movement of twenty-ive species of mollusks outside of their normal range. Rollins & Richardson 1983: 283). 1986a: 199. see also Díaz & Ortlieb 1993) which lies between the warmer waters of the Panama Current to the north and the cooler waters of the Peruvian (Humboldt) Current. modern and ancient. While it is true that Spondylids prefer certain environments. 317. but such evidence does not exist. shell compendia. 1995. which may have been ished on a part-time. This has been used as the driving force that caused Ecuadorians and West Mexicans to interact (Anawalt 1997. 2002). However. 1982: 219. Our knowledge of the geographical distribution of Spondylus is based upon very general. At El Ñuro Spondylus calcifer is present. Cardoso & Tarazona 2004. Olsson 1961: 152-153. An increase in demand for Spondylus from cultures in modern-day Peru through time has been used to suggest that the Spondylus beds of Ecuador were overished. can no longer be seen as a necessary indicator of ancient trade between the Prehispanic peoples living in modern-day Ecuador and Peru. 4).e. Shady Solís 2005: 112). 67 . Marcos has not indicated how he created his maps of the distribution of Spondylus or why they have changed (compare Marcos 1977: Map 1. Paulsen (1974: 597) and later authors (Anawalt 1997: 52. Sandweiss 1992: 152. as-needed basis. 1999: 151) contend that the southern extent of the natural range of Spondylids is the tropical waters of Ecuador or the Gulf of Guayaquil (although see Glowacki 2005: 258. Support for this hypothesis might include a decline in the size of Spondylids along the Ecuadorian coast through time. Some early archaeological discussions of Spondylus (Marcos 1977: 101. cluded more than just Spondylus. 1996. 1998. carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory Hocquenghem & Peña Ruiz 1994. but demonstrating prehistoric overishing. 1993) probably because the shellish was locally available. 1994: 211. Carlos Paredes. but density is signiicantly lower (Robles & Méndez 1989: 69). like demonstrating specialized divers. the quantity of Spondylus in a “natural” environment and the potential for overishing needs to be researched. Olsson (1961: 152-153) also gives Zorritos and Caleto Sal as localities from which Spondylus princeps were recovered. therefore climate. The horizontal and vertical distribution of Spondylids along the coasts of Ecuador and Peru is much clearer now than in the 1970s. Hocquenghem 1993: 702. this idea has lead Peruvian oficials to use Spondylus as the symbol of the renewal of an ancient relationship between the two nations after the 1998 Peace Accords ended a decades long border dispute (Sandweiss 1999). not as a necessarily expensive and specialized pursuit. Sandweiss. The relative ease with which the shellish could have been acquired calls into Archaeologically. the edition cited by Paulsen [1974]. Pillsbury 1996: 313. as well as Ecuadorian. Hocquenghem et al. Was the knowledge needed to harvest Spondylus (and other prey) shared by all or restricted to certain individuals? With current evidence we cannot determine this. and now outdated. Until then. there is no evidence for the overishing of Ecuadorian (or Peruvian) Spondylus beds. costs would not be great as long as Spondylids were present in relatively shallow waters. see also Díaz & Ortlieb 1993). the same locality as some of the specimens of Spondylus calcifer studied by Skoglund and Mulliner (1996: 102). see Fig. is a dificult task. 1995: Map 1). even during the ENSO events. we cannot assume overishing because consumption increased. Cabo Blanco appears to be the southern limit of Spondylids. The natural distribution. respectively) than originally thought. see also Díaz & Ortlieb 1993). 1999. Although these data are based upon recent records and extending this information into the past is not without risks. multiple authors have indicated that Spondylus is present in Peru. 4). Ravines et al. Marcos has indicated that Spondylus beds are fairly limited along the Paciic Coast of Central and South America. is needed. indicated that Ecuador was the southernmost extent of their range). Marcos 1977. (2004: 147. Recently.benjaMIn P. Costs would have increased if Spondylus beds were overharvested. Norton 1986: 133) recognized that at least one of the species of Spondylus was present in waters off extreme northwest Peru (i. And yet. 1986b. Terán et al. therefore. between the Ecuador/ Peru border and Cabo Blanco. Interestingly. 2002: 26. At Punta Sal. but as one of many strategies used by coastal peoples to obtain marine resources. it appears that a great deal of Spondylus was worked in the Tumbes area (Hocquenghem 1993. If divers were generalists. Spondylus does not appear to reside in the Paita Buffer Zone (Olsson 1961. see Fig. appear to date to have begun approximately 5000 years ago (Sandweiss et al. 190) indicate that both Spondylus calcifer and Spondylus princeps are present in the Caleto Mero/Caleto Sal area (Punta Sal. Marcos 1995: 101. more in-depth study of Spondylus habitat. This reduction in supply drove Ecuadorians to sail farther and farther north in search of the Spondylus beds. 1998. recent patterns in oceanic currents and. Sandweiss & Rodríguez 1991: note 9. 35. This suggests that this data is at least approximately representative. 2001. In a regional study for the Nature Conservancy. 1986a. Keen 1971: 96. 4). Indeed. 1998: 247. resource and. One can now say that Spondylus lives in the waters of northern Peru and should be considered a Peruvian. although Keen 1958. We have convincing evidence that both Spondylus calcifer and Spondylus princeps are present at signiicantly shallower depths (intertidally to 18 meters and 3 to 28 meters. even some of the earliest shell compendia placed Spondylids in the waters of extreme northwest Peru (e. the population density of Spondylus calcifer is high enough (3-4 specimens per m2 at 10-12 meters below the surface) that Robles and Méndez (1989: 69) encourage commercial exploitation. The collection of Spondylus should be seen. but no Spondylids were among them (Carlos Paredes et al. Cordy-Collins 1990: 306.g.

2004: ig. 2.3] 68 .SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes Figure 4. Map of Ecuador and Northern Peru showing average annual sea surface temperature from 2000-3 [based upon Terán et al.

2900–2000 BC. carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory question whether or not the harvesters of these shellish were specialized. Ancon (ca. It has been argued that the absence of the colorful lip on some Spondylus valves is evidence of external exchange. The recent discovery of Spondylus at the site of Caral (ca. 5) and this is supported by the presence of Spondylus at the eponymous Valdivia site (Lathrap. nearly 1000 years after it was acquired by people living on the Peruvian Coast to the south of the natural range of Spondylus (i.g. see also Carter 2008). Matos Mendieta 1968).e. whole Spondylus valves were deposited in burials on the coast. Carter 2008. 2000 BC. Aspero and La Paloma) (Blower 1995: 95-96. It is unlikely that specialized divers were needed solely due to the depth at which Spondylus lives. multifaceted and intertwining. however is quite signiicant and includes. south of Cabo Blanco). there is no archaeological evidence of purported overishing of Spondylids driving merchant sailors outwards from Ecuador in search of Spondylus beds. Spondylus did not appear in the Ecuadorian highlands until much later. as Paulsen indicated. prehIsTorIC uTIlIzaTIon of SpondyluS The cultural history presented below provides a new archaeological view of Spondylus in South America that contradicts some of the simpliied. Elsewhere in Peru. 1988) and Los Gavilanes (ca. Zeidler 2003) people were using the shellish in dedicatory offerings at the site of Real Alto (site locations are shown in Fig. necklaces].e. The purported early dates of Spondylus in the Ecuadorian Amazon at Cueva de los Tayos (ca. Not until after 1100 BC did Spondylus exchange expand into modern-day Peru.g. Monjashuaycu. among the Moche as well as in the Ecuadorian highlands. see also Blower 1995. than it truly was. it now appears that this chronology was inverted. Lastly. some of which were used in the ceremonies on the high peaks of the Andes. but it remains possible that specialized knowledge was needed for reasons other than depth. especially the Central Coast. I have retained Paulsen’s (see also Blower 1995) chronological framework. collars [i. Early Spondylus use has been recorded among the Valdivia peoples of coastal Ecuador: by Valdivia III (ca. “complete Spondylus shells without spines. around 2500 BC) and later into the Ecuadorian highlands (ca. Quilter 1989: 24. Burger 1992. Shady Solís. 2000). 1200 BC. see Uhle 1922: 236-238). pendants. During Period C3 Spondylus is being used primarily as inlay in a variety of materials. but quickly spread to Coastal Peru (south of Cabo Blanco. 2003. because little data has been published. 1500–600 BC. identifying specialized divers in the archaeological record is dificult. ear spools and highly polished rim fragments” (Blower 1995: 89. early dated Spondylus is found at La Galgada (ca. the Inka appear to restrict the use of Spondylus to the production of small igurines. Either way. 1400 BC). Putushio. 1982). respectively have remained intact). Spondylus is only one of many types of mullu (Blower 1995. It must be noted that Spondylus does not appear at highland sites in Peru during this period. only at coastal sites and at a few located between the coast and the highlands such as La Galgada and Monte Grande. In Period B. at around 1400 BC. The reassessment of dates from Cerro Narrío in the Ecuadorian highlands indicates that the site dates to approximately 1400 BC rather than the original proposed date of 2500 BC. it is unclear if this is evidence for long-distance trade or deposition away from the site (e. known as chaquira. Spondylus use and imagery is dominated by the Chavín and Cupisnique traditions. A Spondylus workshop has been reported at the site (Shady Solís 2005: 110). The material from Cerro Narrio. including degree of fastness of the attachment to the substrate. perIod a (before 1100 bC): InITIal exChange Paulsen proposed that before 1100 BC Spondylus was used mainly by people living within the natural distribution of Spondylus and was also transported into the Ecuadorian highlands. especially by the Sicán. During Period A. Period C2 shows a marked increase in production of chaquira and other Spondylus artifacts. but details have not yet been published. such as turbidity and current. chaquiras. Spondylus consumption during Period A (prior to 1100 BC) was at irst centered at coastal Ecuadorian sites (and possibly at sites on the extreme northern coast of Peru). Meggers & Evans 1965). Speciically. as well as the mass accumulation of the whole shell. During Period C1 the most signiicant use of Spondylus is as tiny shell beads. Spondylus use began among cultures where the shellish was locally available (i. 1988. among the Chimú. Elera 1993. During C4. Shady Solís 2005. 1978) are also highly problematic (Bruhns 2003: 158). Porras G. However. Similarly. Other Spondylus remains found at nearby sites (Chaullabamba. Marcos 1977. The story is not simple. but. 1500–1000 BC. 2006) is the best dated and clearest early evidence for exchange of Spondylus.e. (Bruhns 1989. in agricultural ceremonies in the ields). And lastly. when the Spanish arrived. Small fragments of Spondylus have been reported from Preceramic sites in Peru (e. 2900–2600 BC. Haas & Creamer 2001. Tellenbach 1987) and Punkurí (Burger 1992: 89-90). 1750 BC. Zeidler 1991. Ravines et al. Bonavia 1982) as well as Initial Period sites such as Garagay (ca. Also at this time. but intricate. Zeidler 1991: 258) but these are often tiny fragments with limited contextual information. Moseley 1992: 104. coast north of Cabo Blanco). the conlation of the terms mullu and Spondylus has caused archaeologists and ethnohistorians to think that the shellish was more prevalent than archaeological evidence demonstrates. Greider et al. Monte Grande (ca. 2000–1500 BC. square and round cuentas. her Periods A and B (before 1100 BC and 1100–100 BC. but I have been able to subdivide her Period C into four parts (C1-C4).benjaMIn P. Marcos 1977: 114. all-encompassing interpretations of Spondylus. Spondylus appears at archaeological sites outside its natural range at Caral 69 . Collier & Chandra 1975. especially wood. Carter 2008. and others) may also date to a similar time period (Bruhns 2003). camoulage by epibionts and other local variables. I highlight some of the mistakes that have been made in the interpretation of ethnohistoric documents that have made Spondylus appear more prevalent at “Contact”.

Archaeological sites mentioned in the text from Period A and B [based upon Moseley 1992: 34] 70 .SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes Figure 5.

k. During the Urabarriu phase (ca. bracelets (Tomb 7). Kato 1993: 216-224). Although evidence of Spondylus artifact production is limited. and on the ceiling slabs in the Room of the Ornamental Beams (Blower 1995.653 fragments of Spondylus (Bruhns 2003: 160. Beyond Chavín and Cupisnique sites only a few occurrences have been recorded during Period B. The men were buried with a total of nineteen shell pectorals. 1100–100 bC): ChaVín and CupInIque During Period B (ca. Remains of Spondylus appear to be more broadly spread across the site in the later phase. dence of Spondylus consumption includes beads from the Cupisnique Clásico (ca.benjaMIn P. 9). which are likely Spondylus calcifer. iconography of an eagle holding a Spondylus on a Cupisnique Clásico stone vessel (Elera 1993: 249. La Galgada and Valdivia sites (Zeidler 1991). 700 BC–AD 250. Spondylus decreases at Cerro Narrio and associated sites (Bruhns 2003). 1100–100 BC. During the same time span. it appears to be focused on the coast of Ecuador. ig. perIod C1 (100 bC–ad 700): The age of chaquira The major evidence for Spondylus consumption during Period C1 comes from the elite burials of the Moche culture on the North Coast of Peru and from the site of La Florida in the highlands of Ecuador. 400–200 BC). Tello 1959. seventeen of which were made from thousands of shell chaquira. see also Carter 2008: 131-132). and the tomb of the Lord contained four pectorals with some red or pink chaquira and one that is completely red. Stahl & Athens 2001). but is present in the poorly dated site of Chinguilanchi (Uhle 1922: 208). tine shell beads that were assembled into composite artifacts. Finally. The occurrence of Spondylus at other sites may be directly associated with the spread of Chavínoid ideology and iconography. 8. Based upon photos and illustrations (Alva & Donnan 1993) of these beads. Paul 1990: 39. Spondylus imagery and consumption increases during the Jannabarriu phase (ca. for site locations see Fig. In Peruvian territory. J. At this time. Spondylus artifacts and whole valves are buried as offerings in pits and post holes and with human burials (Lunniss 2001. There does not yet seem to be a pattern behind the types of Spondylus artifacts and ecofacts being used. especially as evidenced at Chavín de Huantar (Burger 1992). see Fig. Coastal Chavín). AD 1–300. this time period has not been well studied. perIod b (Ca. Tomb 2 (the Priest). 10. the story is quite different. C. I conclude that the tomb of the Old Lord contained a pectoral made of exclusively of purple beads. 600–100 BC). Approximately ifty-six Spondylus valves along with a wide variety of other inely crafted goods were recovered in these tombs (Alva & Donnan 1993). Spondylus was most commonly fashioned into chaquira. Alva 2001). 900–400 BC. Paulsen’s (1974) initial suggestion that Spondylus use increases at this time. the tombs of the Lord and the Priest each contained a sacriiced individual both of whom wore a shell pectoral. It is quite clear that Spondylus played a role in religious and sociopolitical spheres at Chavín de Huantar and that its concentration at the site of Chavín de Huantar marks that site as extraordinary in comparison with other sites. The only ind comparable to those at Chavín is a burial (ca. Paulsen 1974). Other tombs excavated at the site contained shell pectorals (Tombs 7. 1000–500 BC) at Chavín de Huantar an anthropomorphic Spondylus. Tomb 1 (known as the Lord of Sipán). and Tomb 3 (the Old Lord of Sipán). J. carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory and La Galgada before 2000 BC. Evi- Other Moche sites have also yielded evidence of Spondylus consumption. Athens 1995. The Old Lord was also interred with a non-chaquira pectoral made of white shell inlaid with red shell and chaquira bracelets containing some Spondylus beads (Alva & Donnan 1993). Rick 2005. in the hands of an individual on the cornice of the New Temple. while consumption by the Chavín and Cupisnique cultures of northern Peru reaches new heights.a. Tello & Mejía Xesspe 1979). C. The severely looted tomb at La Mina yielded 71 . although similar types of artifacts were found at Monte Grande. 1400 BC). but is mainly associated with the Chavín and Cupisnique cultures. In the northern highlands. Spondylus is depicted in the left hand of the “Smiling God”. 1000–500 BC) site of Puémape (Elera 1993: 246). with characteristic spines. Spondylus has been recovered from Cerro Ñañañique (ca. accords with new data (Carter 2008: 133-135). is present on the Tello Obelisk. Lapiner 1978: ig. small fragments of Spondylus were recovered from all levels at La Chimba (ca. Burger 1992. layers of ground Spondylus around a large stone (altar?) at Moro de Eten (Elera 1993: 252) and unprovenanced Cupisnique style stirrup-spout bottles that look remarkably like Spondylus shells (Cordy-Collins & Giannoni 1999: 105. Spondylus continued to be used on the coast and in the highlands of Ecuador. Spondylus appears mainly among the people classiied as Cupisnique (a. Spondylus iconography is particularly notable at this time. John Howland Rowe 1967). In the Ecuadorian highlands. 750–500 BC) at Kuntur Wasi that included 849 Spondylus beads and 3. On the Peruvian coast. Guffroy 1989) and some individuals in the famous Paracas burial bundles wore Spondylus as necklaces (Blower 1995: 218. it has been recovered from both elite contexts at Chavín de Huantar and at smaller sites in the area (Burger 1992). 118). In summary. 5) during the Engoroy Period (ca. Lunniss (2001) has reported on Spondylus from Salango (for site locations. 6) evidence is from three large tombs. At Sipán (occupied between ca. which suggest Spondylus princeps. In Ecuador. metal objects inlaid with shell (Tombs 5 and 9) and whole valves (Tomb 10. Paulsen 1974: 601). during Period B (1100-100 BC) Spondylus consumption increased. but was not consumed in the Ecuadorian highlands until near the end of this period (ca. an undisclosed number of cut Spondylus fragments were deposited within the Gallery of the Offerings in the Old Temple at Chavín (Burger 1992). Three Spondylus shells were also buried beneath an Engoroy period water retention structure (albarrada) in Achallan (Stothert 1995).

Map of archaeological sites mentioned for Periods C1 and C2 Note that Cerro Juan Diaz is off the map to the north [based upon Moseley 1992: 34] 72 .SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes Figure 6.

AD 540–900. a burial contained whole Spondylus shells and beads (Paulsen 1974: 602). include material from rooms 133. contained a scatter of thirty-two whole and numerous fragments of Spondylus shells (Shimada 1994: 213-216. At Cerro de Trinidad. 8 worked pieces [some with intentional perforations]. AD 350–800) and among the imperial Huari (ca. At the Huari site of Pikillacta. there is no direct iconographic link between the Sacerdotistas and Spondylus. 2001) has suggested that the Sacerdotistas. AD 540–900). Jinkamocco. Spondylus was also recovered in the backill used to seal the Vegachayoq Moqo sector of Huari when it was abandoned (Bragayrac 1991). Lange Topic 1989. Spondylus consumption in the Peruvian highlands appears to be centered in the Condebamba Valley at Cerro Amaru and Marcahuamachuco (ca. Glowacki & Malpass 2003). Valdez. Shimada 1994: 214. these necklaces contained nearly 100 large trapezoidal beads and smaller cylindrical beads made of Spondylus along with turquoise and sodalite beads (Haas 1985: 404. Cordy-Collins (1999. and Aqo Wayqo (12-13 plaques) (Anders 1981. respectively (Isbell. At the Huari outpost/embassy of Cerro Baúl. Extensive excavations of eighty-four burials at the Moche III cemetery at Pacatnamú produced possibly 218 Spondylus beads that seem to be associated with women and children. Of course. Williams & Bettcher 2006). Early Huari phase contexts from the Cheqo Wasi sector of Huari yielded Spondylus artifacts. While the Moche elite appear to be the major consumers of Spondylus in coastal Peru. including trapezoidal pendants. The evidence of Spondylus consumption at the supposed capital of the Moche. much of the material is likely before AD 700. see also Carter 2008: 144-145). While the development and expansion of the Huari overlaps Periods C1 and C2 (ca. The Spondylus workshop at Pampa Grande. The only tool found here was a large cobble. Donnan & Castillo 1994). 135 and 148 of the Moraduchayuq compound at the site of Huari: two pieces of worked Spondylus. a minimum of 270 broken rectangular pieces (ca. two Spondylus artifacts and eighty-two pieces of worked Spondylus were recovered from these three contexts. Early Spondylus inds. possibly belonging in the previous period. It is surprising that no tools used in the perforation of beads were present at Pampa Grande or any other Moche site. Spondylus was recovered in the “palace” and the brewery (Moseley et al. and 5 worked rectangular fragments)” (Cook 1992: 344). Lange Topic 2000: 197). Similarly. Also at Cerro Amaru. Finally. Between eleven and twenty-six of these objects are shaped like Spondylus valves (T. 2001. Lange Topic 1991: 243). suggesting they were uninished versions of the trapezoidal beads from Huaca Fortaleza. but dating is imprecise.6kg of Spondylus shell were recovered from a shallow pit. Another necklace was located atop the second largest mound. Topic & T. is curiously absent at this time. including Conchopata. 47-48). Middle Horizon Nievería sites also yielded Spondylus artifacts (Gayton 1924: 320-321. One articulated Spondylus shell was located beneath the loor of a “checkpoint” and another was found beneath a ramp atop Huaca Fortaleza (Haas 1985: 397). see also Carter 2008: 145-146). Brewster-Wray & Spickard 1991). A Spondylus necklace was placed on top of the burial of a child and immature llama beneath the access ramp to the complex of rooms at the top of the structure and another necklace was found just beyond the ramp in a pit in the loor. Lange Topic 2000: 197. as well as the exterior spines. Spondylus has been recovered from other Huari sites. in room 1 of compound 15. Ochatoma & Cabrera 2001.000 chaquira and approximately 90 rectangular plaques were dredged from a well in 1900 (Topic & T. although it does appear in more recent levels. 2005: 17271). carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory fragments of Spondylus and small shell beads (Narváez V. but since other burials also have Spondylus. AD 550–650/700) evidence for Spondylus consumption was recovered from Pampa Grande and San José de Moro. In total. Pozzi-Escot 1991. Janusek 1999. were removed (McEwan 2005: 30-32. Spondylus in the hands of the skeletal remains of the Priestesses does indicate a connection.benjaMIn P. 1994). While her argument is interesting. but many details are lacking. Azángaro (six beads and twenty-four fragments). One of the two collections was buried with “Spondylus (2 whole valves. Within the “Castillo” at Marcahuamachuco. part of a mausoleum loor was covered with burnt cut pieces of Spondylus (Topic 1991: 159. Because these time periods overlap the boundary of Period C1 and C2 (AD 700) it is possible that consumption discussed here may fall into either period. Spondylus remains come from two locations. 73 . see also Carter 2008: 151-152). At Cerro Amaru. larger pieces of worked Spondylus and discoid beads (Benavides 1991). but with current data their precise chronological placement is dificult to determine. 10% perforated) as well as fragmented miniatures (<2cm) in blue-green stone representing Spondylus. During Moche V (ca. the Sacerdotistas (Priestesses) found at Moche V San José de Moro appear to have held Spondylus shells in their hands (Cordy-Collins 1999. occupied during the contemporaneous Lima period. atop the immense Huaca Fortaleza (or Grande) and workshops dedicated to working Spondylus. not men (Donnan & McClelland 1997.g. T. No Spondylus has been recovered from contemporaneous Tiwanaku sites (e. limited evidence is available beyond the Moche area. Huaca 2. Kolata 1986). are intimately connected with Spondylus. it is a relationship not limited to the Sacerdotistas. a Lima period ceramic vessel depicts a person seated on a reed boat holding a Spondylus shell (Cordy-Collins & Giannoni 1999: 107). Maraniyoq. Other Spondylus inds at Pikillacta include a single Spondylus shell (Unit 47) and ive Spondylus princeps valves (Unit 36) from which the ball and socket hinge. nearly 3. including a minimum of 20 valves with edges and exterior ground. 9. Schreiber 1991. At Pampa Grande. occupied between approximately AD 600–800 (Glowacki 2005). the site of Moche (Huaca de la Luna and Huaca del Sol). see also Anders 1981). Spondylus was recovered from two sand-illed pits that included 80 (40 in each) elaborately carved turquoise igurines (Cook 1992: 344). both those from San José de Moro and those portrayed in the Sacriice Ceremony painted on Moche pots. see also Menzel 1964). Some of the fragments were trapezoidal.

Aconcagua and El Plomo are to the south off this map [based upon Moseley 1992: 34] 74 .SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes Figure 7. Map of archaeological sites mentioned for Periods C3 and C4 Note that Huarancate and Uhle’s site D are not on this map and the Calchaqui Valley.

a Chaupicruz phase (ca. At Loma de los Cangrejitos. suggesting local manufacture. AD 900–1100. AD 700–1100. red. a people of the North Coast of Peru. respectively. I have studied 2. At Ayalán. the Guayas Basin was occupied by people utilizing a material culture known as Milagro-Quevedo who were also consumers of Spondylus. Zevallos 1995). The most signiicant consumption was in the form of tiny shell beads. 5.643 shell chaquira. orange and pink shell. Guinea 1989. after the outer The main consumers of Spondylus during this period were the Sicán (a.014. Masucci recovered 597 in-process and 37 inished beads along with 1. Evidence from northern coastal Ecuador comes from Atacames where 1. the remaining 42% were white) suggesting the use of Spondylus (Doyon 1988. no lithic microdrills were recovered from the site (Cabada 1989. AD 100–450) site. 2002). 2001). see also Galván García & Barriuso Pérez 1986). but 1. and. pink or purple or bore these colors in part (Carter 2008) signifying more careful color selection during this period compared to the previous. people were buried with their tools for making shell beads. In-process beads were present. 2005). Archaeologists recovered over 10. and copper chisels (Marcos 1981.961 and 79. including small chert drills. during the Tonosí (ca. the majority of which were purple or red (310. Two large elite tombs have been excavated near the base of Huaca Loro in the Batán Grande area: the East and West Tombs. Spondylus beads were also being used at Malagana (ca.257 lithic microdrills. The later were used for perforating the shell beads. Consumption has moved into the southern highlands. It is not clear. people were working Spondylus at the site of Cerro Juan Diaz during the Cubitá phase (ca. Guinea 1989: 139). 1995. At Puerto de Chanduy excavations uncovered 774 beads of which 119 (15. Both sites also contained a wide variety of Spondylus “cores” (the portion of the valve. pink or purple (Carter 2008). AD 700–900): artisans made a variety of beads including discoid ones suggestive of chaquira (n=82 or 28. six extremely deep shaft tombs produced 674. of which 68% were red or orange (i. Spondylus). Evidence for Spondylus consumption comes from elite burials.a. Many of the beads from these sites were “in-process” (1587 [56%] from López Viejo and 392 [68%] from Loma de los Cangrejitos).k. orange. During Period C1 (100 BC–AD 700). At La Florida.000 shell beads during excavation of the latter (Currie 1995a. 1995b. this quantity of beads is astounding. Muse 1991. Lambayeque). Spondylus was also being consumed at this time in Panama. which dates to Early Atacames (ca. orange.581 discoid shell beads were recovered. perIod C2 (ad 700–1100): The spread of produCTIon Production of shell chaquira on the coast of Ecuador intensiied drastically during this period. the largest offering of Spondylus yet uncovered. pink and yellow) or partially white by Ubelaker (1981).837 shell beads and 460 lithic microdrills from López Viejo and 573 beads and 444 lithic microdrills from Loma de los Cangrejitos.6% of all beads). lavender. Spondylus was being consumed farther north at this time as well. including the hinge. Only seven percent of the beads contained coloration suggesting Spondylus. Considering the thousands of beads recovered from extremely rich tombs of the Moche. chaquira) and large ones (Masucci 1995).3% (458 of the 531 beads from Loma de los Cangrejitos) and 55. surprisingly. dedicatory offerings on the tops of mounds and iconography. Therefore.200 Spondylus artifacts were recovered from the site. 200 BC–AD 200.805 from López Viejo) were red. but the absence of lithic microdrills is curious (Mayo 2004. While their culture dated to AD 750/800–1375. although chaquira were clearly produced at this site. A total of 1. These shells are particularly large specimens. sandstone saws. carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory While the Peruvian evidence indicates relatively large scale consumption. see Fig. Spondylus consumption increased dramatically. colored rim is removed) and fragments of red. they do not appear to have concentrated highly upon Spondylus. some in-process Spondylus. Spondylus was the main raw material: 86. Production was not limited to the Manteño area. Shimada 1990). the Sicán culture reached their apogee during the Middle Sicán Period (ca. but their Spondylus artifacts have been neither analyzed nor dated adequately (Delgado Espinosa 2002. therefore from whence the beads used at La Florida and Sipán came. Masucci also identiied two distinct sizes: small beads. and though signiicant the absolute quantities of consumption are much more limited than among the Moche. though no data has been published. Zevallos 1995: 261-290). Spondylus made up 12% of shell fragments by count. Here. (i.090 (20.e. north of La Florida) sites in the Colombian highlands (Bray et al. Further to the east. Most of these beads were recovered from Tola 69 (Cabada 1989: 97-98). most beads were white.e.benjaMIn P.567/2. The East Tomb contained a group of 179 whole Spondylus princeps shells. Mayo & Cooke 2005). Consumption of Spondylus artifacts on the Ecuadorian coast reached new levels during this period.4%) had some red. Production appears to be somewhat limited with signiicant production only at the Guangala site of El Azucar. a single site in the highlands of Ecuador is simply staggering. The main evidence for production of Spondylus artifacts comes from the Manteño sites of Loma de los Cangrejitos (for site locations. 75 . AD 300– 550) occupation of Cerro Juan Diaz (Cooke & Sánchez 1997). purple. orange.243 shell chaquira were located amongst numerous burials. 6) and López Viejo (Carter 2008). Important evidence for the production of chaquira during Period C1 comes from Site 47 and other sites near El Azúcar in coastal Ecuador.9% (1. Farther north in Panama. margins of Spondylus princeps. centered largely upon the Moche on the North Coast of Peru and at La Florida in the highlands of Ecuador.8%) were categorized as solid colored (black. Shell fragments and style of beads different than those from Ecuador suggest local production. including Spondylus beads and other Spondylus artifacts unlike those in Ecuador.

than at Mar Bravo and Salango. see Fig. and Spondylus shell. have few lithic microdrills (24 at each. such as Mar Bravo and Salango-140 (for site locations. amber. 121). turquoise and sodalite beads. The two women buried in the central chamber were associated with beads as well: one apparently was wearing a beaded pectoral and the other was buried beneath a bead bundle. As previously indicated.SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes more than 50% larger (16-17cm in diameter) than the norm (ca. the coast of Peru was dominated by the expansionist Chimú. However. but as Alana Cordy-Collins (1990. contain the Sicán Diety (or Lord) and therefore have been attributed to Middle Sicán Phase. Menzel 1964: Plate I) and Cahuachi (del Carmen Rodriguez de Sandweiss 1993. 1999) have argued. the principal individual was buried wearing an unspeciied number of pectorals that included Spondylus. 10cm) and weighing nearly 1kg each. etc. Consumption of Spondylus becomes more diverse as chaquira retain their popularity. Other evidence for Spondylus use comes from groups of beads. but are accompanied by whole shells and inlay. amber. Sicán imagery includes representations of Spondylus (CordyCollins 1990. Shimada. Pachacamac. These scenes often contain a stylized boat upon which a single or several individual oversee the ishing. whose control of the north coast is cut short by the Inka at approximately AD 1470. though many other cultures show signs of consumption on smaller scale. and 3) the remains of four youths beneath another U-shaped structure were found with broken and charred Spondylus (Bruce 1986. 24-25). Excavations of a partially looted elite tomb at Huaca Las Ventanas in the Batán Grande area revealed a painted mural called the “Sicán Cosmovision” (Shimada 1995: ig. Verano & Cordy-Collins 1986). but inds outside the La Leche and Lambayeque Valleys are limited. Carter 2008) but have likely in-process beads. Shimada et al. Silverman 1993. the Manteño of Period C3 stop making the tiny chaquira beads of Spondylus and transition to larger. 366. Only future clariication of chronology will clarify this issue. Grifin & Gordus 2000. Three inds at Pacatnamú contained Spondylus: 1) a woman was buried with a Spondylus valve tied to each hand with a sheer fabric. 7). agate. but more regimented. but the presence of very few in-process beads hint that they are curated (or recovered) artifacts from the previous time period. (Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000: 613). sea-worn bits of shell (Carter 2008). Shimada estimates that 400 whole Spondylus shells served as dedicatory offerings in the columnar boxes. Spondylus shells were also used in dedicatory offerings in large ceremonial mounds constructed of columnar boxes of adobe bricks containing ill. Nievería (see above). calcite. four. seven of which he excavated atop Huaca Rodillona (Shimada 1990: 341. see also Cordy-Collins & Giannoni 1999). another Manteño site. Sites dating to this time period. There appears to be a clearer production chain. some of which bear their original red paint. sodalite. few of the beads from Japoto appear to be made from Spondylus. amethyst. 2004). AD 1100). By themselves. 2000). Spondylus use on the coast of Peru was not limited to the Middle Sicán. the central chamber of the West Tomb contained only two shells. These sites do show some use of tiny Spondylus chaquira. It is dificult to know how many beads were deposited in each bundle have not yet been analyzed and only the exterior layers can be seen (Shimada 1995. ca. suggesting that these expedient beads may have been drilled with a perishable material (cactus thorn. some In Ecuador. 2) a 12-14 year-old was buried with four Spondylus beads ive meters in front of a U-shaped audiencia. These two cultures were also the primary consumers of Spondylus during their respective periods. but no lithic drills are present (Guinea 2006). Nigueras & Caldo 1989). He wore bracelets of beads of unreported composition. The other inds consisted of small fragments or unspeciied material. Silverman & Proulx 2002: 66-67). these contained more large beads. not diminutive chaquira. ig. Although the art objects studied by Cordy-Collins have limited context. Unlike the Moche pectorals.and ive-pronged crescents. luorite. Sicán imagery on museum objects convincingly depicts scenes of Spondylus diving (Cordy-Collins 1990). In the West Tomb. especially at Manteño sites on the Ecuadorian coast. Production spreads north to include Atacameños and even residents of modern-day Panama. The only large deposit was observed in three Middle Horizon pits at Pachacamac which contained a total of 106 Spondylus valves (Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000: 613). and these beads were fabricated from a greater variety of materials. Our understanding of Spondylus consumption at Sicán sites outside of the Batán Grande area is still limited. it is likely that these pronged crescents represent Spondylus. Spondylus was recovered from Cerro Ñañañique (Guffroy. Pinilla (Paulsen 1968: 3. Divers are attached to the boat via cords tied to their waists and they appear to be collecting three-pronged crescents. 2001) and Joanne Pillsbury (1996. This mural contains numerous three-. AD 1000. along with a line of eleven more connecting the principal individual with a juvenile male in niche 6 (Shimada 1995. including turquoise. Beyond elite burials. The Sicán appear to be the largest single consumer. perIod C3 (ad 1100–1470): ConTrol shIfTs souTh After the disappearance of the Middle Sicán (ca. The single most important development of Period C2 (AD 700–1100) is the broad expansion of Spondylus chaquira. 1999. more irregular beads made from conchilla. Compared to the large piles of Spondylus shells from the East tomb. 76 . these images are not convincingly Spondylus.). transparent quartz crystal. it is possible that much of the material discussed for the Peruvian highlands during Period C1 may belong here. more like beads from the earlier period (Carter 2008). but in ways different from their predecessors and each other. Shell bead production at Japoto. wooden drill with abrasive. appears to be similar.

The inished artifacts present a wide variety of forms similar to those used as inlay on wood and other materials (Jackson 2004. Also on top of Cerro Blanco. Menzel 1977: 41). which overlooks the Moche site. as is often suggested (Norton. At Loma de los Cangrejitos. one of the well-preserved contexts. In Cell 11. which include a wide variety of human forms. carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory looked like. which has few Spondylus beads and lithic microdrills. 13).563 shell objects. though smaller than life-size. The presence of a grave containing an Inka oficial also suggests direct involvement of the empire in the acquisition of Spondylus (Dorsey 1901). but only some of these were purple (Fresco 1984: 143). Huaca El Dragon produced 1. citing Uhle’s unpublished notes. The objects that were “cut. including Cuidadelas Bandelier. 1983 fragments of Spondylus and ifty-four complete Spondylus objects were recovered from the site (Iriarte B. in preparation”. Liberinto. AD 1300–1600). Iriate (1978) notes that many of these inished objects had bitumous glue on one side suggesting that they served as inlays. 153 valves and over 16kg of fragments of Spondylus shell (Allan 1989. therefore. Approximately 2800 chaquira were recovered from imprecisely dated “pre-Inka” contexts at Ingapirca. can provide insight into what the severely looted tombs of Chan Chan may have Spondylus imagery is present at Huaca Tacaynamo. a half centimeter thick layer of ground Spondylus was found at the north end of a bench along the west wall of the burial platform. Within the Las Avispas burial platform of Cuidadela Liberinto. 35). form. Tomb 7 produced 45 valves of Spondylus (and 287 Conus shells) and a textile bag containing more than 700 worked fragments of unidentiied shell (Ricardo Tello 1997. it is the inlay and wooden igures from Tombs 6 and 7 that provide an analogy for the shell and wooden artifacts from Tacaynamo and El Dragon (Jackson 2004. Quantities of Spondylus have also been recovered from the walk-in well at Cuidadela Tschudi (Pillsbury 1996: 323 citing personal communication from Arturo Paredes). These were probably burial mounds like those in the cuidadelas of Chan Chan. 1999). provide more context for the materials found at Tacaynamo and El Dragon. Spondylus was being processed at the site. it is nevertheless clear that the shellish remained an important raw material. In the areas between and around the cuidadelas. few intact contexts remain. ive valves and ifteen whole shells. Cordy-Collins 1990: ig. Jackson (2004: 310-312) has interpreted three of the 77 . quantities of Spondylus princeps (and Conus fergusonii) were recovered (Cordy-Collins 1990: 396. The excavations of tomb 7 on Platform I at Huaca de la Luna at the Moche site. 1978). The evidence for Spondylus consumption at the Chimú capital of Chan Chan is very scattered due to severe looting. including Huacas El Dragon (Arco Iris) and Tacaynamo. Within Cuidadela Rivero. AD 1500–1600. Two maquetas (wooden miniatures of architecture) in the form of a ceremonial plaza were recovered from these tombs in which numerous wooden individuals and objects. Burials in front of U-shaped structures within Gran Chimú also contained shell beads and a whole Spondylus princeps shell (Andrews 1974: 252). Carter 2008. depict a ceremony for a deceased individual (Ricardo Tello 1997: 32-33. archaeologists recovered 200 pieces that were “cut. The ifteen whole shells were wrapped in textile along with twenty-four “Strombus” (probably Conus) shells (Schaedel 1966). This ind appears to be related to the Chimú occupation of Huaca de la Luna at the foot of Cerro Blanco (Bourget 1997). ca. 520 (33%) of which were Spondylus (Schaedel 1966). known as SIAR (Small Irregularly Agglutinated Rooms). excavators recovered 15 whole Spondylus shells. The Ecuadorian highlands show even less evidence of Spondylus consumption than previous periods. but the preservation of these sites is greater and. 5). These architectural models may represent ceremonies in miniature that were represented at Tacaynamo and El Dragon in larger. Uceda 1997). the Chimú dominated the coast of Peru and Spondylus trade as well. The single most spectacular discovery in Ecuador from this time period is a cache of approximately 600 Spondylus princeps valves at OM-PL-IL-14 on La Plata Island (Marcos & Norton 1981. The most important aspect of these maqueta’ to the present research is their association with quantities of whole and fragmentary Spondylus and the inclusion of Spondylus inlay on the wooden sculptures. iridescent and red/purple shell. Pillsbury 1996. 13 from Tomb 6 and 39 from Tomb 7. “carved and whole shells (including Spondylus and Conus fergusoni) were found in and immediately around the chamber area of the platform” (Pozorski 1979: 134). Pozorski 1979: 123). 1984). most containing some sort of inlay. These appear to have come mainly from Tomb 1 and Room D which contained “chaquiras of mullu” (Fresco 1984: 89). While the fragments and whole shells of Spondylus in Tomb 7 are similar to the material from Huacas Tacaynamo and El Dragon. The evidence for Spondylus use is more interesting at the “outer” huacas of Chan Chan. Ground Spondylus has been recovered from stone-lined bins in three of the cuidadelas (large elite constructions). though pronged crescents are not visible (Jackson 2004: ig. Lunniss & Nailing 1983): One researcher lists only nine Spondylus shells with their colorful lip missing (Allan 1989).benjaMIn P. burials from Marcos’ phase C. including white. While the production of Spondylus chaquira on the coast of Ecuador appears to drop off signiicantly. a cobble-lined pit from beneath the intersection of two walls contained six complete Spondylus shells (Topic 1981). During C3. which date to the Chimú occupation of the site. and Tschudi (Conrad 1981. Twenty whole Spondylus pictorum (probably Spondylus princeps). Margaret Jackson (2004) has studied the wooden sculptures recovered from Tacaynamo and El Dragon. Norton. in preparation” were deposited while in the process of becoming rectangular pendants and other objects for inlay. but it is unclear whether the lips were being removed for export. At nearby Salango-140 (ca. Huaca Tacaynamo revealed similar use of Spondylus. Uceda 1997). Lunniss & Nailing 1983). A miniature wooden backrest contains imagery reminiscent of Spondylus diving (Cordy-Collins 1990. do not contain Spondylus artifacts as did earlier burials (Marcos 1981: 54).

The Mantaro Valley project recovered a total of ive fragments of Spondylus. where three Chimú burials of young children (6-9 years old) each contained a single Spondylus princeps near their hands or heads (Sapp 2002). A small llama igurine of Spondylus was recovered near the surface with Inka period artifacts at Pampa Koani (Kolata 1986: 751) and a single tubular bead was recovered from Inka period contexts in the Calchaquí Valley of northwest Argentina (Earle 1994: 450). Spondylus usage changed dramatically. Cabur and at Site V-124. Finally. Ollantaytambo (Protzen 1993). gested. although some may be Sicán. red on the front side and white on the back” from the fortress of Sacsahuaman above Cusco. Twenty-two whole and 152 pieces of Spondylus were recovered from the Huaca Quadrangle at Cabur. it is dificult to identify the time period or archaeological culture to which they belong. Burial 1 at V-304 was recovered with a Chimú pot and two articulated Spondylus shells (Collier 1955: 47). such as at Cuzco (for site locations. The imagery from the Los Buceadores (the Divers) frieze in Cuidadela Uhle is clearly reminiscent of the imagery from Cordy-Collins’ (1990) study of Spondylus diving. Marcos 1977). Anne Pollard Rowe (1984. irregular Manteño beads of this time period (Carter 2008) and. Nearly all of these are llama or human igurines made from Spondylus. The limited presence of Spondylus on the coast of Chile has more to do the vast networks of trade and transportation that developed with Inka imperial expansion than with Spondylus exchange per se. Most Spondylus is being consumed by the Chimú at this time. Huánuco Pampa (Morris & Thompson 1985). Carter 2008: 187). curiously. lacks lithic microdrills. 13). In many cases tiny chaquira were woven onto textiles in a variety of ways. A single fragment of Spondylus was recovered from the Lluta Valley in northern Chile (Santoro et al. In this sense. Valcárcel (1946: 181) did locate “a small anthropomorphic igure. of Spondylus consumption does not necessarily indicate an increase in demand. This is the most convincing evidence. At a nearby Inka tambo (way station) along the Quebrada Horcones. Period C3 (AD 1100–1470) saw a dramatic shift from the consumption of chaquira to a primary concentration on inlay for wooden statues. this apparent expansion. Other than these fairly limited and minor inds. Chaquira. The child mummy on Cerro Aconcagua was recovered with two llama and an single human igurine of Spondylus (Schobinger. Chile was interred with Spondylus igurines of a llama and a woman (Mostny 1957). Chile has been cited as the southern extent of Spondylus trade (e. or Machu Picchu (Burger and Salazar 2004). especially those associated with the representation of funerary ceremonies. also of shell. the most convincing Spondylus iconography comes from Chan Chan and nearby Huaca Esmeraldas (Pillsbury 1996). Sara Sara and Ampato (Chávez Chávez 2001). however. ind a single similar bead from Inka contexts at Playa Miller (Bird 1943). 7) (Bauer 1998. Although Spondylus can be found farther aield than during previous periods. A single Spondylus valve and an unspeciied number of Spondylus beads were recovered from the chullpas at Cutimbo (Tantalean 2006). Four-pronged crescents are also seen on the relief on the Platforma de las Virgens. however. along with a llama igurine of Spondylus. Reinhard 2002). pronged crescents can also be seen along the base of the mound (Pillsbury 1996: ig. Divers beneath a boat are surrounded by three. only one of which dated to the post-Inka Wanka III. were recovered from Cabur. Other Spondylus igurines have been recovered from the southern Peruvian high peaks of Huarancate. in Cuidadela Uhle.and four-pronged crescents. Finally. Pichu Pichu.400 small chaquira (2-5mm in diameter) which Sapp (2002) suggests are made of Spondylus. At V-124 in the Virú Valley twenty-ive Spondylus shells were recovered from the ill near the loor of a U-shaped structure. Bird did. Ampuero & Guercio 2001) and a necklace with 47 Spondylus beads (Bárcena 2001). Approximately 500 meters west of V-124. Little Spondylus is present at smaller Inka sites in the highlands. the child mummy from El Plomo. A Spondylus igurine of a man was recovered from Taapacá Volcano (Reinhard 2002: 85) and another. Two of the burials contained a total of 6. but. all of whom have three-pronged crescents painted on their bodies. at the “outer” Huaca Esmeraldas. Chimú or Inka occupations at the site. were recovered from Cerro Copiapó (Iribarren Charlín 1978. but because of looting activities it is unclear if these belong to the Sicán (Lambayeque). but without any diving imagery. Little Spondylus has been published from large Inka sites. 2004). The dating and context of the “quantity” of Spondylus beads recovered from Alacrán Island in northern Chile is questionable (Bird 1943. Chimú consumption of Spondylus can be seen outside the Moche Valley at the sites of Tucumé (El Purgatorio).g.SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes wooden male sculptures from Tacaynamo as prisoners and sacriicial victims. of an association between Spondylus and sacriice. Similarly. all of the major Inka period Spondylus inds in the highlands are from capacocha sacriices on the highest peaks. outside the Inka capacocha sacriices on the high peaks. but may be more indicative of an increase in the importance of long-distance trade. as at Chan Chan (Andrews 1974. Spondylus would have been traded along with a vast array of Inka “imperial” goods. from any time period. since these artifacts lack any but the most general context. Spondylus remains in Chile are minimal. Spondylus was not nearly as ubiquitous during Period C4 as many have sug- 78 . A “Shell-Bead Workshop” at Tucumé contained beads similar to the rough. perIod C4 (ad 1470–1532): Inka domInaTIon When the Chimú were defeated by the Inka around AD 1470. Isbell 1997). another small human igurine made of Spondylus was found (Schobinger 2001). see also Carter 2008: 182183) has presented a wide variety of artifacts that are believed to date to the Chimú period. see Fig. Collier 1955: 44). at least geographically. However. Beyond the wooden sacriicial victims from Tacaynamo.

Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000. Uhle 1991: 37-39).286 burials have been excavated (Cock 2002. an Inka-period construction in modern-day Cuenca. similar to those from the high peaks. a Late Horizon youth was buried with “parts of necklaces of Spondylus shell pendants” along with whole Spondylus valves (Menzel 1977: 12-13). including those made from Spondylus. Spondylus reappears. At Tomebamba.5% (12/185) of the lower status mummy bundles contained any Spondylus shells. There is very limited evidence from the Ecuadorian highlands during Period C4.benjaMIn P. In the Ica Valley of South Coastal Peru. ig. 2) may include herbs and other food items as well as shell. orange and purple) but also includes white. red. Two small human igurines. eThnohIsTorIC eVIdenCe There has been much discussion about the use of Spondylus in the Andean area at the time of contact with the Spanish. perhaps because of the loss of much political and economic might in the area due to the Inka conquest of the Chimú (Hyslop 1984. Spondylus beads). The possible human and the llama igurines clearly indicate an Inka presence. Sandweiss & Narváez 1995: 186). Consumption of Spondylus appears to decline during Period C4 (AD 1470–1532). crops and human forms. ish and vegetable igurines similar to those from La Viña (Hocquenghem & Peña Ruiz 1994). This pattern appears to be similar at other Late Horizon cemeteries in the area (Díaz Arriola & Vallejo 2004: 297-298). stone. Spondylus artifacts have been recovered from both Cabeza de Vaca and Rica Playa. nor translated as. a single Spondylus pendant and a fragment of a possible human igurine made from Spondylus. “false head” mummies. Also. Ancón (Ravines & Stothert 1976: 158. llamas. ig. 1990). Mullu. Sandweiss & Narváez 1995: 109. This burial provides deinitive evidence of Spondylus artifact production similar to the undated material from the Tumbes area (Hocquenghem 1993. Upon La Raya. There is no evidence of bead production. of the type known amongst the Inka. including Armatambo (Díaz Arriola 2004: 590-591). combine both of the patterns discussed above.e. The pattern is best seen at Puruchuco. Remains at Tucumé. but which cannot be reduced to. North of the Lima area. however. in a ind reminiscent of Moche and Sicán pectorals. however. Sandweiss & Narváez 1995: 177. presents a local expansion of Spondylus consumption at this time. Table 7. In the Lambayeque Valley. The La Viña burial appears to indicate that shell artifact production was an important. 156) and. the mountain towering over Tucumé. Farther north. 222) and 3) is often related to water. Around modern Lima. Spondylus. occupation. A llama igurine. shells with etched lines outlining rectangular or trapezoidal plaques on the exterior of the shell that would have been removed by breaking along the etched lines and a shell with the plaques removed leaving only the hinge “core”. sacriice/offering as well as women (Blower 2000: 218). Cock & Goycochea Díaz 2004). 2004) and Pachacamac (Eeckhout 2004: 28-29. 78-80). gold and blueish-green (Blower 2000: 213-215). perhaps specialized. Cabeza de Vaca (or Tumbes Viejo) sits on a heavily occupied hill above the city of Tumbes. Evidence for Inka consumption of Spondylus is largely limited to the capacocha sacriices on high peaks. and Huaquerones (Farfán Lobatón 2000). The largest single problem has been the conlation of the term mullu with Spondylus. Only 6. Aside from the Lambayeque Valley. Spondylus occurs “more frequently … than anywhere else at the site. according to Blower. Spondylus was recovered at only one site. generally in the form of whole shells. Melissa Scott Murphy (2004) has studied 207 burials from these sites. except in the burials” (Heyerdahl. Inka mummy bundles from the South Cemetery often clasp Spondylus valves in their hands (Heyerdahl. is 1) a multi-colored concept that includes Spondylus colors (i. This artisan was buried with his tools (large shale tablet and shale saws) and inished and in-process artifacts. In-process artifacts include a Spondylus shell with its spines removed. Shell artifacts. a wide variety of in-process and complete shell artifacts are present along with slate tablets and saws and hammer stones. artisan at the local Inka administrative center of La Viña (Shimada & Samillán Torres 2008). including but not limited to Spondylus. Signiicantly. trapezoidal and triangular plaques were then used to make a variety of small artifacts including ish.e. where 1. no inished or in-process beads or lithic microdrills. 2000) has explicitly shown that mullu is a broader term that includes objects made from Spondylus. is extremely important because many of the most important citations of Spondylus use in ethnohistoric The most important ind of Spondylus in the Late Horizon Lambayeque Valley is the burial of a Spondylus and Conus 79 . were buried to the east of the doorway at the Temple of the Stone (Heyerdahl. Spondylus artifacts included human. yellow. Late Horizon Chiquitoy Viejo (Conrad 1977). carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory The southern and central coast of Peru. Uhle’s Late Horizon Site D (not shown on map) produced “regularly rounded oblong” pendants and ine beads (chaquira?) of Spondylus (Kroeber & Strong 1965: 51-52). the door to a temple at Pachacamac was reportedly adorned with whole Spondylus shells attached to a cloth background (Paulsen 1974: 603. four tombs contained an unspeciied number of “mullus of Spondylus” (i. Only a single Spondylus fragment was recovered from the nearby ishing village of Lo Demas (Sandweiss 1992: 152). there are few sites with Spondylus during the Late Horizon. was also found in a pit (Idrovo Uriguen 2000). litter the site. Shimada 1991: XXXIV). The recognition that mullu > Spondylus. 1999. a mummy bundle in Room 1 of the Huaca Larga “had 16 strings of Spondylus shell beads” (Heyerdahl. the capitol of the Late Sicán polity with signiicant Inka period occupations. three of eight graves at Pampa de los Canelos contained two to ive Spondylus shells (Kroeber & Strong 1965: 30). 164). Spondylus has been recovered from Late Horizon contexts. David Blower (1995. Shimada 1991. One to fourteen Spondylus shells were found with 68% (15/22) of the high status. Sandweiss & Narváez 1995: 96). bone and turquoise (Blower 2000: 215217. Hocquenghem & Ruiz 1994). Rinconada Alta (Frame et al. These rectangular.

This should not make light. of the fact that this large capacity vessel was “almost laden” with Spondylus shells. based at least partially on the work of John Murra (1975. cap” of the jaws of Maca Huisa as he eats the mullu. we can no longer say that any Prehispanic Spondylus recovered in Ecuador is evidence of trade between the two regions and we must refocus archaeological efforts on the extreme north coast of Peru in order to better address questions regarding Spondylus acquisition. however. a seventeenth century Jesuit missionary in Peru. which is not necessarily Spondylus. Glowacki 2005: 260. the account of Francisco Pizarro’s captain Batolomeo Ruiz. This work provides ive key updates to the innovative works of Paulsen (1974) and Marcos (1977). speciically Calangome. Were the shells for making beads? Were they for trade with the coastal Late Horizon peoples who used them in mummy bundles? Were they trading them with Inka artisans who fashioned igurines? Were they making objects themselves? The current interpretation is that the voyagers inhabited the coast of Ecuador. This now appears to be false. Third. Spondylus may have been used to encourage rain by some cultures. There is no other information. Spondylus. South of Cabo Blanco) irst into Peru (ca. 2500 BC at Caral) and later into the Ecuadorian highlands. he indicates that mullu is a small fragment of a large seashell from which people make beads. however. Fourth. which records the capture of a large indigenous balsa raft off the coast of Ecuador in 1525. Spondylus was also available as far south as Cabo Blanco.SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes The apparent decrease in the use of Spondylus after ca. was being eaten as mullu. that the use of “industrial” quantities of Spondylus by the Inka was the end result of a constant increase in the utilization of Spondylus. Murra 1975: 258. Blower 2000: 215. 80 . Paulsen 1974: 603. needed quantities [of mullu] that we can consider industrial”. the inverse of what early research suggested. However. It is both the change in general trends and the variability within those trends that makes it dificult to fashion all-encompassing statements about how Spondylus was used by Andean societies. there is also variability within those trends. hundreds of miles south of the oft-cited border of Ecuador. but does not specify Spondylus. This may or may not be Spondylus. He bases this upon a quote from Cobo (1653) that refers to the vast use of “conchas del mar” or seashells in the highlands. AD 1100 according to the archaeological record does not accord with the current interpretation of ethnohistoric accounts. except for the “cap. but again this is based upon the translation of mullu as Spondylus (Murra 1975: 258. The new chronology highlights the variability in time and space of the forms of Spondylus artifacts and the way in which they were used. not the simplicity. industry and consumption. While I have made some general conclusions about trends during these times. Maximum utilization may have occurred during the peak of the Moche. the purported use of vast quantities of Spondylus at contact is not so obvious once one realizes that those vast quantities are of mullu. At this point. Perhaps the most convincing piece of ethnohistoric evidence of the importance of Spondylus at the time is the Samano-Xerez Relación (Samano 1844). however. The raft. 1982: 266. Pillsbury 1996: 318. Second. did millions of farmers require industrial quantities? The archaeological evidence discussed above does not support the interpretation of the “industrial” use of Spondylus by the Inka. While this does suggest that mullu is quite valuable. but not necessarily by all. we simply do not know how prevalent Spondylus was after the arrival of the Spaniards. The value of Spondylus is often indicated by an account by Pablo Jose de Arriaga. 1982: 266. but it does suggest the high value of sea shells in the Andean highlands. The most fascinating part of Prehispanic use of Spondylus is the complexity of the story.g. was still being used and may have been one of the more important types of mullu.e. Murra (1975: 257. Murra 1975: 260). 1982). For example. though we can be fairly conident that they did consume mullu. This means that it may not have been dificult to collect Spondylus shells. we know little about from where this vessel came or where it was heading and the identiication that people made beads from these same shells must be seen in the light that the two foreign peoples had little means of communicating. 1982: 266. And while Spondylus was certainly used. The inal update provided herein is the most important. Andean farmers. Peru. First. Sicán and Chimú states on the North Coast of Peru and decline during Inka domination. Rostworowski de Díez Canseco 1999: 36). see also Marcos 1977: 119) states that “millions of humans. documents are based upon translations of mullu as Spondylus. archaeological evidence now indicates that Spondylus was exchanged beyond its nature environment (i. carrying 20 men. Unfortunately. I have demonstrated that Spondylus may not have been dificult to acquire because it was present in waters much shallower than originally believed. especially for a people accustomed to harvesting other resources from the ocean. Therefore. We have little evidence therefore that gods ate Spondylus. who states that a piece of mullu the size of a ingernail is worth four Spanish reales (Arriaga 1968: 45. or any shellish. For example. where evidence for the production of Spondylus artifacts at this time is relatively limited. “All this they brought to exchange for some shells from which they make coral red and white beads. and they had the vessel almost laden with them” (Currie 1995a: 511). Prehispanic Spondylus use was dynamic varying through time and space. ConClusIon It is often stated that Spondylus was a favored food of the gods (e. to suggest that Spondylus. early works all intimated. Saloman & Urioste 1991: 116). see also Blower 2000: 210. had a capacity of approximately 25 modern tons (Currie 1995a: 511) and carried a large collection of valuable goods.

Austin: University of Texas. 81 . 503]. Trujillo. Washington. New York: Thames and Hudson. (ed. bIrd. w. Argentina: EDIUNC. C. s. W. Medoza. M. M. 1989 Intercambio entre la costa y la sierrra en el Formativo Tardio: Nuevas evidencias del Azuay. Desierto y Oásis en la Historia del Hombre: Precerámico Peruano. Lima: Corporación Financiera de Desarrollo. Trent University [MA Thesis]. 1982 Los Gavilanes: Mar. J. Colombia: Pro Calima Foundation. 1986 The audiencia room of the Huaca 1 complex. P. t. and the Archaeological Distribution of Spondylus in the Andes. In Investigaciones en la Huaca de la Luna 1995 (ed. andrews. l. In Ancient West Mexico: Art and Archaeology of the Unknown Past: 233-249. legast. Oicina de Asuntos Culturales and Instituto Arqueológico Alemán. Bouchard & M. Translated and Edited by L. s. b. Bogotá. & c. r.. F. a. Ontario: Department of Anthropology. 1998 The Sacred Landscape of the Inca: The Cusco Ceque System. 1974 American Seashells. donnan 1993 Royal Tombs of Sipán. en el Ecuador Septentrional. Mujica B. 2007 The reinvention of tradition: An ethnographic study of Spondylus use in coastal Ecuador. blower. carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory referenCes abbot. Universidad Nacional de La Libertad. k. & R. 1974 The U-shaped structures at Chan Chan. j. In Relaciones Interculturales en el Área Ecuatorial del Páciico durante la Época Precolombiana. Trade. 1998 They came to trade exquisite things: Ancient West Mexico-Ecuadorian contacts. Lexington: University of Kentucky.benjaMIn P. 1989 Site OMJPLP140: A specialist shell workshop. Isbell & G. Vol. E. e. Popayán: Editorial Universidad del Cauca. C. allan. d. 2000 The many facets of Mullu: More than just a Spondylus shell. d. Cardale Schrimpf): 140-201. b. Los Angeles: Fowler Museum of Cultural History. W. w. D. New York: Van Norstrand Reinhold. alva. b. UCLA. j. In Calima and Malagana: Art and Archaeology in Southwestern Colombia (ed. bruce. benavIdes. In El Santuario Incaico del Cerro Aconcagua (ed. Andean Past 6: 209-228. F.C. 1997 Traders of the Ecuadorian littoral. P. Cock): 95-108. McEwan): 55-70. 1981 Investigation of state storage facilities in Pampa Grande. bragayrac. M. d. PatIño & c.C. j.-F. In Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru (ed. McEwan): 71-80. Donnan & G. In Huari Administrative Structure: Prehistoric Monumental Architecture and State Government (ed. d. Schobinger): 302-331. In Perspectivas Regionales en la Arqueologia del Suroccidente de Colombia y Norte del Ecuador (ed. H. 1943 Excavations in Northern Chile. anawalt. Uceda C. H. New Haven: Yale University Press. r.: Dumbarton Oaks. Journal of Field Archaeology 8(4): 391-404. w. arrIaga. bárcena. 2001 The royal tombs of Sipán: Art and power in Moche society. bonavIa. b. 2. anders. a. Journal of Anthropological Research 63(1): 3350. alva. o. Los Angeles: Museum of Cultural History. D. M. 1995 The Quest for Mullu: Concepts. 1997 Excavaciones in el Cerro Blanco. Gnecco): 3-29. herrera. J. Isbell & G. Clark Keating. 1991 Archaeological excavations in the Vegachayoq Moqo sector of Huari. In The Pacatnamu Papers. bruhns. bourget. Morales): 109124. a. cardale schrIMPF. Guinea): 57-74. rodrIguez 2005 Lords of the marshes: The Malagana people. Journal of Field Archaeology 1(3/4): 241-264. Vol. New York: American Museum of Natural History. Washington. e. j. athens. Peru. B. 1991 Cheqo Wasi. bauer.: Dumbarton Oaks. s. Huari. In Huari Administrative Structure: Prehistoric Monumental Architecture and State Government (ed. Archaeology 50(6): 48-52. P. Ecuador. Salango. j. J. Comisión de Arqueología General y Comparada. bauer. 1 (ed.. Pillsbury): 223-246. Peru: Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. 1995 Relaciones interregionales prehistoricas en el norte de los Andes: Evidencia del sitio La Chimba. l. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports [International Series. 2001 El collar de la momia del Cerro Aconcagua. 1968 The Extirpation of Idolatry. Unpublished manuscipt from the Salango Museum. S. bray. r.

burger. e. E. Cordy-Collins): 393-417. & F. In Ritual Sacriice in Ancient Peru (ed. J. 1999 La sacerdotista y la ostra: ¿Queda resuelto el enigma de Spondylus? In Spondylus: Ofrenda Sagrada y Símbolo de Paz (ed. J. 982]. 82 . Oxford: Archaeopress [British Archaeological Reports. 1992 The stone ancestors: Idioms of imperial attire and rank among Huari igurines. delgado esPInosa. Northridge: California State University [MA Thesis] . Journal of Field Archaeology 4(1): 1-18. In Cahuachi in the Ancient Nasca World (H. 8001532) of Coastal Ecuador. Society and Change: Shell Artifact Production among the Manteño (A. Lima: Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología.D. CordyCollins & D. Peru: Fundación Telefónica and Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera. Revista del Museo Nacional 45: 75-87. Gran Cocle. w. F. b. 2001 Manteño ceremony and symbolism: Mortuary practices and ritual activities at López Viejo. D. r. j. Peru. chávez chávez. Panama. a. j. In Puruchuco y la Sociedad de Lima: Un Homenaje a Arturo Jiménez Borja (ed. Washington. Coastal Ecuador. F. Moseley & A. cordy-collIns. del carMen rodrIguez de sandweIss. Austin: University of Texas Press. l. c. 2008 Technology. Manabí. 1993 Malacological analysis.: Dumbarton Oaks. 1997 Coetaneidad de metalurgia.: Dumbarton Oaks. New Haven: Yale University Press. 2001 Investigaciones arqueológicas de alta montaña en el Sur del Perú. ethnohistory and exchange along the coast of Ecuador. J. g. j. 1995b Prehistory of the Southern Manabí Coast. 2001 Blood and the Moon Priestess: Spondylus shells in Moche ceremony. Currie & J. sánchez h. burger. g. carter. cordy-collIns. gIannonI (eds. goycochea díaz 2004 Puruchuco y el cementario Inca de la Quebrada de Huaquerones. cock. Ecuador. E. London: Thames and Hudson. International Series. G. Cook): 3553. davIdson. g.C. d. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh [PhD Thesis] díaz arrIola. & c. D. 1995a Archaeology. Chungará 36(2): 295-302. 1977 Chiquitoy Viejo: An Inca administrative center in the Chicama Valley. r. P.C. & l. g. currIe. 503]. vallejo 2004 Cultural variation in Lima Valley during the Inka Period. In Mortuary Practices and Ritual Associations: Shamanistic Elements in Prehistoric Funerary Contexts in South America (ed.) 1999 Spondylus: Ofrenda Sagrada y Símbolo de Paz. Chungará 33(2): 283-288. 1990 Fonga Sigde. Villacorta Ostolaza): 179-197. l.SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes 2003 Social and cultural development in the Ecuadorian highlands and eastern lowlands during the Formative. In Archaeology of Formative Ecuador (ed. In The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor (ed. 2004 Armatambo y la sociedad Yschma. 1981 El Spondylus en la cosomología Chimú. al. 1981 The burial platforms of Chan Chan: Some social and political implications In Chan Chan: Andean Desert City (ed. 2002 Intensive Agriculture and Political Economy of the Yaguachi Chiefdom of the Guayas Basin. 1989 Elementos de adorno personal en la cultura material de Atacames. Oxford: Tempus Reparatum [British Archaeological Reports. díaz arrIola. Washington. Louis [PhD Thesis]. Latin American Antiquity 3(4): 341-364. Moseley & K. & l. Chicago: Chicago Natural History Museum. In Relaciones Interculturales en Área Ecuatorial del Páciico Durante la Época Precolombina (ed. E. Day): 87-118. M. Missouri: Washington University in St. r. l. cook. j. a. Iowa City: University of Iowa. M. j. A. Benson & A. International Series. Burger): 125-174. cabada. P. shell purveyor to the Chimu kings. Staller): 67-91. Peru. Ecuador: López Viejo. cock. e. L. a. M. Lima: Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera and Fundación Telefónica del Perú. e. National Geographic Magazine 201(5): 78-91. 1980 The Spondylus Shell in Chimu Iconography. e. F. Boletín del Museo del Oro 42: 57-85. Raymond & R. 1992 Chavín and the Origins of Andean Civilization. Bouchard & M. artesanias de concha y ceramica pintada en Cerro Juan Diaz. Antiquity 69: 511-526. 618]. cooke. salazar 2004 Machu Picchu: Unveiling the Mystery of the Incas. 2002 Inca rescue. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports [International Series. Silvermann): 294-299. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 33(3): 571-594. a. collIer. conrad. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico. E. Guinea): 97-112. Giannoni): 17-33. L. 1955 Cultural Chronology and Change as Relected in the Ceramics of the Virú Valley. S. Esmeraldas (Ecuador). & d.

M. FeIFarek. Boletín de los Museos del Banco Cental del Ecuador 6. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 33(3): 815-860. jaIMe castIllo 1994 Excavaciones de tumbas sacerdotistas Moche en San José de Moro. Argentina. a. Peru: Universidad Nacional de la Libertad. Cruz Cevalos): 5166. 2002 Conduits of ancestry: Interpretation of the geography. guFFroy. In El Mundo Ceremonial Andino (ed. Austin: University of Texas Press. 2000 Informe sobre entierros prehispánicos en Huaquerones. L. 1988 Tumbas de la nobleza en La Florida. t. 1989 La Galgada. doyon. gayton. Jequetepeque. earle sMIth & r.. In The Pacatnamu Papers. 1901 Archaeological Investigations on the Island of La Plata. B. & d. b. dorsey. greIder. P. 2008 Alternativas de manejo para la concha Spondylus calcifer. In Quito antes de Benalcazar (ed. a. donnan.. c. Alcina Frach & S. Los Angeles: Fowler Museum of Cultural History. Vol. Silverman & D. b.): 415-424. geology. h. 1987 Spines and epibionts as antipredator defenses in the thorny oyster Spondylus americanus Hermann. & M. a. earle. Wealth inance in the Inka Empire: Evidence from the Calchaqui Valley. Mujica B. j. carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory díaz. P. elera. FraMe. In The Space and Place of Death (ed. Cerámica y Otros Materials. Valle del Rimac. In Miscelanea Atropologica Ecuatoriana: Arqueologia y Etnohistoria del Sur de Colombia y Norte de Ecuador (ed. Boletín de Arqueología PUCP 4: 607-630. 83 . Antiquity 79: 257-268. Mcclelland 1997 Moche burials at Pacatnamú. Japan: Museo Nacional de Ethnología. Seattle: University of Washington [MA Thesis]. del carMen vega dulant & P. Valle de Rímac: Informe preliminar. & M. Paredes 2000 El Templo Viejo de Pachacamac: Nuevos aportes al estudio del Horizonte Medio. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 22(1): 159-177. Donnan & Guillermo Cock): 17-188.benjaMIn P. 1984 La Arqueologia de Ingapirca (Ecuador): Costumbres Funerarias. g. Un centro ceremonial Formativo en el Alto Piura. MalPass 2003 Water. M. MalIna 1988 guFFroy. Arqueológicas 24: 275-302. caldo 1989 Construcciones y cementerios del Periodo Intermedio Tardio en el Cerro Ñañañique (Departamento de Piura). C. nIgueras & r. barrIuso Pérez 1986 Estudio de las chaquiras de Atacames (Ecuador). & P. Quito: Centro Cultural Artes. Cuenca. Fabara. Fresco. E. Ecuador: Comision del Castillo de Ingapirca. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 18(2): 161-207. a. donnan. landa cragg 2004 Un fardo funerario del Horizonte Tardío del sitio Rinconada Alta.com/documentos/Breve_paper. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 21: 306-336. 1924 The Uhle collections from Nievería. & l. FarFán lobatón. Small): 79-95. 2005 Food of the gods or mere mortals? Hallucinogenic Spondylus and its interpretive implications for early Andean society. galván garcía. Osaka. j. c. glowackI. and ancestor worship: Traces of a sacred Wari landscape. 2004 Relatos míticos y prácticas rituales en Pachacamac. Millones & Y. Franco jordan. M. 2003 The Age of Spondylus and Management Implications: A Feasability Analysis for the Management and Conservation of the Spiny Rock-Scallop. Moreno Yánez): 61-80. a. r. c. j. b. S. I. 1993 El complejo cultural de Cupisnique: Antecedentes y desarrollo de su ideología religiosa.. [URL: http://www. J. American Antiquity 59(3): 443-460. t. & l. Journal of Experimental Marine Biology and Ecology 105(1): 39-56. M. glowackI. l. a. Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 11. Trujillo. huacas. r. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 18(2): 209-240.proyectospondylus. & E. d. eeckhout. 2: The Moche Occupation (ed. 79]. Onuki): 229-257. guerrero zevallos. Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos and Acociación Peruana para el Fomento de las Ciencias Sociales [Travaux de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines. 1994. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History. Spondylus calcifer in the Southern Coast of Manabi. c. a. ortlIeb 1993 El fenómeno “El Niño” y los moluscos de la Costa peruana.pdf]. In Moche: Propuestas y Perspectivas (ed. Peru: A Preceramic Culture in Transition. M. Quito: Abya-Yala. H. Trujillo. g. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 33(1): 1-54. Uceda C. bueno Mendoza. c. M. and seasonality of North Andean shaft tombs. Latin American Antiquity 14(4): 431-448. University of California. Ecuador.

y. Chicago: Aldine. New York: Thames and Hudson. d. haas. kolata. 2003 Bivalve Epibiont Armor: The Evolution of an Antipredatory Strategy. 2000 Tomebamba.SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes guInea. 1999 Craft and local power: Embedded specialization in Tiwanaku cities. Idrovo urIguen. 1990 Inka Settlement Planning. C. Alvarez. XXI 1924-1927]. Peru. Marcos): 47-66. l. t. a. In Spondylus: Ofrenda Sagrada y Símbolo de Paz (ed. w. St. Oberem): 276-284. In Primer Encuentro do Investigadores de la Costa Ecuatoriana en Europa: Arqueologia-Etnohistoria.. New York: Kraus Reprint [University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnography. 1989 1995 2006 IrIarte b. L. Isbell. kroeber. d. Moche Valley. In Estudios Americanistas: Libro Jubilar en Homenaje a Hermann Trimborn con Motivo de su Septuagésimoquinto Aniversario (ed. Arqueología e Historia de una Cudad Imperial. kaulIcke 1993 Bases del intercambio entre las sociedades Norperuanas y Surecuatorianas: Una zone de transicion entre 1500 A. w. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 23(2): 209-29.. Kulturen. F. IrIbarren charlín. In Huari Administrative Structure (ed. 1986 The agricultural foundations of the Tiwanaku state: A view from the heartland. Hartmann & U. H. j. M. keen. h.C. 1984 The Inka Road System. Latin American Antiquity 15(3): 298-322. J. & w. American Antiquity 51(4): 748-762. Department of Geological Sciences [PhD Thesis]. 2004 The Chimú sculptures of Huacas Tacaynamo and El Dragon. j. a. c. Robert Brown & Associates. Fauría & Jorge G. hocquengheM.C. 1985 Excavations on Huaca Grande: An initial view of the elite at Pampa Grande. a. Perú. a. kato. Un sistema de producción artesanal de cuentas de concha en un contexto doméstico manteño: Japoto (provincia de Manabí. 2. Isbell & C. Latin American Antiquity 10(2): 107-131. goMIs & P. Cuenca: Banco Central del Ecuador. Peña ruIz 1994 La talla del material malacológico en Tumbes. hocquengheM. s. sandweIss & a. Stanford: University of Stanford Press. Jr. narváez 1995 Pyramids of Túcume: The Quest for Peru’s Forgotten City. 1993 Resultados de las excavaciones en Kuntur Wasi. c. k. A. M. a. S. a. 503]. brewster-wray & l. R. Ohio: University of Cincinnati. w. M. 1971 Seashells of Tropical West America: Marine Molluscs from Baja California to Peru. 1986 Spondylus: Spiny Oyster Shells of the World. 1997 Mummies and Mortuary Monuments: A Postprocessual Prehistory of Central Andean Social Organization. D.-M. Lima: Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera and Fundación Telefónica del Perú. j. Giannoni): 47-102. In El Mundo Ceremonial Andino (ed. New York: Academic Press. In Advances in Andean Archaeology (ed. h..-M. Quito: Abya-Yala. Cajamarca. 1978 Manifestations of Inca culture in two provinces in Chile. hocquengheM. Osaka: Museo Nacional de Etnología. 1958 Sea Shells of Tropical West America: Marine Mollusks from Lower California to Colombia. Alvarez.: Dumbarton Oaks. 84 . duncan strong 1965 The Uhle Collections from Chincha. Washington D. Browman): 443-452. jones. Journal of Field Archaeology 12(4): 391-409. Antropologia Sociocultural (ed. Millones & Y. l.. j. 1999 En torno al mullu. janusek. l. d. Cordy-Collins & D. Austin: University of Texas. F. h. 1993 Rutas de entrada del mullu en el extremo norte del Peru. 1978 Adornos de concha y caracol de Tacaynamo. Idrovo urIguen. manjar predilecto de los poderosos inmortales. y 600 D. Vol. Vol. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports [International Series. j. Diferentes mecanismos de articulaticion hombre-entorno en la costa norte de Ecuador: La Desembocadura del Esmeraldas del principio de nuesta era al año 1527.-M. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 23(3): 701-719. W. jackson. Onuki): 203-228. Ecuador). Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 35(3): 299-312. Guinea): 127-146. hysloP. L. heyerdahl. Bouchard & M. laMPrell. Isbell. McEwan): 19-54. & M. A. j. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines 22(2): 403-466. Valoración de las evidencias de intercambio en la Desbocadura del río Esmeraldas: El problema cronológico. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Austin: University of Texas. l.C. In Relaciones Interculturales en Área Ecuatorial del Páciico Durante la Época Precolombina (ed. Augustine: Haus V̈lker u. e. sPIckard 1991 Architecture and spatial organization at Huari. Anthropos-Inst.

Menzel. 1986a De ida y vuelta a Acapulco con mercaderes de mullu. Panamá. In Pikillacta: The Wari Empire in Cuzco (ed. norton 1981 Interpretación sobre arqueología de la Isla de la Plata. Panamá: Análisis tecnológico de los artefactos de concha del basurero-taller del Sitio Cerro Juan Díaz. Revista de Biología Tropical 38(1): 129-136. 194]. A. chandra 1975 Ancient Ecuador: Culture. Marranghello & r. Matos MendIeta. 1978 Pre-Columbian Art of South America. 1988 Real Alto: La Historia de un Centro Ceremonial Valdivia. 1986b Intercambio a larga distancia en America: El caso de Spondylus. Abrams. leIja trIstán & s. Washington D. M. 3000-300 B. Centro de Estudios Arqueológicos y Antropológicos and Corporación Nacional. El Arquitecto 1(5): 54-63. vIquez 1990 Paralytic shellish poisoning (PDSP) due to Spondylus calcifer contaminated with Pyrodinium bahamense. c. Marcos): 197-206. N. 1984 From the Yungas of Chincay Suyo to Cuzco: The role of La Plata Island in Spondylus trade. Ecuador (ogsech 4). 2004 La Industria Prehispánica de Conchas Marinas de Gran Coclé. d. Lowie Museum of Anthropology. evans 1965 Early Formative Period of Coastal Ecuador: The Valdivia and Machilla Phases. 1968 A Formative-Period painted pottery complex at Ancon. 2005 Excavations at Pikillacta. L. & P. Gordon Childe Colloquium. Los Santos. Costa Rica. I. r. l. Cayambe: Abya-Yala. London: University College London [PhD Thesis]. Australia: Kevin Lamprell. salazarvallejo 1993 Epifauna del ostion espinoso i princeps unicolor (Mollusca: Bivalvia) de Puerto Escondido. 2006 85 . Marcos): 163-196. MorrIs. H. 1989-1990. In Arqueología de la Costa Ecuatoriana: Nuevas Enfoques (ed. American Antiquity 33(2): 226232. 1977 The Archaeology of Ancient Peru and the Work of Max Uhle. e. d. Journal of the Steward Anthropological Society 9(1-2): 99-132. Brisbane. j. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports [International Series. G. collIer & h. w. 1981 Informe sobre el area ceremonial del Complejo Manteno Huancavilca de La Loma de los Cangrejitos. 1995 El mullu y el pututo: La articulación de la ideología y el tráico a larga distancis en la formación del Estado Huancavilca.. F. Berkeley: R. L. Browman. j. J. 1964 Style and time in the Middle Horizon. b. Latin American Antiquity 6(1): 70-84. c.C. In Social and Economic Organization in the Prehispanic Andes (ed. 2002 Mullo and pututo para el Gran Caimán: Un modelo para el intercambio entre Mesoameríca and Andino America. Burger & M.: Smithsonian Institution. Revista de Biología Tropical 41(3): 877-881. g. C. carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory Spiny Oysters: A Revision of the Living Spondylus Species of the World. In Arqueología de la Costa Ecuatoriana: Nuevas Enfoques (ed. Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid [PhD Thesis]. M. Alvarez. Alvarez.benjaMIn P. Guayaquil: ESPOL. laPIner. 1987 Childe and the Urban Revolution: The Andean experience. Mayo. In Primer Encuentro de Investigadores de la Costa Ecuatoriana en Europa (ed. University of California. Mata.C. R.. Guayaquil: ESPOL. a. 104-105. abarca. & r. 329]. Mayo. Manzanilla): 329344. Centro de Estudios Arqueologicas y Antropologicos. southwest Ecuador. Marcos. luMbreras.. Valle de Chanduy. A. lathraP. S. l. 2001 Archaeology at Salango. J. lunnIss. g. Archaeofauna 14: 285-298. Peru. In Studies in the Neolithic and Urban Revolutions: The V. j. j. Guayaquil: ESPOL. MasuccI. a. & d. Golfo de California. F. New York: H. Mexico 1986 (ed. & c. G. 1995 Marine shell production and the role of domestic craft activities in the economy of the Guangala Phase. Fauría & J. London: Thames and Hudson. Ñawpa Pacha 2: 66-73. a. Marcos. thoMPson 1985 Huánuco Pampa: An Inca City and its Hinterland. Meggers. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press. Clay and Creativity. Gaceta Arqueológica Andina 26: 13-36. g. g. D. Marcos): 97-142. Chicago: Field Museum of Natural History. Miscelanea Antropologica Ecuatoriana 1: 136-154. Mexico. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports [International Series. Panamá. d. McEwan): 2962. Centro de Estudios Arqueológicos y Antropológicos and Corporación Nacional. l. cooke 2005 La industria prehispánica de conchas marinas en Gran Coclé. a. r. Mcewan. 1977 Cruising to Acapulco and back with the thorny oyster set: A model for a lineal exchange system. G. j. Ravines): 7-21. Ecuador: An Engoroy Ceremonial Site on the South Coast of Manabi. de león gonzález. G.

Peru. P. Research in Economic Anthropology 13: 269-323. Peru: Universidad Nacional de la Libertad. c. d. American Antiquity 39(4): 597-607. J. ochatoMa P. W. j. Paredes. Norman. 1982 El tráico de mullu en la costa del Pacíico.. o. deFrance. 1991 Conchopata: A community of potters. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania. 1992 The Incas and their Ancestors: The Archaeology of Peru. Protzen. 1994 La Mina: Una tumba Moche I en el valle de Jequetepeque. Ithaca: Paleontological Research Institution. & M. Revista Peruana de Biología 5(2): 123-128. Muse. Alcina & S. provincia de Manabí. In Formaciones Económicas y Politicas del Mundo Andino (ed. j. 1991 Products and politics of a Milagro entrepót: Peñon del Rio. Murra. cardoso & j. 1990 Paracas Ritual Attire. 1961 Mollusks of the Tropical Eastern Paciic: Particularly from the Southern Half of the Panamic-Paciic Faunal Province (Panama to Peru) . P.: Dumbarton Oaks. 86 . P.. a. c. In Spondylus: Ofrenda Sagrada y Símbolo de Paz (ed. P. j. G. PIllsbury.. M. & E. Murra): 255-268. Giannoni): 151-152. 1974 The thorny oyster and the voice of god: Spondylus and Strombus in Andean Prehistory. S. 1. Guayas Basin. 2004 From Bare Bones to Mummiied: Understanding Health and Disease in an Inca Community. McEwan): 81-92. M. j. lunnIss & n..SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes MorrIs. ruales 2005 Burning down the brewery: Establishing and evacuating an ancient imperial colony at Cerro Baúl. s. a. j. a. Miscelánea Antropológica Ecuatoriana 3: 9-72. Guayaquil: Escuela Superior Politecnica del Litoral. MurPhy. roMero. Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos and Acociación Peruana para el Fomento de las Ciencias Sociales [Travaux de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines. Mujica B): 5981. tarazona 2004 Temporary distribution of mollusks and tropical crustacean in the Peruvian Province and its relations with the events of El Nino. Paulsen. I.. 79]. Peru: CANO asociados SAC. Washington. Ecuador. H... Paul. In Moche: Propuestas y Perspectivas (ed. e. e. Ica Valley. PozorskI. olsson. M. Moreno Y. Latin American Antiquity 8(1): 313-340. 1975 El tráico de mullu en la costa del Paciico. r..-P. In Primer Simposio de Correlaciones Antropologicas Andino-Mesoamericano. Boston: Houghton Miflin. Salinas Ecuador (ed. e.Estudio arqueológico de los objetos. Norton): 265-273. Lima. cabrera r. v. Guayaquil: Museos del Banco Central del Ecuador. a. In Huari Administrative Structure: Prehistoric Monumental Architecture and State Government (ed. 1996 The thorny oyster and the origins of empire: Implications of recently uncovered Spondylus imagery from Chan-Chan. tarazona. A. Peru. Marcos & P.): 131143. Pinilla. Annals of the Carnegie Museum 48: 119137. 1978 Arqueologia de la Cueva de los Tayos. c. Trujillo. Revista Peruana de Biología 11(2): 213-218. l. 195]. Cordy-Collins & D.Panamic-Paciic Pelecypoda. j. In Arqueologia y Etnohistoria del Sur de Colombia y Norte de Ecuador (ed. MIranda & M. Proceedings of the National Academy of Science 102(48): 17264-17271. F. d. nash. J. PozzI-escot. including Shells of Hawaii and the Gulf of California. Trujillo. Ñawpa Pacha 6: 1-7. 1966 A Field Guide to Paciic Coast shells. ryan wIllIaMs. naIlIng 1983 Excavaciones en Salango. canahuIre. 1979 The Las Avispas burial platform at Chan Chan. 2001 Poblados Rurales Huari: Una Vision desde Aqo Wayqo. Lima: Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera and Fundación Telefónica del Perú. a. V. 1993 Inca Architecture and Construction at Ollantaytambo. New York: Thames and Hudson. New York: Oxford University Press. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Perúanos. Moseley. Peru. t. Mostny. 1968 A Middle Horizon tomb. [PhD Thesis]. Quito: Pontiicia Universidad Catolica del Ecuador. d. J. P. a. Isbell & G. cornejo & F. s. 1986 El señorio de Salangone y la Liga de Mercaderes: El cartel Spondylus-Balso. M. 1999 Cuenco inciso de plata con excena de extracción de conchas de Spondylus. Porras g. norton. grete 1957 Protocolos de arqueología. Department of Anthropology. OK: University of Oklahoma [The Civilization of the American Indian Series. narváez v. Paredes. Uceda C. Ecuador. norton. cardoso 1998 Presencia de moluscos tropicales de la Provincia Panameña en la costa central del Perú y su relación con los eventos “El Niño”. 21-31 de Julio 1971. D. F. Moseley. a.C. Boletín del Museo Nacional de Historia Natural 27(1): 29-63.

r. d. no. sandweIss. New York: Springer. Valles Occidentales del Área Centro Sur Andino. sandweIss 1982 Materiales arqueologicos de Garagay. torres 2004 Continuidad y cambio en las comunidades locales. H. Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 14: 7189. Cordy-Collins & D. Los Angeles: University of California Los Angeles [PhD Thesis]. Boletin de Lima 75: 55-63. special supplement: 235-247. rowe. M. robles. h. Revista del Museo Nacional 46: 135-233. j. rollIns & j. sandweIss. SAA Bulletin 17(2): 1. In Peruvian Archaeology: Selected Readings (ed. P. saloMan. haas & w.C. saMano. J. b. J. rIck. k. r. Chungara. Lima: Museo Arqueológico Rafael Larco Herrera and Fundación Telefónica del Perú. h. Schobinger): 355-359. In Huari Administrative Structure: Prehistoric Monumental Architecture and State Government (ed. Life and Death at Paloma. In El Santuario Incaico del Cerro Aconcagua (ed. III rIchardson. stothert 1976 Un entierro común del Horizonte Tardío en la costa central del Perú. a. F. 2005 The evolution of authority and power at Chavýn de Huántar. carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory quIlter. v.. 2002 A high altitude archaeological survey in northern Chile. r. del carMen rodríguez 1991 Moluscos marinos en la prehistoria Peruana: Breve ensayo. ravInes. Giannoni): 35-45. Revista de Antropología Chilena 34(1): 85-99. 1844 Relación de los primeros descubrimientos de Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro. d. j. j. 1991 Jincamocco: A Huari administrative center in the south central highlands of Peru. j. 1989 sandweIss. Mendoza. & j. F. 1992 The Archaeology of Chincha Fishermen: Specialization and Status in Inka Peru. reInhard. roMero guevara. Maasch 1996 Geoarchaeological evidence from Peru for a 5000 years B. 2002 The Impact of Imperial Conquest at the Palace of a Local Lord in the Jequetepeque Valley.. M. a. rollIns & k. 2006 America’s irst city? The case of Late Archaic Caral. schobInger. a. A. Sainz de Baranda. Menzel): 72-103. Méndez 1989 Moluscos comerciales del littoral de Tumbes y Piura. h. Iowa City: University of Iowa. urIoste 1991 The Huarochirí Manuscript: A Testament of Ancient and Colonial Andean Religion. Washington. H. schaedel. creaMer 2001 Dating Caral.benjaMIn P. santoro. w.. P. 1984 Costumes and Featherwork of the Lords of Chimor: Textiles from Peru’s North Coast. In Andean Archaeology III: North and South (ed. saPP. e. r. h. III rIchardson 1983 Landscape alteration and prehistoric human occupation on the North Coast of Peru. H. Navarrete): 193-201. Isbell & H. Chungara. d. ravInes. D. Palo Alto: Peek Publications. McEwan): 199-214. Argentina: EDIUNC. W. g. W. Boletín de Lima 63: 47-70. M. M. Investigaciones Sociales 14: 89-120.C. Salva & M. In Spondylus: Ofrenda Sagrada y Símbolo de Paz (ed. Revista de Antropología Chilena 36. Revista del Museo Nacional 42: 153-206.. & M. 8-9. Schobinger): 266-280. j. onset of El Niño.: The Textile Museum. Isbell & G.P. r. a Preceramic site in the Supe Valley on the Central Coast of Peru. h. c. & M. schobInger. j. standen & a. b. j. b. PaloMIno & d. & k. á.. h. Journal de la Société des Américanistes 55(2): 383-496. In El Santuario Incaico del Cerro Aconcagua (ed. M. h. Peru. d. Science 273: 1531-1533. J. Washington D. Períodos Intermedio Tardío y Tardío. schreIber. sandweIss. s. shady solís. 2001 Indicios arqueológicos en Conluencia (sector central de la Quebrada Horcones). reItz. rostworowskI de díez canseco. e. In Coleccion de Documentos Inéditados para la Historia de España: Tomo V (ed. Pittsburgh: Bulletin of Carnegie Museum of Natural History 1999 The return of the native symbol: Peru picks Spondylus to represent new integration with Ecuador. engelstad. 1999 Intercambio prehispánico del Spondylus. guercIo 2001 Descripción de las estatuillas asociadas al fardo funerario hallado en el Cerro Aconcagua. 1967 Form and meaning in Chavín art. h. Argentina: EDIUNC. Science 292(27): 723-726. rowe. Austin: University of Texas. b. 2005 Caral-Supe y su entorno natural y social en los orígenes de la civilización. Annals of the Carnegie Museum 52: 277-298. w. Rowe & D. Mendoza. v. h. Silverman): 28-66. j. aMPuero & e. Northern Perú. d.. j.: Dumbarton Oaks. F. Madrid: Imprenta de la Viuda de Calero. j. 87 . j. 1966 The Huaca El Dragón. shady solís.

FarnuM. Riqueza y Poder en la Costa Norte de Peru. 1993 Cahuachi in the Ancient Nasca World. 1981 Lower class social and economic organization. I. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. k. r. 1991 Pachacamac archaeology: Retrospect and prospect. h. toPIc. guarderas. Presented at the 36th Annual Midwest Conference on Andean and Amazonian Archaeology and Ethnohistory. Washington. t. Mejía xessPe 1979 Paracas. F. skoglund. lange 1991 The Middle Horizon in northern Peru. In Precolumbian Gold: Technology. E. 1995 Cultura Sicán: Dios. 1959 Paracas: Primera Parte. A Reprint of the 1903 Edition by Max Uhle. W. MullIner 1996 The genus Spondylus (Bivalvia: Spondylidae) of the Panamic Province. Isbell & G. toPIc.D. 1987 El Proyecto Arqueológico “Valle de Jequetepeque”. tello. Madison.: Dumbarton Oaks. Proulx 2002 The Nasca. Washington. D. & s.SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches – contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes shIMada. grIFFIn & a. terán. California. r. Current Anthropology 45(3): 369-402. ed. tellenbach. j. Cordy-Collins): 297-392. 2006 Returning to build: Funerary practices and ideology(ies) during the Inka occupation of Cutimbo. Segunda Parte: Cavernas y Necrópolis.. corruccInI & h. In The Inca World: The Development of Pre-Columbian Peru. Style and Iconography (ed. In Investigaciones en la Huaca de la Luna 1995 (ed. McEwan): 233-246. ortIz & c. 1997 Excavaciones en la unidad 12 de la plataforma I de la Huaca de la Luna. Morales): 29-38. M. j. Revista de Antropología Chilena 38(1): 129-43. h. Lima: Banco Continental. j. iconography. stothert.Late Horizons. Chungara. tello. a. A. Puno-Peru. saMIllán torres 2008 Mullu procurement. Berkeley. ruIz. Moseley & A. shInoda. Fr. j. & t. c. a. j. Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos and the Institute of Andean Research of New York. Iowa City: University of Iowa. H. Ecuador: The Nature Conservancy. watanabe 2004 An integrated analysis of prehispanic mortuary practices: A Middle Sicán case study. L. k. shIMada. I. usage and artifact production on the late Pre-Hispanic North Coast of Peru. I. M. M. & t. & c. In The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor (ed. Austin: University of Texas Press. D. Quito. h. S.C. H. P. Moseley & K. t. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers. Lima: Empresa Gráica T.C. Washington. j. stahl. Isbell & G. shIMada. [Publicacion del Proyecto 8b del Programa 1941-42 de Institute of Andean Research of New York]. & d. r. derkInger. c. Mujica B. c. e. In Pachacamac. 2000 The late prehispanic coastal states.: Dumbarton Oaks. Journal of Field Archaeology 28(1/2): 161-76.. Izumi Shimada. Scheuch S. P. Presented at the 29th Annual Meeting of the Institute for Andean Studies. C. 1000-1534 (ed. McEwan): 28-61. j.A. toPIc. Trujillo: Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Boletín de Arqueología PUCP 4: 181-217. 1995 Las albarradas tradicionales y el manejo de aguas en la Peninsula de Santa Elena. shIMada. In Chan Chan: Andean Desert City (ed. Uceda C. r. suárez 2004 Portafolio de Sitios Prioritarios para la Conservación dentro de la Unidad de Planiicación Ecorregional Pacíico Ecuatorial: Componente Marino. d. lange toPIc 2000 Hacia la comprensión del fenómeno Huari: Una perspectiva norteña. e. D. Cultural continuities and discontinuities on the northern North Coast. In Huari Administrative Structure: Prehistoric Monumental Architecture and State Government (ed. E. sIlverMan.C. Middle. C. athens 2001 A high elevation zooarchaeological assemblage from the northern Andes of Ecuador.. caMPos. 1991 Huari and Huamachuco. 88 . & d. M. clark. University of Wisconsin. Fr.: Dumbarton Oaks. and social signiicance of metals: A multi-dimensional analysis of Middle Sicán objects. McEwan): 141-164. 1990 tantalean. W. 1994 Pampa Grande and the Mochica Culture. jIMénez. gordus 2000 The technology. j. Day): 145-176. & R. k. Universidad Nacional de La Libertad. Laurencich Minelli): 49-110. The Festivus 28(9): 93-107. I. tello. k. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia. toPIc. distribution.. Kuntur 6: 2-9. Miscelanea Antropologica Ecuatoriana: Boletín del Area Cultural del Banco Central del Ecuador 8: 131-160. 1989 Ritual Offerings at Marcahuamachucco. P. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico. sIlverMan. Oxford: Blackwell. E. In Huari Administrative Structure: Prehistoric Monumental Architecture and State Government (ed.

Cock): 8594. E. j. 2003 Formative Period chronology for the coast and western lowlands of Ecuador. s. S. 1991 Pachacamac: A Reprint of the 1903 Edition by Max Uhle. Vol. Raymond & R. 89 . México. & R. M. valdez. d. & a. arellano-Martínez. Guayaquil: Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana Benjamín Carrión. zeIdler. Burger): 487-527. w. Peru. uceda c.. 1946 Cuzco Archaeology. 1995 Nuestras Raices Guancavilcas. vIllalejo-Fuerte. Washington. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia. garcía-doMínguez 1998 Reproductive cycle of Spondylus leucacanthus Broderip. Chungara. Universidad Nacional de La Libertad.C. 1997 Esculturas en miniatura y una maqueta en madera. Bureau of American Ethnology. vIllalejo-Fuerte. a.benjaMIn P. In Investigaciones en la Huaca de la Luna 1995 (ed. valcárcel. Uceda C. L. J. M. Donnan & G. Journal of Shellish Research 17: 1037-1042. M. j. In The Pacatnamú Papers Volume (ed. D. 1922 Inluencias Mayas en el Alto Ecuador. P. 1857 (Bivalvia: Spondylidae) in the Bahía de Loreto National Park. Steward): 177-182. 1833. verano. Gulf of California. Los Angeles: Museum of Cultural History. & F. l.: Smithsonian Institution. j. zevallos. C. garcía-doMínguez 2002 Reproductive cycle of Spondylus calcifer Carpenter. Ayacucho Valley. cordy-collIns 1986 H1M1: A Late Intermediate Period mortuary structure in Pacatnamú. Journal of Shellish Research 21: 103-108.. ceballos-vázquez & F. In Archaeology of Formative Ecuador (ed. l. Núcleo del Guayas. b. 2: The Andean Civilizations (ed. carter – SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory ubelaker. Trujillo. Peru: Facultad de Ciencias Sociales. Mujica B. wIllIaMs & k. 1991 Maritime exchange in the Early Formative Period of Coastal Ecuador: Geopolitical origins of uneven development. Washington. 1981 The Ayalan Cemetery: A Late Integration Period Burial Site on the South Coast of Ecuador. Boletín de la Academie Nacional de Historia 4: 205240. J. bettcher 2006 Wari mortuary practices at Marayniyoq. j.: Dumbarton Oaks.. Research in Economic Anthropology 13: 247-268.: Smithsonian Institution. In Handbook of South American Indians. e. uhle. h. B. D. Morales): 151-176. Revista de Antropología Chilena 38(1): 113-127.C. c.C. s.. S. Gulf of California. M. Washington D. (Bivalvia: Spondylidae) at Isla Danzante. M.