The National Question in Baluchistan

Author(s): Aijaz Ahmad

Source: Pakistan Forum, Vol. 3, No. 8/9, Focus on Baluchistan (May - Jun., 1973), pp. 4-18+37
Published by: Middle East Research and Information Project (MERIP)
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Page

Pakistan

AIJAZ

May-June

1973

AHMAD

THE

NATIONAL

Baluchistan?economically
arid
and mostly
ly populated,
Pakistan1s
largest,
youngest,
most varied
province.

stagnant,
sparselion-coloured?is
the
internally

a territory
of approximately
It covers
is than
Pun?
that
miles,
larger
square
134,000
this
alHowever,
put together.
jab and Sindh
to
of Pakistan
most half
according
represents,
total
about
the 1961 census,
7? of Pakistan*s
of Bangla?
the
even after
separation
population
of less
a population
with
than
density
desh,
to a
Thanks
mile.
eight
per square
persons
outflow
is
net population
economy,
stagnating
to help
and is likely
maintain
considerable
for
some time
to
of density
level
the present
come.
as we know it today
Baluchistan
province
with
the abolicame into
on July
1, 1970,
being
when the
in West Pakistan,
of One Unit
tion
of Quetta
and Kalat
divisions
administrative
to form this
were merged
province.
Nonetheless,
the bureaucratic
remained
under
the province
after
until
the
Government
of the Central
rule
of December
elections
1970 and the restoration
rule
in December
of civilian
1971;
power was
the
with
convento the province
returned
only
in April
1972.
Assembly
ing of the Provincial
a year
is thus
old.
Baluchistan
As a province,
such a province
of just
Of course,
the creation
ever
the creation
since
had been
in the cards
the
had inherited
Pakistan
itself.
of Pakistan
the vast
tribal
British
former
Baluchistan,
as the
states
of
as well
of the region
areas
the
states
Las Bela
and Kalat;
Kharan,
Makran,
States
a single
Baluchistan
into
had been merged
became
these
as 1952.
as early
In 1955,
union
as Kalat
SimiDivision.
of West Pakistan
part
British
Baluchistan
the former
along
larly,
also
of
became
the tribal
with
part
agencies
as its
Division.
West Pakistan
Quetta
Now,
meant
of One Unit
dissolution
automatically
and Kalat,
two Divisions,
these
that
Quetta
of Baluchistan.
form a new province?that
would
and

Linguistic

IN

QUESTION

Introductory

Cultural

Forum

Diversity

is
Baluchistan
the four
Of all
provinces,
ethnothe most diverse
economically,
socially,
of Baluchi
command
linguistically.
Speakers
Sibi
and
in Kharan,
a majority
Makran,
only
a major?
constitute
Pashtuns
districts.
Chaghai
Zhob and Loralai
in Quetta-Pishin,
districts,
ity
into
were amalgamated
of which
tracts
vast
of the
for
conveniences
Baluchistan
British

BALUCHISTAN

the
second
largest
linguistic
empire
only;
districts
and Loralai
in Quetta-Pishin
group
is Punjabi-speaking?approximately
30$ of the
Moretotal
in the two districts.
population
has a large
Sindhialso
Baluchistan
over,
was of course
Las Bela
speaking
population.
to be so
a Sindhi
state
and continues
majority
Kalat
In
as a district
Division.
now within
the
Sindhis
the
showed
of 1951
census
addition,
of
as constituting
29$ of the total
population
for
Kalat
what was then
State.
example,
Kachchi,
State
was annexed
to the Kalat
as a consequence
Sardars
of wars between
the
of Sarawan-Jhalawan
the latarea
of Sindh;
and the
ruling
dynasty
but
Kachchi
as retribution
had to surrender
ter
of course
remained.
the
Sindhi-speaking
population
other
Kalat
itself
district
on the
hand,
is,
And although
almost
altogether
Brahui-speaking.
has been very
Baluchi
nationalism
aggressive
Brahuis
a million
the half
about
assimilating
its
and some good work has been
into
own ranks
twoGul Khan Nasirfs
for
done
example,
(see,
also
his
of the Baluchi
volume
people;
history
credible
ethnic
to establish
Azmana-e-Baluch)
there
and the Brahui,
the Baluchi
links
between
is clearBrahui
at ali.
is no linguistic
link
the
one in Balu?
only
language,
ly a Dravidian
for that
or in ali
Pakistan
matter;
chistan,
diaof early
Baluchi
has antecedants
in forms
lects
of Southeast
Iran.
enough,
Interestingly
of something
evidence
there
is now mounting
Whereas
a Brahui
like
cultural
nationalism.
as be?
ali
Brahuis
themselves
almost
registered
had
the numbers
in 1951
ing bi-lingual
census,
there
whereas
was
declined
in 1961;
appreciably
in
of literacy
no evidence
among the Brahuis
literas being
almost
1951*
registered
4,000
has
literature
ates
written
in 1961;
meanwhile,
first
for the
time
in Brahui
during
appeared
this
period.
the
cult?
We have no reason
to believe
that
be necessof the Brahuis
ural
will
nationalism
the political
Baluchi
arily
against
counterposed
nonethewe can be fairly
certain
nationalism;
the
to maintain
and
less
that
Brahui
aspiration
their
as a linguist?
distinct
status
strengthen
ic entity
But we can assume
shall
grow.
only
nationbetween
Pashtun
and Baluchi
antagonism
and
alisms.
competitive
They are politically
for
have their
both
aspirations
conflicting
autonterritorial
and administrative
adjustment
In so far as they
encroach
omy.
objectively
are
territorial
other1s
upon each
aims,
they
to conflict
in the
future.
likely
The

majority

of

Baluchi

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people

live

outside

May-June

1973

Pakistan

and
in Karachi
most
conspicuously
Baluchistan,
their
In Karachi,
of Sindh.
districts
Western
workers
and lumpenproletariat
as migrant
status
sectors
and servicing
in industrial
subjects
of class
and nat?
kinds
cruellest
them to the
of more affluent
at the hands
ional
oppressions
We
nationalities.
of the dominant
sectors
The fact
remains
that
later.
shall
go into
conthat
nonetheless
Baluchi-speaking
people
at
own province
a minority
in their
stitute
of mandatory
and
Short
the present
stage.
there
of other
eviction
violent
nationalities,
this
acute
that
to believe
reason
is little
favourcan be resolved
imbalance
demographic
we get
As it is,
Baluchis.
for the
only
ably
area
of
of a low density
a picture
population
where
vast
linguistic-nation?
every
proportions
a minority
unis distinctly
al grouping
and,
divisions
and
of further
we are speaking
less
in a much smaller
re-divisions
resulting
a geographical
obtain
we cannot
Baluchistan,
with
is consonant
which
map of the province
any one nationality.
is
Baluchis
of the
The national
question
fact
of inner
divis?
further
by the
complicated
the Baluchi
In all,
and exclusivities.
ions
and
are divided
into
eighteen
major
people
Mari and Bugti
tribes
and clans,
minor
numerous
These
clan
and tribal
two.
the
largest
being
of
are predicated
differentiations
upon a host
of
characteristics
and subjective
objective
we shall
a few of which
describe
the
situation,
of economic
the whole
here.
history
First,
as being
in Baluchistan
predomindevelopment
of self-sufficient
a conglomerate
agrarately
administrative
with
neither
ian communities
to
other
nor economic
to each
ties
surpluses
latter
that
has meant
even
in the
exchange
clan
from strictly
of transition
organiphase
labour
to a semi-feudal
of productive
zation
has not develthere
of land
ownership
pattern
to supersocial
organizations
oped effective
Tribal
clan
exclusivities
cede
altogether.
a specific
historthus
were
differentiations
of
of the mode and relations
ical
consequence
of course
reinforced
by the availproduction,
made it
of land
tracts
which
of large
ability
a geographical
to obtain
equivalent
possible
Secfor what was economic
already.
reality
itself
has been
cultural
development
ondly,
fundamental
geography
upon this
predicated
from
and suffers
of production,
and relations
because
an inner
Precisely
fragmentation.
succeed?
have
not altogether
tribal
groupings
a national
into
themselves
ed in integrating
to
itself
remains
specific
language
whole,
is roughly
what
so that
each tribal
experience,
a conis in fact
known as the Baluchi
language
and synof very
many vocabulary
glomeration
of
features
with
distinct
tactical
patterns,
to different
locales,
specific
pronunication
scale
on the
national
and a standard
language

Page

Forum

or Urdu has not emerged.

of Sindhi
Another
of the
resame cultural
aspect
fragmentation
lates
to the
of history
consciousness
itself,
While
loud
even
ethnic
history.
proclamationsof an ethnic
are common to the Baluch?
identity
it is far
istan!
from certain
as to
elite,
where the Baluchi-Brahui
come from and
peoples
what the basis
of this
ethnic
identity
really
for
Mari and Bugti
while
tribes
is;
example,
are said
to be of Arab origin
desand often
cribe
themselves
as descendants
of the Kureish,
the Mengals
are said
to be of Tatar
(Mongols?)
There
are a host
of such unanswered
origin.
for
the
how is it that
questions:
example,
a distinctly
Brahuis
who speak
different
langu?
are yet
in its
and affinities
age even
origins
said
to be of an ethnic
stock
with
identical
that
of the Baluchis?
a certain
of tribal
Finally,
perpetuation
exclusivities
is inherent
and rivalries
in the
of the Sardari
interests
itself.
In
system
to safeguard
status
as chief
of a
order
his
social
to organize
definable
in order
group,
and maintain
of his
tribe
the unity
his
under
to isolate
these
subin order
own leadership,
of their
status
elsewhere
from others
jects
to make a common
who might
then
get together
ali
of ali
the
elite
resistant
front
against
have
otherwise
the Sardar
who could
tribes,
to
of modernization
is condemned
been an agent
of
the tribal
and reinforce
feeling
preserve
and exclusion.
rivalry
Crux

of

the

National

Question

We have
that
the national
seen
question
is beset
basic
contradictions.
by three
First,
are a minority
even
Baluchi-speaking
people
that
Baluchi
the territory
nationalism
inside
to be its
own.
claims
in Pakistan
Secondly,
outside
of this
more Baluchis
live
territory
than
inside
it.
specific
Thirdly,
historically
of Baluchi
has inhibited
nat?
features
society
of tribal
within
ional
integration
groupings
with
inner
Baluchi
itself,
consequent
society
con?
of culture
and historical
fragmentation
as a single
of themselves
sciousness
people.
also
that
lin?
we should
note
Parenthetically,
Baluchi
and Brahui
between
guistic
divergence
for us to
it
difficult
makes
somewhat
peoples
a single
nation.
consider
them a -priori
of these
We should
here
that
existence
note
factors
the national
in Baluchi?
makes
situation
of
from that
different
stan
fundamentally
the
of
ever
creation
since
Bangladesh
where,
absolute
more than
Pakistan,
Bengalis
enjoyed
of them lived
minority
majority.
Only a small
the Bengali
did
nation
elsewhere
in Pakistan;
cultural
from internal
not suffer
linguistic,
or tribal
and their
territory
exclusivities;
of ali
other
was distinct
from the territories

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Page

Pakistan

national
groupings
as a nation
defined
that
term.

in Pakistan.
They could
strictest
in the
sense

be
of

that
the national
question
Recognizing
has come to the fore
in Baluchistan
today,
also
that
this
is itself
recognizing
question
of a basic
with
contradictions
there
beset
let
as to its
us be clear
character,
premises.
to distinguish
between
In trying
genuine
quesfrom mere nationalist
of nationality
tions
so rampant
obfuscations
among the petit-bourg?
have to arrive
we shall
at
eoisie
everywhere,
of the
*nation1
itself.
definition
some clear
to the Baluchi
this
criterion
Then,
applying
have to ask fundamental
we shall
situation,
historical
development,
regarding
questions
mode of social
of production,
relations
organd culture.
Finally,
ethnicity
anization,
have to locate
the national
we shall
question
of
within
the matrix
of Baluchistan
today
as they
are presentconflicts
class
and other
there.
ly obtained
To recapituis a nation?
then,
What,
us quote
the relevant
from
let
passages
late,
Stalin
on the
"...a
nation
First,
question.
or tribal,
but a historically
is not a racial
of people."
More specconstituted
community
Ma nation
is a historically
ifically,
evolved,
of language,
stable
community
territory,
and psychological
manieconomic
make-up
life,
of culture."
fested
in a community
Stalin
of the above
that
"...none
characterstresses
to define
a
istics
is by itself
sufficient
it is sufficient
On the
other
nation.
hand,
of these
characteristics
to be
for a single
to be a nation...
ceases
absent
and the nation
these
characteristics
It is only when all
we have a nation."
that
are present
(Emphasis
"a nation
is not
in the
Finally,
original).
but a historical
a historical
category
merely
the
to a definite
belonging
epoch,
category
As we consider
of rising
capitalism."
epoch
to the
with
reference
situation
the Baluchi
these
we should
national
keep all
question,
factors
in mind.
We have already
touched
upon some of the
crucial
to the national
in
question
aspects
Let us
cited
of the definition
above.
light
that
first
distinction
now to the very
turn
the
makes
Stalin
in his
definition,
namely
or tribal
mere racial
between
condistinction
and the more fundamental
siderations
question
of historical
Let us emphasize,
evolution.
the history
most
to
that
relevant
moreover,
is the history
of social
the national
question
for purposes
of economic
produc?
organization
of polity
into
state.
tion
and stabilization
Historical
Little

Background:
can

be

said

The
with

pre-British
certainty

Era
about

Forum

May-June

1973

the
of Baluchistan
inhabitants
area.
original
It is reasonable
to believe,
that
nonetheless,
to the arrival
of Indo-Aryans
in the area,
prior
of the
to the middle
second
milleni.e.,
prior
the territory
was occupied
ium,
B.C.,
by peoples
the pres?
of which
Dravidian
speaking
languages
is a survival.
ent -day
Brahui
Anthropological
researches
also
that
the present
Paksuggest
border
of the
Iranian
was not the border
at the time;
there
of
Dravidians
is evidence
as far away as South
Dravidian
culture
Turkmania
and related
of the
and part
regions,
a Dravidian
in Seistan
population
langu?
spoke
a few centurBrahui
until
age not unlike
just
ies
of what
is today
inside
ago.
Similarly,
is later
there
evidence
Baluchistan,
ranging
ali
the way from the
of Darius
I
inscriptions
to Herodotus
and the Book of Marco Polo
of a
iMaka* people
of 'Macoran1
in the province
which
Marco Polo
of
as the
described
"last
kingdom
India
in the west
and in the northwest"
who
a "peculiar
a form of
spoke
language,"
perhaps
Dravidian.
Be ali
that
as it may.
The point
is that
before
the advent
of the Indo-Aryans
who came
into
the area
Bolan
and Gomal passes
through
there
was yet another
civilization
in the area
which
we know today
through
only
remnants,
which
a very
took
time
to die
out
possibly
long
and which
have been more organized
and
might
than we suspect
For example,
prosperous
today.
researches
lead
us to believe
anthropological
that
the area
was perhaps
more fertile
than
it
is now, the aridity
of Baluchistan
being
quite
a consequence
of wanton
deforestation
possibly
and destruction
of irrigation
which
systems
occurred
countless
of invascenturies
through
from the north
ions
and the northwest.
How?
we know little
as to the details
of the
ever,
over
the Dravidians.
Indo-Aryan
supercession
Even apart
from systematic
which
migrations
transformed
the
of
ethno-linguistic
community
the area,
was exposed
Baluchistan
to the vicissitudes
of the Persian
Her?
and Greek
empires.
for
of Pishin
not only
odotus,
example,
speaks
as being
of the
but also
Persian
part
empire
of there
a Makrani
in the
being
constabulary
of Darius
forces
in 6th century
Similar?
B.C.
there
is evidence
of Alexanderfs
armies
ly,
Las Bela
and Makran.
having
passed
through
Buddhism
seems
to have
flourished
in Baluchistan
the Second
which
during
Century
B.C,
signifies
that
overrun
and
although
by the Indo-Aryans
at times
tribute
to the
Persian
although
paying
had developed
Baluchistan
cultural
empire,
deep
affinities
with
the main culture
of India,
parSindh
which
also
had singifiticularly
through
cant
Buddhist
the period.
population
during
More historical
data
is available
centuries
and we can say with
sequent
that
is right
in
certainty
Gankovsky

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for
subreasonable
concluding

May-June

1973

Pakistan

that
Min the
centuries
and the
B.C.
closing
of the first
first
half
millenium
the
A.D.
of Baluchistan
to three
population
belonged
ethnic
the Indo-Aryan
in the
major
groups:
of the
Southeastern
the Iranian
part
country,
in the
eastern
and northern
areas
and the
whose
members
seem to have
inhabitDravidian,
ed mainly
Central
while
still
Baluchistan,
in other
areas
as well
as in East?
occurring
ern and Southern
Kirman."
in the
5th
Then,
Bahram Gor led an expedition
to
A.D.,
century
India
and annexed
Makran which
remained
part
of the
Persian
the latter
half
empire
during
of that
and the whole
of the next.
century
The ethno-linguistic
of the presgenesis
ent Baluchi
is traced
back to Iranian
people
tribes
into
Kirman and Makran.
Premigrating
when they
came is not clear.
One can
cisely
that
these
reasonably
speculate
migrations
occurred
not at once but in waves
and that
rule
Persian
over Makran during
the
latter
half
of the
the whole
of the 6th and most
5th,
of the
a period
constitute
when
7th centuries
were
conditions
favourable
for
especially
such migrations.
These
tribes
are
said
to be
from areas
the Caspian
originally
surrounding
Sea but seem to have
in Northern
sojourned
Baluchistan
before
com(iranian)
long
enough
to have
ing to the Southern
(Pakistani)
region
left
traces
which
are identifiable
in linguistic
affinities
Baluchi
between
and the Iranian
dialects
Farvi
and Khuri
The Baloch
Race
(See
a seminal
as well
as
by M.L. Dames,
work,
Remarks
on Baluchi
History
by R.N.
Frye).
Arab expansionism
in the
7th century
put
an effective
end to Persian
rule
over
territories
now included
in Pakistani
Baluchistan.
Some towns
of Makran were
as early
as
occupied
Much of Makran fell
to Muhammad Bin
664 A.D.
of the
cent?
Qasim in the
opening
years
eighth
the
until
10 century,
Arabs
ruled
ury.
Then,
most
of Baluchistan
from Khuzdar
in Jhalawan.
rule
This
was strongest
in the
coastal
areas,
secure
in fortified
cities
and
reasonably
nominal
in the
terriadjacent
areas,
outlying
tories.
Baluchi
the area
into
con?
migration
tinued
on a nomadic
over
farbasis,
spreading
mountainous
not a
flung
regions,
creating
state
but simply
out of the
parallel
keeping
state
as much as poss?
way of organized
polity
ible.
to retain
their
status
as
They tried
a semi-nomadic
tribes
with
belowmigratory
level
subsistence
of economy
based
on
largely
nomadic
cattle
breeding.
With reference
to this
particular
stage
of history,
we cannot
of a Baluchi
yet
speak
nation
in the
sense
that
did not yet
they
possess a definable
or even
of
rudinents
polity,
a state;
nor had they
much in agricul?
engaged
ture
even
on the basis
of a primitive
clan
the territory
inhabited
was
organization;
they

Forum

Page

of historical
theirs
neither
in terms
origin
of political
or economic
nor in terms
control.
but not a nation.
The
They were a people
led gradually
which
ethno-linguistic
process
to the tribal
are characterformations
which
istic
of the present-day
Baluchi
did
society
not even begin
until
after
the
the
Ghaznavi,
the Turkeman
and even Mongol
Ghauri,
Seljuki
into
Eastern
Iran
and after
the
forrays
during
11th
made it mandatory
for the Baluchs
century
to migrate
on a large
scale
and to gradually
a degree
of organization
to these
bring
migraTwo things
occurred
as a result.
tory
groups.
in contact
with
First,
they
came,
perforce,
and other
ethno-cult?
Dravidian,
Indo-European
ural
and the
to transform
contact
groups,
began
the Baluchi
social
itself.
Secondorganization
over
than
ly,
spread
they
greater
territory
they
had ever
tried
before.
Central
Baluchi?
Except
stan
where
were
they
repulsed
by the Brahuis,
over most
of what
is today
Baluchi?
they
spread
stan.
In the East
and Southeast,
reached
they
borders
of Sindh
and West Punjab.
Towards
the
their
was stopped
West,
expansion
only
by the
who were
themselves
under
Afghans
migrating
from assaults
in Afghanistan
similar
pressure
to the
ones
the Baluchis
that
had faced
in Iran.
The period
between
the
eleventh
century
and the
end of the fourteenth
is the most
significant
in the development
of Baluchi
ethnowere now
linguistic
community.
Migrations
in numbers
much larger
the
than
occurring
just
clan
unit.
were travelling
Furthermore,
they
settled
territories.
through
Consequently,
could
not survive
as wandering
they
clans.
simply
and hold
what they
They had to fight
won, which
itself
necessitated
of social
enlargements
units.
Forced
marches
ruined
much of their
long
cattle
and new forms
of productive
breeding,
such as settled
had to be
labour,
agriculture,
the need to fight
constantadopted.
This,
plus
better
led to a more
ly and to invent
weaponry,
of labour
division
than
Baluchi
life
complex
had known thus
far.
Warfare
on this
scale
also
meant
that
there
was new need
for
clear
and
definite
forms
of leadership
which
was based
not simply
on age and clan
but on comrelation
and need
for
a clear
petence
continuity;
system
of chieftaincies
to emerge,
which
is the
began
of the present
Sardari
in
predecessor
system
Baluchistan.
Contact
with
feudal
and monarchical
social
of the territories
organizations
now entered
to influence
the
ideas
they
began
of the
clan
aristocracies
and
among the Baluchs
these
aristocrats
now began
to think
of becoming
feudals
and monarchs
themselves.
state
Lacking
of their
organization
tribes
own, these
emerging
often
survived
hostile
and new territor?
through
ies
themselves
with
one ruler
or
by aligning
the
other
feudal
aristocracies
among the warring
of other
nationalities.
In the process,
they
had to organize
themselves
into
regular
troops
in case
of victory,
their
chieftain
received
and,

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Page

Pakistan

awards
in the name of the whole
and lands
reserved
the best
jewelry,
many a chieftain
the finest
the most gold,
grazing
pastures
immediate
clans.
and their
themselves

tribe;
for

of the Baluchi
these
during
History
people
is a history
of fundamental
social
centuries
tri?
transformation.
Clans
gave way to larger
bal groupings.
of marriage
became
Relations
less
than
associations
in a terriimportant
from mere
Mode of production
changed
tory.
cattle
to a complex
nomadic
breeding
economy
of
consisted
substantial
sectors
wherein
of production.
settled
relations
agrarian
of labour
was introduced.
Permanent
Division
chiefs
bewas instituted
and the
chieftancy
a primiat least
to accumulate
gan gradually
of capital
tive
kind
not only
acquisithrough
of the tribe
from outside
tion
the resources
of labour
but also
in form of expropriation
of the
as commodities
as well
from members
the
entered
Baluchi
tribe
itself.
society
of class
historical
conflict,
stage
With respect
to ethno-linguistic
idenand
the process
was just
as complex
tity,
Baluchi
fundamental.
Internally,
society
of clan
to the
moved from the
smaller
unit
differenone of tribe
and territorial
larger
to assimilate
it began
tiation.
Externally,
of other
vast
Iran?
ethnic
segments
groups:
the
of Punjab
and Sindh,
ian,
Indo-Aryans
what have
Dravidian
Pashtuns,
Brahuis,
Arabs,
The fact
of this
vast
and continuing
you.
is dramatized
assimilation
most by the inof the Brahuis
their
who retained
stance
but got
so thoroughly
entirely
language
that
the
assimilated
Baluch
into
ethnicity
these
Baluchi
claim
of today
people
rightly
as their
Brahuis
own.
Among the Baluchifor
ex?
tribes
of today,
Marris,
speaking
are Arabs
assimilated
and Pashtuns
ample,
the Baluchi
tribal
into
structure.
the crucial
centuries
in
through
Thus,
the formative
ethnopf the Baluchi
period
we see a process
wherelinguistic
community
and language
ceased
to be synonyby ethnicity
mous or even
With the growth
of
parallel.
class
differentiation
among the Baluchi
people
the growing
themselves
and with
need for
poli?
tical
and other
this
alignments
externally,
of ethnicity
has been
consonance
with
language
Baluchi
eroded.
nationalism
constantly
today
will
have to define
itself
more carefully.
Is it a nationalism
of language
or of ethnic?
If ethnicity,
what is this
ethnicity
ity?
The 'community
based
of language1
on?
(to use
called
which
is today
the
Stalin1s
phrase)
is in fact
an amalgam
of
Baluchi
nationality
strains;
conversely,
many members
many ethnic
of fthe
are not members
of this
fnationality1
of language,t
the
e.g.
Sindhi-speakcommunity
Baluchs
of Sindh.
ing ethnic

Forum

May-June

1973

of production
The modes
and social
organi?
the British
to exthat
saw and began
zation
arrival
first
in
in Baluchistan
on their
ploit
basic
had taken
the 19th
substantial
century
The
shape
by the end of the 15th
century.
four
centuries
were a period
of relsucceeding
ative
for tendencies
had al?
maturation
which
root
the preceding
taken
during
period.
ready
Two tendencies
were
in the
predominant
at this
historof the Baluchi
evolution
people
aristocracies
worked
ical
clan
One,
stage.
a
their
hard toward
into
coalescing
peoples
states.
feudal
or confederacy
of such
state
class
to take
conflict
shape
began
Secondly,
feudal
the context
of this
within
increasingly
the first
time
national
evolution,
absolutely
of
The mutual
relation
in Baluchi
history.
of a people
these
two tendencies,
the
coalescing
of the
should
class
and the
sharpening
conflict,
as being
not be assumed
Rather,
contradictory.
is diathe two tendencies
the relation
between
The transition
from clan
lectical.
organiza?
ties
to a tribal
based
on family
tion
organiza?
had already
of territory
based
on ties
tion
of
the
in that
division
transformed
society
was dir?
labour
had been
introduced,
production
a guarantee
ect ed at not only
of subsistence
but also
the creation
of a surplus,
and the
office
of the Chief
had ceased
to be elective
so as to be centered
within
clans.
specific
of this
into
looser
Now, organization
polity
of a state
was predicated
upon crea?
something
of much larger
could
of
tion
This
surpluses.
be accomplished
course
over
of
long
periods
the kind
of capital
time.
accumNevertheless,
ulation
which
made it possible
for Nasir
Khan
Baloch
to have
established
reign
by 1730 his
over most
of what is today
could
Baluchistan
a tremendous
occurred
not have
without
matura?
of the feudalist
tion
in Baluchistani
tendency
which
of the Baluchi
used most
people
society
for the production
of the wealth
ruthlessly
the rise
of such a formidable
feudal
upon which
state
is always
predicated.
The rise
to power
of
and great
prominence
some Baluch
is thus
of a
the
obverse
dynasties
the reverse
coin
of which
is the
increasing
of large
and permanent
masses
impoverishment
The centuries
of the Baluch
from the
people.
to the lo^h
saw a transformation
of Baluch
15th
of large-scale
wherein
the
institution
society
was introduced
for the
first
personal
property
clan
aristocracies
themselves
transformed
time,
into
the first
feudal
lords
of Baluch
history,
and great
masses
of Baluchis
saw themselves
move from a stage
used
to be members
when they
of semi-voluntary,
self-sufficient
agrarian
to a point
communities
where
became
they
by and
rural
labour
the
for
large
producing
surpluses
of their
chiefs
with
whose
greater
glory
perthe new states
sonalities
idenwere altogether
Sardari
was still
not
tified.
(chieftaincy)

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May-June

1973

Pakistan

but there
came to be such
hereditary
altogether
chieftainfs
as Sardarkhel
a thing
clan)
(the
Other
the
chief.
almost
which
provided
always
roles
in
clan
of the
members
secondary
played
Sardar
for the
revenues
exorbitant
collecting
of tributes
and
sorts
in the form of various
the adminithus
labour,
monopolizing
wageless
to superwhich
strative
began
superstructure
but also
unmisthis
vise
slow,
imperceptible
tribal
from a predominantly
transition
takable
feudal
mode of production.
to a predominantly
is a very
here
What we are describing
of peoples,
and
in the history
common process
to the Baluchi
altogether
peculiar
by no means
features.
in some specific
except
people
to another?
from one social
Transition
stage
from feudalto feudalism,
be it from tribalism
or the
transition
current
ism to capitalism,
is the
which
to socialism
from capitalism
facet
of our own epoch?
most
important
single
of great
context
in the
occurred
has always
The transition
and dislocations.
upheavals
of
to feudal
relations
from clan
organization
miserbeen
has everywhere
extremely
production
it
because
of people
for the majorities
able
the dastardly
institution
that
is in this
epoch
is first
and
introduced
of private
property
of extreme
context
too
in the
that
capital
scarcity.
ofof nationalist
obfuscation
Some forms
of a few dynthe
and power
ten confuse
glory
of large
the glory
and prosperity
with
asties
In Baluchi
of the
common people.
numbers
of Nasir
which
the reign
Khan Baloch,
history,
of the
a sort
of feudal
revolution
represents
states
of
feudal
other
Baluch
against
people
has been much celebrated
the
and time,
region
as a very
historians
glorious
by nationalistic
it perhaps
Glorious
of this
history.
period
of way,
and
sort
in a feudal
but wholly
was,
of a heirarchical
at the apex
it
stands
organi?
wherein
serfdom
and
of Baluchi
zation
society
the norm.
were
chattel
already
slavery
of the nineteenth
century,
By the beginning
state?more
of the Baluchi
the
interests
preciseBaluchi
the
states
dyngoverned
by certain
ly,
of the
to be the
interests
ceased
asties?had
The great
in general.
Baluchi
wealth,
people
of the
ruling
consumption
power and conspicuous
its
at the bottom
of the
elite
society,
found,
and
in unspeakable
exact
poverty
equivalent
of the great
of serfs,
slaves
mass
powerlessness
class
This
acute
conand labouring
peasants.
of tribal
was veiled
over
tradiction
by myths
brotherhood
The more acute
etc.
solidarity,
the more vehement
were asserfeudalism
became,
tribal
of this
which
tions
classnessness,
a gloss,
a
a mere myth,
remained
nevertheless
as an opiate
which
worked
contentless
ideology
of this
It was in the midst
on the masses.

Forum

general
ed in
Historical

Page

situation
Baluchistan.

that

Background:

the

British

first

The

British

Era

arriv-

The outstanding
characteristic
of Baluchi
is that
the transition
from tribalism
society
to full-scale
feudalism,
although
long-drawn,
was not really
That is as true
of
completed.
as of the
the political
evolution
economic.
of
The result
is that
different
quite
patterns
have
of
in various
landholdings
emerged
parts
levels
of society;
Baluchistan
and on various
this
is structurally
semi-feudalism
quite
different
from the
full-scale
and well
integrated feudalism
of Punjab
and Sindh.
In the
the arrested
from
transition
political
sphere,
a corresto feudalism
tribalism
meant
proper
a matured
failure
to develop
form of
ponding
state
Baluchi
soc?
superstructure.
Internally,
a clearly
never
itself
into
deorganized
iety
fined
as the
of the many khanstate;
largest
Baluchi
Kalat
and Brahui,
came close
to
ates,
such a state
the
of Nasir
being
during
reign
Khan Baloch,
but even
then
it was propped
up
Brahui
of
Chieftains
by five
semi-independent
area
Sarawan-Jhalawan
and owed allegiance
to
the Durrani
of Afghanistan.
In fact,
dynasty
force
on an external
was typical
dependence
of the
Baluchi
that
khanates?dependence,
is,
on the Iranians,
or the Mughals
or the Afghan
in accordance
with
the
rise
and fall
of
kings,
these
This
in the area.
external
powers
depen?
dence
was predicated
lack
of coupon inner
hesion
in the polity.
With Nasir
death
Khanfs
in 1795,
the khanate
of Kalat
disintegrated
into
various
again
sovereign
de_ facto
princiThe latter
of Kalat
and
palities.
dependence
other
on the British
thus
principalities
represents
a pattern
was in no sense
which
new.
The British
interest
in Balu?
imperialist
was not primarily
chistan
economic.
Rather,
it was of a military
and geopolitical
nature.
to define
the Western
wanted
Basically,
they
of their
frontiers
to station
Indian
empire;
so as to defend
these
frontiers
and
garrisons
make forrays
into
the neighbouring
countries
of Iran
and Afghanistan
which
tried
to
they
of special
convert
into
an area
interest
and
indirect
rule
if possible;
to create
a sort
of
buffer
zone between
themselves
and other
expani.e.
German at vari?
sionisms,
French,
Russian,
ous stages;
safe
and to find
passage
through
of military
the area
in case
eventualities.
The tendency
therefore
was to increase
depend?
ence
but basically
freeze
the
Unlike
system.
or Punjab,
did not use Baluchistan
Bengal
they
for
of surpluses;
creation
did not even
they
collect
revenues
in most
areas
of what
came to
be called
British
Baluchistan
and,
instead,
salaries
to the Khans and the numerous
paid
or Gujrat
Sardars.
Unlike
Sindh
Balregions,

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Page

10

Pakistan

for
facilities
was never
used
uchistan
export
of any size
were developed
so that
no ports
a very
coastline.
Even
here
long
despite
to any appreciable
eries
were not developed
extent.

fish-

the British
tendIn agrarian
relations,
to consolithe
ency was to strengthen
system,
at the
where
date
it basically
and freeze
stage
of course
meant
found
it.
Consolidation
they
more pernicithat
the system
grew increasingly
of the economy
reinevitable
ous.
Stagnation
increased
sulted
in political
degeneration,
increased
of the Sardars,
exploitation
power
masses
in a
and peasant
of the
semi-nomadic
of total
framework
upon the British
dependence
Sarthe repressive
who now actively
financed
in
dari
and received
loyalty
abject
system
the
the rural
The serfs,
return.
slaves,
cattle-breeders
the
semi-nomadic
wage-workers,
to face
a double
thus
began
oppression?pracbut with
the
tised
by the Sardars
directly
of the new law-and-order
assistance
apparatus
for by the British.
paid
the Khan of Kalat
had sold
his
By 185k,
of an annual
to the British
in lieu
loyalty
the British
had already
of Rs.
50,000;
salary
of free
the
passage
through
gained
guarantees
of the First
in the
course
Afghan
territory
the #Sardars
War.
the Khan and all
By 1676,
as the final
arbiter
of
the British
accepted
their
and all
internal
parties
disputes,
The Sandeman
a treaty
to that
effect.
signed
was introduced
whereof administration
system
reswith
had complete
autonomy
by the chiefs
but
over
their
to their
power
subjects
pect
to British
were themselves
supervision.
subject
were annand the surrounding
Quetta
territory
of the
same
as part
exed to the British
empire
of
which
over-all
included
settlement
granting
Pishin
and
salaries
to the Sardars.
annual
Sibi
were annexed
was
in 16*79; Zhob valley
Las Bela
over
in 16*91.
In time,
and
taken
and were
Kharan broke
recogni?
away from Kalat
the
states.
zed as separate
Nevertheless,
was found
of administration
Sandeman
system
the adthat
to be so satisfactory
following
vice
of the
Simon Commission
was
Baluchistan
left
out of the new settlement
which
India
gave
before
World War II.
its
first
constitution
What came to be known as the
Sandeman
of administration
had the following
system
it changed
the
status
salient
features.
First,
of the Khan of Kalat
as well
as all
the Baluchi
of the British
Sardars
to that
of paid
agents
a basic
it introduced
contraCrown.
Secondly,
of the Khan of Kalat:
wherein the role
diction
Brahui
over
the whole
as he presided
Confederto
of appointment
powers
acy and had nominal
salaries
while
chieftaincies,
actually
paying
he had
of Jhalawan
and Kachchi,
to the Sardars
of the
Sardars
the affairs
over
no direct
power

Forum

May-June

1973

even to the extent

of approving
a particular
that
or a hospital;
say a school
construction,
over by the British
directly
power was taken
who
Political
and was exercised
Agent
by their
the
ali
between
also
had to arbitrate
disputes
Sar?
as well
as among the
Khan and the Sardars
this
new administradars
themselves.
Thirdly,
of the
the
tion
character
jirga
changed
(adjuthe
whereas
dicating
assembly)
altogether:
to be a communal
to dispense
court
used
tjirgat
a new shahi
in the past,
participatory
justice
was introduced
on which
instead
(royal)
jirga
could
Sardars
the
and the aristocracies
only
a powerful
the British
This
sit.
weapon
gave
broke
to control
rebellions
themselves,
against
of a purely
the last
institution
remaining
conflict
and
tribal
class
reinforced
character,
the
the Sardars
over
immeasurable
gave
powers
of the masses.
lives
The new
and belongings
could
taxes
not only
in property
jirga
impose
but also
labour
and could
women;
expropriate
be reviewed
the decisions
could
by the
only
the new system
Political
Agent.
Fourthly,
for
forces
of British
the presence
guaranteed
Sardars
and made the
respons?
military
purposes
for
the law-and-order
ible
apparaorganizing
Levies
organized
tus;
by recruiting
Corps were
tribal
of the
Sar?
the power
under
personnel
ali
the
dars
who were
and were
expenses
paid
salaries
to pay whatever
deemed
they
empowered
or none if they
so wished.
Typappropriate,
to appoint
the Sardars
tended
members
ically,
of family
to staff
in the new Corps
positions
to the general
and pay subsistence
salaries
which
was recruited
under
pressure
personnel
he got to pocket
of unappealable
penalties;
for the purof what the
most
British
granted
the
the
extended
Sandeman
system
Lastly,
pose.
of the
Sardar
as to his
powers
greatly
ability
to impose
of revenue
he
whatever
new sources
to find
chose
which
in his
own area,
included
the
to extract
and sell
contraband
right
liquor,
he
to impose
labour
on whomsoever
wageless
to keep
or sell
the
wished
his
within
estate,
women who were
involved
in disputes
regarding
divorce,
marriage,
seduction,
rape
abduction,
etc.
The pull
of this
was two-fold.
system
of the
Sardar
to extend
himOne, the ability
self
curtailoutside
his
was severely
own fief
ed by the limits
and supervised
by the
imposed
British
On the
and Political
military
Agent.
other
his
stature
raised
was considerably
hand,
he was liberally
his
within
own community,
he had never
financed
and given
rights
possessed before,
the
and he was given,
royal
through
to
and Levies
instrumentalities
jirga
Corps,
the
extract
ali
wealth.
Thus,
during
possible
British
we see a severe
acceleration
period,
of the
class
contradiction
the Baluchi
within
the primary
societies.
contradic?
Henceforth,
was no more between
this
tion
nation?
evolving
arrested
forces
which
and the
external
ality

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May-June

1973

Pakistan

that
this
contradiction
now became
evolution;
The primary
less
crucial.
contra?
increasingly
the
between
Sardars
diction
now developed
who
of British
mercenaries
were allied
imperialism
of Baluchistan
directwho were
and the masses
Furthermercenaries.
by these
ly exploited
interest
in
in so far as the British
more,
was not of an economic
nature
Baluchistan
and
a policy
of indirect
in so far as they
adopted
all
rule
wherein
were
economic
surpluses
usurped by the
the immsemi-feudal
aristocracies,
of the Baluchi
ediate
contradiction
masses
the usurpers
of this
was with
surplus.
They
the
the
could
not fight
Sardars
by fighting
but they
both
the
Sar?
could
fight
British,
the
dars
and the British
against
by fighting
was more immediate,
Sardar
whose
aggression
who was more accessible
and vulnerable,
and
the
hold
itself
was
on whose
presence
imperial
An anti-imperialist
struggle
predicated.
was not simultaneously
an anti-Sardari
which
the
as well
could
strengthen
struggle
only
of the
Sardars
hands
and could
not possibly
the Baluchi
masses.
Precisely
emancipate
was actually
such a one-sided
waged,
struggle
of a struggle
which
was at once
the dialectic
was and
and anti-Sardari
anti-imperialist
at that
could
not have been developed
perhaps
thus
the anti-imperialist
struggle
stage,
for greater
a struggle
became
objectively
the result
that
the
with
of the
Sardars,
power
are more powerful
and more autonomous
Sardars
ever
have
been
than
in Baluchistan
they
today
in modern
history.
the
we have described
In the above,
only
of Baluchistan!
sector
of the agrarian
logic
A quite
rule.
the
British
during
society
elsewas functioning
different
imperative
the
same period,
where
in Baluchistan
during
the political
and this
changed
imperative
of the area
in some irreversible
ways.
economy
was dictated
other
This
by considimperative
of military
needs.
eration
of frontiers
the
and maintaining
Defence
of Iran
in the affairs
to intervene
ability
the British
had to
that
meant
and Afghanistan
in border
sizeable
not only
maintain
garrisons
extensive
but also
areas
servicing
develop
This
of communication.
facilities
and lines
of cantonments
for the development
accounts
Machh and a
Fort
such as Quetta,
Sandeman,
of a railfor the development
of others;
host
that
not only
supplied
through
going
way line
Sindh
but also
connected
towns
the military
the World War I was over.
before
with
Zahidan
as
the change
was for Baluchistan
How drastic
from the
can be gauged
a whole
single
example
of what was then
of the
small
principality
an entirely
new
the
where
scene
called
Shal,
a few years.
called
grew within
Quetta,
city,
of land were
tracts
Vast
summarily
appropriated
which
cantonment
of a sizeable
for
construction

Forum

Page

11

a
a garrison
of 25,000.
contain
could
Then,
the needs
to service
grew rapidly
city
parallel
of more
thousands
of such a vast
garrison;
for the
of land
acres
were
again
appropriated
land
sudden
These
of this
city.
development
an army of landless
created
of course
evictions
a scare
in adjoining
it also
spread
peasants;
to
communities
settled
areas
from where
began
Yet
evictions.
brutal
similar
flee
fearing
of the Baluchi
an important
segment
again,
became
landless,
jobless,
nomadic;
population
in
fearful
of what might
come next,
wandering
carved
been
areas
which
had already
up
largely
Sardars
as their
own Ttribal*
by the various
of
the
stratum
lowest
Many joined
territory.
and constructhe new proletariat
in servicing
to other
others
tion
parts
sectors;
migrated
of Sindh.
or Western
districts
of Baluchistan
failskills
nor experience
neither
they
Having
ed utterly
to join
the rising
entrepreneur
of the new cities.
class
was wholly
class
The entrepreneur
imported.
of
to the needs
The shops
that
were
catering
of merchansorts
ali
with
the
British
garrison
run by the
women?were
dise?fruit,
cigars,
imThe Sindhi
of Punjab
and Sindh.
merchants
at that
more substantial
was in fact
stage.
pact
The Hindu
class
from Shikarpur
entrepreneur
was influential
etc.
in Baluchistan!
enough
of
to have possessed
some five
affairs
hundred
of
the best
houses
in Kalat
by the beginning
to
As modern
cities
the 19th
began
century.
of garrison
heels
towns,
crop up on the very
new marketing
class
moved up to dominate
this
The construction
industry,
opportunities.
from else?
of consumer
brought
goods
marketing
a market
and developing
where,
regularizing
for food
maintenance
jobs,
economy
stuffs,
ali
of roads
construction
and railways,
gave
a dominant
role
these
in Bal?
external
groups
outset.
s urban
from the very
uchistan*
economy
at best
be a servBaluchi
could
The landless
in
the
Sardar
wallowed
ant or a day labourer;
sector.
his
wealth
new found
in the agrarian
the first
Non-Baluchis
became
meanwhile
bourg?
his
eoisie
The Sardar
sent
of Baluchistan.
relatives
to become
officials
in the
petty
merwhile
the Sindhi
and Punjabi
corps,
levy
the military
contracts.
chant
up ali
scooped
in
the Baluchi
Sardar
was still
Since
caught
to the
his
from the tribal
transition
feudal,
he could
not master
the
resources
and the
a bourgeois.
of becoming
techniques
This
failure
to develop
an indigenous
evolu?
has haunted
the historical
bourgeoisie
of the Baluchi
ever
While
tion
since.
people
the
under
Baluchistani
agriculture
stagnated
the
of the
while
Sardari
pressures
system,
last
to their
Baluchi
ragged
masses,
stripped
less
to produce
and
found
incentives
garment,
sec?
the
the urban
less,
sector,
only
dynamic
of Baluchi
came to be dominated
tor
economy,

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Page

Pakistan

12

True enough,
increasing
by the outsiders.
for their
British
land
by the
appropriations
for theirs,
condemned
uses
and by the Sardars
rural
of Baluchi
numbers
larger
increasingly
of
the cities
not only
labour
to come into
could
but they
but elsewhere
Baluchistan
too,
of emlevels
be absorbed
on the lowest
only
of them joined
the
most
if at all;
ployment,
a
of the lumpen-proletariat,
ranks
swelling
of time
which
over a period
few graduated
of
to the level
took
sometimes
generations
The Sar?
or the petty
merchant.
clerks
city
on the
of surpluses,
the consumer
had,
dar,
at all
in his
other
background
hand,
nothing
from agrarian
him make the transition
to help
or even
industriexecutive
to a city
parasite
of predominance
The pattern
alist.
by nonof Baluchistan
over
the urban
Baluchis
economy
the British
established
was first
which
during
its
in all
ever
since
and has continued
period
not as an
be seen
should
essential
aspects
that
was hatched
anti-Baluchi
up in the
plot
but as a
or Sindh
of Punjab
darker
ante-rooms
Sardari
of the
system
consequence
necessary
made the Baluchistan!
which
stagnate
economy
it
be
should
More specifically,
as a whole.
feudal
of the more developed
as a victory
seen
of adjacent
economies
and entrepreneural
prov?
of
feudalism
over
the underdeveloped
inces
the underdevelopment
supervised
Baluchistan,
unwhich
rendered
themselves,
by the Sardars
where
the Sardars
the urban
tenable
economy
as the rural
as well
where
were absent
economy
of rural
were present.
Impoverishment
they
Baluchi?
of urban
Baluchistan
and the dominance
of an indivisare parts
stan
by non-Baluchis
whole.
ible
Summation

of

the

National

Question

is in no sense
an adequate
The above
in
of the
historical
forces
account
essential
or present.
Nonetheless,
Baluchistan,
past
of "histor?
to the
we can now return
question
as well
as other
ical
constitution"
aspects
that
of *a nation1
Stalin1s
of the definition
considers
classic
work on the
question
requisor
answer
as to whether
for an adequate
ite
a nation.
are also
not a people
of the
Our discussion
in
of Baluchistan!
society
had sought
of this
analysis
that

diversity
present
the first
portion
to demonstrate

the territ?
live
outside
?More
Baluchis
Baluchi
in Paki?
current
nationalism
ory that
as its
the present
claims
stan
own, namely
live
of
of Baluchistan,
than
inside
province
of Baluchi
that
discounts
it?and
persons
be it in
outside
domiciled
Pakistan,
origin
Bal?
these
or elsewhere.
Iran
Furthermore,
of Pakistan
in other
uchis
provinces
living
the
into
economies
are well
integrated
enough

Forum

May-June

1973

Baluchi
of those
and the present
provinces
of absorbing
them back,
is incapable
economy
of their
is no reasonable
so that
there
question
of origin
in the
to their
province
returning
of
There
no coincidence
future.
near
thus,
is,
and territory.
*nationality*
Baluchistan!
?Inside
people
Baluchistan,
of the present
a minority
constitute
popula?
will
not
Baluchistan*
A *true
national
tion.
of terri?
re-demarcation
fundamental
need
only
also
necessitate
it will
torial
largelines,
of members
eviction
unnecessary
forced,
scale,
we see a
of other
Again,
groups.
linguistic
national?
of linguistic
of identification
lack
of the territory.
confines
and the present
ity
in Baluchistan,
of production
?Relations
Sardari
as they
are by the
dominated
system,
the
rather
than
inhibited
have
encouraged
soci?
the Baluchi
within
of integration
growth
a
of even
the growth
ety and have retarded
a national
consciouswith
feudal
nationality
has perpetuSardari
the
ness.
system
Instead,
which
ated
tribal
consciousness
may or may not
not found?an
have
in fact,
equivfound?has,
forces
of economic
alent
in the
organization
a tremendous
inner
created
but has surely
This
people.
among the Baluchi
fragmentation
of
and cultural
is the psychological
aspect
Stalin*s
definition.

strates

Now, our
that

historical

account

also

demon-

such
has been
?The
historical
process
between
is no coincidence
that
there
ethnicity
has
This
in Baluchistan.
and language
process
There
rather
than
been
separative.
integrative
to the
answer
is no satisfactory
simple
ques?
a linguis?
Are they
Who are the Baluchis?
tion:
If Brahuis
can
or an ethnic
tic
group?
group
their
be considered
Baluchi
altogether
despite
of Afghan,
and peoples
different
Arab,
language
can be considered
Baluchi,
Indo-Aryan
origins
of this
is the premise
what precisely
then
nationalism?
there
what is today
?Within
Baluchistan,
of
the
is no separation
between
economies
food
If most
of the
Baluchis
and non-Baluchis.
of Bal?
in parts
domiciled
is grown by Pashtuns
it is marketed
uchistan
from time
immemorial,
class
which
includes
practically
by a social
If landless
of the
ali
ethnic
country.
groups
labour
as cheap
have been
Baluchis
integrated
sector
the mining
im?
in the
sector,
servicing
Almost
labour
from Swat.
even
cheaper
ports
in?
Baluchi
of ali
one third
migrates
peasantry
the winter
and returns
to areas
of Sindh
during
a part
are they
Which
summer.
economy
every
These
to what?
and
of?if
marginal,
marginal
what is
other
factors
numerous
go to show that
does
Baluch
*nation*
not have a
known as the

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

May-June

1973

separate

economy

Pakistan

either.

the growth
of semi-feudal
relations
--With
to take
which
in the
of production
began
shape
era and which
the British
helped
pre-British
the most moribund
into
of
consolidate
system
a wholly
Sardari
antagonistic
exploitation,
has developed
contradiction
among the Baluchi
be solved
which
themselves
cannot
with?
people
of rebellion
framework
and
in the
against
of the
forces
alone.
external
Given
eviction
a movement
which
this
is not
contradiction,
be
anti-Sardar
will
militantly
explicitly,
The imperialists
pro-Sardar.
objectively
did not by any
allowed
a contradiction,
they
create
allowed
the
Sardars
to
means
it;
they
whatever
but
justice
they
wished,
dispense
did not actually
the
imperialists
precipitate
was in fact
which
the
dispensed
by
injustice
of these
Sardars.
the autonomous
jirga
of Baluchi
--The
elite
has been
society
a dependent
sub-class
and knows
historically
to Mughal,
to change
from Iranian
masters,
only
to British,
to Afghan,
and it
Afghan
Mughal
of any inherent
has done
so not because
depen?
of its
own weakness
but because
dence
complex
is still
elite
weak
as a class.
This
very
and if allowed
to
relative
to external
powers
a nationalist
it will
still
movement,
spearhead
on one of the
current
as being
dependent
emerge
to tell
which.
imperialisms--hard
a genuto show that
This
analysis
hopes
in Baluchistan
movement
ine revolutionary
can?
of revising
not be premised
on aspirations
There
borders
is nothing
sacrosanct
only.
at the
borders
achieved
about
end of direct
rule
in our region.
In some measure
imperial
most
of these
have
to
or other
borders
will
be revised
This
writer
was wholly
conanyway.
of the national
in Bangladesh
vinced
question
of Pakistanis
and was one of a minority
(West
at that
who supported
the
Pakistani
time)
for
national
self-determination
Bengali
right
But mistaking
the past
few years.
throughout
as being
all
nationalistic
and
separatisms
to a drastic
amounts
progressive
necessarily
of realms.
In the
confusion
colonial
period,
the possthe nationalist
Issue
was clear-cut:
of one national
ession
other.
group
by the
But the picture
in the neochanges
completely
of a country
where
colonial
some areas
period
of
from that
most
chronic
may be suffering
all
in feudal
and capital
societies,
injustices
the
law of unequal
in these
namely
development
of history,
or misrepand may mistake
phases
this
fact
as national
resent
In
oppression.
careful
to be quite
about
this
we have
phase
of a Nation.1
Of particular
our definitions
a nationalism
that
is the fact
importance
or
that
itself
era on racial
defines
in this
tribal
is the
terms
and whose
ground
only

Forum

Page

13

half
and
ethno-linguistic
genesis,
imagined
half
will
detach
itself
from
real,
necessarily
the working
class
as a whole
movement
and slide
a collision
into
of two reactionary
forces.
Here we have to be clear
about
our issues.
The modern
state
as it is presently
organized
in Pakistan
does
not wish
to emancipate
the
Baluchistani
it wishes
to help
masses;
rather,
in their
subjugation
by the more developed
feudalisms
of Punjab
and Sindh
and by the bureaucratic
of Karachi,
who will
ali
capital
the Baluchi
Sardars
as junior,
accept
acquiescent
but not as equal
partners
competitors.
This
is the hub of the
conflict.
centre-province
The masses
are not a party
to it.
The refusal
of the
Sardars
to accept
that
role
secondary
does
a conflict
and contradicmean,
however,
tion
the national
between
class
and this
ruling
of it.
The Sardars
particular
have to
segment
mobilise
the masses
here
the
encroachagainst
ment on their
Hence
the
indigenous
privilege.
first
manifestation
of Baluchi
organized
nat?
ionalism
the Ayub era.
during
While
there
were
excellent
reasons
for
resistance
the dependent,
against
neo-colonialist
of Ayub,
military-bureaucratic
dictatorship
resistance
in Baluchistan
was organized
largethe
issue
of restoration
of the
ly around
feudal,
reduncorrupt,
backward,
altogether
dant
state
of Kalat.
The Sardars*
interest
was further
identified
with
this
as
objective
the
of Martial
Law Regulation
consequence
N0.64
which
had abolished
the
as a
jagirdari
system
the Sardars,
off
the profits
whole;
grown fat
of huge tracts
of land
to which
did not
they
even
a deed
of proprietorship,
possess
felt
threatened
encroachments
particularly
by these
of a modern
state.
This
is a classic
confrontation
of two reactionary
forces
neither
of
which
deserve
Those
battles
any approbation.
in the hills
of Baluchistan
which
radical
youth
of our generation
used
to admire
so much were
not fought
the
against
of
repressive
machinery
the Ayub regime;
were
they
fought,
basically,
in the
class
interests
of the
Of
Sardars.
elements
course,
many progressive
supported
the Baluchi
side
and almost
ali
progressive
Baluchi
forces
in the fight
at
participated
some time
or other.
That is precisely
what
makes
the
error
so very
There
were
poignant.
a progressive
many who adopted
rhetoric
to
their
class
justify
subjective
and
interests,
who genuinely
many others
their
subjected
pro?
battles
to a retrogressive
gressive
it is
end;
hard to tell
who belonged
to which
The
group.
fact
is that
objective
nationalism
was used
once more to mobilise
the
masses
of
oppressed
a specific
not to break
ethno-linguistic
group
out of the
shackles
of oppression
but to defend
the
interests
of their
elite
indigenous
against
the
laid
more powerful
siege
by an external,

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Page

Pakistan

lk

the absurdly
Of course,
nominal
land
elite.
reforms
of the Ayub period
could
not be implemented
in Baluchistan
as a result,
not even
did occur
that
to the degree
implementation
But is that
what guerrand Sindh.
in Punjab
of feudal?
are about?
Defence
illa
struggles
ism?
the thing
was a disaster
Militarily,
The guerrillas
survived
from the outset.
the enemy and
with
contact
by avoiding
largely
areas
where
vast
over
unpopulated
by wandering
the
with
settled
contact
had but minimal
they
minimal
Even this
of the region.
population
transformanot in any social
resulted
contact
The
of the masses.
or politicization
tion
the
who had joined
struggle
progressives
own
use it for their
that
could
they
thinking
with
up in coping
got used
purposes
political
Ten years
the day to day logistic
problems.
warfare
in a very
or more of guerrilla
large
area
has had little
political
geographical
in so far as their
on the masses
poss?
impact
Its
is concerned.
radicalization
ible
only
has been
result
seen
in propping
appreciable
as
Sardars
of the insurrection
up the leading
the
Sardars
of Baluchistan
the leaders
today;
Sardaris
their
and have
retained
have
gained
in addition.
legitimacy
political
of rhetoric
were
invented
The worst
kinds
sordid
this
aim.
to realise
Ethnocentricity
The federal
was rampant.
Army was not opposed
a brutal
and brutalizing
for being
occupation
while
the rural
but for being
Punjabi;
force,
to preserve
in fact
poor were made to fight
the defunct
and restore
the Sardari
system
all
of things
sorts
were told
Kalat
state,
they
Baluchi
ethos.
the true
about
They
defending
the Punjabi
because
schools
need
didnft
Army
their
to station
schools
use those
troops
might
was contrary
to
in them;
book-reading
besides,
of illiteracy.
tribal
custom
sacred
the
They
be?
even dispensaries,
need hospitals,
didnft
use them;
cause
the Punjabis
furthermore,
might
wretchthese
without
had lived
the forefathers
and what was good
ed Western
inventions
anyway,
Roads
could
for them was surely
good for now.
use
the Punjabis
because
not be built
might
is a
roads
the use of proper
besides,
them;
of the
nomadism
from the glorious
digression
forefathers.
of the past,
of tribalism,
memories
Myths
exof outsiders
hatred
were all
ethnocentric
of a class
for
sanctification
privilege
ploited
You had to love
your hunby the few.
enjoyed
lice,
illiteracy,
pestilence,
ger,
poverty,
the
of restoring
death?all
in the interest
of the aristoand the
Kalat
State
jagirdaris
crats.
We need

to

look

at

the

national

question

Forum

May-June

1973

because
in Baluchistan
and look
hard,
today,
misthat
and pronged
that
unspeakable
error,
is not deserving
people,
ery of the Baluchi
A Baluchi
of repetition.
revolution,
yesl
framework?
But for whom?
In what political
lead?
of politics?
Under whose
With what
sort
are the
These
fundamental
questions
ership?
has
Baluchistan
because
of today
precisely
a key area
of international
confrontabecome
where
an area
tions
and consequently
questions
of the
entire
of revolutionary
transformation
side
of
be decided.
well
On the
region
might
are
there
the
however,
counter-revolution,
of Pakistan
the
and
not only
client
regimes
of the
the repressive
but also
Iran
system
both
This
economic
commands
Sardaris.
system
in Baluchistan
and political
today.
power
has
like
the proverbial
charity,
Revolution,
to start
at home.
Sardari

System

and

the

Agrarian

Question

are worth
Two factors
noting.
One, the
were
fact
that
cities
like
not indigen?
Quetta
ous developments
but were
on to
simply
grafted
the Baluchi
that
there
was no
meant
reality
to the
smooth
from the
rural
transition
urban
structure
in Baluchistan;
agriculture
simply
a supplier
became
of these
cities
dominated
without
social
transformation
by non-Baluchis
of the Baluchi
as a whole.
society
Secondly,
this
market
the Sardars
an incengave
economy
tive
to appropriate
for themselves
and
lands
to practise
The fact
that
the
mass
evictions.
Code was operative
Indian
Penal
in the
only
cities
was governed
and the
rest
directly
by
the protective
the
Sardars
Khans and the
under
of the
Frontier
umbrella
and the
*royal
jirga*
that
these
land
Crimes
meant
Regulation
approwere
not challengeable
and evictions
priations
of law.
in any court
The jagirdari
both
was promoted
in
system
the Union
headed
of States
and in the
by Kalat
British
for
In Makran,
Baluchistan.
example,
the majority
as
of population
was classified
Ra *yat-i-Hamsaya,
had no proprietory
which
status
of landless
had the
and simply
rights
elite
labour
tied
to the
with
intricate
ruling
of duties
code
with
no rights
whatvirtually
of the land
was granted
ever.
In Kalat,
part
to the
Ahmadzais
ruling
by the Durrani
dynasty
as fees
of Afghanistan
the
for troops
that
was obliged
to provide
at the
Khan of Kalat
call
of the Durranis
are known as
lands
(these
itself
as GhumGhammi Arazyat
and the tribute
The
for the troops).
e-Lashkar,
compensation
smaller
other
was parcelled
out to the
part
state
Sardars
as grants
to Kalat
for
services
to the
the
land was given
itself;
nominally,
tribe
as a whole
but the
Sardar
was entitled
to establish
for utilization;
rules
increasing?
the
Sardar
at the top of an
ly,
put himself

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May-June

Pakistan

1973

of the tumanintricate
hierarchy
consisting
the naibs,
the maliks
the muqaddams,
and
dars,
all
kindsof
to collect
other
intermediaries
law and order
while
the
Sar?
taxes
and maintain
a full-fledged
dar transformed
himself
into
feudal.
was adopted
same pattern
Much the
by the
for two major
differences.
British,
except
nomenclature
was preserved
One, the tribal
and the tribal
chief
here
more thoroughly
had
than
on the whole
greater
arbitrary
authority
tumandar
the
in Kalat
etc.
State.
jagirdar,
of British
Bal?
the tribal
agencies
Secondly,
the British
serviced
uchistan
garrison
economy
a far
and therefore
more directly
developed
of
fluctuations
upon the
greater
dependence
market.
This
market
reached
its
the Quetta
the
defined
limits
being
fairly
quickly,
scope
of the garrison
and the bureaucracy.
by needs
a true
became
never
town.
manufacturing
Quetta
of Baluchistan
the agrarian
Since
economy
of semi-autonomous
was split
up in a series
each
Sardar
Sardaris
with
and Jagirdaris
and
the
to fix
the tax
rate
having
right
Jagirdar
Baluchistan
as a whole
in his
never
area,
a uniform
of taxation.
This
system
developed
to this
of uniformity
lack
For
persists
day.
Sardar
the
alone
oneappropriates
example,
a reof the produce
in Jhaljhao
where
sixth
this
was developed
sistance
against
unjusticollection
the leaderfied
1972 under
during
of Abdul
Karim Bizenjo.
the
Since
case
ship
a mistaken
considerable
notion
got
publicity,
to the
has found
effect
that
this
currency
all
rate
is applied
That
Baluchistan.
through
The Sardar's
is not the
share
case.
ranges
to 1/3.
from l/lOth
In Tehsil
anywhere
Kolwah,
or even
some of the
peasants
pay l/7th
l/lOth.
and Makran
The average
in Kalat
on irrigated
is closer
to l/4th.
however,
lands,
The class
contradiction
developed
by the
of the
be?
increasing
polarization
population
feudals
and rural
labour
tween
has victimized
We have already
Baluchs
and non-Baluchs
alike.
the population
of Makran where
case
cited
the
a hundred
Baluchi
but is
is almost
per cent
no
for the most
with
yet
part
unprivileged,
and wholly
under
the
whatever
Sardar1s
rights
In Jhalawan,
on the
other
command.
hand,
of the Arazyat
where
most
Brahui-Jadgal
Jang
at the
end of the Jadgal(lands
appropriated
are located,
we see yet
Brahui
another
war)
At the
end of the war,
form of oppression.
were
the
the Brahui
chieftains
lands
given
from the Jadgals.
had been
which
appropriated
was relegated
non-Brahui
The entire
population
of serfdom
status
and was
to the unprivileged
as RTyat-i-Hamsaya.
defined
officially
We see,

thus,

a pattern

of

landownership

Forum

Page

15

in the hands
the privileges
which
concentrated
the majority
of a small
and relegated
minority
to
Baluchi
and non-Baluchi,
of the population,
In other
chattel
serfdom
and literal
slavery.
which
of oppression
we see a system
words,
and
a simple
national
far beyond
went
question
as
class
of the
the primacy
question
posited
Bal?
of agrarian
the
contradiction
fundamental
Baluchi
affected
and non-Baluchi
which
uchistan
of the towns
If the
alike.
bourgeoisie
rising
the most
was predominately
abject
non-Baluchi,
of Jhalawan
rural
in the
exploitation
economy
Parenat non-Baluchis.
area
was also
directed
see a
that
we also
we should
note
thetically,
reinforwhich
times
in modern
again
phenomenon
in Baluchistan
ces the notion
that
exploitation
than
is along
class
rather
national
simple
for
that
nonif it is true,
lines:
example,
of the
Parachas
Baluchi
such as that
families
investments
and
have
substantial
come to have
it is also
in Baluchistan!
minerals,
profits
are by and large
true
that
Swatis
and Hazarvis
of workers
in that
the most
class
exploited
sector
of the Baluchistani
mining
industry
which
entreis owned in fact
by Baluchistani
themselves.
preneurs
is not,
as this
feudalism
Baluchistani
shown by now,
should
have
analysis
structurally
the
On
same as feudalism
in Punjab
and Sindh.
the
should
have
other
this
provanalysis
hand,
ed also
which
that
in Baluchistan,
society
of producfirst
means
of ali
the
organization
tive
Clan
forces
is not tribal
either.
there,
in
survivals,
organization
significant
enjoys
Kalat
as much as in the Murri-Bugti
area.
soci?
fact
this
the
about
fundamental
However,
a transition
is that
is still
it
making
ety
a transition
whereto feudalism,
from tribalism
the feud?
reached
forces
have
in the
productive
al stage
than
has the noma little
more fully
to
that
etc.
pertains
ideology
enclature,
myth,
feudalistic
tendthe
of this
maturing
reality
still
The fact
that
we are
of
speaking
ency.
a phase
the
a transition,
is
in which
system
nor wholly
means
tribal
neither
feudal,
wholly
a number
it is caught
between
that
nevertheless
we shall
of contradictions
some of which
try
to identify
here.
of
of ownership
of ali,
First
the
question
land
is not really
settled
in Baluchistan.
exof administration
When the Sandeman
system
the Indian
Baluchistan
from what became
empted
it to the royal
code and subjected
penal
jirga
and the F.C.R.,
the possibility
it foreclosed
of a permanent
settlement
in Baluchistan
land
of the kind
in most
that
was in fact
obtained
of British
the land
continIndia.
By statutes,
ued to belong
as a whole,
for
such
to the tribe
was the
had authority
custom
custom
and only
it gave
Sardar
the
to this
the
law;
according
as
to interpret
the
custom
and implement
right

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Page

16

he well
closed
legally

Pakistan

but,
pleased
the possibility
of
the
owner

forequite
inadvertently,
of the Sardar
becoming
the land.

leased
out the
the Sardar
Customarily,
the
who then
to an intermediary
land
organized
labour
for
of the land.
rural
cultivation
Once
to be taken
the
the produce
was ready
away,
as his
claimed
as well
Sardar
intermediaries
the
was
of it.
Since
intermediary
portions
a more immediately
factor
in this
present
he provided,
and since
relation
production
the basic
of course,
needed
on loan
capital
to consider
he too began
the crop period,
over
of the Sar?
the
himself
owner while
thinking
of overseeing
who had
dar as a sort
authority
of the produce
but not the
a right
to a share
of the land
land
itself.
Nominal
ownership
of the tribe
as a whole,
was still
in the hands
The peas?
tradition
so far as the tribal
went.
had an altogether
different
therefore,
ant,
he felt,
more often
of the situation:
picture
had rights
in fact
he himself
that
than
not,
he surely
had to pay a
the land while
over
offifor the
of the produce
intermediary
part
or interest
inas compensation
on his
cial
to the Sardar
vestment
and another
part
simply
The differences
as Sardar.
in his
capacity
three
never
between
these
got resconceptions
a concrete
framework
olved
within
legal
during
because
the Brit?
the British
period
precisely
of
the area
from application
ish had exempted
other
were
otherwise
in most
that
normal
laws
This
as to
of British
India.
ambiguity
parts
has never
who exactly
been
land
owns this
terms
and constituresolved
in precise
legal
of the
contradictions
tes
one of the major
as it presently
Sardari
exists.
system
the Sardari
its
current
manifestations,
a very
of
pattern
system
specific
perpetuates
The use of intermediar?
absentee
landlordism.
it unnecessary
ies
for the Sardar
to
makes
or participate
in the prod?
supervise
directly
uctive
and distributive
and he is
processes,
leisure
released
to live
out his
elsewhere.
The surpluses
he thus
accumulates
do not find
their
of
the agrarian
way back into
economy
in form of his
investments.
Baluchistan
On
he typically
the other
these
withdraws
hand,
them
out of agriculture
and spends
surpluses
of
wherever
he chooses
the period
to spend
absenteeism.
his
almost
In other
permanent
Baluchistan!
suffers
agrarian
words,
society
the
from a very
between
specific
discrepancy
of
of production
forces
and the relations
of Baluchistani
The majority
production.
workers
and rural
get to keep that
peasants
of their
which
is minimally
portion
produce
for their
below-subsistence
survival.
necessary
to the
The rest
is transferred
Sardar
who
it on his
in
conspicuous
consumption
spends
or
or purchasing
the city
of his
own choice,
In

Forum

May-June

1973

even
in some manufac?
urban
building
property,
lord
to
as a feudal
investments
trying
turing
Ali
of this
of the bourgeoisie.
the ranks
join
from the
takes
in areas
distant
place
quite
rural
of Baluchistan,
in places
often
economy
as Karachi.
as distant
This
net and continuing
of agricultural
outflow
out of that
surpluses
out of that
is a
and often
sector,
province,
of the
factor
considerable
in the
stagnation
rural
Lack of invest?
of Baluchistan.
economy
a perpetual
ment signifies
underdevelopment
of cultivable
of modernization
and lack
land
of
of agriculture,
in implements
resulting
the
course
in low net
thus
returns?and
cycle
Sardar
is thus
not playThe Baluchi
on.
goes
real
role
of the
historic
ing even the usual
feudal
lord:
agricultural
accumulating
surplus?
es to rationalize
the means
of
and improve
so as to collect
ever
agricultural
production
to the point
where
larger
enough
surpluses
so as to
has occurred
accumulation
capital
the next
of development
in the
finance
stage
The Sardar,
on the
mode of production
itself.
other
has by and large
detached
himself
hand,
He is a mere
from the productive
process.
whose
is antagonisuse of the
parasite
surplus
tic
to the process
the
which
produces
surplus.
He is thus
of propelling
the next
incapable
of development,
the bourgeois
phase
namely
because
his
activities
generphase,
precisely
ate
a
not a progress
in agriculture
and hence
but stagnation
and consequently
larger
surplus,
of surpluses.
the
narrowing
margins
Thus,
form of the
Sardari
is not only
present
system
but literally
in human terms
disastdespicable
rous
for
concerned
in pure
economic
everyone
as well.
terms
feel
a double
The Sardars
of today
pull.
would
to complete
their
like
unFirst,
they
to the
transition
from the tribal
equivocal
feudal
of production,
from a semblance
stage
of communal
of land
to their
own
ownership
clear-cut
with
no clan
element
proprietorship
in their
with
their
serfs.
relationship
Hence,
the Bill
the NAP government
has
ironically,
sent
to the Central
Government
recommending
of the
abolition
Sardari
Hence
also,
system.
Ghaus Bakhsh
enough,
significantly
Bizenjo*s
and Attaullah
that
Shashik
assertions
Mengal*s
of the
that
one-sixth
is paid
to
(the
produce
the Sardar
is not a Sardari
in Jhaljhao)
tax
at ali
but the legitimate
of the propriright
etor
whose
are being
lands
actually
sharecropThe two things
are parts
of the
same
ped.
The Sardars
like
to become
would
design.
leg?
al proprietors
of lands
which
symbolically
to the tribe
as a whole.
still
belong
During
the
to bribe
the bureausixties,
they
managed
into
their
names
the revenue
into
cracy
entering
records
as proprietors;
when jagirdaries
were
abolished
and their
came up for
holdings
sale,
saw to it that
no buyer
came in sight
and
they

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May-June

1973

Pakistan

at nominal
back their
rates.
bought
jagirdaris
hold
far beyond
lands
they
However,
any limits
of land
in any rational
conceivable
system
and their
distribution,
forged
proprietorship,
*60s
as it is,
dates
back to the
only.
They
all
like
to camouflage
this
would
and would
to accept
the abolition
of their
even appear
It is a very
status.
intricate
manspecial
deserves
oeuver
some close
which
scrutiny.
to abolish
the Sardari
The recommendation
has not a word to say about
system
altering
It asks
of landholdings.
the pattern
basical.of privy
1) the abolition
ly for two things:
for the
etc.
grants
purses,
compensations,
Khans and so forth;
and 2) to abol?
ex-Chiefs,
the
it with
ish
and replace
jirga
system
judicial
to dispense
committees
justice
according
laws
of the
to the regular
land.
On the face
looks
of it,
this
good and progressive
enough.
what has happened
is that
the Sardars
In fact,
the
crucial
fact
that
have
their
recognized
of land
as legal
has
emergence
proprietors
foreclosed
been
by their
special
precisely
are to secure
if they
status;
conversely,
status
their
this
new,
profitable
spec?
earlier,
ial
to be abolished.
The choice
status
needs
it is more profitable
is clear
to be
enough:
a feudal
lord
to be a tribal
than
chief
merely.
are keen to forego
As such,
the tribal
they
as feudal
and secure
their
connection
positions
lords
claims
to what used
with
to be
personal
tribal
lands.
this
to complete
their
Alongside
pull
to feudalism,
transition
the
these
Sardars,
have
seen
the
obsolaspiring
semi-feudalists,
of feudalism
as have the more
escence
itself,
feudals
of Punjab
and Sindh;
enlightened
they
like
to quickly
would
become
junior
partners
of Karachi
In other
capitalists.
words,
they
feudal
would
like
to consolidate
their
status,
use this
status
to gain
would
political
power
to purchase
and use that
their
in turn,
power,
to profits
right
by bartering
manufacturing
for partnerand mining
in Baluchistan
rights
for which
the
would
in industries
ship
capital
have come from Karachi.
is
Their
on outside
dependence
capital
to produce
upon their
inability
predicated
sector
of econ?
in the
large
enough
surpluses
so ruthlessly
themselves
dominate.
omy they
Here again,
have two choices?both
within
they
the framework
of dependence,
is the
which
of these
historic
role
feudalists.
bogus
One,
in entercan accept
junior
partnership
they
financed
from
prises
by non-Baluchi
capital
Karachi
their
and Punjab,
consolidate
political
a Baluchi
Baluchistan
inside
and stage
power
revolt
their
nationalist
senior
against
part?
a certain
after
of maturity,
ners
reaching
stage
can
Alternatively,
maybe in ten years.
they
the
for
senior
need
partners
try to eliminate

Forum

Page

17

from within
the
same natPakistan
by staging
of dependionalist
instead
now; then,
uprising
of Karachi,
ing on the comprador
capital
they
of dependence
terms
can formulate
on capital
from New York and Detroit
and London
directly,
much like
Rehman.
Mujibur
As of now, the
Sardars
are
of Baluchistan
intimidated
almost
wavering,
by the magnitude
are faced
of choices
The most
with.
im?
they
factor
their
is their
behind
portant
waverings
lack
of cohesion
as a class.
As feudals
who
are not even wholly
are yet
feudal,
they
incapable
of abrogating,
each to each,
their
personal interests
and feuds
in the larger
interest
of their
as a whole.
class
The fundamental
of feudals
difference
in the
consciousness
and
the bourgeoisie
is that
whereas
the
of
egotism
the bourgeoisie
is mainly
the
of a
egotism
the egotism
of the
is always
feudalists
class,
and contrary
to other
of his
members
personal
class.
The current
of Baluchistan,
politics
with
the macabre
confrontation
between
Bizenjo
and Akbar Bugti,
the allies
of
and cohorts
is a classic,
of
instance
yesteryears,
cutting
this
inherent
weakness
and fragmentation
just
of the feudal
class.
are incapable
As of now, they
of making
a choice.
are there,
But the
choices
and will
have to be made sooner
or later.
nev?
History
er waits;
if there
a class
rise
doesn*t
capable
of mastering
and using
it for
revolutionary
it makes
for
room and even
the
fortune
ends,
ones who are demonstrably
but also,
decadent
at that
the
ones
particular
time,
only
capable
of seizing
the time.
The crucial
sector
of Baluchistani
economy
is the agrarian
are merely
cities
sector;
grafted on to an economy
to which
are by and
they
The crucial
not related.
in the
large
question
is the
sector
of historically
agrarian
question
unresolved
of land.
and undetermined
ownership
There
are three
to proprietorship
of
claimants
land:
the Khet Mazdoor
or Bazgar
(landless
rural
labour
the lathband
(the
peasant;
etc),
middle
to be the
man who claims
small
proprietSardar
or variations
thereor) and the
(Chief,
in Baluchistan,
movement
of).
Revolutionary
as in Pakistan
as a whole,
is wholly
in
split
its
It doesn*t
know what to do with
loyalties.
the national
the
doesn*t
understand
question,
the national
between
and
question
relationship
the class
to
doesn*t
know whether
question,
of Baluchi?
in the
situation
identify,
specific
with
the
or with
the Lathband.
Bazgar
stan,
These
are subjective
of a movement
weaknesses
which
is very
much
young,
fragmented,
very
very
on the defensive
because
of the
objective
power
of the
Sardari
much beseiged
system,
very
by
both
and Left
adventurism.
Right
opportunism
The

agrarian

question

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in

Baluchistan

is

Page

16

Pakistan

detail
elsewhere
with
some specific
examined
with
some recommendations
in this
along
issue,
to a correct
revolutionary
strategy.
pertaining
some blunt
we can only
facts.
reinforce
Here,
of
one third
Baluchistan
produces
only
It can more
at the present
food
time.
its
rich
its
it by 1) developing
than make up for
outwhich
will
need
resources
mineral
capital
that
it
of a kind
know-how
and technical
lays
or 2)
at this
from possessing
is far
time;
of ownership
and
the
entire
pattern
changing
so that
sector
the
in the agrarian
production
to
of Baluchistan
resources
vast
land
begin
of
the
food
at least
requirements
produce
In either
the present
case,
meagre
population.
of society,
transformaa total
transformation
of production
that
of the relations
tion
is,
if such
for
is a prerequisite
self-sufficiency
a framework
of
outside
were to be attained
of
The two factors,
development
dependence.
resources
the mineral
and the transformation
a framework
of
of agrarian
within
relations
are of course
not mutually
self-sufficiency,
exclusive.
in context
is the coastline
An example
which
to be developed
of Baluchistan
for
needs
facilities
and even defence
fisheries,
export
to exploit
would
like
purposes.
Imperialisms
Is development
in Baluchistan.
this
facility
to oneTs
the rights
to be achieved
by selling
to convince
is eager
as the U.S.
own coast,
to do?
the Baluchi
Or, is it too
leadership
for
which
a price
some immediate
gains
high
both
be too costly
economic
in spheres
might
is in dire
nationalism
Baluchi
and otherwise?
a point
where
of convergence
need of finding
aims
nationalist
economic,
human,
political,
a conflict
be?
so as to resolve
can all
meet
the poor majority
and the rich
tween
minority
while
account
into
conflicts
of both
taking
and class
it is only
nature;
ethno-linguistic
is worthy
of
of convergence
that
such a point
a revolutionary
in the
called
practice
being
historical
of present-day
context
specific
Baluchistan.
a left-over
The Sardari
from the
system,
of Sandeman
and his warring
days
predecessors,
is at the root
of underdevelopment
in Baluchi?
or urban,
or bourgeois,
rural
stan?feudal
in
all
of economy
fact
sectors
in Bal?
and polity
This
is a fundamental,
uchistan.
irrefutable
the present
Secondly,
composition
reality.
of the
state
structure
as a whole
in Pakistan
is not such as to encourage
of fair
any hopes
in Baluchistan.
In other
development
words,
a twothe masses
of Baluchistan
are facing
with
its
fold
own regional
contradiction,
elite
the national
and with
elite
as
ruling
a
there
is of course
well.
Subjectively,
the ruling
conflict
between
elite
of Baluchi?
as we have
stan
and the Central
Government,

Forum

May-June

1973

out earlier
Nonethein the article.
pointed
with
to the
in Baluchi?
less,
respect
oppressed
elites
the indigenous
and the external
stan,
share
which
makes
them allies
in
an interest
be a
ali
It would
ways possible.
objective
for the
forces
mistake
in Baluchi?
revolutionary
to imagine
one
stan
that
can demolish
they
at the
same
of this
without
term
contradiction
time
the
other
term as well.
destroying
The area
for the revolutionary
of activity
is the agrarian
in Baluchistan
movement
today
of Baluchi?
the
area.
revolutionaries
However,
area
this
who have always
autonstan
considered
else
omous and removed
must
from everything
to contemplate
rather
learn
one fact
lucidly:
the Baluchi
a significant
constitutes
segment
one of the
in fact,
in the
element,
largest
We do not
in Karachi.
relations
proletarian
of Baluchi
workers
know the precise
numbers
there:
a hundred
are more than
surely,
they
of ali
thousand.
about
In the midst
assertions
of Pakistani
and Irani
identity
Baluchistans,
a good number
of them perfectly
we must
true,
also
out the historic
relation
between
point
what
is the
Baluchistan
and Sindh.
And ask:
the
small
Baluchi
between
relationship
working
class
inside
Baluchistan
and the very
living
Baluchi
class
outside?
Baluchi?
large
working
with
to the working
stan
class
faces,
respect
a very
it
dilemma:
not that
movement,
specific
does
not have a working
class
but that
its
class
is dispersed
and integrated
into
working
the capitalist
of economy
sector
in Pakistan
as a whole.
the working
class
inside
Secondly,
in the mining
Baluchistan,
particularly
sector,
is predominantly
Hazarvi
Pashtun
non-Baluchi,
and Swati.
With respect
to Swati
it
labour,
be noted
should
that
it is spread
ali
over
Pak?
istan
and has some concentration
in Karachi
as
where
of the Baluchi
most
class
well,
working
is concentrated
Thus we see a pattern
of
too.
multi-faceted
has resulted
contradictions
which
in specific
material
of class
relations
identi?
the Baluchi
and non-Baluchi
ty between
workers,
A genuas well
as outside
inside
Baluchistan.
ine working
class
to link
movement
must try
the
interests
of the workers
of different
ethnoover
the whole
linguistic
origins
territory
that
cover.
it is not altogeththey
Meanwhile,
er improbable
that
the Baluchi
that
proletariat
lives
outside
at present
shall
Baluchistan
play
a crucial
role
in the
of Baluchi?
emancipation
stan
in a national
democratic
which
revolution
the country
as a whole.
Nor should
envelopes
we stop
of concrete
exploring
possibilities
links
this
between
class
non-resident
working
and the resident
rural
labour
of Baluchistan.
A Baluchistani
will
occur
revolution
only
when it has combined
the
of three
disenergies
tinct
sectors:
the agrar?
though
complementary
ian labour
which
is mostly
though
by no means
the
labour
in the mines
which
entirely
Baluchi,
(Continued

on

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page

37)

May-June

Pakistan

1973

Forum

Page

National
is that
work inside
the mines.
The result
are abused
to
workers
when these
and subjected
the mines,
the news does
not
inside
cruelty
outside
reach
the local
and no broadpopulation
the
is generated
er sentiment
against
oppress?
the worker
other
On the
ion of workers.
hand,
of the foreman
from the villages
and
who comes
is totally
under
their
the gang leader
control.
a representative
in sevThe foreman
appoints
This
eral
in Swat.
man
villages
neighbouring
the workers
from the young
recruits
villagers
when ordered
and sends
them to the mines
by
the foreman.
This
man also
in touch
keeps
of the workers
families
with
the
and now and
them with
needed
then
badly
money
supplies
of
deducts
from the wages
which
the
foreman
out
While
this
himself
man gives
the workers.
of the workers
wisher
fam?
as a well
and their
for
make things
miserable
he can also
ilies,
the
foreman
a worker*s
in Swat in case
family
due obedience
and cooperation
does
not receive
fore?
Thus the gang leader
and the
from him.
inside
on the
man have a special
stranglehold
of the mines.
workers
the
workers
We also
out that
inside
found
Pushto
nor
which
is neither
Kohistani
speak
for them
it
This
makes
Persian.
impossible
The fore?
the
local
with
to converse
people.
them
also
man and the
gang leaders
prohibit
This
from learning
language.
strengany local
of the
hold
the
exclusive
thens
gang leaders
are neither
for they
able
to
on their
lives,
about
other
the
nor
know anything
workers,
We
able
them of their
to inform
own plight.
broken
one old man who could
found
speak
only
We asked
him how did the people
in the
Urdu.
He
outside
world.
mines
news from the
get
from out?
comes
that
whenever
somebody
replied
went
on to
some news and then
side
get
they
the
he knew that
Yahya Khan ruled
say that
This
was August,
in those
1972.
days.
country
of
the total
Ali
this
indicates
oppression
bosses.
these
by their
people

Question

from page
(Continued
18)
and has contra?
non-Baluchi
is predominantly
and non-Baluchi
Baluchi
both
with
diction
all
scattered
labour
and the Baluchi
owners,
of Sindh
districts
the Western
over
Karachi,
has
Our analysis
of Punjab.
and even
parts
to the
that
we hope,
owing
demonstrated,
of the Bal?
constitution
historical
peculiar
admixture
in thorough
uchi
resulting
people,
and in extreme
of ethno-linguistic
groups
of
of the Baluchi
questions
people,
dispersal
are inseparable
in Baluchistan
revolution
revo?
democratic
of a national
from questions
as a whole.
in Pakistan
lution

MEMBERS OF BALUCHISTAN ASSEMBLY

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
li+.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.

Attaullah
Mengal?Sardar
Marri?Sardar
Bukhsh
Khair
of Khan
brother
Karim?Prince,
Agha Abdul
of Kalat
of Mengal
cousin
Gul Khan Naseer-Mir,
Mohammad Khan Barozai?Sardar
Rahman?Sardar
Abdul
of Sardar
brother
Ahmed Nawaz Bugti?Mir,
Bugti
of Ahmed
brother-in-law
Chakar
Khan?Mir,
Nawaz
Dost Mohammad?Mir
Khan?Nawabzadah
Sher Ali
Raisani?Sardar
Ghaus Bukhsh
of Lasbella
Ghulam Qadir?Jam
Ali Magsi?Mir
Yusuf
Piracha?Mineowner
Saifullah
Mohammad?Maulvi
Saleh
Shamsuddin?Maulvi
Haji
Shah?Maulvi
M. Hassan
Pushtun
nation?
Samad Achakzai?Khan,
Abdul
alist
Shahnawaz
Jamali?Mir
Anwar Jan Khetran?Sardar
Alliani
Fazilla
Miss
(nominated)?related
Marri
to Sardar

our reto since

Whoever
we have talked
it
is hard to believe
from the mines
turn
says
are living
in these
condithat
human beings
We also
could
twentieth
in the
tions
century.
the
this
before
we observed
situa?
not believe
for this?
Who is to be blamed
ourselves.
tion
which
media
Is it
our public
communications
ourselves
who
have kept
us ignorant?
Or, is it
without
in our cities
have
sat
contented
proother
of knowledge
about
our lack
parts
testing
the
of the
Not too
long
ago we paid
country?
of our
half
of such
ignorance
by losing
price
same mistake
to make the
Are we going
country.
again?
(Translated
No. 39 of

by
the

Gardezi
from the
H.N.
Mazdoor
Kisan
Pakistan

37

Newsletter
Party).

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