CBI Ecofeminism K

CBI Ecofeminism
1AC
Patriarchal domination of water and the environment results in
the marketization of these subjects, causing subjugation of
marginalized bodies and economic neo-colonialism.
Strang 14 (Veronica Strang. "Lording It over the Goddess: Water, Gender, and Human-Environmental
Relations." <u>Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion</u> 30.1 (2014): 85-109. <i>Project MUSE</i>. Web. 26 Jun.
2014. <http://muse.jhu.edu/&gt)
Power relations are similarly expressed in another important change in

human relations with water: the extension of earlier forms of enclosure to
appropriate water resources. In the last two centuries, there has been rising tension between longstanding views of water as a common good,90 and efforts to privatize it as a commercial resource (a process still
dependent on the Roman law that operationalized water management in the first place). In Britain, efforts by
Victorian water companies to take over municipal roles as water suppliers were pushed back by postwar
nationalization; then, in the 1980s, such collective thinking was overridden by Prime Minister Margaret Thatchers
determination to privatize the water industry. This generated massive public resentment, though resistance to this
move stopped short of the violent protests that success- fully repelled similar efforts in Bolivia.91 Such
processes of marketization have been repeated internationally. 92 A major

result of this economic neo colonialism is that an increasing percentage of
the worlds freshwater resources is now owned by transnational
corporations and their (usually male) share holders and directors, and
physically controlled by theiragain, usually malehydrologists and
engineers, whose enthusiasm for dams and other schemes for water
impoundment and redirection remains undiminished despite intensifying
protests about their social and ecological impacts.93 Although this is the briefest of
sketches, in a long-term, cross-cultural view of human relations with water, it is possible to discern some coherent
These show how religious and secular cosmologies, sociopolitical

arrangements, and material practices have articulated, over time, to
elevate men in industrialized societies to Lord it over the Goddess,
subjugating women and less powerful societies, and asserting male
ownership and agency in relation to the physical world, its resources, and
its nonhuman inhabitants.
patterns.
A patriarchal environmental mindset causes environmental

destruction and turns the case
Gaard 1 (Gaard, Greta. "Women, Water, Energy An Ecofeminist Approach."Organization & Environment 14.2
(2001): 157-172.) Greta Gaard is a professor of English at University of Wisconsin-River Falls and a community
faculty member in Women's Studies at Metropolitan State University, Twin Cities
This conceptual shift is articulated in metaphorical terms as well, because not all partnership cultures have been
replaced by dominator cultures. Comparing the concept of Mother Earth found in many Native American cultures
Both
Euro-American and Native American cultures see a connection between
women and nature, but each values women and nature quite differently. For
with the concept of Mother Nature found in Euro-American cultures offers a case in point (Gaard, 1993).
many Native Americans, Mother Earth is to be respected and her bounty is not to be abused. From the Columbia
River Plateau in Washington State, anthropologists recorded the words of Wanapam spiritual leader Smohalla, who
rejected White culture; of his peoples relationship with the earth, he said, We simply take the gifts that are freely
offered. We no more harm the earth than would an infants fingers harm its mothers breast (Hunn, 1990, pp. 254-
the Euro-American Mother Nature is an enemy to be

conquered, a force out of control unless we control her. At the same
time, just as human mothers are expected to be self-sacrificing resources
for both men and children, with no other desires or purposes of their own,
the Mother Nature of Euro-American culture is expected to be all giving, to
have endless supplies and resources for her children, to be always
forgiving them, and to always clean up their excrement. No wonder, then,
that Western cultures elites think nothing of dumping their wastes in
water, expecting Mother Nature will clean up their messes. In EuroAmerican cultures, the association between women and nature and the
devaluation of both together exemplify one manifestation of
environmental sexism.
255). In contrast,
We should embrace and release our emotions. We should not

use rationality as the approach to solve our problems. If we
always use rational to engage our problems we create a world
where we focus on the masculine dominate trait. Only by
figuring out our emotions and what it means to be then we can
effectively solve the case.
Nhanenge 7 Master of Arts at the development studies @ the University of South

Africa (Jytte Ecofeminism: Towards Integrating the concerns of women,, poor
people and nature into development
http://uir.unisa.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10500/570/dissertation.pdf?sequence=1)//AA
When a human being is examined from a holistic perspective, it becomes clear
that people's actions are based on emotions rather than rationality. There is nothing
like satisfaction of emotional needs that can motivate a person.
Rationality alone is on the other hand a poor motivator for action. However, in the final
analysis emotion and reason are two integrated parts of a whole human
being. They should therefore not be seen as separate entities. Patriarchy, however,
believes that reason and emotion can be completely detached. Based on this false
assumption patriarchalism the masculine faculty of rationality. Superior reason is therefore used to
suppress inferior emotion, and to rationalize away the disastrous
consequences from application of an exaggerated masculine force. The
result of such false beliefs is that political leaders and business people are
pursuing economic profits due to their unsatisfied emotions. They develop a
greedy approach to life, because they lack affect and have been forced to repress
emotional needs. However, to save face they argue that it is rational and therefore good. In order to
compensate for inadequate emotional satisfaction they pursuit
maximization of economic profit, material acquisition, advanced
technology and power. Such people find it rational to expand economic growth, arguing that it will
alleviate poverty. However, in reality economic growth is not rational It is oppositely highly irrational since it is
It is founded on the treasured patriarchal

human characteristics of competition, maximization, greed, self-interest
and individualism. Since these masculine, rational traits lack a dynamic tension
with the complementary but opposite feminine emotional forces of cooperation,
optimization, conservation, community, and social care they become exaggerated and
destructive. This destruction is manifested in the four crises. To generate harmony inside a
person, among people, and between people and nature the human mental function of reason must be
causing poverty for women, Others and nature.
balanced with the dualised, opposite, but complementary human emotion.

Reintegrating the full human mental faculty is important in order for people to
understand themselves. A human being will not succeeded in becoming a
happy, healthy and harmonious person as long as society teaches that a
person is superior, only when he or she is defined and act as being
masculine. Masculinity is only one part of a person which cannot stand
alone. It needs to be seen in a dynamic tensions with its complementary
feminine part. Thus, a person is much more than only rational. If the emotional side is
undermined, a person will never fully know him or herself. That would be a
huge loss. It would prevent a person from becoming a balanced, whole human
being, who can venture into the world with an open mind and deal
appropriately with challenges that come his or her way. Oppositely, a
fragmented, rational human being, cannot know him or herself. Lack of
self-knowledge will lead the person to commit "stupid actions", the
consequences of which will roll on forever and ever and lead to
unhappiness, destruction and crises. It is therefore necessary that a person is
defined as a whole human being. To function, a person needs to develop
nationality as well as emotions. Only then will the person be able no deal
with the challenges of the world, including amelioration of the current
crises. Such a new, holistic anthropology must be pan of development
studies. Development studies are a multi-disciplinary subject that includes the economic, political and social
aspects of people's realities. However, the mental or psychological reality of people is
lacking, when it should be an integrated part of the studies. Only few development authors
have included the mental (emotional) aspect of the people they study in their research. Robert Chambers was
perhaps one of the first to make psychology a natural part of his work. However, also E. F. Schumacher focused on
the full human being and his feelings in the development context. Since then more development academics have
most authors in development studies still focus on

masculine, quantitative issues and objects, rather than on a quality of life for real
people. Many for example still argue that "political will" can solve development problems.
These people consequently lack the insight that this concept does not exist in human psychology.
Politicians are human beings who are motivated to act according to their
individual emotions, rather than due to their political rationality. lf they have
suppressed their emotions, they will not be able to feel empathy or care for
women, Others and nature. They consequently will not be motivated to alleviate poverty,
even though they may have plenty of political will. It is for this reason political leaders
joined, but seen from a subjective point of view,
decide that their own economic advantage is more important than Ending the rape and genocide of women and
Others in the Darfur region. It is also for this reason that Leaders in the World Bank and managers of multinational
corporations find it economical to place polluting activities in the Third World. When women, Others and nature are
harmed or killed by the poison, compensation is cheap and profit is high. Since emotions is the dualised other and
empathy is part of these inferior feminine feelings, showing care and concern for women, others and nature is no
a superior, rational, masculine individual does. Instead, he rationalizes the human

suffering away: He may argue that the dualised other is lazy or stupid and should therefore be seen as a
lower leveled being that has little economic to lose and who is happy with some handouts. He may see
women and Others as being passive and hence responsible for their own
misery. He may believe that had these others only done as the Ups, then they
would not belong to the Downs. Women and Others are therefore seen as being inferior
ones who deserve subordination. Thus he falls into the trap psychologists call for
"blaming the victim". That is easier than to examine oneself. Conclusively, as
shown throughout the dissertation, rationality cannot prevent domination, exploitation
and violence of women, Others and nature. Scientific rationality is in fact promoting these
violent trends. When we understand ourselves enough to realize that, it is
our human feelings that drive us rather than our rationality then we can reconcile our
what
fragmented selves and find peace. When we get in touch with our
emotions then we have a good chance to develop as human beings and
become respectable, caring, balanced and happy persons. Such a person
would not permit that children live in poverty, he would also not abuse other adults, neither would
he rape women nor kill anyone. He would also not destroy nature. Due to his inner
balance, he would not need to commit such atrocities . Hence, when we
include the full spectre of our human faculty, we may be able to develop caring
relationships between men and women, adults and children, white and
blacks, humans and nature and we would find that rational. The outcome of knowing
ourselves and pursuing inner balance may in the end, result in a world without crises and
"development problems". Ecofeminism is a struggle for survival of people, nature and the future
generations of both categories. In order to succeed in this a new anthropology is required.
It must be one, which can define human beings as a whole person, hence
integrating the masculine reason with the feminine emotion. When we are
fully integrated people, we would not need to bring up our children by the traditional means of
reward and punishment. The abuses against children need to stop. It is inhuman and cruel. Only when we get in
understand the suffering of these children, and end it.

Caring for children means that they can grow up, becoming caring adults. This is highly likely leading to a
non-dominant, non-violent world. This is another challenge for development studies. It could play
contact with our own emotions will we be able to
an important role in promoting a new anthropology that includes emotion and ensures that children are cared for.
As Robert Chambers already has pointed out, improving childrearing in a development context, is essential in order
to promote a future generation of people that will care about women, Others and nature. Conclusively psychology
deserves to play a central role in development studies.
Links
Water Management/Control
Large scale water management projects tie women and nature
together through hierarchical political arrangements and make
both subservient to the masculine.
Initially, these new irrigators worked with seasonal flows, measuring annual floods and coordinating economic
activities with the natural movements of water through the environment. But the expansion of agriculture had
significant social effects: the investment of labor in irrigation schemes, fields, and crops required new forms of land
and property ownership.22 Clans and their limited common property regimes were replaced by more fragmented
There were new domestic and

public spaces and greater divergence in gender roles. Larger-scale
water management and economic activity also encouraged regional and
more hierarchical political arrangements, and, with the establishment of
increasingly patriarchal systems, both women and nature were
increasingly treated as subservient to male culture. Thus Herodotus (writing
family units with increasingly male lines of inheritance.23
around 440 BCE) recorded that by 3,000 BCE, the first Egyptian pharaoh, King Menes, was established and building the first dam on the Nile, supporting historian Karl Wittfogels observation that political power is coterminous
with the control of water resources.24
Water management crowds out the feminine because of status

quo notions of technology, ensuring the female confinement to
domestic roles.
With agricultural development, women continued to be centrally involved in

water use, but were increasingly confined to domestic roles as water carriers, a vision that was to dominate the classical era, simultaneously defining
womens labor while retaining earlier notions of waters generative power. Water
management, conversely, became a primarily male domain that required
wider political coordination as technology expanded.
General link for the feminization of water tag this

The belief that Nature must be tamed was fully expressed in water
management. The Domesday Book (1086) records water mills along almost every mile of the rivers in
southern England. Through the Middle Ages, environmentally directive
technologies increased exponentially. Water pumps, bores, pipes, and
canals became central to economic production. Wetlands, formerly
treasured for their rich resources, were recast as fetid and feminized
nether regions and drained to enlarge agricultural areas.60 In urban
settlements, where butchery, tanning, and other nascent industries

spewed pollution into streams, water became undrinkable and was seen,
increasingly, as the source of miasma and disease.61 Such negative views echoed
long-standing fears about waters potential dark side. But its pre-Christian meanings as a life-giving, healing, and
cleansing force flowed on too, in Christian ideas about holy water and its ability to purify with Gods grace. Thus,
in the 1300s, as the plague decimated populations across Europe, people rushed to bathe in rivers (for example
the Stour in Dorset) believed to have curative properties.62
Tag this links ecofem and control of water to shit like

colonialism and Heidegger; prob a good link and pre-req card
In Western
society, the application of science to technical control over nature
marched hand in hand with colonialism.77 While many place- based
indigenous peoples had maintained localized, relatively egalitarian
engagements with their surroundings, imposed economic modes were
much more instrumentalist, applying, in both cosmological and technical
forms, a vision in which Mankind was expected to hold the balance of
Also exported to the colonies was a very different human-environmental relationship:
power and agency. The concept of the environment itself underlines

the reclassification of the nonhuman world as other. Such
objectification is fundamentally alien- ating,78 and there are key relational
differences between societies that dwell within the sphere of their
material surroundings, and those for whom the earth is a globe to be
acted upon.79 The latter view assumes ownership and authority,
supporting Plumwoods earlier argument that Nature-Culture dualism
produces unequal social dichotomies and alienation from nonhuman
species.80 Such concerns, articulated by the feminists and conservationists of the 1960s and 1970s, echoed
the Romanticism of the late 1800s, which was similarly critical both of social elites and the rationalization of
In primarily masculine
colonial enterprises, patriarchal beliefs and values asserted their
authority despite humanitarian critiques and indigenous resistance. 82
Missionary evangelism was not just directed at conquered societies: there
was an equally zealous technological Crusade to tame and dominate the
wilderness of virgin territory.83 Nowhere was this more apparent than
in colonizers efforts to control and channel water resources. 84 Dams, canals, and
nature.81 But patterns of change have intellectual and material momentum.
irrigation were seen as vital civilizing enterprises, most particularly in arid places.85 Journalist Ernestine Hills
classic account of Australian irrigation schemes initiated in the late 1800s describes the transfiguration of a
continent by irrigational science. . . . The invisible and illimitable waters of Australia are now being revealed and
redeemed, in affinity with our fertile soils to be a habitation for mankind. . . . the sweeping floods lost in sea and
sand, can all be saved. . . . Australia Felix was an arid waste, a hell of heat and flies. . . . The Lord gave the rains and
rivers only to dry them up and take them back again. One man questioned the divine Creators plan, a Glasgow
Scot named Hugh McColl. . . . Irrigation was his cry.86 This modern serpent slayer/water conqueror linked up with
another Australian hero, Alfred Deakin, who looked far into the future and saw the bare and blinding desert
transmuted by industry and intelligence into orchards and fields of waving grain. . . . The Victorian Government
listened with interests to the youthful St Paul, approved his plan and set him to achieve the miracle.87 Hills
account describes the Miracle of the Murray, the Apostles of Irrigation, and a vision of Utopia on the Murray.
But
as McColls reported willingness to question the divine Creators plan
attests, this was not just an assertion of monotheistic authority; rather, it
There are biblical Years of the Locust, Gentle Rain from Heaven, and sometimes punitive Acts of God.
was equally an instrumental vision of human (male) agency, in which the

environment was an object of material subordination.
Science
Science and patriarchy go together, especially when talking
about water management and control.
The construction of urban water-supply systems expressed the agency and moral rectitude of Victo- rian
the process of controlling water

abstracting it, treating it chemically, redistributing it through sophisticated distribution schemes had acculturated it sufficiently that it was
philanthropists. But, as these examples suggest,
more readily imagined as a product of human, primarily male, actors :

engineers, chemists, and water managers. Though secularity is often presented as
diametrically opposed to religious thinking, Durkheims view of religious cosmologies as a mirror of socio political
There is coherence
between the authority of science and that presented by patriarchal
monotheism. Both, in effect, place expert knowledge and the agency of
events in male human hands and support hierarchies of power in which
women and nonhumans are disempowered. Both are upheld by what
political scientist Niamh Reilly calls oppressive discursive practices that
enable subjugation and exploitation.89 By separating Culture and Nature,
both encourage an instrumental approach in which both people and things
are only valuable if they are productive in the right way. Such
utilitarianism is exemplified by recent ideas about ecosystem services in
which each aspect of ecology, each species and biological process, is
measured to see how much (and whether) it serves human needs and
those of a neoliberal market.
arrangements can be as readily applied to scientific understandings of the world.
Clean Water
The desire water and make it clean goes hand-in-hand with the
patriarchal domination of the feminine body.
Gaard 1 (Gaard, Greta. To control "Women, Water, Energy An Ecofeminist Approach."Organization &
Environment 14.2 (2001): 157-172.) Greta Gaard is a professor of English at University of Wisconsin-River Falls and
a community faculty member in Women's Studies at Metropolitan State University, Twin Cities
Clean water is also treated as a resource that, like women and womens
work, does not appear in our national accounting systems. On the
international market, the United Nations System of National Accounts has
no method of accounting for natures own production or destruction until
the products of nature enter the cash economy, nor does it account for the
majority of the work women do. For example, Marilyn Waring (1988) has observed that in the
colonial accounting systems of many developing countries, the water that
rural women carry from the wells to their homes has no cash value, but
the water carried through pipes has value. Moreover, a clean lake that offers
women fresh-water supplies has no value in these accounting systems;
once the lake is polluted, however, and companies must pay to clean it up,
then the clean-up activity itself is performed by men and recorded as
generating income. Only when the water is dammed, its force used to
create energy that is sent over high-voltage power lines and sold to cities,
does the water enter the accounting. In these ways, both water and women do
not count in the international market economy.
General Water
Patriarchal domination of water and the environment results in
the marketization of these subjects, causing subjugation of
marginalized bodies and economic neo-colonialism.
Power relations are similarly expressed in another important change in

human relations with water: the extension of earlier forms of enclosure to
appropriate water resources. In the last two centuries, there has been rising tension between longstanding views of water as a common good,90 and efforts to privatize it as a commercial resource (a process still
dependent on the Roman law that operationalized water management in the first place). In Britain, efforts by
Victorian water companies to take over municipal roles as water suppliers were pushed back by postwar
nationalization; then, in the 1980s, such collective thinking was overridden by Prime Minister Margaret Thatchers
determination to privatize the water industry. This generated massive public resentment, though resistance to this
move stopped short of the violent protests that success- fully repelled similar efforts in Bolivia.91 Such
processes of marketization have been repeated internationally. 92 A major

result of this economic neo colonialism is that an increasing percentage of
the worlds freshwater resources is now owned by transnational
corporations and their (usually male) share holders and directors, and
physically controlled by theiragain, usually malehydrologists and
engineers, whose enthusiasm for dams and other schemes for water
impoundment and redirection remains undiminished despite intensifying
protests about their social and ecological impacts.93 Although this is the briefest of
sketches, in a long-term, cross-cultural view of human relations with water, it is possible to discern some coherent
These show how religious and secular cosmologies, sociopolitical

arrangements, and material practices have articulated, over time, to
elevate men in industrialized societies to Lord it over the Goddess,
subjugating women and less powerful societies, and asserting male
ownership and agency in relation to the physical world, its resources, and
its nonhuman inhabitants.
patterns.
Reps link about the western treatment and view of water

Today, as people have for centuries, we
continue to treat water as an important
resource. Pure water for drinking and food preparation has been a crucial advancement in the treatment of
disease. Many cultures use water for irrigation and for cleansing. Water is recognized as an environment for both
in all of these uses, water

is not usually seen as a sacred, animate source of life but rather as an
essential, though inanimate, resource. Exemplifying the instrumentalism
inherent in Plumwoods (1993) master model, Western culture views
recreation and transportation, a habitat for fish and other animal life. But
water primarily as a means to its own ends , a servant to the dominant
(not subordinate) population; it is difficult, in this cultural context, to

imagine that water would have purposes of its own.
Generic
Patriarchy is rooted in civilization. Rejection is key.
Zerzan 5 American author and philosopher (John, Patriarchy, Civilization, and the Origins of Gender, 2005,
4-6, http://zinelibrary.info/files/originsofpatriarchy.pdf)//AS
Confined, if not fully pacified, women are defined as passive. Like nature, of value as
something to be made to produce; awaiting fertilization, activation from
outside herself/ itself. Women experience the move from autonomy and relative equality in small, mobile
anarchic groups to controlled status in large, complex governed settlements. Mythology and religion,
compensations of divided society, testify to the reduced position of women. In Homers
Greece, fallow land (not domesticated by grain culture) was considered feminine, the abode
of Calypso, of Circe, of the Sirens who tempted Odysseus to abandon civilizations labors. Both land and
women are again subjects of domination. But this imperialism betrays traces of guilty
conscience, as in the punishments for those associated with domestication and technology, in the tales of
Prometheus and Sisyphus. The project of agriculture was felt, in some areas more than others, as a violation; hence,
the incidence of rape in the stories of Demeter. Over time as the losses mount, the great mother-daughter
In
Genesis, the Bibles first book, woman is born from the body of man. The Fall from Eden
represents the demise of hunter-gatherer life, the expulsion into agriculture and hard labor. It is blamed on Eve, of
course, who bears the stigma of the Fall.(27) Quite an irony, in that domestication is the fear and
relationships of Greek mythDemeter-Kore, Clytemnestra-Iphigenia, Jocasta-Antigone, for exampledisappear.
refusal of nature and woman, while the Garden myth blames the chief victim of its scenario, in reality. Agriculture is
a conquest that fulfills what began with gender formation and development. Despite the presence of goddess
figures, wedded to the touchstone of fertility, in general Neolithic culture is very concerned with virility. From the
emotional dimensions of this masculinism, as Cauvin sees it, animal domestication must have been principally a
male initiative.(28) The distancing and power emphasis have been with us ever since; frontier expansion, for
instance, as male energy subduing female nature, one frontier after another. This trajectory has reached
overwhelming proportions, and we are told on all sides that we cannot avoid our engagement with ubiquitous
patriarchy, too, is everywhere, and once again the inferiority of nature

is presumed. Fortunately, "many feminists," says Carol Stabile, hold that "a rejection of
technology is fundamentally identical to a rejection of patriarchy ."(29) There
are other feminists who claim a part of the technological enterprise , which posits a
virtual, cyborg "escape from the body" and its gendered history of
subjugation. But this flight is illusory, a forgetting of the whole train and
logic of oppressive institutions that make up patriarchy . The dis-embodied high-tech
technology. But
future can only be more of the same destructive course. Freud considered taking ones place as a gendered subject
to be foundational, both culturally and psychologically. But his theories assume an already present gendered
Various considerations remain unaddressed,

such as gender as an expression of power relations, and the fact that we
enter this world as bisexual creatures. Carla Freeman poses a pertinent question with her
essay titled, "Is Local: Global as Feminine: Masculine? Rethinking the Gender of Globalization".(30) The
general crisis of modernity has its roots in the imposition of gender .
Separation and inequality begin here at the period when symbolic culture
itself emerges, soon becoming definitive as domestication and civilization: patriarchy. The
hierarchy of gender can no more be reformed than the class system or globalization. Without a deeply radical
womens liberation we are consigned to the deadly swindle and mutilation
now dealing out a fearful toll everywhere. The wholeness of original
genderlessness may be a prescription for our redemption.
subjectivity, and thus beg many questions.
Development
Traditional notions of patriarchal development result in
maldevelopment, causing poverty, oppression, and
environmental degredation.
Shiva 88 (Shiva, Vandana. Staying alive: Women, ecology and development. Zed Books, 1988.) Vandana
Shiva is an Indian environmental activist, anti-globalization author, and leader of the International Forum on
Globalization.
Maldevelopment militates against equality in diversity, and superimposes

the ideologically constructed category of western technological man as a
uniform measure of the worth of classes, cultures and genders. Dominant
modes of perception based on reductionism, duality and linearity are unable to cope with equality in diversity, with
The reductionist mind

superimposes the roles and forms of power of western male-oriented
concepts on women, all non-western peoples and even on nature,
rendering all three 'deficient', and in need of 'development'. Diversity, and
unity and harmony in diversity, become epistemologically unattainable in
the context of maldevelopment, which then becomes synonymous with
women's underdevelopment (increasing sexist domination), and nature's
depletion (deepening ecological crises). Commodities have grown, but nature has shrunk.
The poverty crisis of the south arises from the growing scarcity of water,
food, fodder and fuel, associated with increasing maldevelopment and
ecological destruction. This poverty crisis touches women most severely, first because they are the
forms and activities that are significant and valid, even though different.
poorest among the poor, and then because, with nature, they are the primary sustainers of society.
Maldevelopment is the violation of the integrity of organic, interconnected

and interdependent systems, that sets in motion a process of
exploitation, inequality, injustice and violence. It is blind to the fact that a recognition of
nature's harmony and action to maintain it are preconditions for distributive justice. This is why Mahatma Gandhi
said, 'There is enough in the world for everyone's need, but not for some people's greed.' Maldevelopment is
maldevelopment in thought and action. In practice, this fragmented, reductionist, dualist perspective violates the
integrity and harmony of man in nature, and the harmony between men and women. It ruptures the co-operative
unity of masculine and feminine, and places man, shorn of the feminine principle, above nature and women, and
The violence to nature as symptomatised by the ecological

crisis, and the violence to women, as symptomatised by their subjugation
and exploitation arise from this subjugation of the feminine principle. 1
want to argue that what is currently called development is essentially
maldevelopment, based on the introduction or accentuation of the
domination of man over nature and women. In it, both are viewed as the
'other', the passive non-self. Activity, productivity, creativity which were
associated with the feminine principle are expropriated as qualities of
nature and women, and transformed into the exclusive qualities of man.
Nature and women are turned into passive objects, to be used and
exploited for the uncontrolled and uncontrollable desires of alienated
man. From being the creators and sustainers of life, nature and women are reduced to being resources' in the
separated from both.
fragmented, anti-life model of maldevelopment.
The affs binary between the developed and developing

worlds is a reflection of the male/female dichotomy.
Acker 04 Professor Emerita at University of Oregon (Joan,Gender, Capitalism and Globalization, Critical
Sociology Volume 30, issue 1, 2004, 21-22)//AS
Processes paradigmatic of globalization, such as the search for the lowestwage women workers for clothing
manufacturing, began much earlier in Southeast Asia in the 1960s, as Cecilia Ng points out in her article in this
Prior to globalization, the terminology in the feminist and other

literatures focused on development, restructuring, and structural adjustment. This
volume.
terminology reflects the fact that much feminist globalization research is about women in the South, the Third
This terminology is itself problematic

primarily because none of it adequately represents the complexity of
actually existing global relations. In addition, the terminology rests on binaries that reveal the
World, or in peripheral or developing countries.
locations of theorizers in the rich, economically dominant sectors of the world economy (Mohanty 2002). Research
gender, work and economic life in the North, in the core, the First World, in
developed countries has been extensive and accelerating, but not so
clearly linked to globalization, although that linkage is beginning to
appear (Walby and Gottfried, forthcoming). Women in Development and Women and Work represented two
on
different research communities, with different discourses and different members. Research on gender and work in
countries that were neither impoverished and developing nor rich and developed often got classified in the
Women and Development box, although differences and variations were and are huge. With the destruction of the
socialist economies and the beginning of their transformation into capitalist economies linked into the capitalist
world system, another arena of change affected by globalization emerged. The problems women face in these
transforming societies are different in many ways from those in the rich capitalist nations or in the so-called
developing nations. A distinct research area is emerging around gender and change in the former socialist countries
and in countries such as Cuba and China which are still formally socialist, but in the process of entering the global
These broad categorizations, rich capitalist, developing,

and ex-socialist nations, represent different pre-existing social/economic
arrangements, the conditions which shape the ways in which different
groups of people are incorporated in global processes, and conditions
which globalizing capitalist organizations both use and contend with.
These categories are much too broad, however, for within them exist great
variations based on class, gender, race, politics, culture, and local and national histories. While
adequate comprehension of globalizing changes must be based on knowledge of
local and concrete situations, categorical boundaries can inhibit truly global understandings that
emphasize linkages and interdependencies.
capitalist world (True 2000).
Development creates an economic vision based on the

exploitation of women that creates poverty and dispossession.
Shiva 88 (Shiva, Vandana. Staying alive: Women, ecology and development. Zed Books, 1988.) Vandana
Shiva is an Indian environmental activist, anti-globalization author, and leader of the International Forum on
Globalization.
Development' was to have been a post-colonial project, a choice for accepting a model of progress in which the
entire world remade itself on the model of the colonising modem west, without having to undergo the subjugation
and exploitation that colonialism entailed. The assumption was that western style progress was possible for all.
Development, as the improved well-being of all, was thus equated with

the westernisation of economic categories - of needs, of Productivity, of
growth. Concepts and categories about economic development and
natural resource utilisation that had emerged in the specific context of
industrialisation and capitalist growth in a centre of colonial power, were
raised to the level of universal assumptions and applicability in the
entirely different context of basic needs satisfaction for the people of the
newly independent Third World countries. Yet, as Rosa Luxemberg has pointed out, early
industrial development in western Europe necessitated the permanent occupation of the colonies by the colonial
colonialism is a constant
necessary condition for capitalist growth: without colonies, capital
accumulation would grind to a halt. 'Development' as capital accumulation
and the commercialisation of the economy for the generation of 'surplus'
and profits thus involved the reproduction not merely-of a particular form
of creation of wealth, but also of the associated creation of poverty and
powers and the destruction of the local 'natural economy'.1 According to her,
dispossession . A replication of economic development based on commercialisation of resource use for

commodity production in the newly independent countries created the internal colonies.2 Development
was thus reduced to a continuation of the process of colonisation; it
became an extension of the project of wealth creation in modern western
patriarchy's economic vision, which was based on the exploitation or
exclusion of women (of the west and non-west), on the exploitation and
degradation of nature, and on the exploitation and erosion of other
cultures. 'Development' could not but entail destruction for women,
nature and subjugated cultures, which is why, throughout the Third
World, women, peasants and tribals are struggling for liberation from
development just as they earlier struggled for liberation from
colonisation.
Impacts
Generic
Each debate matters-- Debate is only a collection of shared
understandings and explicit or implicit rules for interaction.
We may not be able to immediately enact federal policy, but
we can change the community that we participate in. BIg stick
impacts are a detached fascination with violence
Bjork 93
Rebecca former college debater and former associate professor at the University of
Utah, where she taught graduate and undergraduate courses in Communication and
Women in Debate, Reflections on the Ongoing Struggle, Debater's Research Guide
1992-1993: Wake Forest University.Symposium,
web.archive.org/web/20011012220529/members.aol.com/womynindebate/article3.h
tm)MI
While reflecting on my experiences as a woman in academic debate in preparation for this essay, I realized that I have been involved in debate for more
than half of my life. I debated for four years in high school, for four years in college, and I have been coaching intercollegiate debate for nine years. Not
surprisingly, much of my identity as an individual has been shaped by these experiences in debate. I am a person who strongly believes that debate
empowers people to be committed and involved individuals in the communities in which they live. I am a person who thrives on the intellectual
stimulation involved in teaching and traveling with the brightest students on my campus. I am a person who looks forward to the opportunities for active
engagement of ideas with debaters and coaches from around the country. I am also, however, a college professor, a "feminist," and a peace activist who
is increasingly frustrated and disturbed by some of the practices I see being perpetuated and rewarded in academic debate. I find that I can no longer
separate my involvement in debate from the rest of who I am as an individual. Northwestern I remember listening to a lecture a few years ago given by
Tom Goodnight at the University summer debate camp. Goodnight lamented what he saw as the debate community's participation in, and unthinking
." He argued that the embracing of "big impact"

arguments--nuclear war, environmental destruction, genocide, famine, and
the like-by debaters and coaches signals a morbid and detached
fascination with such events, one that views these real human tragedies
as part of a "game" in which so-called "objective and neutral" advocates
actively seek to find in their research the "impact to outweigh all other
impacts"--the round-winning argument that will carry them to their goal of
winning tournament X, Y, or Z. He concluded that our "use" of such events
in this way is tantamount to a celebration of them; our detached, rational
discussions reinforce a detached, rational viewpoint, when emotional and
moral outrage may be a more appropriate response. In the last few years, my academic research
has led me to be persuaded by Goodnight's unspoken assumption; language is not merely some transparent
tool used to transmit information, but rather is an incredibly powerful
medium, the use of which inevitably has real political and material
consequences. Given this assumption, I believe that it is important for us to examine the
"discourse of debate practice:" that is, the language, discourses, and
meanings that we, as a community of debaters and coaches, unthinkingly
employ in academic debate. If it is the case that the language we use has real implications for how we view the world, how
we view others, and how we act in the world, then it is imperative that we critically examine our
perpetuation of what he termed the "death culture
own discourse practices

others .
with an eye
to how our language does violence to
I am shocked and surprised when I hear myself saying things like, "we killed them," or "take no prisoners," or "let's blow them out of the
water." I am tired of the "ideal" debater being defined as one who has mastered the art of verbal assault to the point where accusing opponents of lying,
cheating, or being deliberately misleading is a sign of strength. But what I am most tired of is how women debaters are marginalized and rendered
voiceless in such a discourse community. Women who verbally assault their opponents are labeled "bitches" because it is not socially acceptable for
women to be verbally aggressive. Women who get angry and storm out of a room when a disappointing decision is rendered are labeled "hysterical"
because, as we all know, women are more emotional then men. I am tired of hearing comments like, "those 'girls' from school X aren't really interested in
debate; they just want to meet men." We can all point to examples (although only a few) of women who have succeeded at the top levels of debate. But I
find myself wondering how many more women gave up because they were tired of negotiating the mine field of discrimination, sexual harassment, and
isolation they found in the debate community. As members of this community, however, we have great freedom to define it in whatever ways we see fit.
After all,
what is debate except a collection of shared understandings and
explicit or implicit rules for interaction? What I am calling for is a critical

examination of how we, as individual members of this community,
characterize our activity, ourselves, and our interactions with others
through language. We must become aware of the ways in which our mostly hidden and unspoken assumptions about what "good"
debate is function to exclude not only women, but ethnic minorities from the amazing intellectual opportunities that training in debate provides. Our
nation and indeed, our planet, faces incredibly difficult challenges in the years ahead. I believe that it is not acceptable anymore for us to go along as we
complacency
breeds resentment and frustration. We may not be able to change the
world, but we can change our own community, and if we fail to do so, we
give up the only real power that we have.
always have, assuming that things will straighten themselves out. If the rioting in Los Angeles taught us anything, it is that
Enviro
A patriarchal environmental mindset causes environmental
destruction and turns the case
This conceptual shift is articulated in metaphorical terms as well, because not all partnership cultures have been
replaced by dominator cultures. Comparing the concept of Mother Earth found in many Native American cultures
Both
Euro-American and Native American cultures see a connection between
women and nature, but each values women and nature quite differently. For
with the concept of Mother Nature found in Euro-American cultures offers a case in point (Gaard, 1993).
many Native Americans, Mother Earth is to be respected and her bounty is not to be abused. From the Columbia
River Plateau in Washington State, anthropologists recorded the words of Wanapam spiritual leader Smohalla, who
rejected White culture; of his peoples relationship with the earth, he said, We simply take the gifts that are freely
offered. We no more harm the earth than would an infants fingers harm its mothers breast (Hunn, 1990, pp. 254-
the Euro-American Mother Nature is an enemy to be

conquered, a force out of control unless we control her. At the same
time, just as human mothers are expected to be self-sacrificing resources
for both men and children, with no other desires or purposes of their own,
the Mother Nature of Euro-American culture is expected to be all giving, to
have endless supplies and resources for her children, to be always
forgiving them, and to always clean up their excrement. No wonder, then,
that Western cultures elites think nothing of dumping their wastes in
water, expecting Mother Nature will clean up their messes. In EuroAmerican cultures, the association between women and nature and the
devaluation of both together exemplify one manifestation of
environmental sexism.
255). In contrast,
Without a reconceptualization of the way we interact with the

world, we are faced with ecological collapse and inevitable
extinction. An ecofeminist approach is key.
Perkin 7
(Patricia E., Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, Feminist Ecological Economics and
Sustainability JOURNAL OF BIOECONOMICS Volume 9, Number 3 (2007))
Ecological economics has been very concerned with how to reduce the
material throughput of economies without stalling the growth on which
employment depends, or reducing peoples standards of living. Since
many of the earths physical resources are finite, but human populations and the
material-intensity of economies continue to increase, throughput reduction is often framed as
a zero-sum game in which those material resources used by one person or
group must become unavailable for use by others. This raises the spectre
of inevitable conflict over resources, and places sustainable economies in
a framework where it is hard to imagine people freely choosing them in a
democratic context; instead, it is assumed in this framework that the transition to sustainability will be
forced upon unwilling populations by rising prices and scarcity. Moreover, rectifying unjust
distribution of economic assets and opportunities (e.g. on gender, class, or global lines)
is seen as fraught with conflict; if the pie is not growing, how can some be given larger shares? 2
Since democracy, equity, and lower use of material inputs especially nonrenewable ones are all important
components of most visions of a sustainable socio-economy, this perceived tension between free choice, justice,
two
potential ways around this conundrum. One is to conceptually de-link
economic growth from resource throughput, so that growth is seen as
stemming from human-produced value using fewer and fewer raw
materials. In other words, growth can be defined as a gain in the amounts of economic and social value from
and reduced throughput is highly problematic. However, some ecological economists have indicated
the same quantum of physical inputs, which may in fact be recycled. Economic value can be created by human
ingenuity and endeavour in ways which increase the efficiency of use of raw materials, defined in economic terms,
so that the economy continues to grow with no, or very little, increased throughput. 3 This does not violate the laws
of thermodynamics since vast amounts of renewable and human energy, which are constrained on the earth only
by the amount of incoming solar energy and efficiencies of conversion/use, may be transformed into economic
value in this way. Terming this process service-based growth, or more misleadingly dematerialization, does not
fully capture its potential for transforming how people understand economic progress or development. On the
contrary, what is required is a new way of thinking about the factors that mediate human embeddedness in the
natural environment, and how people can affect this relationship. 4 The ecological economics literature has taken
up the question of the need to distinguish between throughput-derived economic growth and materiallyindependent growth as a basis for development. 5 For example, the Wuppertal Institutes Material Intensity per
Service Unit indicator compares material inputs with total economic services provided; work by Faye Duchin,
Manfred Max-Neef, Tim Jackson and others also addresses the social determinants of economic value, satisfaction,
second
approach which conceptually allows for reduced throughput along with
economic growth and development is also, in a sense, about redefining
terms. As previously-uncounted and unrecognized inputs to economic
well-being (such as unpaid work and environmental services) begin to be
counted and added into the reckoning, the notion of what is understood as
the economy is enlarged, and growth is produced which is not materiallyderived. 6 This approach acknowledges and counts things that were happening all along as growth.
and quality of life in relation to material consumption (Martinez-Alier 1999, pp. 127128). The
Recognizing unpaid services as crucial to the economy tends to allow them to expand and flourish, if barriers to
their expansion are subsequently removed. This in turn generates new growth and development that is not, or not
mainly, derived from material throughput. Not viewing the transition to sustainability as a zero-sum game (with
inevitable conflict) is a key aspect of these two approaches. They allow the possibility of envisioning a democratic,
creative, and diverse transition to sustainability, driven by human ingenuity with no limit to the value and wellbeing which may be produced within the framework of social justice, renewable energy and reused/recycled
Both of these approaches are examples of a tactic or methodology

which is often used in feminist analysis: the grounded and identityconscious, relationship-based reframe. This kind of reframe allows us to
see things which may have been hidden in plain sight when economic actors were
materials.
seen as individual utility-maximizers, and unmarketed goods and services were not seen at all. In the words of Rosi
Braidotti (1999, p. 86, 91, 95), conceptual creativity in transforming the social imaginary and a new
understanding of the (knowing) human subject as embedded, within a

specific material and grounded reality, are essential to the cultural
changes which work in the direction of a sustainable subject. Feminist philosophers such as Val Plumwood,
Lorraine Code, Teresa Brennan, Sandra Harding, Julia Kristeva, and Chris Cuomo have made crucial contributions230
PERKINS to defining and problematizing the concepts of nature and sustainability from feminist perspectives.
Their work, which goes far beyond the scope of this paper, undergirds and is fundamental to reframing
By defining the economy as

culturally-instituted habits for material provisioning and accumulation
(Zein-Elabdin 2003), feminist economists open the door to envisioning
economies in a more socially and ecologically sustainable way. The following
sustainability from economic, ecological, political and social positions.
sections touch on a range of themes in feminist work which, from an ecological economics viewpoint, are applicable
and relevant to the issue of sustainability. These feminist themes provide additional insights related to the two
types of reframe mentioned above, which we can call the materially-delinked growth and the flourishing
services approaches to achieving democratic redistribution along with throughput reduction. The feminist authors
discussed in this paper hold a wide range of political positions; some are radical critics of capitalism and/or
neoclassical economics while others work within or try to expand the neoclassical paradigm. Some are ecofeminists
while others do not see themselves as ecofeminists at all. The point of this very brief and exploratory review is not
to categorize them, but to indicate the range and richness of feminist contributions to debates on sustainability,
and to draw out some themes and connections.
Oppression o/w
OPPRESSION ATTACKS PEOPLE ON A DAILY BASIS FROM ALL
ANGLES.
Carol Ehrlich; 1977 (Socialism, Anarchism And Feminism; Research Group One Report 26 by Research
Group One, 2743 Maryland Avenue, Baltimore, Md 21218, USA, in January '77,, anarcha.org)
As with so many things that seem to make sense, the logic is faulty. "Societal oppression"
is a
reification, an over-blown, paralysing, made-up entity that is large mainly in the
sense that the same oppressions happen to a lot of us. But oppressions, no
matter how pervasive, how predictable, almost always are done to us by some
one - even if that person is acting as an agent of the state, or as a member of the dominant race, gender, or
class. The massive police assaults upon our assembled forces are few; even the
police officer or the boss or the husband who is carrying out his allotted sexist or
authoritarian role intersects with us at a given point in our everyday lives.
Institutionalized oppression does exist, on a large scale, but it seldom needs to be
attacked (indeed, seldom can be attacked) by a large group. Guerilla tactics by a small
group - occasionally even by a single individual - will do very nicely in retaliation.
Patriarchy = Root Cause

Oppression is based on repeating patterns of patriarchy called
the politics of domination.
Tarrant 9 (Shira Tarrant has a PhD in political ceince from UCLA and is an
assistant professor of womens studies at California State University, Long Beach.
She is an expert in masculinities, feminist theory, and pop culture. Men and
Feminism published 2009 by Seal Press)
Robert Jensen, author of the antiporn book Getting Off: Pornography and the End of Masculinity, also points out that
intersectional analysis can help us understand mens lives as well as womens. He argues that living in patriarchal
cultures where male domination is the norm doesnt mean that all men have it easy. Other
systems of
dominance and oppression, Jensen writes, such as white supremacy,
heterosexism, predatory corporate capitalism mean that non-white men,
gay men, poor and working-class men suffer in various ways. A feminist
analysis doesnt preclude us from understanding those problems but in
fact helps us see them more clearly. In a video about her work on cultural criticism and
transformation, bell hooks explains that the real issue in feminism is not men or
masculinity, per se, but instead patterns of domination. Abuses of power and
the constellation of ways they take shape must have our attention, she argues,
if we are to be successful in our struggle for collective liberation . What hooks
means is that people may experience exploitation as isolated individuals, but
to make change we must recognize the structural patterns that replay
over and over and affect people in systemic ways. For hooks, social political, cultural,
and economic oppression is based on repeating patterns of white supremacist, capitalist
patriarchy; she calls this the politics of domination .
AT Nuclear Priority
Their appeal to avoid nuclear extinction is based on Western
chauvinism and self-centeredness - - the logic of
doomsday/extinction politics is exactly what justifies continual
domination of non-Western societies. Prioritize structural
violence
Martin 84
(Dr Brian Martin is a physicist whose research interests include stratospheric
modelling. He is a research associate in the Dept. of Mathematics, Faculty of
Science, Australian National University, and a member of SANA, Extinction Politics
Published in SANA Update (Scientists Against Nuclear Arms Newsletter), number 16,
May 1984, pp. 5-6. accessed @ http://www.bmartin.cc/pubs/84sana1.html MI
a belief in extinction from nuclear war to be
is an implicit Western chauvinism. The
effects of global nuclear war would mainly hit the population of the United States, Europe and the Soviet Union. This is
quite unlike the pattern of other major ongoing human disasters of
starvation, disease, poverty and political repression which mainly affect
the poor, nonwhite populations of the Third World. The gospel of nuclear
extinction can be seen as a way by which a problem for the rich white
Western societies is claimed to be a problem for all the world.
Symptomatic of this orientation is the belief that, without Western aid and
trade, the economies and populations of the Third World would face disaster.
But this is only Western self-centredness. Actually, Third World
populations would in many ways be better off without the West : the pressure to grow
There are quite a number of reasons why people may find
attractive.[8] Here I will only briefly comment on a few factors. The first
cash crops of sugar, tobacco and so on would be reduced, and we would no longer witness fresh fish being airfreighted from Bangladesh to Europe. A
related factor linked with nuclear extinctionism is a belief that nuclear war
is the most pressing issue facing humans. I disagree, both morally and politically, with the stance that
preventing nuclear war has become the most important social issue for all humans. Surely, in the Third World , concern over the
actuality of massive suffering and millions of deaths resulting from
poverty and exploitation can justifiably take precedence over the
possibility of a similar death toll from nuclear war . Nuclear war may be
the greatest threat to the collective lives of those in the rich, white
Western societies but, for the poor, nonwhite Third World peoples, other
issues are more pressing. Just about everyone, including generals
The fear of nuclear war mandates the genocidal annihilation of

populations in the name of making the world safe from nuclear
weapons
Bussolini 08
jeffery, Associate Professor of Sociology and Women's Studies, College of Staten
Island, CUNY, eighth annual metting of the foucault circle, p. google,
http://foucault.siuc.edu/pdf/abs08.pdf TBC 6/29/10 MI
The very real threat of Armageddon from these weapons easily gives way
to thinking of expediency and triage which instrumentalizes certain
populations The fate of those at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as well as the continuing
collection of data about them by the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission, has been described in Robert Jay Liftons
Thousands of soldiers and scientists from different nations have

been exposed in tests and research. Indigenous people from the American
southwest to the Pacific Islands, Kazakhstan, and Algeria have been
forcefully relocated to make room for atomic tests, exposed to radiation,
or both. Groups such as prisoners and mental patients have been
subjected to radiation experiments against their will or knowledge, supposedly for the purpose
Death in Life.
of building up crucial knowledge about nuclear effects, as documented in Eileen Welsomes Plutonium Files and
These weapons, then, are

intimately tied to power over life and death and the management of
subject populations. As such, it seems that the exigency related to nuclear
thinking justifies (or is the expression of) significant sovereign power over bare life.
Department of Energy reports on Human Radiation Experiments.
In the histories mentioned here, survival and protection of the population at large was seen to validate causing
nuclear
weapons force consideration of population-level dynamics, as whole
populations are placed at risk. In this respect, these arms follow on and
accentuate the massive strategic bombing of World War II in which enemy
populations were targeted as vital biopolitical resources.
death or illness among smaller subsets of that population. One can note that, given their scale,
Internals
Pre-req/Intersectionality
An ecofeminist approach is the most intersectional way to
solving for oppression, especially in terms of discussions about
water.
faculty member in Women's Studies at Metropolitan State University, Twin Cities.
Western cultures oppression of nature can

be traced back to the construction of the dominant human male as a self
fundamentally defined by its property of reason and the construction of
reason as definitionally opposed to nature and all that is associated with
nature, including women, the body, emotions, and reproduction. Feminists
have also argued that womens oppression in Western culture is
characterized by their association with emotion, the body, and
nature(Gray,1979;Griffin,1978;Spretnak,1982;Steinem, 1992). Conceptually dividing the interconnected whole
As Plumwood (1993) has ably demonstrated,
of life into atomistic, dualised pairs, this form of thinking then creates conceptual linkages between the properties
of the self as well as within the devalued category, and the association of qualities from one oppressed group with
The conceptual linkages between women and

women and water, for
example, all serve to emphasize the inferiority of these categories. These
linkages reveal broader connections between the treatment not just of
women and water but indigenous people and water, impoverished people
and water, water and emotions, and, of course, our human animal bodies
as nature and water. Hierarchical dualisms are manifested both politically
through socioeconomic structures and psychologically through the identity
of what Plumwood calls the Master Model, a gendered reason/nature
dualism that concentrates the intersec- tion of privilege in terms of
race/class/gender/species/sexuality (Gaard, 1997; Plumwood, 1993). Both psychologically and
another serves to reinforce their subordination:
animals, women and the body, women and people of color, women and nature, or
politically, the logical structure of dualism separating self and other is kept in place through a series of linking
postulates that includes (a) backgrounding, or denied dependency on the other, that is, I built this house, usually
meaning the speaker hired an architect and paid laborers to build it for him or her, an example of classism; (b)
radical exclusion, or hyperseparation between self and other, sometimes based only on a single charac- teristic
such as race or sexuality, that is, Im not swishy like those fags (heterosexism);
(c)incorporation,wherebytheotherisdefinedprimarilyinrelation to the self, that is, thats the wife (sexism); (d)
instrumentalism, or objectification, whereby the other has no intrinsic value, that is, lodgepole pine
(anthropocentrism); and (e) homogenization, or stereotyping, that is, all Blacks have rhythm (racism).2
Plumwoods (1993) theory of the master model and the need for its
transformation suggests two of the primary goals of ecofeminism:
cultural, ecological, and economic democracy, a form of justice in social
relations that honors the interdependence of diverse humans with each
other, other animal species, and the earth; and a transformed psychology
of human identity, a way of conceptualizing the self that eschews the
atomism of liberal thinking for a more ecological, relational notion of the
self as interdependent. Building on the ecofeminist hypothesis that the position and
treatment of women in Western culture is connected symbolically,
psychologically, economically, and politically to the treatment of nature,
this article explores ways that the treatment of women and water is integrally
connected to the treatment of indigenous people and the land itself. These
connections are most clearly seen by examin- ing the institutionalized structures controlling the distribution of
energy and power in North America, for the production and distribution of energy is one of the ways
that
women, indigenous people, economically disadvantaged people, and water

are used as resources in Western culture. As a tool of ecofeminism,
Plumwoods master model helps to explain the intersections among three
environmental justice phenomena: environmental sexism, environmental
racism, and environmental classism.3
Capitalism
The worst parts of capitalism are rooted in gender biases. The
alt is key to solving extinction and environment degradation
Acker 04 Professor Emerita at University of Oregon (Joan, Gender, Capitalism and Globalization, Critical
Sociology Volume 30, issue 1, 2004, 24-26)//AS
gender-coded separation between production and reproduction

became, over time, an underlying principle in the conceptual and actual physical
organization of work, the spatial and time relationships between unpaid domestic and
paid work, bodily movements through time and space, the general organization of daily life, and the ways
that groups and individuals constructed meaning and identities. For example, the rules and
expectations of ordinary capitalist workplaces are built on hidden
assumptions about a separation of production and reproduction (Acker 1990).
The contradictory goals of production and reproduction contribute to
another gendered aspect of globalizing capitalist processes . This is the
frequent corporate practice, on national and global levels, of claiming nonThe
responsibility for reproduction of human life and reproduction of the

natural environment . Here I find it useful to use Diane Elsons (1994) description in economic terms of
the separation between production and reproduction as a division between the monetary productive economy
and the non-monetary reproductive economy. 10 The ability of money to mobilize labour power for productive
work depends on the operation of some non-monetary set of social relations to mobilize labour power for
reproductive work. These non-monetary social relations are subordinate to money in the sense that they cannot
function and sustain themselves without an input of money; and they are reshaped in response to the power of
money. Nevertheless, neither can the monetary economy sustain itself without an input of unpaid labour, an input
shaped by the structures of gender relations (Elson 1994, 40). Elson emphasizes the interdependence of the
monetary and non-monetary economies, although she recognizes that macro-economic policy considers only the
monetary economy, ignoring the non-monetary economy, in which women perform most of the work. In addition,
macro-economic policy, representing the interests and perspectives of

production, implicitly assumes that there is an unlimited supply of unpaid
female labour, able to compensate for any adverse changes resulting from macro-economic policy, so as to
continue to meet the basic needs of their families and communities and sustain them as social organizations
Although the monetary and non-monetary economies are

interdependent, their interests are also often contradictory and
conflicting: maximizing profit and capital accumulation may undermine the
reproduction and maintenance of human life, given that an adequate labor supply still
(Elson 1994, 42).
exists. At the very least, capitalist expansion has often involved the subordination of the aims of reproduction to the
aims of production, either through explicit policies and practices or through un-benign neglect or non-responsibility.
I think it is very important to see non-responsibility as actively constructed through organizational inventions and
state actions, such as legislation in the 19th and 20th centuries that created the rights of corporations to act in their
own interests, as their leaders defined those interests.
Alternative (Holistic Anthropology &

Economies of Care)
We should embrace and release our emotions. We should not
use rationality as the approach to solve our problems. If we
always use rational to engage our problems we create a world
where we focus on the masculine dominate trait. Only by
figuring out our emotions and what it means to be then we can
effectively solve the case.

When a human being is examined from a holistic perspective, it becomes clear
that people's actions are based on emotions rather than rationality. There is nothing
like satisfaction of emotional needs that can motivate a person.
Rationality alone is on the other hand a poor motivator for action. However, in the final
analysis emotion and reason are two integrated parts of a whole human
being. They should therefore not be seen as separate entities. Patriarchy, however,
believes that reason and emotion can be completely detached. Based on this false
assumption patriarchalism the masculine faculty of rationality. Superior reason is therefore used to
suppress inferior emotion, and to rationalize away the disastrous
consequences from application of an exaggerated masculine force. The
result of such false beliefs is that political leaders and business people are
pursuing economic profits due to their unsatisfied emotions. They develop a
greedy approach to life, because they lack affect and have been forced to repress
emotional needs. However, to save face they argue that it is rational and therefore good. In order to
compensate for inadequate emotional satisfaction they pursuit
maximization of economic profit, material acquisition, advanced
technology and power. Such people find it rational to expand economic growth, arguing that it will
alleviate poverty. However, in reality economic growth is not rational It is oppositely highly irrational since it is
It is founded on the treasured patriarchal

human characteristics of competition, maximization, greed, self-interest
and individualism. Since these masculine, rational traits lack a dynamic tension
with the complementary but opposite feminine emotional forces of cooperation,
optimization, conservation, community, and social care they become exaggerated and
destructive. This destruction is manifested in the four crises. To generate harmony inside a
person, among people, and between people and nature the human mental function of reason must be
balanced with the dualised, opposite, but complementary human emotion.
Reintegrating the full human mental faculty is important in order for people to
understand themselves. A human being will not succeeded in becoming a
happy, healthy and harmonious person as long as society teaches that a
person is superior, only when he or she is defined and act as being
masculine. Masculinity is only one part of a person which cannot stand
causing poverty for women, Others and nature.
alone. It needs to be seen in a dynamic tensions with its complementary

feminine part. Thus, a person is much more than only rational. If the emotional side is
undermined, a person will never fully know him or herself. That would be a
huge loss. It would prevent a person from becoming a balanced, whole human
being, who can venture into the world with an open mind and deal
appropriately with challenges that come his or her way. Oppositely, a
fragmented, rational human being, cannot know him or herself. Lack of
self-knowledge will lead the person to commit "stupid actions", the
consequences of which will roll on forever and ever and lead to
unhappiness, destruction and crises. It is therefore necessary that a person is
defined as a whole human being. To function, a person needs to develop
nationality as well as emotions. Only then will the person be able no deal
with the challenges of the world, including amelioration of the current
crises. Such a new, holistic anthropology must be pan of development
studies. Development studies are a multi-disciplinary subject that includes the economic, political and social
aspects of people's realities. However, the mental or psychological reality of people is
lacking, when it should be an integrated part of the studies. Only few development authors
have included the mental (emotional) aspect of the people they study in their research. Robert Chambers was
perhaps one of the first to make psychology a natural part of his work. However, also E. F. Schumacher focused on
the full human being and his feelings in the development context. Since then more development academics have
most authors in development studies still focus on

masculine, quantitative issues and objects, rather than on a quality of life for real
people. Many for example still argue that "political will" can solve development problems.
These people consequently lack the insight that this concept does not exist in human psychology.
Politicians are human beings who are motivated to act according to their
individual emotions, rather than due to their political rationality. lf they have
suppressed their emotions, they will not be able to feel empathy or care for
women, Others and nature. They consequently will not be motivated to alleviate poverty,
even though they may have plenty of political will. It is for this reason political leaders
joined, but seen from a subjective point of view,
decide that their own economic advantage is more important than Ending the rape and genocide of women and
Others in the Darfur region. It is also for this reason that Leaders in the World Bank and managers of multinational
corporations find it economical to place polluting activities in the Third World. When women, Others and nature are
harmed or killed by the poison, compensation is cheap and profit is high. Since emotions is the dualised other and
empathy is part of these inferior feminine feelings, showing care and concern for women, others and nature is no
a superior, rational, masculine individual does. Instead, he rationalizes the human

suffering away: He may argue that the dualised other is lazy or stupid and should therefore be seen as a
lower leveled being that has little economic to lose and who is happy with some handouts. He may see
women and Others as being passive and hence responsible for their own
misery. He may believe that had these others only done as the Ups, then they
would not belong to the Downs. Women and Others are therefore seen as being inferior
ones who deserve subordination. Thus he falls into the trap psychologists call for
"blaming the victim". That is easier than to examine oneself. Conclusively, as
shown throughout the dissertation, rationality cannot prevent domination, exploitation
and violence of women, Others and nature. Scientific rationality is in fact promoting these
violent trends. When we understand ourselves enough to realize that, it is
our human feelings that drive us rather than our rationality then we can reconcile our
fragmented selves and find peace. When we get in touch with our
emotions then we have a good chance to develop as human beings and
become respectable, caring, balanced and happy persons. Such a person
would not permit that children live in poverty, he would also not abuse other adults, neither would
he rape women nor kill anyone. He would also not destroy nature. Due to his inner
balance, he would not need to commit such atrocities . Hence, when we
what
include the full spectre of our human faculty, we may be able to develop caring
relationships between men and women, adults and children, white and
blacks, humans and nature and we would find that rational. The outcome of knowing
ourselves and pursuing inner balance may in the end, result in a world without crises and
"development problems". Ecofeminism is a struggle for survival of people, nature and the future
generations of both categories. In order to succeed in this a new anthropology is required.
It must be one, which can define human beings as a whole person, hence
integrating the masculine reason with the feminine emotion. When we are
fully integrated people, we would not need to bring up our children by the traditional means of
reward and punishment. The abuses against children need to stop. It is inhuman and cruel. Only when we get in
understand the suffering of these children, and end it.

leading to a
non-dominant, non-violent world. This is another challenge for development studies. It could play
contact with our own emotions will we be able to
Caring for children means that they can grow up, becoming caring adults. This is highly likely
an important role in promoting a new anthropology that includes emotion and ensures that children are cared for.
As Robert Chambers already has pointed out, improving childrearing in a development context, is essential in order
to promote a future generation of people that will care about women, Others and nature. Conclusively psychology
deserves to play a central role in development studies.
Only through having an alternative perspecitive that breaks

down patriarchy and allows for harmony between man and
woman and nature can it be solved.

patriarchy clings to an outdated, reductionist, mechanical
world-view, which is unhealthy, unjust, violent and out of balance .
Establishing a new cosmology is therefore essential. It must be a world-view
that is holistic and systemic, hence including feminism and ecology. In this study,
Ecofeminism finds that modem
three models have been suggested: the systems theory, Smuts' holism, and the Chinese philosophy of changes I
Ching (yin and yang). All are suitable as alterative cosmologies, because all are based on non-dualist, non-dominant
These three models manifest the change from a reductionist or masculine

perception of reality to a holistic or combined feminine and masculine
worldview. The masculine force (which throughout this study also has been called yang, pans or self assertion)
philosophies.
and the feminine force (which has been named yin, whole or integration) are seen as being complementary and
innate in everything in the universe. The theories assume that harmony is the outcome from a dynamic tension
to give equal value to men and women,

people and nature, reason and emotion, quality and quantity, pans and
whole and to their interrelations. Being inspired by such holistic perceptions ecofeminism has
between these two forces. In practice, it means
been able to explain issues a reductionist framework cannot elucidate. Pointing to the flawed world-view of
patriarchy, ecofeminism is able to demonstrate why poverty exists mainly among marginalized, traditional and
coloured people; why women and children are seen as subordinate and among the poorest of the pooi; why nature
is being exploited; why the world has become progressively violent, fighting so many hamiliil wars; and why human
ecofeminism does not only critique. Its holistic perception of

reality also helps to suggest solutions: It is based on the belief that by dismantling
patriarchy and reintegrating the dualised pairs, a more harmonious world
will emerge. Trying, as the modem, Western world does, to be all yang and suppress the yin
leads to destruction, which manifests in the four crises. Oppositely creating a dynamic
tension between the complementary forces is assumed to create balance and
harmony. Resolving the world crises is therefore fundamentally about creating
harmony by application of a more balanced perception of reality. It entails
rights abuses are increasing. However,
a dismissal of the philosophy of value dualism and a recreation of the

necessary dynamic tension Between the feminine yin and the masculine yang. This suggestion
applies to Third World development as well. In order to become "a good change" for women,
Others and nature development must reintegrate the two opposite,
complementary forces and create a dynamic tension that gives positive energy
for change. It is therefore time to reunite men and women; quantity and quality; large
and small; hard and soft; people and nature; mind and body; head and hand; reason and emotion; rationality and
intuition; theory and practice; public and private; white and black; modem and traditional; North and South;
competition and cooperation; individual and social; analysis and synthesis; linear and cyclical; reductionist and
This is
expected to promote a universal harmony and a rich, new intellectual
insight into reality.
holistic; domination and subordination; exploitation and conservation in order to create balance.
Only ecofeminism is sustainable. Before policy alternatives can

develop, we must reject technological or market based
solutions.
Ellinger-Locke 2011
Maggie "FOOD SOVEREIGNTY IS A GENDERED ISSUE" Buffalo Environmental Law
Journal 18 Buff. Envt'l. L.J. 157 J.D. from CUNY of Law in 2011, and her B.A. in
ecofeminism from Antioch College. She is admitted into the Missouri Bar where she
is a practicing criminal defense attorney
Ecofeminism is the key to rebuilding a democratic food system. In the context of
increasing global climate change, the perspective of groups like La Va Campesina offers guidance. Global climate
change has the potential to destroy agricultural production as we know it. To date, human fossil fuel use has raised
that it is becoming too

hot to grow plants. 189 The heat wave that killed tens of thousands in Europe the summer of 2003 could
become normative. 190 Heat waves ravage crops. By 2100, there's a ninety percent
chance in the tropics and subtropics that temperatures during the growing
season will be hotter than any date ever recorded. 191 Once that point is
reached, crops cannot fertilize and will not grow . 192 These same conditions will make
the global temperature by nearly one degree Celsius. 188 This means [*196]
work for farmworkers unbearable. These events are now unfolding; evaporation is increasing because warm air
holds more water vapor than cold air, which condenses in the upper atmosphere, and then washes down in violent
thunderstorms that wash away topsoil and leave crops decimated in the fields. 193 This cyclical pattern of
evaporation which loosens the soil, atmospheric concentration of the water from the soil, and then thunderstorms
that wash the soil away is repeated. Increasing amounts of fertile land is washed away. Seventy percent of the
water that the United States uses goes to irrigation and these irrigated fields provide forty percent of the world's
food supply. 194 Many of the world's rivers are fed by glacial melt. As glaciers melt, rivers begin to dry up. Steven
Chu, the U.S. Secretary of Energy and Nobel prize winning physicist says, "I don't think the American public has
gripped in its gut what could happen... We're looking at a scenario where there's no more agriculture in California."
half of Australia's farmland [*197] was in drought. 196 Every four

days a farmer there committed suicide. 197 Australia is not alone in having to grapple with
195 In 2007,
farmer suicides. On September 10, 2003, at the WTO Ministerial meeting in Cancun, Lee Kyung Hae, a South Korean
farmer and peasant organizer, climbed a fence near the barricades behind which the trade meetings were taking
place. 198 He took out a red penknife, shouted "The WTO kills farmers!" and stabbed himself in his chest. 199 He
was dead soon after. A few days later, thousands of protestors marched in solidarity all over the world, from
Bangladesh, South Africa, and Chile, chanting "Todos somos Lee" ("We are Lee") and "Lee no murio OMC lo mato"
The general public has yet to connect farmer

suicide with economic policy. 201 In 2008, when world food prices reached
their highest peak since the early 1970s, deadly food riots occurred in
over thirty countries. 202 These riots were not the hungry poor storming the streets, but were
("Lee didn't die, the WTO killed him"). 200
organized by community groups such as La Va Campesina to protest high food prices in countries that are on the
losing end of international trading schemes. The sources of outrage are the same as the sentiment of those in the
Global Justice Movement, an international collection of diverse people organizing under the slogan "Another World is
Possible." [*198] Food sovereignty locates itself in the crux of movements seeking socioeconomic justice.
As
the planet warms, agribusiness will offer new technologies that

historically have failed. The solutions will not likely be found in corporate technologies, but in groups
such as La Va Campesina with its focus on reinvigorating peasant agriculture that relies on traditional small-scale
farming, not heavy inorganic inputs, and reverence for women's rights. Organizations such as La Va Campesina
the timeliness of food sovereignty as the fulcrum of a global

reform movement and alternative framework to the existing regimes that
control food production and distribution. By adopting food sovereignty as
a policy goal, such an alternative can be built.
have demonstrated
Feminist ethics are key to uncovering hidden forms of violence.

Jochimsen & Knobloch 97 (Maren, researcher of ecological economics at the
University of St. Gallen Switzerland; Ulrike, lecture in business ethic at the
University of St. Gallen Switzerland Making the Hidden Visible: The Importance of
Caring Activities and Their Principles for Any Economy Ecological Economics pg
108)
The task of feminist ethics is to make visible the experiences of women in

moral theory. Feminist discoursive ethics argues that the 'generalized other'
should be completed by the 'concrete other' to take into account
experiences of women and their conception of self. Thus, besides the principle of
egalitarian reciprocity, which concentrates on the social and ecological compatibility, we have to
recognize the principle of 'complementary reciprocity' to make possible a
'communicative ethics of need interpretation' (Benhabib, 1986). The ethical theory of the economic
foundations and its feminist critique help us to identify as a main foundation of
the present economic system what we call maintenance economy. In this paper we define
maintenance economy as productive and creative (reproductive) activities that are carried out without payment of
money. To these belong ecological processes as well as the maintenance of social and physical relations that are
In our society these

numerous caring activities are mainly carried out by women. Our hypothesis is
that any understanding of the maintenance economy is the basis for an
understanding of economic activities as a whole (Busch-Liity et al., 1994; Biesecker, 1992).
indispensable for human existence and which we call caring activities.
We have to take into account the fundamental impact of this realm for any economic and other human activity.
Traditional economists often fail to notice the importance of this

maintenance economy for every economic system. The ethical theory of
economic foundations in its broadened view helps us to make this impact visible .
By rewriting economics from an ethical and feminist perspective against the background of the
ecological and social crisis, we will get necessary insights to redesign the sociopoliticai structures towards a better future for women, men, and children.
An economics of care would solve ecological and social crises

any other economy is unsustainable.
Jochimsen & Knobloch 97 (Maren, researcher of ecological economics at the University
of St. Gallen Switzerland; Ulrike, lecture in business ethic at the University of St. Gallen Switzerland
Making the Hidden Visible: The Importance of Caring Activities and Their Principles for Any Economy
Ecological Economics pg 109)
A whole economy organized according to the principles of caring activities

would be a caring economy (Jochimsen et al., 1994). In such a caring economy the
satisfaction of the existing, material and non-material, basic needs takes priority over the
production of new material goods. It would be sustainable not only in the
way it deals with material resources, but also in the way it takes into
account social needs. Any economy which does not observe the above-mentioned
caring principles cannot be sustainable in either way. Economies confronted with the
ecological and social crisis would have to attribute a higher value to their own
sources of maintenance, care and supply. Caring economy is not a ready-made concept for
global application and it cannot be. Its fundamental principles and its approach to the
subject matter rather have to enter into a social process the exact path and
goal of which cannot be determined beforehand . A caring economy
stresses the importance of contexts and aims at gathering context-oriented knowledge and
know-how. It places such knowledge and know-how at the center and
attributes new value to it. It works with the hypothesis that the
principles derived from caring activities can be applied to the whole
economy, thereby effecting a sustainable treatment of nature and a good society.
A2 Perm
1) Any risk of the link means that the permutation is a failure. Their
representations in the 1AC lead to a misunderstanding of violence that result
in commodification of the oppressed leading to more violence. If we win a
risk that the (insert link), the perm only re-affirms this violence, which means
you vote negative.
2) Our kritik is a response to their (rhetoric and) representations in the 1AC. Any
permutation would be severance, which is bad for a couple of reasons.
a. Makes the aff a moving target, which destroys common ground in
debate.
b. Destroys responsible advocacy. If they can severe out of language and
representations in the 1AC they justify racist and sexist discourse.
c. Its infinitely regressive it justifies the affirmative severing out of any
negative arguments, which destroys all negative ground.
3) Establishing spaces of political legitimacy and spaces of silence is one mode
of masculine domination. The permutation sets up its own public/private split
which publically advocates the plan and privately attempts to incorporate
feminist perspectives. This is the same strategy that justifies gendered
violence in the home and other informalized labor sectors.
The gendered separation of the public and private allows

structural violence, womens rights and labor rights issues to
be sideswept because they are not concerns of the public
political realm but seen as issues of private personal space
Pomeroy 04
(Claire Pomeroy. 2004. Redefining Public and Private in the Framework of a
Gendered Equality. Haverford College. M.D., President of the Lasker Foundation.
http://serendip.brynmawr.edu/sci_cult/courses/knowbody/f04/web3/cpomeroy.html
course of history, women's voices have been silenced in the public
arena. This silencing is due significantly to that which defines them as
women and to which they are inescapably linked: their sexuality, their
natality, and their body. These three things helped situate women in the
private realm. Linked with public/private is the political/apolitical
dichotomy which closes women into an experience of the apolitical
private, consequently overlooking women's distinctive experiences in
politics. To combat this, women's voices have entered the political realm to protest for legislation that
In the
addresses the structural oppression they experience as women because of their association with the private.
Women have been the primary proponents to the creation of better child care, better paid maternity and paternity
leave, and equal pay in all occupational fields; all things that push the feminist agenda of equality for the sexes.
Unfortunately, in politics, women's concerns and demands are regarded as reflections of moral or familial
commitment, rather than an authentically political stance.
Their issues are deemed "women's

issues," thereby trivializing the issues. In doing so, these issues become
"women's problems" and can be more easily bypassed by the maledominated political system. In truth, however, these initiatives are to work to balance the public and
private lives of everyone, so that the shift between private and public can be stabilized. The
politicization
of women's voices has dual function. In part, it perpetuates the
male/female dichotomy by creating gendered spaces within the public
realm by creating "women's issues" as a political agenda, which rests
outside mainstream (male) politics. At the same time, it causes women to
adopt masculinized voices to be taken seriously within mainstream
politics. In the discussing of politics, their female perspective cannot be
brought into their argument, because if it is, the argument will be
devalued. If their prospective is not female and is presented in the male
dominated setting of politics, it is likely that they will present their ideas
from a male perspective, so that the people who are being presented to
(males) can identify with what the woman is saying. The masculinization
of women occurs in all public areas, including the work force. To be taken as serious workers,
women must dress in a masculine manner, cannot mention the existence of their children and can never leave work
to address familial responsibilities. This creates a double edge sword for working mothers; socioeconomic structures
reinforce women's primary responsibility for day care while gender-neutral family laws tend not to acknowledge the
continuing nature of care giving. Women are increasingly expected to work what Arlie Hochschild has named "the
second shift." The division between the masculinized women's voices and the women's voices advocating for
"women's issues" causes a rift between women that makes it harder for equality to be accomplished. When women
adopt the masculinized manner in their public persona, they are working to uphold the gendered divisions of public
and private. However, if they do not adopt a masculine style in the work force, it becomes increasingly difficult to
succeed. Without success of women in the work force, women will remain contained in the private. On the other
hand, if women's voices are divided along gender lines, there is no way to create a unitary women's voice to push
for social and political changes that will create a gendered equality in the public and private spheres. For a long
time politics has rested in the public realm; the private realm was a place to escape from politics. Frances Olsen
derives the connection: "Just as family was once seen as the repository for values being destroyed in the
marketplace, the family may also be seen as the sanctuary of privacy into which one can retreat to avoid state
regulation." So it follows that "the
ideology of the public/private dichotomy allows

government to clean its hands of any responsibility for the state of the
'private' world and depoliticizes the disadvantages which inevitably spill
over the alleged divide by affecting the positions of the 'privately'
disadvantaged in the 'public' world." Taken together, the family is viewed as a 'haven in a
heartless world' that should be protected from the scrutiny by the state and law. These societal ideas, based on the
binary public/private division, make it difficult to argue for legislation of things that appear to be in the private
realm. It is slowly being recognized that the public and private are not in opposition to one another, but are in
reciprocal connection with one another. There have been political efforts, through legislation, to rectify the gender
differences of the public sphere. Major initiatives have been taken to rid law and social policy of assumptions based
on stereotypical images of women as economically dependent wives and mothers. Paternal leave and other legal
policy changes are in place to encourage men to participate in the parenting of children. Despite the efforts to
ensure equality for women, promoting the sharing of familial responsibilities by women and men, and enhancing
women's position in the labor force, gender inequalities still persist.
4) A rejection of the system is neededthe mere integration of

women into mainstream state economies overburdens women
and co-opts true political change
Perkins and Kuiper 5
(Ellie, researcher at the Department of Economics & Econometrics at the
Universiteit van Amsterdam, The Netherlands, and Edith, researcher at the faculty
of Economics and Econometrics, the University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands,
EXPLORATIONS
Women contribute to a large part of economic production, but have never
fully participated in discussions about what kind of development is
needed. During the integrative period of the 1970s and 1980s, which was later conceptualized as women in
development, politicians and development practitioners in developing countries tried to integrate
women into remunerated markets and into projects for generating income. Those
experiences did not substantially ameliorate poverty and even overloaded the
workday and responsibilities borne by women. With the advent of feminism, research in
the academy strove to uncover how differences in the economic roles of men and women were perceived in the
realm of public policy and in the notions and constructs of various disciplines (Boserup 1970). Feminist economists
like Lourdes Benera (1984, 1999, 2003) have analyzed the complex weave of dynamics comprised by work,
value, power relations, and gender invisibility and subordination, especially in Latin American economies.
Feminist economic research shows that work encompasses much more

than labor expended in the market. Devaluing of domestic, family, and
community work reproduces womens subordination in distinct areas
including the symbolic dimension as seen, for example, in the false, but still common,
notion of womens economic inactivity. As the Chilean feminist Margarita Pisano (2001)
states, whoever argues that the patriarchy has been humanizing itself
does not see
. . . the thousands of
third world people terrorized by and trying to
escape famine, drought, and war without being able to jump over the
invisible wall the First World has mounted to maintain its privileges.
Pisano advocates one of the most radical concepts of feminism, developing a profound critique of mainstream
feminism that in her view has failed to bring about changes in womens lives and the culture in which they live.
The symbolic dimension, gender roles, and womens place in production and reproduction are set forth in a
strictly functional arrangement that benefits the patriarchal system .
It is not possible to
emancipate oneself or attain a relationship between equals under the
reign of patriarchal relations. Femininity is not an autonomous space of
possibilities for equality, self management or independence; it is a symbolic and
value-laden construction designed by masculinity and contained within it as an integral
part (Pisano 2001). This critical vision, which I call neofeminism from the outside, reveals the limits
of womens struggles and holds that mainstream feminism has compromised the
transformational force of womens movements in return for seats in the
power structure put in place precisely to co-opt and neutralize any
counter-hegemonic proposal. We live in a system that deploys a culture
of appropriating and delegitimizing the other and the diverse. It rests on a
globalized economy whose deepest motivation resides in individual profit ,
resulting in an appropriation of human labor and an assault on nature. In my judgment,
the following elements are critical to sustaining the current styles of development in Latin America, and a
transformation in each of these areas would be part of the birth of a sustainable and equitable human
Relations among humans: most are not sufficiently

socialized to consider the other as equally legitimate, and hence they can
turn away in the face of exploitation, extermination, persistent inequality,
and poverty. . The humanity-ecosystem relationship: today most see nature only as an infinite source of
development process:
resources to be used to satisfy a longing for more and more things and privileges. . The authority of incentives
system protects and legitimizes itself

through the rule of law, constructing juridical benchmarks in the
constitutions of individual nations and ordinary laws that sanctify private property. These
rules are social constructs, however. . The quality of life: in Latin America, the
expansion of economies has come with heavy social, workplace, family,
and environmental costs. Although recent decades have produced unprecedented extractive effort,
and motivations juridically encrusted on society: the
inequity and cultural homogenization still persist. Hard work within an exploitative system is not the answer, and
people are thirsty for a better quality of life. The current globalizing, homogenizing economic system that
ravishes nature is not the only entity responsible for this situation. We, human beings are also responsible for our
vision of the world and of wellbeing, as well as for the form in which we relate to each other and to nature.
5) Perm functions as erasure. Attempting to overcome

differences without addressing its ontological construction
perpetuates racial domination. Legal reform fails.
Winnubust 06
Shannon, Winnubst. Queering Freedom. Bloomington, IN. USA : Indiiana university

Press. Pg 192. Sexuality studies @ Ohio State pg. 54-57 (MI)
We must then ask the difficult and painful question of whether the law, with its own grounding in a neutrality that
attempts to attenuate the effects of history, is the appropriate space in which to attempt to remedy the violences
systems of oppression. How can a system that reads history as

accidents, which are external to the ontology of subjectivity and
therefore must be overcome, function as a judge of when and whether
historical violence has been remedied? How can a system that grounds itself in the apolitical,
of
ahistorical, a-material realm of the neutral individual claim to resolve violent differences of power, history, and
materiality? Iris Marion Young argues that advocates of affirmative action must shift the categories of their
positions away from the myths of neutrality if they are to address the power differentials (of racism or sexism) that
they are aiming to resist. Offering compelling evidence from arenas such as standardized testing in education and
systems of judgment in employment settings, Young shows that neutrality is impossible when assessing merit
(1990, 200214). She thereby argues for a retooling of the concept of equality away from its grounding in
neutrality. Developing a process of democratic decisionmaking, Young argues against the myth of objectivity
and, implicitly drawing on feminist standpoint theory, argues for the inclusion of many voices in determining
As she urges us away from neutrality and its restricted

reading of difference as a burden, she suggests that equality . . . is
sometimes better served by differential treatment (1990, 195). Young thereby
uncovers the unnecessary and invidious connection between neutrality and equality.31 In tying equality
standards of judgment.
to neutrality, the framework of classical liberalism requires the erasure

of history, power, and differences for the maintenance of freedom and
equality. But what if history, power, and differences cannot be erased?
What if they are the ontological conditions in which humans exist? Or,
even worse, what if the lure of erasing themor of acting as if they can
be erasedis a fundamental tool of phallicized whiteness , one that will
always perpetuate its domination?
In trying to divorce our conceptions of equality from
neutrality, I suggest that we historicize the categories themselves. Rather than assuming that equality can only
be achieved in ahistorical vacuums where differences are eliminated and power neutralized, perhaps we should
approach the concept of equality as one that has developed through historical struggles of power. As a modern
category, the radical notion of the equality of all humans allegedly emerged as a tool in the struggle against
monarchies and aristocracies (or so the narrative of liberalism tells us). This was not a neutral or ahistorical
vacuum. Nor was it an economic vacuum. Rather, this concept of equality emerged in the seventeenth century as
a political and economic appeal to a natural ontology that social conditions were not upholding: equality was
politically conceived as a natural category. Despite the telescoping toward smaller and smaller purviews of history
in affirmative action rulings by the Supreme Court, we can trace the effects of historical change in these
contemporary debates. True to its seventeenthcentury roots, the shifts in how we conceptualize equality seem to
occur primarily along economic lines. Namely, whether we understand equality as a natural given that must be
protected by the law or as a natural right that the law ought to achieve shifts and changes as the economic climate
of the country shifts and changes. Contention over affirmative action emerges most acutely in weaker economies.
As Nicolaus Mills argues, An improved economy is the most obvious answer. So long as jobs are scarce, so long as
there are limited scholarships and limited places for the college students who need them, affirmative action will
remain a battleground (1994, 3233). And William Julius Wilson agrees that debates about affirmative action, and
about race and racism more generally, will never be solved if they continue to be played out as a zero-sum game
But the zero-sum game

appears to be the only playing ground of advanced capitalist cultures of
phallicized whiteness. Locke shows how economics of scarcity are endemic to
in which one sides gain is the other sides loss (Mills 1994, 33).
human economic exchange . This scarcity is then codified in the

structures of capitalism. It is not surprising, then, that debates about affirmative action continually
shift as the arena in which this scarcity plays itself out also shifts. As Iris Marion Young again shows, arguments
about merit occur where the scarcity is most expliciti.e., in the highest-level jobs and their professional
educational systems: law schools, medical schools, military academies. True to the twisted dynamics of scarcity
and abundance,
access to jobs that will yield economically abundant lives will
always be scarce in capitalist cultures . And contention over admission to such abundance
i.e., debate that is cast in the terms of the social meaning and existence of equalitywill consequently remain
heated. If we cast this dynamic, in which scarcity determines the site of contention over the existence of equality,
in the terms and dynamics of phallicized whiteness,
we begin to see how the focus of
affirmative action debates increasingly becomes the protection of that

ideal of whiteness namely, disembodiment and the social ontology that constitutes it. To put it
more crassly, the site of contention in affirmative action policies and laws has shifted from body-work toward
head-worki.e., from union contracts to admission to the most elite universities, law schools, medical schools,
and military academies. For cultures of phallicized whiteness, it is not only that these positions, clearly the
positions of power in U.S. culture, are to be reserved and protected for white Protestant straight males, but that
there is a kind of ontological perversion in the very idea of anyone else doing this kind of work. Recall that, for
Locke, the state of nature develops into two kinds of rational beings in its post-monetary stage: the lesser
rationality of industrious and useful appropriation via ones labor and the full rationality of unlimited accumulation
via the capital of money and land. The latter of these, the fully rational capitalist, grounds Lockes concept of the
individual. Accordingly, it is equality amongst these individuals that the law must protect. When affirmative action
policies begin to facilitate the entrance of humans with lesser rationality into realms of culture designated only
for those with full rationality, the very ontology of phallicized whiteness becomes threatened: the disembodied
state of the intellect is no longer pure white and, more threatening, the body of culture threatens to disappear.
The question who will do the nasty work? is not only a question of sheer economic privilege in advanced
capitalism, but one of ontological necessity for the structures of phallicized whiteness: disembodied and
transcendent phallicized whiteness cannot perform embodied tasks. It is too free to do so. The concept of
equality that we inherit from Locke rests on a classed, raced, and sexed ontology of the world and of different
kinds of human rationality. Materially and economically birthed, it is both a modern and a white concept and it
functions to protect the values of those social systems. To assume that working toward a neutral space in which
humans no longer matter will alter this concept of equality is

to fail to grasp how these cultures of modernity, capitalism, and whiteness wield the
illusion of neutrality, while relying on a social ontology of difference. Until
the laws of the U.S. shed these fundamental presuppositions of individualism
and equality as ahistorical concepts, they will not provide effective routes
to achieving parity in the distribution of capitalisms scarce access to
economies of abundance.
differences among
A2 Framework
2NC Framework
1) No Link even if we concede that they get their framework,you still consider
our criticism. All of our links speak to the danger of their action based on the
representations of the 1AC. If you evaluate this round based on a policy
framework it still means their affirmative representations are what justifies
legal action. If we win that this action is bad at the policy level, we win our
criticism.
2) The externalize violence as something that we are only responsible for under
a policy framework. This justifies oppression by cleansing ourselves of the
guilt that we should feel for defending bad representations.
3) Counter interpretation: The aff gets to choose their 1AC framework but the
negative can provide a competitive alternative. If we win that the
permutation is either theoretically illegitimate or no net benefit then you
should evaluate the full weight of the alternative. They dont loose any
ground under our interpretation because they get the ability to try to make a
permutation. Forcing us to only defend policy alternatives destroys any
critical discussion because then it would be a contradiction. Ours C/I is best
because:
a. Increases education: we can debate the merits of how we relate to the
1AC framework, which educated us on the justifications of their plan.
Their education at best would create politicians who dont challenge
rhetoric and discourse.
b. Most real world: youre an academic, not a policymaker. Our framework
allows you to relate to USFG action in a way that increases civic
participation. This allows you to actually participate in the debate
community.
c. Its predictable: All of our evidence presumes the way that they discuss
oppression. This is unique to what is happening in the status quo
which means they should have been prepared to defend the way they
talk about the other in the 1AC.
d. Ground: We enable the aff to leverage all of their impacts and the way
they represent their impacts against our criticism. If they cant depend
their knowledge production they should loose.
4) Turn: Their framework creates a zone of inclusion/exclusion where they police
the bounds of legitimate speech this is a link to our evidence. Discourse
becomes oppressive when it is manipulated at the benefit of the elite. This
proves the uniqueness of our argument. Cross-apply our impacts.
5) Turn: Their framework presumes a plan-focus worldview where we can
abstract the plan from the justifications. This is illegitimate for a couple of
reasons:
a. Its severance: The advantages and the discourse of the 1AC is what
justifies policy action. Cross-apply perm theory.
b. It precludes discussions of racist and sexist language. This perpetuates
violence.
c. Its a justification for voting neg on presumption: w/o a justification for
passing the plan you dont vote aff.
6) Their interpretation limits education to 1st world

perspective - reduces our discussion of policy reform to the
realm of self-interest calculations of US policymakers- This
privileged perspective yields violence and nationalism as it
attempts to assert its static boundaries.
Oliver 04
Oliver, Chair of Philo. And Prof. of Womens Studies at Vanderbilt, 2004
(Kelly, The Colonization of Psychic Space: A Psychoanalytic Social Theory of
Oppression, pg. xxii-xxiii MI)
Here, I argue that it is a social process of forgiveness without sovereignty, forgiveness beyond recognition, that creates the effects
of autonomy and individuality important to acting as an agent. The unconscious processes that create the sovereignty effect cannot
be governed by the self but rather produce the self and its sense of self-governance. Popular Western notions of the individual and
individualism cover over this process and fix the subject as self-contained and opposed to others and society. This fixed notion of the
individual denies the unconscious processes that sustain it and by virtue of which it exists. And
by so denying the
unconscious, this individual denies what motivates its actions and
relationships behind the scenes of conscious life. This individual lives with
the illusion that it is (or can become) transparent to itself and selfgoverning, in control of itself and therefore in control of others and its
world. This illusion, however, can be dangerous insofar as it can lead to a sense of entitlement
and privilege that comes from the confidence of one's own boundaries, a confidence that covers over the
fears and ambiguities that haunt those boundaries, fears and ambiguities that are disavowed to
maintain the illusion of self-control. This unforgiving illusion of
entitlement and privilege leads to self-righteous killing in the name of justice,
democracy, and freedom, which requires disavowal of not only conscious ulterior
motives related to political economy and maintaining domination but also
unconscious motives related to repressed fears and desires. We need to
critically examine not only our conscious motives and reasons for our actions and values
but also our unconscious drives and affects that affect, even govern if not determine, those very actions
and values. Without such self-examination and questioning, without continually interpreting and
reinterpreting the meaning of our own actions and values, we risk the
solidity that prevents fluid, living sublimation and idealization and leaves us with empty
and meaningless principles in whose name we kill off otherness and those
others who embody it for us. This is the burden placed on those othered
by privileged subjects who believe their illusions of independence and
entitlement.
AT STATE/POLICY GOOD
The stories we tell ourselves about our national history shape
our understanding of what constitutes justice or political
action. Framework traps narratives in a linear, state oriented
formatreject this commodification. Liberal frameworks
delegitimize the perspective of the oppressed at the outset
and destroys real contestation.
Edkins 2K3
[Jenny. Senior lecturer in International Politics at the University of Whales Aberystwyth. Trauma
and the Memory of Politics. Page number at end of card.]
Too often what we call politics in the contemporary world is evacuated of antagonism. Most of what is accepted on to the agenda of discussion is already
. In the discourse of liberal

consensus there is no political alternative: those who disagree are either
our enemies, or criminals. They are evil and we are good. As happened very clearly in the aftermath of September 11, the
delimited to such an extent that it contains no properly political disagreements
contest is scripted as the battle of good against evil, a clash of civilisations, or of civilisation against barbarism, not as a political struggle. The space of the
what we have is a depoliticisation. What we need to

retrieve is the properly political domain, and my argument in this book has been that that realm,
precisely, is the sphere of trauma time.What we call politics takes place in the
smooth, homogeneous linear time of narrative forms with origins and end
points. It takes place in the context of the nation-state, an imagined community of people with a shared history and culture and shared values or
political is evacuated, or in my terms,
goals. Memory and commemoration are important indeed vital to the production and re production of this context. The ceremonies and the heroes
. But if memory is pivotal,

so too, of course, is forgetting. Forgetting is essential because for politics to
take place, the way in which the current political structures came into
being must be overlooked. These structures must appear to have come down from time
immemorial not to have been born out of the traumatic violence of revolutions
or wars. They must appear to have firm foundations not to have been
established by a coup de force, itself an unfounded, but founding,
moment. What we call politics also serves to legitimise the state, with its
pretence that all disagreements that count can be aired within , for example, the
they venerate are the embodiment of the histories and values that constitute the current social order
liberal framework of democracy. Positions that cannot be incorporated

within that agenda are delegitimised and outlawed. Trauma time
back-to-front time that
the disruptive,
occurs when the smooth time of the imagined or symbolic
story is interrupted by the real of events is the time that must be

forgotten if the sovereign power of the modern state is to remain
unchallenged .
testify. Their
And trauma time is exactly what survivors of trauma want to keep hold of, and to which it seems they want desperately to
testimony challenges sovereign power at its very roots . (229-230)
AT RIGHT WING COOPTION (Cede the Political)

Fear of right-wing cooption reinforces the rights conception of
politics and prevents transformation.
Butler 00
(Judith, Professor at Colombia on all things awesome, Contingency, Hegemony,
Universality, P. 159-60)
the feared prospect of a full cooptation by existing

institutions of power keep many a critical intellectual from engaging in
activist politics. The fear is that one will have to accept certain notions which one wants to subject to
The possibilities of these reversals and
critical scrutiny. C an one embrace a notion of ' rights' even as the discourse tends to localize and obscure the
broader workings of power, even as it often involves accepting certain premisses of humanism that a critical
perspective would question? Can one accept the very postulate of 'universality', so central to the rhetoric of
democratic claims to enfranchisement? The demand for 'inclusion' when the very constitution of the polity ought to
C an one call into question the way in which the political

field is organized, and have such a questioning accepted as part of the
process of self-reflection that is central to a radical democratic enterprise?
be brought into question?
Conversely, can a critical intellectual use the very terms that she subjects to criticism, accepting the pre-theoretical
force of their deployment in contexts where they are urgently needed? It seems important to be able to
move as intellectuals between the kinds of questions that predominate these pages, in which the conditions of
possibility for the political are debated , and the struggle s that constitute
the present life of hegemonic struggle : the development and
universalization of various new social movements, the concrete workings
of coalitional efforts and , especially, those alliances that tend to cross-cut
identitarian politics. It would be a mistake to think that these efforts might be grouped together unde r a
single rubric, understo od as 'the particular' or 'the historically contingent' , while intellectuals then turn to more
fundamental issues that are understood to be clearly marked ofT from the play of present politics. I am not
suggesting that my interlocutors are guilty of such moves. Laclau 's work, espec ially his edited volume The Making
of Political Identities, 14 takes on this question explicitly. And Zizek has also emerged as one of the central critics of
the political situation in the B alkans, more generally, and is en gaged, more locally, in the political life of Slovenia
it seems that the very notion of hegemony to which we

are all more or less committed demands a way of thinking about social
movements precisely as they come to make a universalizing claim,
precisely when they emerge within the historical horizon as the promise of
democratization itself. But I would caution that establishing the conditions of pos sibility for such
in various ways. Moreover,
movements is not the same as engaging with their internal and overlapping logics, the specific ways in which they
appropriate the key terms of democracy, and directing the fate of those terms as a consequence of that
appropriation.
The political, therefore, is not about expressing demands to

the elites to rectify injustices but the ability to contest
structures of power. Politics can only happen after the
alternative-- the neg shifts the focus from perfecting
globalization to debating the desirability of those structures as
a gateway they must justify before evaluating their impacts.
Swyngedouw 09
Erik "The Antinomies of the Postpolitical City: In Search of a Democratic Politics of
Environmental Production" International Journal of Urban and Regional Research,
Volume 33, Issue 3, pages 601620

School of Environment and Development, Manchester University
L ive Earth concerts, waving the banner of climate change and urging the worlds leaders to take immediate and
serious action, were beamed across the airwaves from 8 major cities on 8 July 2007, watched by an estimated
record number of 3 billion people. Cheered on by Al Gore and riding on the popular success of his unsettling An
Inconvenient Truth documentary, the concertsexquisite expressions of contemporary spectacularized city life
re-enforced the consensual view that nature, the climate and the environment are in clear and present danger,
threatening the life and sustainability of all the worlds peoples, in particular the poorer ones, and whipping up a
moral crusade for a more energy-selective and carbon-sparse code of socio-economic conduct. It is of course
ironic that these concerts took the urban as their stage, while it is exactly the socio-metabolic functioning of cities
that requires gigantic energy resources to sustain their socio-metabolic processes, while pumping an accelerating
Cities produce 80% of the worlds

greenhouse gases, express often the most pervasive forms of socioenvironmental injustices and are central to producing more sustainable
environmental futures (Bulkeley and Betsill, 2005; Sze, 2006; Doucet, 2007). Indeed, the
environmental question has become one that mobilizes and galvanizes
political energies, and around which a political consensus has emerged,
one that has literally naturalized the political (see Debruyne, 2007: 2). Indeed, a
scientific consensus, most vividly illustrated by the successive
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reports, fused with a
pervasive apocalyptic imaginary, and combined with asserting the
intrinsic value of a nature that has to be retro-fitted to regain a
sustainable configuration, has taken hold (Swyngedouw, 2007a). Environmental politics is
volume of CO2 into the atmosphere (Swyngedouw, 2006).
a politics legitimated by a scientific consensus which, in turn, translates into a political consensus. The world is in
This is a politics that

legitimizes itself by means of a direct reference to the scientific status of
its knowledge (iek, 2006c: 188) or, in other words, it is a politics reduced to the administration and
management of processes whose parameters are defined by consensual socio-scientific knowledges. This
reduction of the political to the policing of environmental change, so I shall
argue, evacuates if not forecloses the properly political and becomes part and
clear and present danger and urgent, sustained and consensual action is required.
parcel of the consolidation of a postpolitical and postdemocratic polity .

The depoliticized contradictions of such postpolitical environmentalism exploded with acute force in 2008, when
energy prices, and in particular oil, spiralled upwards to quadruple in a few months time. Irrespective of the
reasons behind this spectacular rise in oil prices (whether driven by extremely profitable financial speculation in
the futures markets after the speculative land-bubble had imploded or by a combination of peak-oil conditions and
the implications in
terms of urban environmental justice became clear quickly. Hailed by
some environmentalists as finally opening a window to bring oil
consumption and greenhouse gas emissions down, poor people around
the world suddenly saw food prices spiral out of reach, food crops
replaced by bio-fuels, access to energy curtailed and the cost of moving
around going up. While seemingly offering an opening towards a more
rising demand of China and India, or a combination of both, remains disputed),
sustainable postcarbon society, the contradictory effects rapidly came to

the boil.
Urban riots in Haiti, Mexico, Burkina Faso, Indonesia, China and elsewhere signalled that the
environment is indeed a deeply 602 Erik Swyngedouw International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 33.3
2009 The Author. Journal Compilation 2009 Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd. political matter, one cut
through by all manner of social antagonisms, radical disputes and profound disagreements. In recent years, urban
research has become increasingly concerned with the social, political and economic implications of the technopolitical and socio-scientific consensus that the present unsustainable and unjust environmental conditions require
a transformation of the way urban life is organized. This special issue testifies to this concern and, in particular, to
the socially highly uneven consequences of both the increasingly unsustainable environmental practices and the
feeble attempts to rectify the problem, to retrofit a nature that science suggests is out of synch with its own
internal balancing act. A flurry of writing in recent years has begun to interrogate the close relationship between
urban processes and environmental transformations (see Bickerstaff et al., 2009, this issue, for a review). Social
physical-ecological
processes are not independent from socio-economic and cultural
processes. While such political and socio-ecological perspectives were originally primarily concerned with the
environmental research has by now convincingly argued and demonstrated that
degradation of natural conditions (like soil erosion, deforestation, climate change or resource depletion), recent
work has increasingly concentrated on the pivotal role of the urban in political ecological processes (see, e.g., Bell
et al., 1998; Braun and Castree, 1998; Forsyth, 2002; Robbins, 2004; Castree, 2005; Heynen et al., 2005; 2007).
Prompted by David Harveys counter-intuitive comment that there is nothing unnatural about New York City,
urban political ecologists insisted that urban environments, like any other socio-physical assemblage, are produced
through combined social and ecological processes that shape particular socio-geographical conditions and
manufacture the architecture of the socio-metabolic circulations and transformations that shape everyday urban
life (Harvey, 1996). Neil Smiths (1984) production of nature thesis has been expanded and reformulated in an
attempt to let ecological processes re-enter our perspectives on nature and on the city (see, e.g., Gandy, 2003;
Desfor and Keil, 2004; Swyngedouw, 2004; Kaika, 2005). In In the Nature of Cities, a range of urban political
ecologists argued indeed that cities are produced socio-metabolic assemblages and their analyses insisted on the
produced character of urban environments, including the distribution of social roles and positions, the socioecological flows of materials and the metabolic re-working of socio-physical processes into the fabric of what is
defined as a city (Heynen et al., 2005). In short, urban environmental conditions are seen as dynamic, sociophysical, power-laden and co-evolutionary1 constructions. Uneven consequences of socio-environmental change,
the distribution of environmental goods and bads, and the rhizomatic networks that relate local urban ecological
transformations with distant socio-ecological processes are now commonly understood as combined social and
physical entanglements. Political struggles are central in shaping alternative or different trajectories of
sociometabolic change and the construction of new and emancipatory urban environmental geographies. All
manner of critical social-theoretical analyses have been mobilized to account for these processes. Marxist and
post-Marxist perspectives, environmental justice arguments, deconstructionist and poststructural musings,
science/technology studies, complexity theory, postcolonial, feminist and Latourian views, among others, have
attempted to produce what I would ultimately be tempted to call a sociological analysis of urban politicalecological transformations. What they share, despite their differentand often radically opposedontological and
epistemological claims, is the view that
critical social theory will offer an entry into
strategies, mechanisms, technologies of resistance, transformation and

emancipatory political tactics. In other words, the implicit assumption of this
sociological edifice is that the political is instituted by the social, that
political configurations, arrangements and tactics arise out of 1 The notions of
nature and ecology that are implied by the notion of co-evolution proposed here are closely related to those
explored by the dialectical biological and ecological theories of Levins and Lewontin (1985) and Lewontin and
Levins (2007). The antinomies of the postpolitical city 603 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research
33.3 2009 The Author. Journal Compilation 2009 Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd. the social
condition or process or, in other words, that the social colonizes the political (Arendt, 1968). The properly political
moment is assumed to flow from this sociological understanding or analysis of the process. Or in other words,
the political emerges, both theoretically and practically, from the social
process, a process that only knowledge has access to. Put differently, most urban
political ecological perspectives assume the political to arise from analysis,
but neither theorizes nor operationalizes the properly political within a
political ecological analysis. This opens a theoretical and practical gap as
the properly political is evacuated from the theoretical considerations
that have shaped (urban) political ecology thus far. This retreat of the political
(Lefort, 1988; Lacoue-Labarthe and Nancy, 1997) requires urgent attention. This retreat of
the properly political as a theoretical and practical object stands in
strange contrast to the insistence of urban political ecology that urban
socioenvironmental conditions and processes are profoundly political ones
and that, consequently, the production of different socio-environmental urban trajectories is a decidedly political
process. Considering the properly political is indeed all the more urgent as environmental politics increasingly
express a postpolitical consensual naturalization of the political. As argued by Swyngedouw (2007a), iek (2002
[1992]) and Debruyne (2007), among others, the present consensual vision that the environmental condition
presents a clear and present danger that requires urgent technomanagerial re-alignments and a change in the
practices of governance and of regulation, also annuls the properly political moment and contributes to what these
and other authors have defined as the emergence and consolidation of a postpolitical condition. These will be the
key themes I shall develop in this contribution. First, I shall explore what might be meant by the properly political.
In conversation with, and taking my cue from, political philosophers and theorists like Slavoj iek, Jacques
Rancire, Alain Badiou, Etienne Balibar, Claude Lefort, David Crouch, Mustafa Dike, Chantalle Mouffe and Peter
Hallward, I attempt to theorize and re-centre the political as a key moment in political-ecological processes.
What these perspectives share is not only the refusal to accept the social
as the foundation of the political, but, more profoundly, the view that the
absence of a foundation for the social (or, in other words, the social
being constitutively split, inherently incoherent, ruptured by all manner
of tensions and conflicts) calls into being the political as the instituting
moment of the social (see, e.g., Marchart, 2007; Stavrakakis, 2007). Put differently, it is through the
political that society comes into being, achieves a certain coherence and sustainability. Prioritizing
the political as the foundational gesture that permits the social
maintains absolutely the separation of science and politics, of analytic
description and political prescription (Badiou, quoted in Hallward, 2003a: 394). This is not to
say, of course, that politics and science are not enmeshed (on the contrary, they are and increasingly so), but
rather that unravelling the science/politics imbroglios (as pursued by, among others, critical sociologies of
science, science and technology studies, science-discourse analysis and the like) does not in itself permit opening
up either the notion or the terrain of the political. The aim of this article, in contrast, is to recover the notion of the
political and of the political polis from the debris of contemporary obsessions with governing, management, urban
polic(y)ing and its associated technologies (Lacoue-Labarthe and Nancy, 1997). Second, I shall argue that the
particular staging of the environmental problem and its modes of management signals and helps to consolidate a
postpolitical condition, one that evacuates the properly political from the plane of immanence that underpins any
political intervention. The consolidation of an urban postpolitical arrangement runs, so I argue, parallel to the rise
of a neoliberal governmentality that has replaced debate, disagreement and dissensus with a series of
technologies of governing that fuse around consensus, agreement, accountancy metrics and technocratic
environmental management. In the third part, I maintain that this postpolitical consensual police order revolves
decidedly around embracing a populist gesture, one that annuls democracy and must, of necessity, lead to an
ultra-politics of violent disavowal, radical closure and, ultimately, to the tyrannies of violence and of foreclosure of
any real spaces 604 Erik Swyngedouw International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 33.3 2009 The
Author. Journal Compilation 2009 Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd. of engagement. However, the
disappearance of the political in a postpolitical arrangement leaves all manner of traces that allow for the
resurfacing of the properly political. Indeed, the incoherencies of the contemporary urban ordering, the excesses
and the gaps that are left in the interstices of the postpolitical urban order permit thinking through if not
materially widening and occupying genuine political urban spaces. This will be the theme of the final section. I
shall conclude that re-centring the political is a necessary condition for tackling questions of urban environmental
justice and for creating different, but egalibertarian, socio-ecological urban assemblages. Rethinking the political:
police, politics and the city In Disagreement, Jacques Rancire revisits the Aristotelian foundations of political
whether the political can still be thought of in an

environment in which a postpolitical consensual policy arrangement has
increasingly reduced the political to policing, to policymaking, to
managerial consensual governing. This reduction of the political to the
mode of governing is particularly prevalent in environmental practices.
From the environmental justice movement that urges the elites to rectify
environmental wrongs on the basis of a Rawlsian equal distribution of goods and bads (see also
Beck, 1992), to ecological modernization perspectives that insist on the
possibility of a technological-managerial conduct that can marry
ecological sustainability with economic progress (Harvey, 1996) and the
scientific consensus that urges the adoption of a particular set of
management and accounting rules to mitigate imminent catastrophic
environmental disaster, general agreement exists, shared by a broad range of often unlikely allies,
theory and considers
about the need to develop a more sustainable, and just, socio-ecological practice, one that operates fully within
in
contrast, is to re-centre the political as distinct from policy (what he calls the
police) and to ask whether the properly political can be thought of and, if
so, what constitutes a proper political gesture. Rancire distinguishes between the
the contours of the existing social order (Swyngedouw, 2007a). Rancires political philosophical mission,
police (le police), the political (le politique) and politics (la politique). For him, the political turns on equality as
its principle and is about enunciating dissent and rupture, literally voicing speech that claims a place in the order
of things, demanding the part for those who have no-part (Rancire, 2001: 6 );
politics disrupts the

police order, a refusal to observe the place allocated to people and
things (or at least, to particular people and things) (Robson, 2005: 5). Indeed, as Dike maintains, the central
premise of Rancires politics is the contingency of any established order of governance with its distributions of
functions, people, and places (Dike, 2007: Chapter 2: 3). Politics, then, is the arena where the principle of
equality is tested in the face of a wrong experienced by those who have no part. Equality is thereby
axiomatically given and presupposed rather than an idealized-normative condition to move towards (Badiou, 1992;
2005a; Lvy et al., 2007): Everyone can occupy the space of politics, if they decide to so (Badiou, cited in
Hallward, 2003a: 225). In democracy, the place of power is indeed structurally empty (Lefort, 1994) and equality
is presupposed. In other words, equality is the very premise upon which a democratic politics is constituted; it
opens up the space of the political through the testing of a wrong that subverts equality. Equality is, therefore, not
a sociologically verifiable concept or procedure that permits opening a policy arena which will remedy the
observed inequalities, but the ontologically given condition of democracy. Justice, from this perspective,
disappears from the terrain of the moral and enters the space of the political under the name of equality. For
Etienne Balibar (Balibar, 1993), for example, the unconditional premise for justice and emancipation resides in the
fusion of equality and liberty (what he names as galibert), the former defined as the absence of discrimination
and the latter as absence of repression (Dike, 2001). Egalibert stands, The antinomies of the postpolitical city
605 International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 33.3 2009 The Author. Journal Compilation 2009
Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd. thus, for the universal and collective process of emancipation on which
the very promise of political democracy is founded. What is central to Balibars and Rancires vision is that
neither freedom nor equality are offered, granted or distributed, they can only be conquered.
The political,
therefore, is not about expressing demands to the elites to rectify

injustices ,
galibert;
inequalities or unfreedoms,
but about the enunciation of the right to
the political is thus premised on the unconditionality of equality in a police arrangement that
has always already wronged the very condition of equality and liberty. Put simply, politics (or a properly political
sequence) arises when, in the name of equality, those who are not equally included in the existing socio-political
order, demand their right to equality, a demand that both calls the political into being, renders visible and
exposes the wrongs of the police order: this is the place and time of politics when the staging and articulation of
an egalitarian demand exposes the lack, the superfluous, inscribed in the order of the given situation (Arsenjuk,
2005). This existing order of things or the police order is, in Rancires words, a partition of the sensible
(Rancire, 2001: 8). The police refers to all the activities which create order by distributing places, names,
functions (Rancire, 1994: 173). It suggests an established order of governance with everyone in their proper
place in the seemingly natural order of things (Dike, 2005: 174). The partition of the sensible, the police order,
renders visible who can be part of the common in function of what he does, of the times and the space in which
this activity is exercised . . . This defines the fact of being visible or not in a common space . . . It is a partitioning
of times and spaces, of the visible and the invisible, of voice and noise that defines both the place (location) and
the arena of the political as a form of experience (Rancire, 2000a: 1314). The police is not a social function but
a symbolic constitution of the social (Rancire, 2001: 8) and refers to both the activities of the state as well as to
the ordering of social relations: The police is thus first an order of bodies that defines the allocation of ways of
doing, ways of being, and ways of saying, and sees that those bodies are assigned by name to a particular place
and task; it is an order of the visible and the sayable that sees that a particular activity is visible and another is
not, that this speech is understood as discourse and another as noise (Rancire, 1998: 29). It is important to
recognize that the police includes a multitude of activities and processes, is full of conflict and tension, never
totally closed and embraces not only the traditional notion of the state and state functions and activities, but also
the assumed spontaneity of social relations (Dike, 2007: 18). In sum: The police, therefore, is both a principle of
distribution and an apparatus of administration, which relies on a symbolically constituted organization of social
space, an organization that becomes the basis of and for governance. Thus, the essence of policing is not
repression but distribution distribution of places, peoples, names, functions, authorities, activities and so on
and the normalization of this distribution (ibid.: 19). It is a rule governing the appearance of bodies, a
configuration of occupations and the properties of the spaces where these occupations are distributed (Rancire,
1998: 29). As such, the police is rather close to Foucaults notion of governmentality, the conduct of conduct, the
mode of assigning location, relations and distributions, or what Alain Badiou refers to as the state of the situation
(Badiou, 2005a). The police order is predicated upon saturation, upon suturing social space: The essence of the
police is the principle of saturation; it is a mode of the partition of the sensible that recognizes neither lack nor
supplement. As conceived by the police, society is a totality compromised of groups performing specific
functions and occupying determined spaces (Rancire, 2000b: 124). Of course, saturation is never realized; a
sutured society is impossible as there will always be a constituted lack or surplus (Dike, 2005). It is exactly this
lack or excess that constitutes the possibility of and that calls the political into being. 606 Erik Swyngedouw
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 33.3 2009 The Author. Journal Compilation 2009 Joint
the supervision of places and functions is

defined as the police, a proper political sequence begins, then, when
this supervision is interrupted so as to allow a properly anarchic
disruption of function and place, a sweeping de-classification of speech.
Editors and Blackwell Publishing Ltd. If
The democratic voice is the voice of those who reject the prevailing
social distribution of roles, who refuse the way a society shares out
power and authority
(Hallward, 2003b: 192). The proper political act, Rancire maintains, is the voice
of floating subjects that deregulate all representations of places and portions (Rancire, 1998: 99100): In the
end everything in politics turns on the distribution of spaces. What are these places? How do they function? Why
are they there? Who can occupy them? For me, political action always acts upon the social as the litigious
distribution of places and roles. It is always a matter of knowing who is qualified to say what a particular place is
and what is done to it (Rancire, 2003a: 201).
Politics proper arises then when the police
order is dislocated, transgressed, when the natural order of domination

is interrupted by the institution of a part of those who have no part
(Rancire, 1998: 11). Politics in general . . . is about the visibilities of places and abilities of the
body in these places, about the partition of public and private spaces, about the very configuration of
the visible and the relation of the visible to what can be said about it. All this
is what I call the partition of the sensible (Rancire, 2003b: 3). The political arises when the given order of things
is questioned; when those whose voice is only recognized as noise by the police order claim the right to speak,
acquire speech. As such, it disrupts the order of being, exposes the constituent antagonisms and voids that
constitute the police order and tests the principle of equality.
The proper democratic political
sequence, therefore, is not one that seeks justice and equality through
governmental procedures on the basis of sociologically defined injustice,
but rather starts from the paradigmatic condition of equality or
galibert, one that is wronged by the police order.
Such procedure brings into
being a new symbolic ordering, one that transgresses the limitations of police symbolization.
Aff A2 Ecofem
General Case Turns the Kritik

War causes the re-masculinization of society turns their
alternative
Tickner, 2002 (J Ann, Professor of International Relations at USC, International Studies
Perspectives, November, p.336, NOTE: RAWA = Revolutionary Association of the Women of
Afghanistan)
SO, IF THE STORY IS NOT A SIMPLE ONE WHERE GENDER AND OTHER IDEOLOGICAL LINES ARE FIRMLY DRAWN, WHAT CAN A FEMINIST
ANALYSIS ADD TO OUR UNDERSTANDING OF 9/11 AND ITS AFTERMATH? THE STATEMENTS WITH WHICH I BEGIN THIS ARTICLE OFFER
SUPPORT FOR THE CLAIM THAT WAR BOTH REINFORCES GENDER STEREOTYPES AND SHAKES UP GENDER EXPECTATIONS (GOLDSTEIN,
2002).
THE CONDUCT OF WAR IS A LARGELY MALE ACTIVITY ON BOTH SIDES
FOUNDER OF
BUT
MEENA, THE
RAWA, EXHORTS WOMEN TO FIGHT TOO. NEVERTHELESS, GENDER IS A POWERFUL LEGITIMATOR OF
WAR AND NATIONAL SECURITY; OUR ACCEPTANCE OF A REMASCULINIZED SOCIETY

DURING TIMES OF WAR AND UNCERTAINTY RISES CONSIDERABLY. AND THE POWER OF
GENDERED EXPECTATIONS AND IDENTIFICATIONS HAVE REAL CONSEQUENCES FOR WOMEN AND FOR
MEN, CONSEQUENCES THAT ARE FREQUENTLY IGNORED BY CONVENTIONAL ACCOUNTS OF WAR AND CIVILIZATIONAL CLASHES.
General Alternative Fails

Their alternative fails only devising specific implementation
strategies can create change
Rhode, 1990 (Deborah, Professor at Stanford Law School, Stanford Law Review, February, Lexis)
ONE FINAL ISSUE ON WHICH CRITICAL FEMINISM OFTEN PARTS COMPANY WITH OTHER CRITICAL THEORY INVOLVES THE CONSTRUCTION OF
ALTERNATIVE VISIONS OF THE GOOD SOCIETY. ALTHOUGH BOTH TRADITIONS REFLECT CONSIDERABLE AMBIVALENCE ABOUT THE VALUE OF
MOST [*636] CRITICAL THEORY THAT HAS ATTEMPTED TO

CONSTRUCT ALTERNATIVE VISIONS ASSUMES AWAY THE PROBLEMS WITH WHICH FEMINISTS
HAVE BEEN MOST CONCERNED OR OPENS ITSELF TO THE SAME CHALLENGES OF INDETERMINACY THAT IT HAS DIRECTED AT
OTHER WORK. PARTLY FOR THESE REASONS, FEMINIST LEGAL CRITICS HAVE DEVOTED RELATIVELY LITTLE
ATTENTION TO IDEALIZED PROGRAMS. RATHER, THEIR EFFORTS HAVE CENTERED ON
IDENTIFYING THE VALUES THAT MUST BE CENTRAL TO ANY AFFIRMATIVE VISION AND THE
KINDS OF CONCRETE LEGAL AND INSTITUTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS THAT SUCH VALUES
IMPLY. A RECURRENT PROBLEM WITH MOST PROGRESSIVE UTOPIAN FRAMEWORKS
INVOLVES THEIR LEVEL OF GENERALITY. OBJECTIVES ARE OFTEN FRAMED IN TERMS OF
VAGUE, SEEMINGLY UNIVERSAL ASPIRATIONS -- SUCH AS ROBERTO UNGER'S APPEAL TO A WORLD FREE "FROM
DEPRIVATION AND DRUDGERY, FROM THE CHOICE BETWEEN ISOLATION FROM OTHER PEOPLE AND SUBMISSION TO THEM." 67 SUCH
FORMULATIONS LEAVE MOST OF THE INTERESTING QUESTIONS UNANSWERED. HOW ARE
SUCH IDEALS TO BE INTERPRETED AND IMPLEMENTED UNDER SPECIFIC CIRCUMSTANCES,
SUCH PROJECTS, THE FOCUS OF CONCERN VARIES.
HOW ARE INTERPRETIVE DISPUTES TO BE RESOLVED, AND HOW ARE GENDER RELATIONS TO BE RECONSTRUCTED? IN RESPONSE TO SUCH
QUESTIONS, A STANDARD CRITICAL STRATEGY IS TO SPECIFY CONDITIONS UNDER WHICH ANSWERS WOULD BE GENERATED. HABERMAS'
IDEAL SPEECH SITUATION HAS BEEN PERHAPS THE MOST INFLUENTIAL EXAMPLE. UNDER HIS THEORY, BELIEFS WOULD BE ACCEPTED AS
LEGITIMATE ONLY IF THEY COULD HAVE BEEN ACQUIRED THROUGH FULL UNCOERCED DISCUSSION IN WHICH ALL MEMBERS OF SOCIETY
PARTICIPATE. SOME CRITICAL FEMINISTS, INCLUDING DRUCILLA CORNELL AND SEYLA BENHABIB, DRAW ON SIMILAR CONVERSATIONAL
CONSTRUCTS.
68
SUCH STRATEGIES ARE, HOWEVER, PROBLEMATIC ON SEVERAL LEVELS. ONE DIFFICULTY INVOLVES THE LEVEL OF
. IT IS NOT SELF-EVIDENT HOW INDIVIDUALS WITH

DIVERSE EXPERIENCES, INTERESTS, AND RESOURCES WILL REACH CONSENSUS OR HOW
THEIR AGREEMENTS CAN BE PREDICTED WITH ENOUGH SPECIFICITY TO PROVIDE ADEQUATE
HEURISTIC FRAMEWORKS. STRATEGIES EMPHASIZING UNCOERCED DIALOGUE HAVE OFTEN
ASSUMED AWAY THE PROBLEMS OF DISPARATE RESOURCES AND CAPACITIES THAT PARTIES
BRING TO THE CONVERSATION. GIVEN THE HISTORICAL SILENCING OF WOMEN'S VOICES,
MANY CRITICAL FEMINISTS HAVE BEEN UNSATISFIED BY APPROACHES THAT ARE
THEMSELVES SILENT ABOUT HOW TO PREVENT THAT PATTERN FROM RECURRING. 69 A RELATED
ABSTRACTION AT WHICH THE IDEALS ARE FORMULATED
DIFFICULTY STEMS FROM IDEALISTS' FAITH IN DIALOGUE AS THE PRIMARY [*637] RESPONSE TO SOCIAL SUBORDINATION. ALTERNATIVE
VISIONS THAT PROCEED AS IF THE CENTRAL PROBLEM WERE OUR INABILITY TO IMAGINE SUCH ALTERNATIVES OFTEN UNDERSTATE THE
MANY FEMINISTS HAVE NO DIFFICULTY IMAGINING

A WORLD WITHOUT PERVASIVE SEXUAL VIOLENCE OR THE FEMINIZATION OF POVERTY; THE
DIFFICULTY LIES IN COMMANDING SUPPORT FOR CONCRETE STRATEGIES THAT WOULD MAKE
THAT VISION POSSIBLE. 70 IT IS, OF COURSE, TRUE THAT WE CANNOT BE FREE FROM COERCIVE INSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURES
MATERIAL CONDITIONS THAT CONTRIBUTE TO THAT INABILITY.
AS LONG AS WE RETAIN AN IDEOLOGY THAT LEGITIMATES THEM.

SUCH STRUCTURES LIMIT OUR ABILITY TO CHALLENGE IT.
BUT NEITHER CAN WE RID OURSELVES OF THAT IDEOLOGY AS LONG AS
Only the state has the capacity to make critical material

changes grassroots engagements fail without state support
Jaquette, 2003 (Jane, Professor of Politics at Occidental College, International Feminist Journal
of Politics, Vol 5 No 3, pp.343-343)
BUT FEW FEMINISTS DEFEND THE STATE, ALTHOUGH IT IS THE ONLY SOCIAL INSTITUTION
WITH THE LEGITIMACY, SCOPE AND CREDIBILITY TO DELIVER ANY OF THE GOODS
FEMINISTS SEEK, FROM REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS TO AFFIRMATIVE ACTION OR THE
RECOGNITION THAT ENGAGING MEANINGFULLY IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE PROVIDES. THOSE
WHO IMAGINE A NEW INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM BASED ON TRANSNATIONAL NGOS AND
INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS IGNORE THE FACT THAT NORMS ADOPTED INTERNATIONALLY DEPEND
ON STATES TO IMPLEMENT THEM. ON THE ISSUE OF THE STATE AND REDISTRIBUTION, IN THE UNITED STATES, WHICH
PLAYS A CRITICAL IDEOLOGICAL AND FINANCIAL LEADERSHIP ROLE IN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM, THE TERM WELFARE HAS BECOME AN
BUT FEMINIST IMPATIENCE WITH THE LIBERAL STATE MAKES IT DIFFICULT TO COUNTER
THOSE WHO FAVOR MARKET SOLUTIONS TO SOCIAL PROBLEMS. I FULLY SUPPORT EFFORTS TO GIVEN
EPITHET.
WOMEN GREATER ECONOMIC POWER, BUT GREATER ACCESS TO THE MARKET CAN NEVER ACHIEVE ANYTHING LIKE PARITY FOR WOMEN,
WHO REMAIN DISPROPORTIONATELY RESPONSIBLE FOR SUSTAINING FAMILIES. DESPITE ITS VERY REAL SUCCESSES, EGALITARIAN FEMINISM
HAS FAILED TO ALTER THE BASIC TERMS OF THIS EQUATION FOR MOST WOMEN. DIFFERENCE FEMINISM SHOWS PROMISE IN ITS EFFORTS TO
ADDRESS THIS ISSUE BY REVALUING CARE (FOLBRE 2001; ROTHSCHILD 2001; CLEMENT 1998), ALTHOUGH IT HAS YET TO FIND A WAY
TO MAKE MARKETS RESPOND, AND RISKS ADDING A FEMINIST RATIONALE TO THE TRADITIONAL JUSTIFICATIONS FOR A GENDERED DIVISION
WORKING FROM EITHER A CARE OR A GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT PERSPECTIVE, HOWEVER, IT IS DIFFICULT TO
IMAGINE HOW TO PROCEED WITHOUT ENGAGING THE STATE. LOCAL AND GRASS-ROOTS
MOVEMENTS CAN MAKE A DIFFERENCE IN WOMENS LIVES , BOTH MATERIALLY AND IN WOMENS SENSE OF
SELF-CONFIDENCE AND EFFICACY. BUT, IN MOST COUNTRIES, WOMENS GROUPS MUST WORK CLOSELY
WITH GOVERNMENTS OR REMAIN ON THE FRINGE. THE DEVOLUTION OF POWER TO LOCAL ENTITIES IS OFTEN
OF LABOR.
SEEN AS A BOON TO WOMEN BECAUSE WOMENS ORGANIZATIONS ARE OFTEN NEIGHBOURHOOD BASED AND KNOW LOCAL ISSUES WELL.
BUT LOCAL POWER STRUCTURES CAN ALSO BE HIERARCHICAL, PATRIARCHAL, CORRUPT AND
EVEN REPRESSIVE,
AND IN THE END IT IS STILL NECESSARY TO RELY ON BUREAUCRACIES TO GET THINGS DONE.
DESPITE
CRITICISMS, THE EXPERIENCE WITH WOMENS MACHINERIES IS NOT ALL NEGATIVE (SAWER 1990; PRINGLE AND WATSON 1998), AND
PERHAPS IT IS TIME TO CONSIDER SYSTEMATICALLY HOW BUREAUCRACIES CAN BE MADE MORE RESPONSIVE, RATHER THAN ASSUME THEY
ARE INTRACTABLE (SEE COCKBURN 1991; STAUDT 2001).
The perm solves best pure deconstruction of existing power

structures makes feminist movements and reform impossible
Bartlett, 1990 (Katharine, Professor of Law at Duke University School of Law, Harvard Law
Review, February, Lexis)
THE POSTMODERN CRITIQUE OF FOUNDATIONALISM HAS MADE ITS WAY INTO LEGAL DISCOURSE THROUGH THE CRITICAL LEGAL
THE FEMINISTS ASSOCIATED WITH THIS MOVEMENT HAVE STRESSED BOTH THE
INDETERMINACY OF LAW AND THE EXTENT TO WHICH LAW, DESPITE ITS CLAIM TO NEUTRALITY AND
OBJECTIVITY, MASKS PARTICULAR HIERARCHIES AND DISTRIBUTIONS OF POWER. THESE FEMINISTS HAVE
STUDIES MOVEMENT.
ENGAGED IN DECONSTRUCTIVE PROJECTS THAT HAVE REVEALED THE HIDDEN GENDER BIAS OF A WIDE RANGE OF LAWS AND LEGAL
BASIC TO THESE PROJECTS HAS BEEN THE CRITICAL INSIGHT THAT NOT ONLY LAW ITSELF,
BUT ALSO THE CRITERIA FOR LEGAL VALIDITY AND LEGITIMACY, ARE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTS RATHER THAN
ASSUMPTIONS.
217
UNIVERSAL GIVENS. 218 [*879] ALTHOUGH THE POSTMODERN CRITIQUE OF FOUNDATIONALISM HAS HAD CONSIDERABLE
INFLUENCE ON FEMINIST LEGAL THEORY, SOME FEMINISTS HAVE CAUTIONED THAT THIS CRITIQUE POSES
A THREAT NOT ONLY TO EXISTING POWER STRUCTURES, BUT TO FEMINIST POLITICS AS
WELL. 219 TO THE EXTENT THAT FEMINIST POLITICS TURNS ON A PARTICULAR STORY OF
WOMAN'S OPPRESSION, A THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE THAT DENIES THAT AN INDEPENDENT,
DETERMINATE REALITY EXISTS WOULD SEEM TO DENY THE BASIS OF THAT POLITICS.
WITHOUT A NOTION OF OBJECTIVITY, FEMINISTS HAVE DIFFICULTY CLAIMING THAT THEIR
EMERGENCE FROM MALE HEGEMONY IS LESS ARTIFICIAL AND CONSTRUCTED THAN THAT WHICH
THEY HAVE CAST OFF, OR THAT THEIR TRUTHS ARE MORE FIRMLY GROUNDED THAN THOSE WHOSE ACCOUNTS OF BEING WOMEN VARY
WIDELY FROM THEIR OWN.
RHODE OBSERVES, FEMINISTS INFLUENCED BY

"LEFT IN THE AWKWARD POSITION OF MAINTAINING THAT GENDER
220 THUS, AS DEBORAH
POSTMODERNISM ARE
OPPRESSION EXISTS WHILE CHALLENGING [THEIR] CAPACITY TO DOCUMENT IT." 221

FEMINISTS NEED A STANCE TOWARD KNOWLEDGE THAT TAKES INTO ACCOUNT THE
CONTINGENCY OF KNOWLEDGE CLAIMS WHILE ALLOWING FOR A CONCEPT OF TRUTH OR
OBJECTIVITY THAT CAN SUSTAIN AN AGENDA FOR MEANINGFUL REFORM. THE POSTMODERN CRITIQUE
OF FOUNDATIONALISM IS PERSUASIVE TO MANY FEMINISTS, WHOSE EXPERIENCES AFFIRM THAT RULES AND PRINCIPLES ASSERTED AS
UNIVERSAL TRUTHS REFLECT PARTICULAR, CONTINGENT REALITIES THAT REINFORCE THEIR SUBORDINATION. AT THE SAME TIME, HOWEVER,
FEMINISTS MUST BE ABLE TO INSIST THAT THEY HAVE IDENTIFIED UNACCEPTABLE FORMS
OF OPPRESSION AND THAT THEY HAVE A BETTER ACCOUNT OF THE WORLD FREE FROM SUCH
[*880] OPPRESSION. FEMINISTS, ACCORDING TO LINDA ALCOFF, "NEED TO HAVE THEIR ACCUSATIONS OF MISOGYNY VALIDATED RATHER
THAN RENDERED 'UNDECIDABLE.'" 222 IN ADDITION, THEY MUST BUILD FROM THE POSTMODERN CRITIQUE ABOUT "HOW MEANINGS AND
BODIES GET MADE," DONNA HARAWAY WRITES, "NOT IN ORDER TO DENY MEANINGS AND BODIES, BUT IN ORDER TO BUILD MEANINGS AND
223 TO FOCUS ATTENTION ON THIS PROJECT OF REBUILDING,
FEMINISTS NEED A THEORY OF KNOWLEDGE THAT AFFIRMS AND DIRECTS THE
CONSTRUCTION OF NEW MEANINGS. FEMINISTS MUST BE ABLE TO BOTH DECONSTRUCT
AND CONSTRUCT KNOWLEDGE. IN THE NEXT SECTION, I DEVELOP POSITIONALITY AS A STANCE TOWARD KNOWLEDGE FROM
BODIES THAT HAVE A CHANCE FOR LIFE."
WHICH FEMINISTS MAY TRUST AND ACT UPON THEIR KNOWLEDGES, BUT STILL MUST ACKNOWLEDGE AND SEEK TO IMPROVE THEIR SOCIAL
GROUNDINGS.
Only the permutation solves lack of attention to reformism

makes utopian alternatives impossible to implement they recreate the violence they seek to criticize
Lacey, 1998 (Nicola, Professor of Criminal Law at the London School of Economics, Unspeakable
Subjects: Feminist Essays in Legal and Social Theory, pp.236-7)
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE ENTERPRISES OF CRITIQUE, UTOPIANISM AND REFORMIST POLICY PRESCRIPTION CAN BE EXPRESSED
SCHEMATICALLY IN A NUMBER OF WAYS. WE MIGHT SAY, FOR EXAMPLE, THAT THE UNDERSTANDING OF THE POWER OF CONTINGENT SOCIAL
CRITIQUE WORKS IS GENERALLY MOTIVATED BY A COMMITMENT TO

CHANGING THE WORLD. THIS DEPENDS IN TURN UPON THE VISION OF A SUBSTANTIALLY DIFFERENT WORLD IMAGINED IN
UTOPIAN THOUGHT. AND IT HAS THE ULTIMATE (PERHAPS VERY DISTANT) PROJECT OF APPROACHING THAT
VISION THROUGH THE PROCESS OF DEVELOPING PRACTICES AND INSTITUTIONS VIA
REFORMISM-THE PROCESS AND SHAPE OF REFORM ITSELF IN TURN HAVING RHETORICAL ASPECTS AND GENERATING FURTHER
ARRANGEMENTS TO WHICH
GROUND FOR CRITIQUE AND REIMAGNATION.
TWO CRUCIALLY IMPORTANT FEATURES OF THIS INTERDEPENDENCE MAKE IT FAR MORE
FIRST, THE SORT OF RHETORICAL POLITICS

WHICH IS IMAGINED IN UTOPIAN THOUGHT WILL, IF DIRECTLY INSTITUTIONALISED, HAVE
EFFECTS VERY DIFFERENT FROM THOSE IDEALLY ENVISIONED. THIS IS SIMPLY BECAUSE, BY
DEFINITION, THEY ARE REALISED WITHIN A VERY DIFFERENT KIND OF WORLD. UTOPIAS
CANNOT BE REACHED: RATHER THEY PROVIDE HORIZONS TOWARDS WHICH WE ATTEMPT TO
MOVE.38 HENCE, SECONDLY, THE MOVEMENT TOWARDS SUCH UTOPIAS DEPENDS ON A DYNAMIC
AND GENERAL PROCESS OF SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION TO WHICH THE CONSCIOUSNESS OF
CONTINGENCY AND THE DISCURSIVE CONSTRUCTION OF DIFFERENCE ARE ONLY
PRECONDITIONS. FOR THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF SUCH IMAGINED WORLDS WITHOUT A
MORE GENERAL CHANGE WOULD-AS IN MANY EXPERIMENTS WITH INFORMAL JUSTICEMERELY REPRODUCE
THE VIOLENCE, THE ANTI-DEMOCRATIC TOTALISATION, RESISTANCE TO WHICH
UNDERPINNED THE PRIMACY OF CRITIQUE. TO ARGUE THAT THE COORDINATION OF UTOPIAN UNDERSTANDINGS IS
COMPLEX AND FRAGILE THAN THE SCHEMATIC STATEMENT IMPLIES.
MERELY A PRECONDITION TO SOCIAL CHANGE IS NOT TO DENY THEIR CRUCIAL IMPORTANCE. TO TAKE A PERHAPS UNSYMPATHETIC EXAMPLE,
MARGARET THATCHER'S POLITICAL RHETORIC UNSETTLED EXISTING UNDERSTANDINGS OF THE PROPRIETY OF KEYNESIAN MANAGEMENT OF
THE ECONOMY AND ARTICULATED A VISION OF AN ECONOMY RUN ON NEO-CLASSICAL PRINCIPLES AND A SOCIETY BUILT ON AN "ENTERPRISE
CULTURE". THERE CAN BE NO DOUBT THAT THE RHETORICAL POWER OF THESE ARGUMENTS WAS A PRECONDITION FOR THE RADICAL
CHANGE WHICH HER GOVERNMENT'S POLICIES ENGENDERED. CHANGING PEOPLE'S IDEAS OF THE POSSIBLE IS A CRUCIAL ELEMENT IN
THE QUESTION IS, HOW FAR CAN WE ATTAIN ANY GENERAL UNDERSTANDINGS
WHICH WILL HELP US TO CHART THE PATH FROM PRECONDITION TO CHANGE? IN ORDER TO TAKE
REFORMISM.
UTOPIAN RHETORICAL STRATEGIES FURTHER, AS WELL AS TO UNDERSTAND HOW THE ETHICAL VISIONS EMERGING FROM CRITICAL LEGAL
THEORY RELATE TO REFORMISM, AT LEAST TWO OTHER PROJECTS ALSO HAVE TO BE ADVANCED. FIRST, RHETORICAL STRATEGIES BEG A
CONCEPTION OF WHAT WOULD CONSTITUTE AN ADEQUATE DEMOCRATIC PRACTICE-AN UNDERSTANDING OF HOW A GENUINE DIALOGUE
ABOUT VISIONS OF DIFFERENCE MIGHT BE ENGENDERED. SECONDLY, THEY PRESUPPOSE AN UNDERSTANDING OF HOW PARTICULAR HUMAN
SOCIETIES OPERATE AND DEVELOP, OF HOW DISCURSIVE AND MATERIAL PRACTICES AND CHANGES INTERACT, OF HOW POWER FLOWS
THE LEGITIMACY AS WELL AS THE POWER OF RHETORIC AS

POLITICS DEPENDS UPON THE DEVELOPMENT OF INSTITITUTIONALLY ORIENTED SOCIAL
THEORETIC INSIGHTS. WITHOUT THIS, THE CRITIQUE AND THE IMAGINATIVE RHETORIC OF THE
FIRST TWO PROJECTS, WHICH THEMSELVES JUSTIFIABLY CLAIM THE STATUS OF DISTINCTIVE POLITICAL ACTION OR ENGAGEMENT, CAN
NOT MOVE BEYOND THEIR CURRENT (OFTEN LIMITED) AUDIENCE. NOR CAN THEY ATTAIN
ANY UNDERSTANDING OF WHAT THEIR EFFECTS MAY BE. A POLITICS WHICH DENIES THE
RELEVANCE OF ITS OWN EFFECTS MAY FAIRLY BE ACCUSED OF SOME DEGREE OF
IRRESPONSIBILITY.
THROUGH THE SOCIAL BODY. IN OTHER WORDS,
General AT: Gender = Root Cause of

War
Gender is not the root cause of war efforts to end gender
injustice must start by dealing with war. Only the Aff can
provide the space necessary for change
Goldstein, 2001 (Joshua S., Professor of International Relations at American University, War
and Gender: How Gender Shapes the War System and Vice Versa, pp.411-412)
I BEGAN THIS BOOK HOPING TO CONTRIBUTE IN SOME WAY TO A DEEPER UNDERSTANDING OF WAR AN UNDERSTANDING THAT WOULD
IN FOLLOWING
THE THREAD OF GENDER RUNNING THROUGH WAR, I FOUND THE DEEPER UNDERSTANDING I HAD HOPED FOR A
MULTIDISCIPLINARY AND MULTILEVEL ENGAGEMENT WITH THE SUBJECT. YET I BECAME SOMEWHAT MORE PESSIMISTIC
ABOUT HOW QUICKLY OR EASILY WAR MAY END. THE WAR SYSTEM EMERGES, FROM THE EVIDENCE
IN THIS BOOK, AS RELATIVELY UBIQUITOUS AND ROBUST. EFFORTS TO CHANGE THIS SYSTEM
MUST OVERCOME SEVERAL DILEMMAS MENTIONED IN THIS BOOK. FIRST, PEACE ACTIVISTS FACE A
DILEMMA IN THINKING ABOUT CAUSES OF WAR AND WORKING FOR PEACE. MANY PEACE
SCHOLARS AND ACTIVISTS SUPPORT THE APPROACH, IF YOU WANT PEACE, WORK FOR JUSTICE.
THEN, IF ONE BELIEVES THAT SEXISM CONTRIBUTES TO WAR, ONE CAN WORK FOR GENDER
JUSTICE SPECIFICALLY (PERHAPS AMONG OTHERS) IN ORDER TO PURSUE PEACE. THIS APPROACH BRINGS STRATEGIC
ALLIES TO THE PEACE MOVEMENT (WOMEN, LABOR, MINORITIES), BUT RESTS ON THE ASSUMPTION THAT INJUSTICES
CAUSE WAR. THE EVIDENCE IN THIS BOOK SUGGESTS THAT CAUSALITY RUNS AT LEAST AS
STRONGLY THE OTHER WAY. WAR IS NOT A PRODUCT OF CAPITALISM, IMPERIALISM, GENDER, INNATE
AGGRESSION, OR ANY OTHER SINGLE CAUSE, ALTHOUGH ALL OF THESE INFLUENCE WARS OUTBREAKS AND OUTCOMES.
RATHER, WAR HAS IN PART FUELED AND SUSTAINED THESE AND OTHER INJUSTICES. SO,
IF YOU WANT PEACE, WORK FOR PEACE. INDEED, IF YOU WANT JUSTICE (GENDER AND
OTHERS), WORK FOR PEACE. CAUSALITY DOES NOT RUN JUST UPWARD THROUGH THE LEVELS OF ANALYSIS, FROM TYPES
IMPROVE THE CHANCES OF SOMEDAY ACHIEVING REAL PEACE, BY DELETING WAR FROM OUR HUMAN REPERTOIRE.
OF INDIVIDUALS, SOCIETIES, AND GOVERNMENTS UP TO WAR. IT RUNS DOWNWARD TOO. ENLOE SUGGESTS THAT CHANGES IN ATTITUDES
TOWARDS WAR AND THE MILITARY MAY BE THE MOST IMPORTANT WAY TO REVERSE WOMENS OPPRESSION. THE DILEMMA IS THAT PEACE
WORK FOCUSED ON JUSTICE BRINGS TO THE PEACE MOVEMENT ENERGY, ALLIES, AND MORAL GROUNDING, YET, IN LIGHT OF THIS BOOKS
THE EMPHASIS ON INJUSTICE AS THE MAIN CAUSE OF WAR SEEMS TO BE

EMPIRICALLY INADEQUATE.
EVIDENCE,
AT: Fem IR
No evidence exists to support any gender bias in international
relations their authors substitute person experience for facts
JARVIS, 2000
(PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND THE CHALLENGE OF POSTMODERNISM,

FEBRUARY, UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH CAROLINA PUBLISHING, PG. 160-162)
CRUDE CHARACTERIZATIONS OF A HEGEMONIC GENDER CLASS THUS DISPLAY AN ANOMALOUS

CAPACITY TO IGNORE COMPLETELY THOSE FACTS THAT DO NOT ACCORD WITH IDEOLOGICAL BELIEF.
AND POSTMODERN FEMINISTS HAVE BEEN MOST ADROIT AT THIS, SUBSTITUTING THE EVIDENTIARY
REQUIREMENTS OF SYSTEMATIC OBSERVATION AND REASONED ARGUMENT FOR IDENTITY DISCOURSES
THAT RELY ON "PERCEPTIONS" AND "FEELINGS." IN A RECENT SURVEY CONDUCTED FOR THE INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
ASSOCIATION (ISA) BY THE COMMITTEE FOR STUDY ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, FOR EXAMPLE, MARIE
HENEHAN AND MEREDITH REID SARKEES FRAME THEIR SURVEY IN SUCH A WAY AS TO MEASURE THE SUBJECTIVE PERCEPTIONS OF
RESPONDENTS. "THE RESPONDENTS WERE ASKED WHETHER THEY HAD PERCEIVED GENDER BIAS IN THE COURSE OF THEIR CAREER."139
IN AN ALTERNATE SURVEY CONDUCTED FOR THE SAME ISA COMMITTEE, CHRISTINE SYLVESTER NOTES THAT "MANY RESPONDENTS REPORT
FEELING ISOLATED WITHIN THEIR DEPARTMENTS AND FROM MAJOR NETWORKS IN THE FIELD."140 ASIDE FROM THE OBVIOUS FACT THAT
QUESTIONS OF THE METHODOLOGICAL

APPROPRIATENESS OF ANECDOTAL EVIDENCE NEED ALSO TO BE EXPLORED. THAT THE REALITY OF
ANY SITUATION CAN BE GAUGED FROM PERSONAL NARRATIVES BASED EXCLUSIVELY UPON PERCEPTION
MAKES FOR BAD SOCIAL SCIENCE AND LEADS, ULTIMATELY, TO DESTRUCTIVE DEBATES THAT HURL
ABOUT SUBJECTIVE ACCUSATIONS. 141 WITNESS, FOR EXAMPLE, THE CLAIMS OF MATRIARCHAL
SUPERIORITY WHEN STANDPOINT FEMINISTS INSIST THAT "WOMEN HAVE A DISTINCTIVE, SUPERIOR VIEW OF THE WORLD, DISTINCTIVE
PERCEPTIONS OF BIAS OR FEELINGS OF ISOLATION ARE NOT EXCLUSIVE TO WOMEN,
BECAUSE SHAPED BY THOSE FEATURES OF THEIR EXPERIENCES THAT DISTINGUISH THEM FROM MEN, SUPERIOR ON THE . . . BASIS THAT THE
OPPRESSED ARE CAPABLE OF A HIGHER FORM OF AWARENESS THAN THE OPPRESSOR."142 THIS IS SIMPLY INVERTED PATRIARCHY,
IT REPLICATES
THE PRIVILEGING OF ONE GENDER OVER ANOTHER AND DISCHARGES ALL HOPE OF EQUALITY
BETWEEN GENDERS ON THE BASIS OF MERIT ALONE. MOREOVER, IT INVOKES A CRUDE AND
UNSUBSTANTIATED ARGUMENT DERIVED THROUGH INTUITION, THAT WOMEN FEEL MORE DEEPLY, ARE
BETTER KNOWERS, AND THUS HAVE BETTER UNDERSTANDINGS OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS . BUT
HOW IS THIS DIFFERENT FROM PATRIARCHAL-CHAUVINIST CLAIMS THAT MEN ARE MORE RATIONAL,
LOGICAL, STRATEGIC AND WOMEN MORE EMOTIONAL, LESS REASONED, AND CAPTIVE TO THEIR
BIOLOGICAL CYCLES? BOTH SUCH ARGUMENTS ARE EQUALLY AS PREPOSTEROUS AND NEED TO BE
ABANDONED, NOT INVOKED AS A MEANS FORWARD FOR UNDERSTANDING INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS.
MORE OBVIOUSLY, SUCH SILLY METHODS TEND TOWARD A PERVERSE HIERARCHICAL INDEX OF WHO
SUFFERS THE MOST, WHO BEARS THE MOST BURDEN, FEELS THE MOST HURT.
PREMISED ON LITTLE MORE THAN FANCIFUL WHIMS ABOUT THE INNATE CHARACTERISTICS OF WOMEN VIS-A-VIS MEN.
Permutation
Permutation solves best only creating a merger of feminist and
Realist insights can offer a more complete understanding of
international politics
Jones, 1996 (Adam, Associate Research Fellow at Yale and PhD in Political Science, Review of
International Studies, October, pp.415-416)
I DO NOT WISH TO SUGGEST THAT ALL FEMINISTS VIEW REALISM AND A FEMINIST APPROACH TO IR AS UTTERLY INCOMPATIBLE. ONE
ELEMENT OF THE ONGOING DEBATE BETWEEN LIBERAL FEMINISTS AND THEIR POST-POSITIVIST COUNTERPARTS IS THE OCCASIONAL
REALISM MAY NOT BE SO DEEPLY

COMPROMISED AS TO REQUIRE JETTISONING. IN HER APPRAISAL OF HANS J. MORGENTHAU, FOR INSTANCE,
TICKNER CRITICIZES REALISM AS ONLY 'A PARTIAL DESCRIPTION OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS', OWING TO
ITS DEEPLY EMBEDDED MASCULINIST BIAS.' BUT PARTIAL DESCRIPTIONS ARE PARTIAL DESCRIPTIONS: THEY
ARE NOT DEAD WRONG. TICKNER ATTACKS MORGENTHAUS PARADIGM ON SEVERAL GROUNDS.
BUT HER MAIN CONCERN IS TO OFFER A 'FEMINIST REFORMULATION OF CERTAIN REALIST
PRINCIPLES. IN A SIMILAR VEIN, THE CENTRAL PROBLEM MAY NOT BE WITH OBJECTIVITY AS SUCH, BUT WITH OBJECTIVITY 'AS IT IS
RECOGNITION THAT, AS WITH OTHER 'PATRIARCHAL' PARADIGMS OR INSTITUTIONS,
CULTURALLY DEFINED
. . . [AND] ASSOCIATED WITH MASCULINITY'. THE IDEA OF THE 'NATIONAL INTEREST' LIKEWISE NEEDS TO BE
. TICKNER
'I AM NOT DENYING THE VALIDITY OF MORGENTHAUS WORK', JUST AS KATHY
RENDERED MORE 'MULTIDIMENSIONAL AND CONTEXTUALLY CONTINGENT', BUT NOT NECESSARILY ABANDONED
STRESSES:
FERGUSON EMPHASIZES THE IMPORTANCE OF 'NEGOTIAT[ING] RESPECTFULLY WITH CONTENTIOUS OTHERS. A SIMILAR APPROACH IS
EVIDENT IN CYNTHIA ENLOE'S BANANAS, BEACHES AND BASES, PERHAPS THE BEST-KNOWN WORK OF FEMINIST IR CRITICISM. ENLOE
ATTEMPTS TO SUPPLEMENT THE CLASSICAL FRAMEWORK BY CONSIDERING WOMEN'S CONTRIBUTIONS AND EXPERIENCES. BUT SHE DOES
NOR DEVALUE OR REJECT THE FRAMEWORK AS SUCH. THUS, ENLOE LOOKS AT INTERNATIONAL DIPLOMACY, GEOSTRATEGIC MILITARY
ALLIANCES (AS SYMBOLIZED BY MILITARY BASES), INTERNATIONAL TOURISM, AND FIRST WORLD-THIRD WORLD ECONOMIC RELATIONS. THE
FIRST TWO ARE HALLMARK CONCERNS OF THE CLASSICAL PARADIGM. THE THIRD AND FOURTH DERIVE FROM NEO-MARXIST AND IPE
THEORIES. IN EACH CASE, ENLOE PRESENTS INNOVATIVE AVENUES OF INQUIRY, AND AN INTRIGUING REWORKING OF PERSPECTIVES THAT
HAVE GROWN STALE. HER STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL DIPLOMACY, FOR EXAMPLE, CONCENTRATES ON THE ROLE OF DIPLOMATIC WIVES IN
STRUCTURING THE 'INFORMAL RELATIONSHIPS' THAT ENABLE MALE DIPLOMATS 'TO ACCOMPLISH THEIR POLITICAL TASKS'. WOMEN, SHE
ARGUES, ARE 'VITAL TO CREATING AND MAINTAINING TRUST BETWEEN MEN IN A HOSTILE WORLD; NEGOTIATIONS "MAN-TO-MAN" ARE
MOST LIKELY TO GO SMOOTHLY IF THEY CAN TAKE PLACE OUTSIDE OFFICIAL SETTINGS, IN THE "PRIVATE" SPHERE OF THE HOME OR AT
BUT ENLOE DOES NOT SEEM TO BE PROPOSING A REVISION OF
WHAT CONSTITUTES THE BUSINESS OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS', HOWEVER CRITICAL SHE
MAY BE OF THE WAV THIS BUSINESS OPERATES, OR OF THE (UNDERACKNOWLEDGED) SUPPORTING ROLES WOMEN
PLAY IN THE BUSINESS. SCHOLARS HAVE ALWAYS MINED THE PAST FOR INSIGHTS AND GUIDANCE.
THERE IS A CURIOSITY, A GENEROSITY OF SPIRIT, IN MUCH FEMINIST WRITING THAT MAY
FACILITATE A PROVISIONAL MODUS VIVENDI, THOUGH HARDLY AN ALLIANCE, BETWEEN REALIST AND
FEMINIST SCHOLARSHIP. THIS WOULD DEMAND OF THE CLASSICAL TRADITION THAT IT
ACKNOWLEDGE AND CORRECT ITS BLANK SPACES AND BIASED FORMULATIONS. FEMINISM,
MEANWHILE, COULD GLEAN FROM REALISM SOME SHARP INSIGHTS INTO THE LIMITED BUT
SIGNIFICANT VEINS OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS THAT THE CLASSICAL TRADITION HAS
LONG MINED, AND NOT WITHOUT SUCCESS.
GATHERINGS THAT INCLUDE WIVES.
Their rejection of the perm re-entrenches the hierarchies they

seek to criticize
Caprioli, 2004 (Mary, Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Tennessee,
International Studies Review, June, p.256)
THERE IS LITTLE UTILITY IN CONSTRUCTING A DIVIDE IF NONE EXISTS. AS THOMAS KUHN (1962) ARGUES, COMMON MEASURES
DO EXIST ACROSS PARADIGMS THAT PROVIDE A SHARED BASIS FOR THEORY. IT SEEMS OVERLY
PESSIMISTIC TO ACCEPT KARL POPPER'S "MYTH OF FRAMEWORK," WHICH POSTULATES THAT "WE ARE PRISONERS CAUGHT IN THE
FRAMEWORK OF OUR THEORIES, OUR EXPECTATIONS, OUR PAST EXPERIENCES, OUR LANGUAGE, AND THAT AS A CONSEQUENCE, WE
(NEUFELD 1995:44). SOME

FEMINISTS (FOR EXAMPLE, TICKNER 1996, 2001; PETERSON 2002; STEANS 2003) APPEAR TO EMBRACE THIS
"MYTH OF FRAMEWORK" BY ACCENTUATING THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE
PERSPECTIVES OF FEMINIST AND IR THEORISTS BASED ON THEIR PAST EXPERIENCES AND
LANGUAGES AND CRITICIZE IR THEORISTS FOR THEIR LACK OF COMMUNICATION WITH FEMINIST IR SCHOLARS. IRONICALLY,
THE "MYTH OF FRAMEWORK" SHARES A NUMBER OF ASSUMPTIONS WITH HOBBES'S
DESCRIPTION OF THE STATE OF NATURE THAT FEMINISTS ROUTINELY REJECT. THE "MYTH
OF FRAMEWORK" ASSUMES NO MIDDLE GROUNDSCHOLARS ARE PRESUMABLY
ENTRENCHED IN THEIR OWN WORLDVIEWS WITHOUT HOPE OF COMPROMISE OR THE
ABILITY TO UNDERSTAND OTHERS' WORLDVIEWS. IF THIS IS THE CASE, SCHOLARS ARE
DOOMED TO DISCUSSIONS WITH LIKE-MINDED INDIVIDUALS RATHER THAN HAVING A
PRODUCTIVE DIALOGUE WITH THOSE OUTSIDE THEIR OWN WORLDVIEW. SCHOLARS WHO ACCEPT THE "MYTH OF FRAMEWORK"
HAVE ESSENTIALLY CREATED A TOWER OF BABEL IN WHICH THEY CHOOSE NOT TO UNDERSTAND EACH OTHER'S LANGUAGE. THE
ACCEPTANCE OF SUCH A MYTH CREATES CONFLICT AND ESTABLISHES A HIERARCHY WITHIN
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SCHOLARSHIP EVEN THOUGH CONVENTIONAL FEMINISTS
THEORETICALLY SEEK TO IDENTIFY AND ERADICATE CONFLICT AND HIERARCHY WITHIN
SOCIETY AS A WHOLE.
CANNOT COMMUNICATE WITH OR JUDGE THOSE WORKING IN TERMS OF A DIFFERENT PARADIGM"
We shouldnt throw out the baby with the bathwater

traditional theories of IR offer important insights for
overcoming gender hierarchies.
Sylvester, 1994 (Christine, Associate Professor of Political Science at Northern Arizona
University, Feminist Theory and International Relations in a Postmodern Era, p.215)
ANALOGOUSLY, I HAVE ARGUED AGAINST THE POSTMODERNIST NOTION THAT "WOMEN" SHOULD RENOUNCE GENDER IN ORDER TO BE FREE
IF WE THROW OUT EVEN FALSE HOMES

BEFORE SEARCHING THROUGH THEIR SPACES FOR HIDDEN TREASURES, THERE IS A
POSSIBILITY THAT WE THROW OUT THOSE EXCLUDED WAYS OF KNOWING BEFORE WE HAVE
CONSIDERED THEIR MERITS AND DEMERITS FOR IR. AS WELL, IF WE THROW OUT ALL OF
STANDARD IR THOUGHT, FEMINISTS MISS THE NUGGETS OF WISDOM THAT CAN KEEP US
ON OUR TOES AND AWAY FROM THE TRAPS OF WISHFUL THINKING. FOR EXAMPLE, MAINSTREAM
TO RENOUNCE ALL OTHER MODEM INSTANCES OF SOVEREIGN VOICE.
DEPICTIONS OF PRISONERS WITH DILEMMAS TEACH US THAT SOME CONDITIONS MAY BE MORE CONDUCIVE TO PROCESSES OF EMPATHETIC
COOPERATION THAN OTHERS. HEGEMONIC STABILITY THEORY TEACHES US ABOUT POTENTIAL PROBLEMS IN FREE-WHEELING
CONVERSATIONS THAT EMBRACE DISORDER AS A MODUS OPERANDI.
IR theory isnt absolute their all or nothing approach reentrenches the problems they seek to correct.
Sylvester, 1992 (Christine, Professor of Women's Studies and Professorial Affiliate of Politics &
International Relations at the Lancaster University, Gendered States: Feminist (Re)Visions of
International Relations Theory, p.171)
FEMINISTS AND WOMEN STRUGGLERS MIGHT NOT WIN THEORY IN THE DECISIVE WAYS REALISTS FIND SIGNIFICANT; AFTER ALL, GREENHAM
COMMON WOMEN DID NOT PREVAIL ON THEIR OWN AGAINST THEATER NUCLEAR WEAPONS IN GREAT BRITAIN. IF ONE STANDS AT
THE NEXUS OF THE WIN/LOSE DICHOTOMY, HOWEVER, ONE CAN LOSE THE EFFORT TO COMMAND
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND WIN NEW SELF-CONFIDENCE AND POLITICAL SKILLS FOR
FUTURE CHALLENGES. TO THINK IN TERMS OF ABSOLUTE SUCCESS OR FAILURE, OF THEORY
TAKEOVERS VERSUS REALIST RETRENCHMENTS, IS TO BE GOVERNED BY BE REACTIVELY

AUTONOMOUS HABIT OF ESTABLISHING IDENTITY AGAINST AND IN OPPOSITION TO OTHERS.
IT IS ALSO TO REINFORCE REALIST INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AS A TOTALITY TO BE
SUPPLANTED COMPLETELY, RATHER THAN AS A PARTIAL REALITY FILTERED THROUGH THE
STANDPOINTS OF SOME MEN.
Engaging mainstream theories of IR is critical to political and

academic advances no risk of co-optation.
Carpenter, 2003 (R. Charli, Assistant Professor of International Affairs at the University of
Pittsburgh, International Studies Review, p.300)
STILL, SOME WILL ASK: WHY DO GENDER AS A NON-FEMINIST? FIRST, FOR THIS AUTHOR, IT IS NOT ONLY
SUBSTANTIVELY IMPORTANT TO EXAMINE WHAT ROLE GENDER PLAYS WHEN ASKING BROADER
QUESTIONS THAN THOSE OFTEN EMPHASIZED BY IR FEMINISTS, BUT ALSO POLITICALLY IMPORTANT TO MAINTAIN THE
EMPHASIS ON PROBLEMATIZING GENDER HIERARCHIES WHEN CLAIMING TO WRITE AS A FEMINIST. FOR EXAMPLE, ONE MIGHT, AS AN IR
NEO-FEMINIST (CAPRIOLI 2003), INVESTIGATE THE WAY IN WHICH GENDER ESSENTIALISMS IN THE CIVILIAN PROTECTION NETWORK AFFECT
EFFORTS TO PROMOTE GENDER EQUITY IN INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS. THE AIM OF THIS PROJECT IS SIMPLY TO UNDERSTAND THE
EFFECTS OF GENDER IDEOLOGIES ON PATTERNS OF HUMANITARIAN ACTION AND THE EXTENT TO WHICH THESE PATTERNS PROMOTE OR
SECOND, MANY IR FEMINISTS HAVE

EXPRESSED AN INTEREST IN EXPLICITLY PROVOKING A DIALOGUE WITH MAINSTREAM
SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVISTS AND BEYOND THAT IR SCHOLARS IN GENERAL. IF THE GOAL IS
TO ADD GENDER TO THEIR FRAME OF REFERENCE AND DEMONSTRATE WHY THEY CANNOT
DO WITHOUT IT, WE NEED TO SPEAK WITHIN THAT FRAME IN ORDER TO BE HEARD. AS LONG AS
INHIBIT THE PROTECTION OF CIVILIANS (A CATEGORY NOT COTERMINOUS WITH WOMEN).
GENDER AND FEMINIST THEORY ARE CONFLATED WITHIN THE DISCIPLINE OF IR, IT WILL REMAIN ALL TOO EASY FOR SOCIAL
CONSTRUCTIVISTS AND OTHER MAINSTREAM SCHOLARS TO BRUSH ASIDE QUESTIONS OF GENDER IF THEIR WORK DOES NOT EXPLICITLY
INVOLVE WOMEN OR FEMINIST CONCERNS. THE WORK ON HUMANITARIAN ACTION DESCRIBED ABOVE, WHICH CAN BE LEGITIMATELY
CRITICIZED BY FEMINISTS FOR ADOPTING AN INTENTIONALLY NARROW FRAME, USES SUCH A FRAME TO DEMONSTRATE THAT EVEN IN SUCH
CONVENTIONAL PROJECTS, GENDER ANALYSIS IS INDISPENSABLE FOR UNDERSTANDING THE WORLD. INSOFAR AS WORKING WITHIN
IR FEMINISM, ENGAGING IN THAT INTELLECTUAL

EXERCISE SEEMS WORTHWHILE IF THE END RESULT IS TO BETTER MAINSTREAM GENDER IN
THE DISCIPLINE. SOME WILL SEE THIS PROPOSAL AS A DANGEROUS STEP TOWARD
STRIPPING GENDER ANALYSIS OF ITS FEMINIST COMPONENTS, AND PERHAPS TEN YEARS AGO THIS AUTHOR
WOULD HAVE SHARED THAT CONCERN. BUT FEMINISM IS NOW WELL ESTABLISHED IN IR. THE NEXT
IMPORTANT STEP IS TO INCREASE MAINSTREAM SCHOLARS INTEREST AND LITERACY IN
GENDER ANALYSIS. THE WAY TO ACCOMPLISH SUCH A RESULT IS BY DEMONSTRATING THAT
GENDER IS RELEVANT TO THEIR WORK. ONLY BY SO DOING CAN IR NEO-/FEMINISTS HOPE
TO ENGAGE THE MAINSTREAM ON ISSUES OF POWER AND EMANCIPATION.
CONVENTIONAL CONSTRUCTIVISM MEANS STEPPING OUTSIDE OF
AT: Methodology
Rejection of positivist methodologies undermines critical
strategies of change and entrenches new gendered
orthodoxies.
Smith, 1998 (Steve, Professor of International Politics at University of Wales, The Man Question
in International Relations, Ed. Zalewski and Parpart, pp.61-62)
I AM NOW LESS WORRIED BY THIS DANGER OF INCORPORATION, BUT I DO WANT TO MAINTAIN THAT FOR LIBERAL, RADICAL, AND SOCIALIST
(AND FOR FEMINIST EMPIRICISTS AND STANDPOINT[S] THEORISTS), POSTSTRUCTURALISTS DO NOT PAY
SUFFICIENT ATTENTION TO GENDER GENERALLY AND TO WOMEN SPECIFICALLY. THIS TENSION IS
FEMINISMS
OLD HAT IN THE WIDER FEMINIST AND WOMENS STUDIES LITERATURE BUT HAS NOT YET BEEN DISCUSSED WIDELY WITHIN
IR. IN ESSENCE,
THE VARIOUS ELEMENTS OF THE POSTPOSITIVIST REVOLUTION MAY BE INCOMPATIBLE

BECAUSE THEY HAVE AT THEIR CORE FUNDAMENTALLY DIFFERENT AND EXCLUSIVE
ONTOLOGIES AND EPISTEMOLOGIES. HOWEVER STANDPOINT FEMINISM GETS DEFINED, IT MUST
REQUIRE SOME CATEGORY OR CATEGORIES OF WOMAN, AND YET IT IS EXACTLY THIS MOVE THAT
IS DISSOLVED OR UNDERMINED BY MANY POSTSTRUCTURALIST METHODOLOGIES. TO THE
EXTENT THAT FEMINIST IR INVOLVES A CALL TO START ANALYSIS FROM THE POSITION OF
WOMEN, IT RUNS UP AGAINST EXACTLY THE SAME CLAIMS ABOUT METANARRATIVES THAT
LYOTARD, BAUDRILLARD, AND RORTY USE TO UNDERMINE DOMINANT DISCOURSES. MOREOVER, TO
THE EXTENT THAT GENDER ANALYSIS LEADS US INTO STUDIES OF MASCULINITY, THERE IS A
DANGER THAT WE END UP SEEING THE MASTER AS BEING AS OPPRESSED AS THE SLAVE OR
THE BOURGEOISIE AS BEING AS MUCH A VICTIM AS THE LUMPENPROLETARIAT.
IN THIS LIGHT, THE POSTPOSITIVIST
REVOLUTION IN IR PROCEEDED FOR MANY YEARS WITHOUT FACING UP TO THE PROBLEM
THAT ITS ELEMENTS ARE INCOMPATIBLE. INITIALLY, THE NEED TO MAKE COMMON CAUSE AGAINST A DOMINANT
ORTHODOXY BOUND THE SEPARATE ELEMENTS TOGETHER; BUT MANY FEMINISTS HAVE BEGUN TO WORRY THAT
POSTSTRUCTURALIST IR IS JUST ANOTHER MANIFESTATION OF GENDERED ORTHODOXY . TO
QUOTE AN OLD SONG, MEET THE NEW BOSS; SAME AS THE OLD BOSS. IN MY JUDGMENT THE
THEN,
FEMINIST AND THE POSTSTRUCTURALIST LITERATURES ARE ABOUT TO DIVERGE ON THE QUESTION OF THE ORTHODOXY TO BE
OVERTHROWN.
Excluding positivist methodologies undermines their

alternative only embracing methodological pluralism can
advance their goals.
Caprioli, 2004 (Mary, Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Tennessee,
International Studies Review, June, pp.256-8)
THE PURPORTED LANGUAGE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN FEMINIST AND IR SCHOLARS APPEARS TO BE METHODOLOGICAL. IN GENERAL,
FEMINIST
IR SCHOLARS
2 ARE SKEPTICAL OF EMPIRICIST METHODOLOGIES AND "HAVE NEVER BEEN
SATISFIED WITH THE BOUNDARY CONSTRAINTS OF CONVENTIONAL IR" (TICKNER 2001:2). AS NOTED ABOVE, CONVENTIONAL
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IS DEFINED ON THE BASIS OF METHODOLOGY AS A COMMITMENT "TO EMPIRICISM AND DATA-BASED METHODS
(TICKNER 2001:149). IRONICALLY, SOME FEMINIST IR SCHOLARS PLACE BOUNDARY

CONSTRAINTS ON FEMINIST IR SCHOLARSHIP BY LIMITING ITS DEFINITION TO A CRITICALINTERPRETIVE METHODOLOGY (SEE CARPENTER 2003:FTN. 1). RATHER THAN PUSHING
METHODOLOGICAL BOUNDARIES TO EXPAND THE FIELD AND TO PROMOTE INCLUSIVENESS,
CONVENTIONAL IR FEMINISTS APPEAR TO DISCRIMINATE AGAINST QUANTITATIVE
RESEARCH. IF CONVENTIONAL FEMINISTS ARE WILLING TO EMBRACE MULTICULTURAL APPROACHES TO FEMINISM, WHY RESTRICT
OF TESTING"
THERE WOULD SEEM TO BE A LACK OF CONSISTENCY BETWEEN RHETORIC AND

PRACTICE. ESPECIALLY AT THE GLOBAL LEVEL, THERE NEED NOT BE ONLY ONE WAY TO
ACHIEVE FEMINIST GOALS. HENCE, CONVENTIONAL FEMINIST IR SCHOLARS MIGHT BENEFIT
FROM PARTICIPATING IN MAINSTREAM IR SCHOLARS' EVOLVING EMBRACE OF
METHODOLOGICAL PLURALISM AND EPISTEMOLOGICAL OPPORTUNISM (BUENO DE MESQUITA 2002; CHAN 2002; FEARON
RESEARCH TOOLS?
AND WENDT 2002). ONE MUST ASSUME THAT FEMINIST IR SCHOLARS SUPPORT THE PURSUIT OF RESEARCH THAT BROADENS OUR
UNDERSTANDING OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. SUCH A RESEARCH AGENDA MUST INCLUDE BOTH EVIDENCE AND LOGIC (BUENO DE
MESQUITA 2002; CHAN 2002). THEORIZING, CASE STUDY EVIDENCE (SPECIFIC DETAILS), AND EXTERNAL VALIDITY (GENERALITY) ARE ALL
NECESSARY COMPONENTS OF RESEARCHONLY THROUGH A COMBINATION OF ALL THREE MODES OF INQUIRY CAN WE BEGIN TO GAIN
CONFIDENCE IN OUR UNDERSTANDING. "AND STILL WE DEBATE WHAT SEEMS TO HAVE BEEN OBVIOUS TO OUR PREDECESSORS: TO GAIN
UNDERSTANDING, WE NEED TO INTEGRATE CAREFUL EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS WITH THE EQUALLY CAREFUL APPLICATION OF THE POWER OF
(BUENO DE MESQUITA 2002:2). DIFFERENT TYPES OF SCHOLARSHIP "MAKE DIFFERENT

CONTRIBUTIONS THAT CAN BE MUTUALLY BENEFICIAL, AS WHEN HISTORICAL STUDIES ISOLATE IMMEDIATE
REASON"
CAUSES THAT ACT AS CATALYSTS FOR THE GENERAL TENDENCIES IDENTIFIED IN AGGREGATE ANALYSES" (CHAN 2002:754). WITHOUT
LOGIC AND THEORY, THE GENERAL TENDENCIES IDENTIFIED THROUGH QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS ARE INCOMPLETE. "IN THE ABSENCE OF
GUIDANCE FROM SUCH LOGIC, THE DATA EXERCISES DEGENERATE INTO MINDLESS FISHING EXPEDITIONS AND ARE VULNERABLE TO
SPURIOUS INTERPRETATIONS" (CHAN 2002:750). MOST SCHOLARS CONCERNED WITH GENDER CERTAINLY OWE A DEBT TO JEAN BETHKE
ELSHTAIN (1987), CYNTHIA ENLOE (1989), AND ANN TICKNER (1992). THESE IR FEMINISTS SHATTERED THE PUBLISHING BOUNDARY
FOR FEMINIST IR SCHOLARSHIP AND TACKLED THE DIFFICULT TASK OF DECONSTRUCTING IR THEORY, INCLUDING ITS FOUNDING MYTHS,
THEREBY CREATING THE LOGIC TO GUIDE FEMINIST QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH. IT IS ONLY THROUGH EXPOSURE TO FEMINIST LITERATURE
THAT ONE CAN BEGIN TO SCIENTIFICALLY QUESTION THE SEXIST ASSUMPTIONS INHERENT IN THE DOMINANT PARADIGMS OF INTERNATIONAL
FEMINIST THEORY IS RIFE WITH TESTABLE HYPOTHESES THAT CAN ONLY

STRENGTHEN FEMINIST IR SCHOLARSHIP BY IDENTIFYING FALSE LEADS AND LOGICAL
ERRORS OR BY IDENTIFYING GENERAL TENDENCIES THAT DESERVE FURTHER INQUIRY. WITHOUT THE SOLID BODY OF FEMINIST
RELATIONS.
LITERATURE THAT EXISTS, QUANTITATIVE FEMINIST
IR SCHOLARSHIP WOULD BE MEANINGLESS. THE EXISTING FEMINIST LITERATURE BASED
NO ONE METHODOLOGY IS
SUPERIOR TO THE OTHERS. SO, WHY CREATE A DICHOTOMY IF NONE EXISTS? ALL
METHODOLOGIES CONTRIBUTE TO OUR KNOWLEDGE, AND, WHEN PUT TOGETHER LIKE
PIECES OF A PUZZLE, THEY OFFER A CLEARER PICTURE. THE IDEA IS TO BUILD A BRIDGE
OF KNOWLEDGE, NOT PARALLEL WALLS THAT ARE EQUALLY INADEQUATE IN THEIR UNDERSTANDING
OF ONE ANOTHER AND IN EXPLAINING INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. FURTHER UNDERMINING THE FALSE
DICHOTOMIZATION BETWEEN POSITIVIST AND INTERPRETIVIST METHODOLOGIES IS THE
LACK OF PROOF THAT QUANTITATIVE METHODOLOGIES CANNOT CHALLENGE ESTABLISHED
PARADIGMS OR, MORE IMPORTANT, THAT A CRITICAL-INTERPRETIVE EPISTEMOLOGY IS
UNBIASED OR MORE LIKELY TO UNCOVER SOME TRUTH THAT IS SUPPOSEDLY OBSCURED BY QUANTITATIVE
ON CRITICAL-INTERPRETIVE EPISTEMOLOGIES FORMS THE RATIONALE FOR QUANTITATIVE TESTING.
INQUIRY. PART OF THE RATIONALE FOR THE PERPETUATION OF THE DICHOTOMY BETWEEN METHODOLOGIES AND FOR THE CRITIQUE OF
QUANTITATIVE METHODOLOGY AS A VALID TYPE OF FEMINIST INQUIRY INVOLVES CONFUSING THEORY AND PRACTICE. ON A THEORETICAL
LEVEL, QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH IS IDEALIZED AS VALUE-FREE AND OBJECTIVE, WHICH OF COURSE IT IS NOTPARTICULARLY WHEN APPLIED
TO THE SOCIAL SCIENCES. FEMINISTS OPPOSED TO QUANTITATIVE METHODOLOGIES IMAGINE THAT OTHER SCHOLARS NECESSARILY ASSUME
SUCH SCHOLARSHIP TO BE OBJECTIVE (SEE BROWN 1988). FEW SOCIAL SCIENTISTS USING QUANTITATIVE METHODOLOGIES, HOWEVER,
WOULD SUGGEST THAT THIS METHODOLOGY IS VALUE-FREE, WHICH IS WHY SO MUCH EMPHASIS IS PLACED ON DEFINING MEASURES. THIS
PROCEDURE LEAVES ROOM FOR DEBATE AND PROVIDES SPACE FOR FEMINIST INQUIRY. FOR EXAMPLE, FEMINISTS MIGHT WISH TO STUDY
THE EFFECT OF VARYING DEFINITIONS OF DEMOCRACY AND OF SECURITY ON THE DEMOCRATIC PEACE THESIS, ULTIMATELY COMBINING
METHODOLOGIES TO PROVIDE A MORE THOROUGH UNDERSTANDING OF THE SOCIAL MATRIX UNDERLYING STATE BEHAVIOR.

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CBI Ecofeminism

Power relations are similarly expressed in another important change in

processes of marketization have been repeated internationally. 92 A major

These show how religious and secular cosmologies, sociopolitical

A patriarchal environmental mindset causes environmental

the Euro-American Mother Nature is an enemy to be

We should embrace and release our emotions. We should not

Nhanenge 7 Master of Arts at the development studies @ the University of South

It is founded on the treasured patriarchal

balanced with the dualised, opposite, but complementary human emotion.

most authors in development studies still focus on

a superior, rational, masculine individual does. Instead, he rationalizes the human

understand the suffering of these children, and end it.

There were new domestic and

Water management crowds out the feminine because of status

With agricultural development, women continued to be centrally involved in

General link for the feminization of water tag this

settlements, where butchery, tanning, and other nascent industries

Tag this links ecofem and control of water to shit like

power and agency. The concept of the environment itself underlines

was equally an instrumental vision of human (male) agency, in which the

the process of controlling water

more readily imagined as a product of human, primarily male, actors :

Power relations are similarly expressed in another important change in

processes of marketization have been repeated internationally. 92 A major

These show how religious and secular cosmologies, sociopolitical

Reps link about the western treatment and view of water

continue to treat water as an important

in all of these uses, water

water primarily as a means to its own ends , a servant to the dominant

(not subordinate) population; it is difficult, in this cultural context, to

patriarchy, too, is everywhere, and once again the inferiority of nature

Various considerations remain unaddressed,

Maldevelopment militates against equality in diversity, and superimposes

The reductionist mind

Maldevelopment is the violation of the integrity of organic, interconnected

The violence to nature as symptomatised by the ecological

fragmented, anti-life model of maldevelopment.

The affs binary between the developed and developing

Prior to globalization, the terminology in the feminist and other

This terminology is itself problematic

These broad categorizations, rich capitalist, developing,

Development creates an economic vision based on the

Development, as the improved well-being of all, was thus equated with

dispossession . A replication of economic development based on commercialisation of resource use for

." He argued that the embracing of "big impact"

own discourse practices

to how our language does violence to

what is debate except a collection of shared understandings and

explicit or implicit rules for interaction? What I am calling for is a critical

the Euro-American Mother Nature is an enemy to be

Without a reconceptualization of the way we interact with the

Both of these approaches are examples of a tactic or methodology

understanding of the (knowing) human subject as embedded, within a

By defining the economy as

Patriarchy = Root Cause

The fear of nuclear war mandates the genocidal annihilation of

Thousands of soldiers and scientists from different nations have

These weapons, then, are

Western cultures oppression of nature can

The conceptual linkages between women and

women, indigenous people, economically disadvantaged people, and water

gender-coded separation between production and reproduction

responsibility for reproduction of human life and reproduction of the