/';-=09

)(8*=-0/']

15:32:24 PM

VIVARIUM
AN INTERNATIONALJOURNAL FOR THE PHILOSOPHY
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15:26:38 PM

VIVARIUM
AN INTERNATIONALJOURNAL FOR THE PHILOSOPHY
AND INTELLECTUAL LIFE OF THE MIDDLE AGES AND
RENAISSANCE
vivarium
inparticular
is devoted
totheprofane
sideofmediaeval
philosophy
andtheintellectual
lifeoftheMiddle
AgesandRenaissance
- H.A.G.Braakhuis,
- C.H. Kneepkens,
editors
L.M.de Rijk,(Leiden)
(Nijmegen)
E.P.
D. Perler,
Bos,
W.J.Courtenay,
(Madison)
(Leiden).
(Groningen)
M.G.M. vanderPoel,(Nijmegen).
(Basel)oftheEditorial
Board:
Prof.
C.H.Kneepkens.
Secretary
Allcommunications,
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should
be addressed
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except
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Vakgroep
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committee (Cambridge,
MA).
publishers Brill,
TheNetherlands.
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15:26:38 PM

CONTENTS
Christoph Fleler

OF VOLUME

XL (2002)

PolitischerAristotelismusim Mittelalter.

Einleitung
Raimundus Acgerii's Commentary on
: Some Notes
Aristotle'sPolitics
Karl Ubl - Lars
Zur Transformationder Monarchie von
ViNX
Aristoteleszu Ockham
Cary J. Nederman
Mechanics and Citizens: The Reception
of the AristotelianIdea of Citizenshipin
Late Medieval Europe
Aristotle'sPoliticsand Ptolemyof Lucca
JamesM. Blythe
Taneli Kukkonen
Alternatives
to Alternatives:
Approachesto
Aristotle'sArgumentsper impossibile
Ernesto Perini-Santos L'extensionde la listedes modalitsdans
les commentairesdu Perihermeneias
et des
Elenchi
de
Guillaume
d'Ockham
Sophistici
Stephen Read
The Liar Paradox fromJohnBuridanback
to Thomas Bradwardine
M.V. Dougherty
Two PossibleSources forPico's Oratio....
Christian Schfer
Juan Gins de Seplveda und die politiim Zeitalterder
sche Aristotelesrezeption
Roberto Lambertini

Review Artigle

Reviews

1
14
41

75
103
137

174
189
219

242
Conquista
Robert Black,The Originsof Humanism,
itsEducationalContextand itsEarlyDevelopment:A ReviewArticleof Ronald Witt's
'In the
272
of theAncients'
Footsteps
WalterBerschin,Biographieund Epochenstilim lateinischenMittelalter.
IV. Ottonische Biographie.Das hohe Mittelalter,
9201220 n. Chr. [rev.byG.J.M. Bartelink
) .... 298
Dag NikolausHasse (ed.),Abaelards"Historiacalamitatum".Text- bersetzung
Literaturwissenschaftliche
Modellanalysen
299
Mews)
{rev.by Constant
Theodor Khler, Grundlagendes philoDiskurses im
sophisch-anthropologischen
Die
dreizehnten
Jahrhundert: ErkenntnisBemhung um den Menschen im zeitVerstndnis[rev.byAllanBck) 302
genssischen

15:26:38 PM

iv
(Reviews cont
.)

Books Received

CONTENTS
Albert Zimmermann,Thomas lesen {rev.
305
byE.P. Bos)
Die
der
mitSeung-ChanPark,
Rezeption
telalterlichenSprachphilosophie in der
Theologie des Thomas von Aquin. Mit
besondererBercksichtigung
der Analogie
Harm
306
(rev.by
Goris)
Dietrich von Freiberg,Neue Perspektive
seiner Philosophie,Theologie und Naturwissenschaft
309
(rev.byE.P. Bos)
Bos
and
Egbert
StephenRead, Concepts.
The Treatises of Thomas of Cleves and
Paul of Gelria. An Edition of the Texts
witha SystematicIntroduction(rev.byE.J.
312
Ashworth)
LaurentiiVallensis,De lingua latinae eleedicincrtica,traducgantia.Introduccin,
cin y notas por Santiago Lpez Moreda,
Tomos I-II (rev.byLeonterBeefy
313
Robert Black & Gabriella Pomaro, 'La
consolazione della filosofia'nel Medioevo
e nel Rinascimentoitaliano.Libridi scuola
e glossenei manoscritti
fiorentini/Boethius's
'Consolation of Philosophy' in Italian
Medieval and Renaissance Education.
Schoolbooksand theirGlossesin Florentine
321
Manuscripts(rev.byLodiNauta)
324

15:26:38 PM

im Mittelalter
Politischer
Aristotelismus
Einleitung
CHRISTOPH FLELER

das im Mittelalter
Die Politik
war zwar nichtdasjenigeBuch des Aristoteles,
die grssteRezeption erfuhr,andere seinerauthentischenSchriftenwurden lange bevor die Politikendlich bersetztwurde, bekanntund unter
den Hauptwerken,zu denen wir gewissdie Politikzhlen mgen, hatten
und
andere einen strkerenEinflussund waren ohne Zweifelkontroverser
wurden heftigerdiskutiert.Aber selbst wenn wir diese Einschrnkung
voranstellen,kann kein Zweifeldarberbestehen,dass die Aristotelische
Politik
einenenormenEinflussauf die politischePhilosophiedes Mittelalters
ausbte.Dieser Einflusswird dann besondersdeutlich,wenn wir uns mit
die in den letztenJahrzehntendes 13.
politischenSchriftenbeschftigen,
Jahrhundertsverfasstwurden. Kurz nach ihrer bersetzungsind eine
nichtunbedeutendeZahl von Kommentarenentstanden.Aber der EinLitedie wir zur traditionsreichen
flussreichteviel weiter:Die Schriften,
zhlen
und
die
nach
dem
der
raturgattung sogenannten,FrstenspiegeF
Bekanntwerdender Politikverfasstwurden, haben eine radikal neue
von Thomas von Aquin, der
Richtungeingeschlagen.Der Frstenspiegel
in den Jahren
wohl in der letzten,unglaublichintensivenSchaffenszeit,
wre
ohne
Kenntnis
der
entstanden
sein
1271-3
drfte,
vollstndigen
ist ein Neuanfang,wie Jrbersetzungnichtmglichgewesen.De regno
schreibt(Miethke 2000, 25-45), der die politische
gen Miethke treffend
PoliReflexionauf eine neue Ebene hob. Dabei spieltedie aristotelische
wenn
seine
neue
entscheidende
auch
tiksichereine
Rolle,
Fragestellung,
die die Schriftenzu ,De potestatepapae' vorbereitete,nicht in erster
mit der Aristotelischen
SchriftzurckLinie auf die Auseinandersetzung
zufhrenist.
Aber auch in anderen Werkenjener Zeit lsst sich der Einflussder
Politik
denn die Politicagehrttatschlichzu den hufigzitierten
feststellen,
nahm
Bchern:Das philosophische
Nachdenkenber politischeHerrschaft
innertkurzerZeit so starkzu, dass sich die berechtigteFrage stellt,ob
diese Literaturnichtnur starkvom aristotelischen
Werkbeeinflusst
wurde,
BrillNV,Leiden,2002
Koninklijke
- www.brill.nl
Alsoavailable
online

Vivarium
40,1

15:32:31 PM

CHRISTOPH
FLELER

sonderndie Wiederentdeckung
der politischenPhilosophiedes Aristoteles
zu diesen Schriftensogar einen entscheidendenAnstossgab.
Der erstebersetzerder Politikwar Wilhelmvon Moerbeke, der am
wahrscheinlichin
Anfang seiner eindrcklichenbersetzungsttigkeit,
Griechenlandum 1260, das ersteBuch und einenTeil des zweitenBuches
direktaus dem Griechischenins Lateinischebertrug.EinigeJahrespter,
um 1265- Wilhelm drftemittlerweile
am ppstlichenHof intensivan
der Neubersetzungund berarbeitungbestehenderbersetzungendes
gesamtenCorpus Aristotelicumgearbeitethaben nahm er seine fragmentarische,
hufigfalscheund ungelenkebersetzungnochmalsin Angriff
und bersetztenun alle acht Bcher.Diese blieb whrendgut 150Jahren
die einzige vollstndigelateinischebersetzung,bis Leonardo Bruni in
den zwanzigerJahrendes 15.Jahrhunderts
eine neue bersetzungvorlegte.
wurde
dass
Thomas
von Aquin als ersterdie
Lange
angenommen,
Politicalas. Die Legende, dass Wilhelm ad instantiam
sanctiThomaeseine
in
haben
diese
wiederholte
Annahme
nahm,
bersetzungen Angriff
hufig
beinahe zur Gewissheiterstarrenlassen. Dies ist aber nicht sicher,da
auch Albertoffensichtlich
zu einem sehr frhenZeitpunktmit der transin Berhrungkam. Im Kategorienkommentar
latioimperfecta
(circa 1263,
Gauthier
zitiert
Albert
wenn
auch
sehr frei,
1993,
ausdrcklich,
vgl.
89)
das ersteBuch: quia ciuitasrequirit
multum
habitatores
plures
quamuicus,skut
in Politicis
suisdicitAristoteles
(vgl.Pol. I, 1252b27-28).Die erstenZitate bei
Thomas findenwir in der SummacontraGentiles
(III.22 und 111.81,ca.
die
wiederum
sehr
frei
dem
ersten
Buch
der Politikentnommen
1263-4),
sind (Pol. I, 1254b6-7, 10-13 und 1252a31-34). Das erstewrtlicheZitat
stehthingegenin der Summatheologiae
(I 8 1.3.ad 2), so dass wir annehmen
knnen,dass Thomas noch in Rom (1267/8) die vollstndigebersetAber erstwhrendseinem
zung von Wilhelmvon Moerbekekennenlernte.
zweitenPariserAufenthalt
setztesich Thomas intensivermit dem ganzen
Werk auseinander.In Paris, mglicherweise
auch erstin Neapel, nimmt
er sogar einen Kommentarin Angriff
und schreibtetwa gleichzeitigfr
freilichohne
Knig Hugo III. von Zypernden genanntenFrstenspiegel,
diese beiden Werkezu Ende zu bringen(zur bersetzungund zur frhen
Rezeption,vgl. Fleler 1992, I, 1-29).
Der Einflussder Aristotelischen
Politikauf die politischePhilosophie
des Mittelalters
ist seiteinigenJahrenGegenstandeinerwissenschaftlichen
in welchem Sinne im Mittelalter
Diskussion.Besonderswird diskutiert,
von einempolitischenAristotelismus'
gesprochenwerdenkann.Aristoteles
wurde natrlichnicht nur bentzt,sondern hufig auch missbraucht.
Selbst Kommentare,die versuchten,den Sinn des aristotelischen
Textes

15:32:31 PM

IM MITTELALTER
POLITISCHER
ARISTOTELISMI^

in ersterLinie berAristoteles
zu entrtseln
und die ausdrcklich
erklrten,
Aristoteleszum Teil sehrfrei,setztenin ihrer
zu sprechen,interpretierten
Akzenteund verndertendadurchbewusstoder unbewusst
Interpretation
die politischePhilosophiedes griechischenPhilosophen.Die mittelalterlichen Interpretationen
entsprechengewiss nicht unseren philologischen
Massstben. Sie waren kaum oder zumindest sehr eigenwilligan der
(Fioravanti1979), und der Text, den
griechischenGeschichteinteressiert
sie lasen, war kein griechischerText, sondern eine lateinischebersetzung, die zwar, wenn mglich,Wort fr Wort dem griechischenText
folgte,der aber selbsteinem so versiertenUbersetzerwie Wilhelmgrosse
die seinberMhe bereitete,
ganz zu schweigenvon den Schwierigkeiten,
in
Buchstaben"
lateinischen
das
Minio-Paluello
Griechisch
setzerlatein,
musste.
Kommentator
bereiten
nannte,selbsteinem scharfsinnigen
Politikaber noch strittiger,
der Aristotelischen
Was die Interpretation
dass die verschiedeaber auch interessanter
macht, ist die Feststellung,
zum
Teil
voneinander
starkabwenen mittelalterlichen
Interpretationen
ichen. Die Rezeption der AristotelischenPolitikschliesstverschiedene
Sen(Kommentare,Traktate,Quaestionen,Streitschriften,
Textgattungen
Orte
verschiedene
Schulen
und
tenzenkommentare,Quodlibeta etc.),
Ordensschulen,Frstenhfe,
etc.) und verschiedeneLeser
(Universitten,
und Adressaten(Studenten,Priester,Frsten,Laien, etc.) mit ein. Die
Texte der mittelalterlichen
Autorenbezogen sich auf einen verschiedenen
historischenKontext, sehr verschiedenvom Griechenland des 4. vorchristlichen
Texte, wie derjenigevon Thomas von Aquin,
Jahrhunderts.
der Politikkommentar
von Albert von Kln, Dantes Monarchia
, De regia
et
von
oder
der
von
Marsilius
Defensor
pacis
potestatepapali
JohannesQuidort
Politikbeeinflusst,
von Padua, alle starkvon der Aristotelischen
sind zum
Teil so verschieden,dass kaum ein gemeinsamerNenner gefundenwerden kann und deshalb mit Recht gefragtwird, warum Historikerund
Philosophenberhauptnoch ber die Bedeutungeines politischenAristotelismus'streiten.
im
Die Diskussionber die Bedeutungdes politischenAristotelismus4
Mittelalter
istvor allem als Widerlegungeines historiographischen
Modells
zu verstehen.Dieses Modell wurde von Walter Ullmann in seiner ausIn mehrerenBchern und Artikelnstellte
geprgtestenForm formuliert.
er ein Paradigma auf, das die Entwicklungdes politischenDenkens vom
sechstenbis zum sechzehntenJahrhundertzu erklrenversuchte.Walter
Ullmannunterteilte
die ganze Geschichtedes politischenDenkens in eine
und eine aufsteigende
) Theorie. Die absteiabsteigende(<descending
(ascending
Herrschaftstheorie
ortete
die
im hchsten
Herrschaft
gende
ursprngliche

15:32:31 PM

CHRISTOPH
FLELER

wurde. Die
Sein, das im Christentummit dem Gttlichenidentifiziert
d.h.
die
sei
zeitlich
zwar
zuerst
entwickelt
andere,
aufsteigendeTheorie,
und erstwiederim 13.Jahrhundert
worden,dann sozusagenuntergetaucht
wiederentdeckt
worden.Dann aber habe dieses Modell seinen Siegeszug
angetretenund bis heute seine Gltigkeitbehalten (Ullmann 1970, 13).
Diese Revolutionhabe im spten 13.Jahrhundert
und wurde
stattgefunden
durchdie Entdeckungder Aristotelischen
Politik
Nach Ulimann
eingeleitet.
bewirktediese Wiederentdeckung
eine konzeptuelleRevolution,die als
WasserscheidezwischenMittelalter
und Neuzeitverstandenwird(Ullmann
In
einem
etwas
frheren
Werk wird diese Ansichtin aller
1965, 159).
Deutlichkeitausgesprochen,wenn er schreibt:The impact of Aristotle's
theoriesof governmentand of his ethicalprinciplesupon the thirteenth
in the realmof thought. . .
centuryentaileda ratherradicalre-orientation
It would be hard to point to any historicalphenomenonof a doctrinal
order which was to effectsuch far-reachingchanges as Aristotledid."
immer
(Ullmann1961, 231). Die politischeTheorie des Aristoteles
gipfelte,
noch nach Ullmann, in drei Lehrstzen,die von den mittelalterlichen
Autorenbernommenworden seien: (1) der Ansicht,dass der Staat die
hchste Gemeinschaftder Brger und gemss der Natur sei, (2) dem
Prinzip, dass die Mehrheit immer besser sei, als der kleine Teil von
Tchtigen,was ilsder wichtigstearistotelischeGedanke gepriesenwird
und (3) schliesslichdie scharfeTrennungzwischenMensch und Brger.
Ullmann's Modell war zu einfach,um wahr zu sein. Aber dessen
Reputation,vor allem im englischenSprachraum,veranlasstedie folgende
zu prfen.Die meistenHistoriker
Generation,seine Annahmensorgfltig
nehmenheute an, dass seine Thesen nichtgesttztwerdenknnen.Die
Idee, dass der Mensch von Natur aus ein soziales Lebewesen und der
Staat ein Naturproduktsei, kann auch bei anderen Autoren gefunden
werden und war dem Mittelalterdurch Schriftenvon Cicero, Seneca,
Macrobius oder Nemesios von Emesa schon lnger gekannt,wie aus
die auf diese Quellen Bezug nehmen,gezeigt
Texten des 12.Jahrhunderts,
werden kann (Nederman 1991). Die aristotelischeusserung,dass die
Herrschaftder Mehrheitder Brgeroder eine gemischteHerrschaftsform
vorzuziehensei, wurde von mitteleiner monarchischenVerfassungsform
zum Teil zustimmend,meistens
alterlichenAutorensehr unterschiedlich,
wurdedas Ullmann'sche
aber ablehnendrezipiert(Blythe1992). Schliesslich
und
des
absteigendenModells durch Studien
aufsteigenden
Paradigma
von Gianfranco Fioravanti (1997), Roberto Lambertini (2000), David
Luscombe (1998) und JrgenMiethke(2000) weitgehendwiderlegt.

15:32:31 PM

POLITISCHER
IM MITTELALTER
ARISTOTELISMI^

Tatschlichwar die Rezeptionder Aristotelischen

Politik
vielschichtiger.
Die frhestenInterpretationen
der aristotelischen
politischenPhilosophie
warengekennzeichnet
durcheine ausgesprocheneTendenz, hierarchische,
metaphysische
Prinzipien,vonoben' sozusagenfrdie politischePhilosophie
fruchtbar
zu machen. Aristoteles
wurde spterauch verwendet,um Herrschaft,von unten' zu begrnden;beide Argumentationsstrategien
wurden
somitangewendetund beide sttztensich auf Aristoteles.Neuplatonische
Prinzipienwurdenauf die politischePhilosophiebertragenund mit aristotelischem
Gedankengutvermischt.Ein anschaulichesBeispielliefertuns
dazu der vielleichtwichtigsteKommentar aus der Artistenfakultt,
die
des PariserMagistersPeter von Alvernia
Quaestiones
superlibrosPoliticorum
aus den letztenJahrzehntendes 13.Jahrhunderts.
Aufdie Frage,ob berall dort,wo vieles sich zu einer Einheit verbinde,eines von Natur aus
herrscheund das andere von Natur beherrschtwerde (ibid. 1. Buch, 12.
Frage, vgl. Fleler 1992, I, 186-9), wiederholtPeter im Gegenargument
nichtetwa die Textstelledes Aristoteles,
die diese Ansichtsttzt,sondern
Proklos:Omnismultitudo
necessario
reducitur
ad unum
secunda
, quia omnismultitudo
estab uno
wurdezwar ebenso
, utdicitProclus
, 1-6.21).Aristoteles
{Elem.theol.
von Autoren,wie Marsiliusvon Padua oder Ptolomaeusvon Lucca als
Autorittgelesen,die demokratische
Anstze und die Idee der Volkssouvernittsttzte,aber die Mehrheitder politischenDenker verteidigte
die
Monarchie als beste Staatsform,
indem sie sich auf Aristotelesberief(vglNederman 1996, Ubl-Vynx,infra).
derPolitik
Demzufolgekannauch die Ansicht,das die Wiederentdeckung
eine konzeptuelleRevolution auslste, nicht aufrechterhaltenwerden.
Dies kann auch anhand einer sorgfaltigen
Rekonstruktion
der Entstehung
einer politischenWissenschaftim Mittelalternachgezeichnetwerden.
Studien von Georg Wieland (1981), Cary Nederman (1997, 1996) und
FrancescoBertelloni(1992, 1994, 1998) zeigten,dass die Wiederentdeckung
nichtaus heiteremHimmel kam, sonderndass der Boden dafrgut vorbereitetwar. Schon vor der bersetzungder Politikhattensich zahlreiche
AutorenGedanken zum systematischen
Ort einer scientia
politicagemacht.
Die aristotelische
derpraktischen
Einteilung
Philosophiein Ethik,Oekonomik
( yconomicc
:) und Politik,die von Boethiusund Cassiodor dem Mittelalter
von Hugo von St. Victor
wurde,wurdeim 12.Jahrhundert
weitergegeben
weiterentwickelt.
Die bersetzungendes 12. Jahrhunderts
aus dem Aravor
allem
aber
die Divisioscientiae
von Dominicus Gundissalinus,
bischen,
stellteprogrammatisch
den wissenschaftlichen
Charakterder Politikherder Gesetze zu verstehensei. Als dann
aus, die vor allem als Wissenschaft

15:32:31 PM

CHRISTOPH
FLELER

in der erstenHlfte des 13. Jahrhunderts

PariserArtistenin zahlreichen
in
Wissenschaften
unterteildie
einzelne
Einleitungsschriften Philosophie
ten und dieseneinzelneBcherzuordneten,wurdeder politischenWissenschaftein festerOrt zugewiesen.Die Artistenwusstenaus den Schriften
des Averroes,dass Aristotelesauch ber die Politikgeschriebenhatte,nur
fehltedas Buch, wie einige sich beklagten.Fautede mieux
, empfahlensie
die Dekrete und Gesetze, also das rmischeund das kanonischeRecht,
um diese Lcke zu stopfen.Doch erstals die lateinischebersetzungder
Politikum 1270 in Paris bekanntwurde,konntedas schon lang ersehnte
kommentiert
und diskutiert
und erstrebteWerk an der Artistenfakultt
werden.
Die Wiederentdeckung
der Politiklste keine Revolutionaus, sondern
in
sich
ein
traditionelle
Strukturenund wurde auch institutionell
fgte
vorbereitet.
FrancescoBertelloni
(1988, 1992, 1994, 1995, 1998),Gianfranco
Fioravanti(1979, 1997) und Cary Nederman (1987, 1991, 1996) legten
Anstze zu einer
przise dar, dass es schon vor der Wiederentdeckung
Diese
der
Wissenschaft
Wissenschaft
,Erfindung' politischen
gab.
politischen
ohne Kenntnisder Politiksttztesich auf die schon bekanntenSchriften
Da das arides Aristotelesund das zeitgebundeneAristotelesverstndnis.
eine politischeWissenschaftvorsah, das
stotelischeWissenschaftssystem
Buch aber fehlte,mussteman sie erfinden,indem man auf die schon
von anderenAutoren,
Schriftenund Schriften
bersetztenAristotelischen
wie Avicenna,Cicero und das zivile und kanonischeRecht zurckgriff.
Als aber die Politikendlichvorlag,warfman diese frherenAnstzenicht
ber Bord, sondernknpftean sie an (Fleler 1992, I, 8-15). Dass die
Politikso rasch aufgenommenwurde,ist somitauch dadurchzu erklren,
dass die Rezeption intensivvorbereitetwurde.
schliesslich
Politik
dominierte
Die Rezeptionder Aristotelischen
keineswegs
Theorie
des
die
spten 13., des 14. und 15.Jahrunangefochten politische
hunderts.Wie RobertoLambertini(2000) eindringlich
zeigte,erlangtediese
alle
anderen
Anstze
das
nie
ein
verdrngteund in
Monopol,
Rezeption
seinen Bann schlug.Auch JrgenMiethke (2000, 1-24) weist mit Recht
darauf hin, dass die Universittenund ihre Fakulttenmit ihren verWeise das
auf durchaus unterschiedliche
schiedenenLeitwissenschaften
Auch die franziskanische
beeinflussten.
politischeDenken des Mittelalters
Armutstheorieprgte, ohne dass dabei Aristoteleseine zentrale Rolle
spielte,die politischenDebatten jener Zeit. Der Einflussder aristotelischen Politikwar sicherein wichtigerFaktorin den politischenDebatten
aber nie ein allgemeindominierenderFaktor.
des spten Mittelalters,

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IM MITTELALTER
ARISTOTELISMI^
POLITISCHER

Die Forschungdes letztenJahrzehntshat somitein sehr differenziertes

Bild der Rezeption der aristotelischenPolitikergeben. Die Flle von
Politiklassen sich in keine
Gedanken und Anstzen der Aristotelischen
Nussschale stopfen,noch viel weniger drftedies bei der vielfaltigen
mitdieserSchriftim sptenMittelalter
gelingen.Diese
Auseinandersetzung
Anstze der mittelalterlichen
zum Teil widersprchlichen
Interpretation
haben in den letztenJahrenbesondereBeachtunggefunden(Blythe1992,
Meier 1994, Fioravanti1997, etc.).
so unterWenn die Rezeptionder politischenPhilosophiedes Aristoteles
schiedlichund sogar widersprchlich
war, stelltsich weiterdie Frage,was
noch zu verstehensei? Knnen bei der
unterpolitischemAristotelismus'
Rezeption der Politicaberhauptgemeinsameoder zentrale Lehrstcke
werden? Dies wurde in der neusten Forschungsehr unterfestgestellt
schiedlichbeantwortet.AntonyBlack (1992) schlugvor, diesen essentialistischenZugang ganz aufzugebenund nur noch von eineraristotelischen
Sprachezu sprechen.Nach dieserPositionbentzteneinigemittelalterliche
Lehre.Die Autoren
Autoreneine aristotelische
Sprache,aber keinebestimmte
auf die philosophischeTerminologieund gewisseFragestellungen
griffen
Ethikund der Politik
derNikomachischen
zurck,da diese die reichsteSprache
um verschiedeneVerund die differenziertesten
lieferten,
Fragestellungen
Autor
eher
die Wahl- oder die
zu bewerten,ob nun der
fassungsformen
Erbmonarchiebevorzugte,demokratischeVerfassungenoder gemischte
Autorenstrebtenin ersterLinie
befrwortete.
Mittelalterliche
Verfassungen
Textes an, sondernbeurteilnichtetwa ein Verstndnisdes aristotelischen
ten damit ihre eigene politischeWelt und benutztenAristotelesdazu als
Hilfsmittel:
Indeed (medievalauthors)oftenplayed havoc withAristotle's
out of context.This was partly
originalmeaning,takingthem,deliberately,
a consequence of theirrefusingto see theirown politicalworld as funfromthat of Greece in the fourthcenturyBC . . .
damentallydifferent
But it was also partlybecause they were using 'Aristotelism'as a language and not as a doctrine."(Black 1992, 10).
Text frdie mitteDiese Positionsetztvoraus, dass der Aristotelische
lalterlichenAutorenund Kommentatorennur ein prtexte
war und diese
nicht versuchten,den Text des griechischenPhilosophenzu verstehen.
Dieser Ansatz unterschtzt
meinerAnsichtnach die lange Traditionder
mittelalterlichen
Aristoteleskommentare.
Kommentarebeabsichtigten
keinesden
Text
nur
als
Vorwand
zu
sondern
durchaus
versuchten
nehmen,
wegs,
wenn auch nicht mit den hinreichendenhistorischenund
scharfsinnig,
Text zu verstehen.Diese
philologischenKenntnissen,den kommentieren

15:32:31 PM

CHRISTOPH
FLELER

Kommentarebeeinflussten
wiederumnachhaltigpolitischeTraktate.
Eine mittlerePositionwurde neulichvon Cary Nederman (1996) vorAnsatzes
geschlagen.Er versuchte,die Schwche des essentialistischen
von Ullmann und diefaiblaissevon Blacks Diskursmodellszu berwinden,
indem er vorschlug,dass fr eine adquate Definitiondes politischen
Aristotelismus
die ussere Grenze festgelegtwerden msse, um zu bestimmen,wann ein Autor ein Aristoteliker
genanntwerden knne und
wann er ausserhalbdieserBestimmungenfalle.Aristoteliker
httennmlichWissenschaften
Die
systematisch
eingeteilt. politischePhilosophiewurde
von Aristotelikernals Teil der praktischenPhilosophieverstandenund
dientezusammenmitden anderenTeilen der praktischenPhilosophiezur
Verbesserungder menschlichenHandlungen. Diese bentigewiederum
eine Moralpsychologie,die lehre, den Charakterso zu bilden, dass der
schliesslich
eine
handelte,und erfordere
Brgeroder Herrschertugendhaft
die die moralischeBildungder Brgerfrdere.Daraus folgt
Staatstheorie,
Nederman: The Aristotelianidentifiedhimselfmore by an approach to
moral and politicalinquirythan by a directcommitmentto a fixedidea
about human nature or about a moral or social goodness" (1996, 579).
Aber auch dieserZugang fhrtzu einigenextremenSchlussfolgerungen.
Das 12. Jahrhundertbessse demzufolgeeine bedeutende aristotelische
Traditionund wre durchAutoren,wieJohannesvon Salisbury,Alainvon
Im 13.Jahrhundert
Lille,Simonvon Tournai und PetrusCantorvertreten.
wirdHenrichBractons(?) De legibus
etconsuetudinibus
zur aristotelischen
Anglim
Traditiongezhlt,auch wenn dieser Autor die Politicamit Bestimmtheit
nicht kannte. Dagegen wird Marsiliusvon Padua, einst als ,homomagis
' von der aristotelischen
Aristoteiem
Traditionausgeschlossen.
quamchristianus
hnlichhat auch Karl Ubi einen mitderenWeg vorgeschlagen(2000,
weder rein formalnoch allzu
170-3),der den politischenAristotelismus
zu
fassen
versuchte
und beschrnktesich auf nur
gehaltvoll"(ibid. 170)
zwei aristotelische
Grundstze.Der ersteGrundsatzversteheden Menschen
als animalsocialeundpoliticum
und der zweitebehaupte die Trennungvon
und
Herrschaft.
DarberhinausFestlegungen
huslich-depotischer politischer
zu treffen,
lehnt Ubi ab, da Aristotelesgerade nicht als verbindliche
wurde,sondernlediglichals Ausgangspunkt
Philosophie'betrachtet
genommen wurde und den Rahmen absteckte,mit dem die LegitimittverschiedenerFormen historischerOrganisationverstndlichgemacht und
die eigene GesellschaftunternormativenGesichtspunkten
analysiertwerden konnte(ibid., 172). Doch auch diese Bestimmungist mglicherweise
zu schwach,da sie sich nur auf die einleitendenKapitel des erstenBuches

15:32:31 PM

IM MITTELALTER
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POLITISCHER

(vor allem Pol. I 1252a7-18 und Pol. I 1253a2-3) beschrnktund deren

grundlegendeBedeutungwohl berschtzt.
Die vorliegendenStudiengehen einen etwas anderenWeg, auch wenn
sie von ExponentendieserDebatte verfasstwurden.Sie knpfenvielmehr
an der Texttraditionan und untersuchenbisherwenig oder kaum ausAuch wenn der politische
geleuchteteAspekte der Aristotelesrezeption.
wie wir gezeigt haben, nicht nur auf die Rezeption der
Aristotelismus,
aristotelischen
Politicabeschrnktwerdenkann, sonderneine nichtunbedeutendeVorgeschichtehatteund bald schon ein Eigenlebenentwickelte,
so kann doch kaum
das weitvon der reinenTextinterpretation
wegfhrte,
bestrittenwerden, dass die Erforschungdieses bedeutenden Moments
der abendlndischenpolitischenPhilosophievom Fortlebendieses einen
Buches auszugehenhat. Diese Wirkungsgeschichte
ist,besonderswas die
und deshalb
immernoch schlechterforscht,
Kommentartradition
betrifft,
Ansatz. Seit den Studien von ChristophFleler
auch der fruchtbarste
(1992), Roberto Lambertini(1990, 2000) und David Luscombe (1997) ist
zwar die Rezeption in seinen Umrissen bekannt,aber die wichtigsten
Politikkommentare
sind nur in unzulnglichenEditionenzugnglichoder
wurdennoch nie oder nur stckweiseediert.Unter diesen Werken sind
Kommentarewie diejenigen von Albert dem Grossen, Walter Burley,
Guido Vernani,GuillelmusBecciusvon Florenz,Nicolausvon Waldemonte
(ps. Buridanus,vgl. dazu Fleler 1992, I, 132-68),JohannesVersorisoder
VirgiliusWellendrferzu verzeichnen,um nur einige zu nennen. Vor
allem aber die beiden Kommentare von Petrus de Alvernia,d.h. das
, das als Fortsetzungdes unvollendetenKommentarsvon Thomas
Scriptum
von Aquin eine beachtlichehandschriftliche
Verbreitunghatte,und die
libros
Politicorum
zusammen
als Standardkommentare
die
,
Quaestiones
super
die im 14. und sogar
Artistenfakultt
zu
haben
und
der Pariser
gelten
das Studiumder Politicaan mitteleuropischen
noch im 15. Jahrhundert
harrenimmernoch einervollstndigen
Edition.
Universitten
beeinflussten,
nichtder erste,der an der PariserArtistenfakultt
Petruswar mglicherweise
die Politicalas und diskutierte,
doch ein Vergleichdes Literalkommentars
und der Quaestionen vermag zu zeigen, dass er selber den Fragenkatader dann von spterenKommentatoren,wie dem
log zusammenstellte,
Mailnder Anonymus(BibliotecaAmbrosiana,A. 100 inf.)oder Vincenz
Gruner,bernommenwurde. Auch hat Petrus nicht nur auf gngiges
Schulwissenund Florilegenzurckgegriffen,
sonderner zgertenicht,auf
selteneQuellen zurckzugreifen.
So findenwir z. Bsp. in seinem Quaestionenkommentar
bei der Frage,ob Inzesterlaubtwerdenknne,das bisher

15:32:31 PM

10

FLELER
CHRISTOPH

einzigbekannteZitat aus der mittelalterlichen

bersetzungder pyrrhonischen Skepsisvon Sextus Empiricus(Paris,BN, lat. 16089, f. 185ra und
Bologna BU ms. 1625, f. 64rb mit Verweis auf PH III 205).
Doch lange nicht alle Kommentare zeugen von der gleichen SelbEin Kommentarder weitgehendvon Thomas von Aquin und
stndigkeit.
von
Petrus de Alvernia abhngig ist, ist die SententialibriPoliticorum
RaimundusAcgerii.Wie Roberto Lambertinizu zeigen vermag,stammt
aus Sdfrankreich
und ist hchstwahrscheinlich
dieserLiteralkommentar
in der Mitte des 14.Jahrhunderts
entstanden,da sich darin auch Spuren
des Kommentarsvon Walter Burleyfindenlassen. Trotz seiner starken
von seinenVorlagenkommtihm bestimmteine historiograAbhngigkeit
phischeBedeutungzu, da er belegt,dass auch an Franziskanerkonventen
die Politicagelesenwurde.
Die beiden folgendenStudienwidmensich zwei zentralenThemen der
Politik
politischenPhilosophie,die durchdie Rezeptionder aristotelischen
die
der
Monarchie
und
die
wurden:
Legitimierung
nachhaltiggeprgt
die
aristotelischen
Definitiondes Brgers.Der unterschiedlichen
Deutung
widmetsich der Beitrag
Verfassungsformen
Begrndungenmonarchischer
hattekeineswegseine einheitliche
von Karl Ubi und Lars Vinx. Aristoteles
die
Theorie der kniglichenHerrschaftentwickelt.Als Verfassungsform,
nur die Vollmonarchiesein kann, beruhtdie
als echte Verfassungsform
Monarchie auf der aristotelischen
Prmisse,dass der Knig alle anderen
Aristoteles
verstehtaber diese ideale Verfasan
berrage.
Brgern Tugend
nicht
als
offensichtlich
{Pol V.10,
zeitgemsseVerfassungsform
sungsform
wurdeaber geradedie Monarchie
1313 a5-10). Im 13. und 14.Jahrhundert
Dies
betrachtet.
von den meistenAutorenals natrlichste
Verfassungsform
zum Teil sogar zur
fhrtezu einer Umdeutungund im 14. Jahrhundert
Ansatzes.
berwindungdes aristotelischen
dass
Die aristotelische
Definition,
derjenigeals Brgerbezeichnetwerden kann,der das Recht hat, an der beratendenoder richtendenBehrde
und
teilzunehmen{Pol. III. 1 1275 b 17-20), prgte das mittelalterliche
setzt
bei
seiner
Nederman
moderneVerstndnisder Brgerrechte.
Cary
keineBrgerbei jenen Einwohnernan, die nach Aristoteles
Fragestellung
rechtebesitzen,also Sklaven,Frauen,Fremde,Kinder und Handwerker.
Whrend bei den erstenvier Kategorienerstviel spter gleiche Rechte
wurden,war der Ausschlussder Handwerkerschonin der Antike
gefordert
deutlich
wurdenseit dem 12. Jahrhundert
Die artesmechanicae
umstritten.
die
war
auch
Von
dieser
Auseinandersetzung
Aufwertung
aufgewertet.
mit der aristotelischenPoliticageprgt,wobei mehrere Interpretendie

15:32:31 PM

POLITISCHER
IM MITTELALTER
ARISTOTELISMI^

11

Handwerkereindeutigzu den Brgernzhlten.Autorenwie Ptolomaeus

von Lucca und Marsiliusvon Padua entwickelten
bei der Errterungder
entstanden
Einsichten,die im 12. und frhen13.Jahrhundert
Brgerrechte
sind,weiterund wandtensich gegenden Aristotelischen
Elitismus,so stark
sie auch sonstdessenpolitischePhilosophieals Ausgangspunkt
verstanden.
in
Schon frheren
ArbeitenhatJimBlythedie Bedeutungvon Ptolomaeus
von Lucca fr die politischePhilosophiehervorgehoben(1992). In der
Tat schufPtolomaeusin seinem Frstenspiegel
De regimine
principm
(um
1300-3),der das Fragmentvon Thomas fortsetzte,
eine eigenstndige
politischeTheorie,die zum Ansatz seinesgrossenitalienischenOrdensbruders
zum Teil in radikalem Gegensatz stand. So wird zum Beispiel die
Monarchie,die frThomas die natrlichste
war, wohl
Verfassungsform
von keinemmittelalterlichen
Autor so deutlichin Frage gestelltwie von
Ptolomaeus,der diese schlichtwegmit Despotie gleichsetzte.Obwohl er
sich in dieser Schriftstarkauf Aristotelessttzt,bentzt er die Politica
durchauseigenwillig,
ja argumentiert
hufigmitAristoteles
geradezugegen
In der Determinado
Aristoteles.
de iurisdictione
, eineranonycompendiosa
imperii
men Schrift,die aber eindeutigPtolomaeuszugeschriebenwerdenkann,
ist der Einflussder Aristotelischen
Politicakaum sprbar.Ob dies daher
dass
diese
Schrift
kommt,
papalistische
zwanzigJahre frher(ca. 1277als
der Frstenspiegel
entstandensei, als Ptolomaeusnoch kaum mit
81)
der Politicavertrautgewesensei, wie Jim Blytheanhand von zahlreichen
oder ob dieseUnterschiede
nichtvielmehr
versucht,
Vergleichenaufzuzeigen
aus der anderen Intentionund einem anderen Adressatenzu erklren
sind,knnteaufgrundder mglichenSptdatierung
(1300 oder kurzdarauf,
Miethke2000, 86-94) unterUmstndenauch andersbeantwortet
werden.
- Schweiz
UniversittFreiburg
Medivistisches
Institut
Bibliographie
Die thomasische
derPolitik
inihrem
historischen
Bertelloni,
Francisco,
onto-theologische
Auffassung
despolitischen
Denkens
imausgehenden
Mittelalter
, in:Freiburger
Zusammenhang.
ZurEntstehung
Zeitschrift
frPhilosophie
undTheologie,
(1988),331-52
cdesAlbertus
- , DieRolle
der
inden
inLibros
Natur
Politicorum
Aristotelis
,Commentarli
,
Magnus
in: Albert
Zimmermann
undAndreas
Mensch
undNatur
imMittelalter
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vonM. Schmidt
undF. Domnguez
hrsgg.

15:32:31 PM

12

CHRISTOPH
FLELER

dela recepcin
dela
Bad Cannstatt
1998:267-387.
Reboiras,
Stuttgart,
Presupuestos
etLulliana,
Politica
deAristteles
etal.(eds),
Aristotelica
, in:Fernando
Steenbrugge
Domnguez
1995,35-54
fvordermittelalterlichen
derdreigliedrigen
zurGeschichte
, berlegungen
,philosophia
practica
Schmidt
undFernando
deraristotelischen
morales'
,libri
, in:Margot
Domnguez
Rezeption
- Bad Cannstatt
Reboiras
nachGott,
FS Helmut
, Stuttgart
Riedlinger
(eds),VonderSuche
1998,367-87
Political
inEurope,
1250-1450
1992
Black,Antony,
Thought
, Cambridge
inthe
Middle
Princeton
andthe
Mixed
Constitution
Ages,
N.J.1992
Jim,IdealGovernment
Blythe,
London-New
York1996
A History
Political
300-1450,
ofMedieval
Thought,
Canning,
Joseph,
in:Rivista
di
Linee
diunaricezione,
La Politica
aristotelica
nelmedioevo:
Fioravanti,
Gianfranco,
storia
dellafilosofia.
NuovaSerie,52 (1997),17-29
in:Annali
Orientalium
etAegyptiorum.
Alberto
e laPolitica
Aristotelica,
, Politiae
Magno
dellaSuolaNormale
di Pisa,9 (1979),195-246
Superiore
derAristotelischen
Politica
imspten
Mittelalter
undInterpretation
,
Fleler,
Rezeption
Christoph,
1992
Amsterdam-Philadelphia
e moder: religiosit,
GianCarlo,La riflessione
tradizione
politica
agliinizideltrecento
Garfagnini,
in:Rivista
di storia
dellafilosofia,
52 (1997),31-46
nit,
3 traXIII e XIVsecolo,
in: Carlo
Lo studio
e la recezione
della'Politica
Roberto,
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3etantica
e
Dallapolisallaformazione
dell
medioevale.
Dolcini(ed.),Il pensiero
degli
politico
Stati
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europei,
lettore
edinterprete
dellaPolitica
nel
videtur
tres
rationes.
Romano
, Philosophus
tangere
Egidio
filosofica
in:Documenti
e studisullatradizione
libro
delDe regimine
terzo
principm,
1 (1990),277-325
medievale,
' e la
aristotelico
diunlinguaggio
della'Politica
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, La diffusione
definizione
politico
n.s.102[a. 34],(1999),677-704.
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di
leragioni
delregnum
nellaricezione
dellaMonarchia:
, La monarchia
prima
etl'Apocalypse.
Dante.
Dante
in:Bruno
Pinchard
etClaudeTrottmann
Aristotele,
(eds),Pour
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deDante
humanistes
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in:
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andConceptions
Luscombe,
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ofHierarchy
Century,
Aquinas
imLicht
neuerer
Werk
undWirkung
Albert
Zimmermann
,
Forschungen
(ed.),Thomas
Aquinas:
Berlin-New
York1988,261-77[Miscellanea
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some
illustrations
thecoming
, in: D. Abulafia,
, Cityandpolitics
ofthePolitics:
before
of
andCity,
1000-1500.
andM. Rubin(eds),Church
M. Franklin
Essaysin honour
Brooke,
1992,41-55.
Christopher
Cambridge
andOtto
criticism
andchange
inthelateMiddle
, in:Joseph
, Hierarchy
Canning
Ages:
inthe
Middle
andthe
Realities
Political
Gerhard
Oexle(eds),
Ages,
Gttingen
ofPower
Thought
frGeschichte,
desMax-Planck-Instituts
1998,113-26[Verffentlichungen
147].
et
in:OlgaWeijers
ParisandOxford,
XIH-XVth
onthePolitics:
Centuries,
, Commentaries
xiiParisetOxford,
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desarts.
desdisciplines
LouisHoltz(eds),L'enseignement
Turhout
xvesicles,
1997,313-27
andPolitical
and Matthew
Arthur
McGrade,
St.,JohnKilcullen
(eds),Ethics
Kempshall
2001
, Cambridge
Philosophy
DieStadt
imDenken
Mensch
undBrger.
Philosophen
Meier,Ulrich,
Theologen,
sptmittelalterlicher
und
Mnchen
1994
Juristen,
derpolitischen
imWiderstreit
De potestate
Miethke,
Amtskompetenz
papae.Dieppstliche
Jrgen,
vonOckham,
bisWilhelm
2000
Theorie
vonThomas
von
Tbingen
Aquin
intheTwelfth
Science'
andtheOrigins
, in:
Century
Nederman,
of'Political
CaryJ.,Aristotelianism
Medieval
oftheHistory
ofIdeas52 (1991)179-194
J.Nederman,
(nunin:Cary
Journal
12th-15th
Traditions
inMoralandPolitical
Classical
Aristotelianism
anditslimits.
Philosophy,
Centuries
1997(item2)
, Aldershot
3inMedieval
in:Journal
of
MoralandPolitical
, TheMeaning
Thought,
ofAristotelianism
ofIdeas,57 (1996),563-85
theHistory

15:32:31 PM

IM MITTELALTER
POLITISCHER
ARISTOTELISMI^

13

Political
as Authority:
Alternative
Aristotelian
Sources
, in:
, Aristotle
Theory
ofLateMedieval
ofEuropean
Ideas,8 (1987),31-44
History
undchristlicher
imSpannungsfeld
vonAristotelismus
vonAdmont.
EinGelehrter
Ubi,Karl,Engelbert
2000.
, Mnchen
berlieferung,
desStaatsgedankens
DieRezeption
deraristotelischen
unddieEntwicklung
,Politik'
Wieland,
Georg,
vonPadua
AmBeispiel
desThomas
vonAquin
unddesMarsilius
imspten
Mittelalter:
, in:
undSozialphilosophie
desMittelalters
E. MockundG. Wieland
, Frankfurt
(eds),Rechtsa.M. 1990,67-81.
Ferner
:
in Medieval
A StudyoftheReception
of
Political
Cranz,F.E.,Aristotelianism
Theory.
Univ.1938[Masch]
thePolitics,
Diss.,Harvard
in:Norman
andInterpretation
Politics,
Kretzmann,
Dunbabin,
ofAristotle's
Jean,TheReception
of LaterMedieval
(eds),The Cambridge
History
Anthony
Kenny,
JanPinborg
1982,723-737
Philosophy,
Cambridge
Somme
contre
lesgentils.
Paris1993
SaintThomas
dAquin,
Introduction,
Ren-Antoine,
Gauthier,
Diemittelalterlichen
Kommentare
desAristoteles
zurPolitik
, in:Sitzungsberichte
Grabmann,
Martin,
derWissenschaften.
Phil.-hist.
derBayerischen
Akademie
1941,
Abteilung.
Jahrgang
Bd.II, Heft4
onthePolitics
inthelatethirteenth
Thecommentaries
, andfourteenth
Martin,
Connor,
ofAristotle
with
tothethought
andpolitical
Oxford
centuries,
, D. Phil,thesis,
lifeofthetime
reference
(Bodleian
library)
[Masch]
University
andPolitics
intheMiddle
London1961
Walter,
Ullmann,
ofGovernment
Ages,
Principles
Political
Harmondsworth
, Medieval
1965,1970,1975
Thought,
- Scientia
Ethica
DieAnfnge
der
Ethik
im13.Jahrhundert,
Wieland,
practica.
philosophischen
Georg,
undTheologie
desMittelalters.
Mnster
1981[Beitrge
zurGeschichte
derPhilosophie
NeueFolge,21].

15:32:31 PM

1
Raimundus
onAristotle's
Politics:SomeNotes
AcgerisCommentary
ROBERTO LAMBERTINI

Medieval commentarieson Aristotle'sPolitics

have recentlyreceivedmuch
more interestfromscholarsthan happened in the past. Many specialists
investigatedsingleworks,while attentionformedievalproductionof such
commentaries
as a whole startedto grow.Also the presentissue of Vivarium
is a clear sign of this trend.Thanks to ChristophFleler,at the beginning of the 1990s a reliablecatalogue of medieval commentarieson the
Politicabecame available to scholarsforthe firsttime.2Skimmingthrough
Fleler'slistone could easilynoticethatonly one commentaryon Moerbeke's translation
is attributed
to a Franciscanauthor,namely,Raimundus
Acgerii.3As the nature of Franciscan contributionto medieval political
theorieshas been formany years an hody debated issue among specialists,4this entrycaptured my attentionalready many years ago. In the
presentpaper I shall presentsome preliminaryresultsof my investigation. In particular,I shall summarizethe resultsof previous research,
describe the techniquesRaimundus adopts in his commentary,identify
some of his implicitsources,and finallysuggesta new dating for this
commentary.In conclusionI shall argue thatRaimundus' text,while disappointing to a certain extent for a traditionalapproach to the historyof medievalpoliticalthought,can be considered,froman historical
point of view, as an interesting
example of the complexprocessof reception of Aristotle'sPoliticsin the Middle Ages.
1 Thispaperpresents
someresults
ofa research
madepossible
bythesupport
project
oftheAlexander-von-Humboldt
Foundation
andbythekindhospitality
ofProf.
Dr.Jrgen
Miethke
attheHistorisches
Seminar
oftheRuprecht-Karls-Universitt
Heidelberg.
Special
thanks
to CaryNederman
forimproving
my
English.
poor
2 C. Fleler,
undInterpretation
der
Aristotelischen
Politica
imspten
Mittelalter
, 2 vols.,
Rezeption
1992.
Amsterdam-Philadelphia
Fleler
1992(op.ctt
., above,n. 2),II, 45-6.In orderto avoidunnecessary
confusion,
in thispaperI willadoptthespelling
ofthename"Raimundus
usedbyFleler.
Acgerii"
4 See thecritical
Francescanesimo
e riflessione
sinoad
politica
byAndreaTabarroni,
survey
Ockham
Le teorie
deifiatimendicanti
nelDuee Trecento
, in:Eticae politica:
, Spoleto1999,203discusses
related
issuesin Property
in theLateMedieval
30; VirpiMkinen
closely
Rights
Discussion
onFranciscan
, Leuven2001.
Poverty
Koninklijke
BrillNV,Leiden,2002
- www.brill.nl
Alsoavailable
online

Vivarium
40,1

15:32:36 PM

POLITICS
ACGERirsCOMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S

15

Previous
research
on Raimundus
Acgerii
In the catalogue appended to his ground-breaking
book about the recepin the Latin West,ChristophFlelerlists,among
tion of Aristotle'sPolitics
literalcommentarieson the Politics
, a work attributedto a Franciscan,
RaimundusAcgerii,witnessed
one
namelyFirenze,Biblioteca
by
manuscript,
S.
Marco
at
ff.
49ra-75vb.5
Flelerreproduces
452,
Medicea-Laurenziana,
and refersto the descriptionof this manuscript
there incipitand explicit
nelle
containedin the second volume of the Catalogodi Manoscritti
Filosofici
biblioteche
italiane
.6 Such an extremelylimitedamount of informationis
justifiedby the fact that the Florentinemanuscriptseems to have been
the only source for the authorswho had mentionedRaimundus Acgerii
in the past. This is most probablythe case for Luke Wadding, who, in
OrdinisMinorum
his Scriptores
, refersto a "Raymundus Augerii Gallus,
in Politica Aristotelis".7The
who
Commentaria
mimatensis",
"scripsit
of the Florentinemanuscripttells us, in fact,that the author is
colophon
"Raimundus Atgeriicivitatismimatensisde ordine fratrumminorum".8
For his part, Sbaraglia, admittinghis reliance on Rodolphius, diverges
fromWadding, assertingthat Raimundus was froma "civitasmimatenhowever,can probablybe tracedback to a different
sis";9thisdisagreement,
readingof the Florentinecolophon,which perhaps could allow also this
second interpretation.
Sbaraglia assertsalso that Raimundusbelonged to
the province of Tours, withoutreferringto any evidence which could
supporthis statement.On the contrary,Wadding's reading,"mimatensis", clearlypoints to the southernFrench town of Mende.10According
to XIV centurylistsof Franciscanconvents,such as those containedin
Provinciale
or in Bartholomaeusde Pisa's De conformitate
vetustissimum
, a
Franciscanhouse belongingto the Provincia
Provinciae
was located in Mende
Latin
(in
Mimatis).11
5 Fleler
1992{op.cit.,above,n. 2),II, 45-6.
6 D. Frioli,
G. C. Garfagnini,
L. Pinelli,
G. Pomaro,
P. Rossi(eds.),Catalogo
d manoscrtti
inBiblioteche
italiane
Parma
sulRubicone,
Volterra
Arsizio,
Firenze,
, Savignano
, 2: Busto
,
filosofici
Firenze
69-72.
1981,
7 L. Wadding,
Ordinis
Minorum
SalaBolognese
, Romae1906(repr.
Scriptores
1978),197.
Cf.Johannes
a S. Antonio,
Bibliotkeca
Universa
Franciscana
, DI,Madrid
1733,(repr.
Farnbourough
to dependon Wadding.
34,whodeclares
1966),
8 Ms.
Biblioteca
San Marco452,f.75 .
Firenze,
Medicea-Laurenziana,
9 G. Sbaraglia,
etcastigatio
ad scriptores
trium
ordinum
S. Francisco
ed. nova,
Supplementum
Romae1936(repr.
Sala Bolognese
1978),III, p. 3.
10Graess-Benedict
Orbis
Plechl,
latinus,
II, Braunschweier
1972,567-8.
11Cf.Bullarium
Franciscanum
de Pisa,
, V, ed.C. Eubel,Romae1898,588;Bartholomaeus
Liber
deConformitate
Firenze1906,540.
, liberI, fructus
XI, parsII, Quaracchi

15:32:36 PM

16

LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO

Modern scholarscan vaunt only minor progressin comparisonwith

Waddingand Sbaraglia.In his briefentryconcerningRaimundus,Charles
Lohr could mentiononly the Florentinems.,12adding to Wadding also
as ifit read
the colophon
Kristeller'switness,who however,had interpreted
"miniatensis"and probablysuggestedin thisway to Lohr thatRaimundus
could have been fromSan Miniato, in Tuscany.13Moreover, Kristeller
dated the manuscriptto the XIV centuryand this could be the reason
why Lohr added also the veryvague chronologicalpiece of information
"FI. s. XIV".
AfterFlelerpublishedhis catalogue,in 1993 AntonioGarcia y Garcia
proposed to identifythe author of this Commentaryon the Politicswith
Decreti
or Sententia
the FranciscanRaimundusAugerii,authorof an Expositio
in
Decretam
two
abbreviata
Salamanca, Biblioteca
manuscripts,
super
preserved
80, and Citt del Vaticano, BibliotecaApostolicaVaticana,
Universitaria,
14
Borghes. 20. By doing this,Garcia y Garcia renewed a suggestionof
WillibrodLampen's,who, in 1927, reviewingTeetaert'sbook La Confession
the
aux laquesdans l'Eglise
,15had remarkedthe possibilityof identifying
Augerius quoted by Teetaert with the Raimundus Augerii known to
Wadding and Sbaraglia.16
Garcia y Garcia is persuaded that the author of this canonisticwork
must have lived in the thirteenth
century.Garcia's case rests,however,
e silentio.
appendix
Noticingthat a fragmentary
mainlyon an argumentum
abbreuiata
attached(onlyin the Salamanca ms.) to the sententia
, whilebeing
aware of the repeals of canons throughpapal decretalletters,does not
cite the LiberSextus,Garcia infersthatthe whole workcould not be dated
after1298.17On thispoint Garcia, withoutmakingany referenceto him,
agreeswithTeetaert,who also thoughtthatwhat he called Augerius'text
century.18
Codicological evidence,
belonged to the end of the thirteenth
however,does not supportGarcia's contentionin a decisiveway, since
Garcia himselfdates the Salamanca manuscriptbetweenthe end of the
- Authors
12Gh.Lohr,Medieval
Aristotle
Narcissus-Richardus
Latin
, in:Traditio,
Commentaries,
28 (1972),389.
13P. O. Kristeller,
toNovara
IterItalicum
1977,77.
, London-Leiden
, V 1' Italy.
Agrigento
14A. Garcia
OFM, in: Archivm
deRaimundo
Decreti
Auger,
y Garcia,La Expositio
86 (1993),277-96.
Franciscanum
Historicum,
15A. Teetaert,
XIVesicle.
latine
le VIIIe
dansl'Eglise
auxlaques
La Confession
jusqu'au
depuis
dethologie
Etude
positive
, Bruges-Paris
1926,433-4.
16W.Lampen,
Franciscanum
La Confession
review
ofTeetaert,
Historicum,
, in:Archivm
20 (1927),181.
17Garciay Garcia1993(op.cit.,above,n. 14),292-3.
18Teetaert
1926[op.cit.,above,n. 15),433-4.

15:32:36 PM

ACGERII'S
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POUTICS

17

Xlllth and the beginningof the XlVth century.As a matterof fact,in

addition to the Sententia
, this manuscriptcontainstwo textswhich stem
fromthelastyearsof ClementV's pontificate.19
Garcia assertsthatRaimundus' Expositioand these textswere copied by different
hands, but does
not provideany evidencethatthe codex is composite.On the otherhand,
the Vatican manuscriptcontainingthe second,fragmentary
copy is dated
by AnnelieseMaier, verygenerically,to the XIV century.20
Garcia's contributiondoes not thereforesolve all the problems.If the
Raimundus who is author of the Expositio
Decretiis to be identifiedwith
the Raimunduscommentatoron the Politics
, accordingto Garcia one (but
only one) clue seems to point to the end of the XIII century.In this
case, one would be temptedto thinkthatthe commentaryon the Politics
should not have been writtenat a long temporaldistancefromit, unless
we presupposean extremelylong intellectualcareer. Garcia's hypothesis,
however,stillleaves many otherpossibilitiesopen.
manPublishingin 1998 the catalogue of Giles of Rome's De regimine
in
conserved
in
and
the
Vatican
Francesco
del
uscripts
Italy
Library,21
Punta and ConcettaLuna made possiblesome further
achievements.
Their
valuable catalogue contains an accurate descriptionof the only manubecause the same codex
scriptwhichwitnessesRaimundus' commentary,
also containsa copy of Giles of Rome's De regimine.
In comparisonwith
the previousdescription,Concetta Luna was able to date the manuscript
to the middle of the XIV century,and to identifyas a French librarian
hand the copyistwho reproducedRaimundus' commentary.The manuscript,of French origin,has then been decoratedin Italy. Luna concurs
withthe descriptioncontainedin the Catalogo
deimanoscritti
in readfilosofici
"mimatensis"
Kristeller's
"miniatensis".22
Luna's
ing
against
expertiseis a
furtherargumentin favourof a southernFrench originof Raimundus.I
could corroboratefurtherthishypothesis,
followingthe kind and friendly
advice of GianfrancoFioravanti's,who suggestedthat I should check
whetherRaimundusAcgeriileftany trace in the papal registers.The result of my examination of BullariumFranciscanum
and of the available
19ForthedateofGuidode
Tractatus
haeresi
Guido
da,
, cf.F. Liotta,
Baisio,
Baysio's
super
in:Dizionario
Italiani
V's bullAdprouidam
, 5, Roma1963,293-7.Clement
Biografico
degli
Christi
is dated6thofMay1312.
20Codices
Bibliothecae
ree.A. Maier,CittdelVaticano1952,21-2.
Burghesiani
Vaticanae,
21Aegidii
RomaniOpera
Omnia
deimanoscritti
De regimine
, I, Catalogo
(1001-1075).
prina curadi F. Del Puntae C. Luna,Firenze1993,
1/11,CittdelVaticano-Italia,
cipm,
155-60(1040).
22Aegidii
RomaniOpera
Omnia
deimanoscritti
De regimine
, I, Catalogo
(1001-1075).
prin1/11{op.cit.,above,n. 21),158.
cipm,

15:32:36 PM

18

LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO

indexes of the papal lettersled to the resultthat more than one person
bearing that name was recorded in the papal documents,but no one
seems to have been a Franciscan.I could identifya masterRaymundus
Atgerii,canon in Andely,papal chaplain, active duringthe pontificates
of Clement IV and GregoryX.23 For the XIII centuryone can also
severalmomentsof the careerof a magister
reconstruct
RaymundusAcgerii,
chaplain of the Pope, dean of the cathedralof Le Puy, but also canon
in Mende, who in 1285 was among the protagonistsof William Durant
the Elder's electionto thatepiscopalsee.24The RaymundusAugeriiactive
of the pope, appears in the docfamiliaris
duringJohn XXII's pontificate,
umentsas a canon of the cathedralof Agde.25The fourthRaymundus
Potitis
sor
giae,who
AugeriiI was able to identifywas a layman, domicellus
obtainedthe supportofJohn XXII and BenedictXII withrespectto the
ofAvignon.26
acceptanceof two daughtersof his in Benedictinemonasteries
The meagre harvestof such an inquirycan be summarizedin the not
factthat a name such as "RaymundusAcgerii"pointsto
verysurprising
an originfromthe area whichwe now call SouthernFrance. This result
is neverthelessimportant,since it is highlycompatiblewith an originin
the town of the Cvennes, nowadaysknown as Mende, while the readthatis fromS. Miniatoin Tuscany,becomes even more
ing "miniatensis",
concernsthe
our
To
aim, anotherrelevantpiece of information
unlikely.
the same personis designatedwithdifferent
factthatin the papal registers
formsof the patronymic"Atgerii","Augerii",so that no case for the
negationof an identitycan reston such variantreadings.27
23Cf.LesRegistres
Les
Paris1893,nn.596-600;
ed.I.Jordan,
IV (1265-1268),
deClement
Paris1892,n. 109.
X, ed.J. Guiraud,
deGrgoire
Registes
24LesRegistres
nn.130and629;
ed.J. Gay,Paris1898-1932,
III (1277-1280),
deNicolas
d'Hononn.18and20;LesRegistres
Paris1901-1913,
IV (1281-1285),
deMartin
LesRegistres
IV' ed.
deNicolas
rius
IV,ed.M. Prou,Paris1888,nn.167,181,285and456;Lesregistres
deBoniface
VIII, edd. G. Digard,
n. 2750;Lesregistres
Paris1886-1891,
E. Langlois,
andHierarchy
Council
Paris1884,n. 18.Gf.C. Fasolt,
M. Faucon,
A. Thomas,
, Cambridge
69.
1991,
25Leslettres
nn.233,938,
deJeanXXII, ed.G. Mollat,
communes
I-XIII,Paris1921-1933,
25346,54332,etpassim.
23605-6,
8882,11398,22196-8,
3017,
8043,
26Benoit
Lettres
Communes
XII (1334-1342),
, ed.J. M. Vidal,Paris1911,n. 466.In the
a layman
a Raymundus
Dlicieux
ofthetrialofBernard
records
Augerii,
(1319)appears
to defend
in Lyon,at thepapalcuria,trying
ofa delegation
from
Albi,member
present
he wasson,or a
to Friedlander,
theDominican
hiscityagainst
According
Inquisitors.
andhad
whowasimprisoned
ofan olderRaimundus
bytheInquisition
relation,
Auger,
DeliBernardi
Processus
Cf.A. Friedlander,
ofheresy.
families
alsotiestoeminent
suspected
December
Dlicieux
TheTrialofFr.Bernard
tiosi:
1996,
1319,Philadelphia
, 3 September-8
355.
269,
27Compare
d'Honorius
IV' nn. 18,20 andLesRegistres
deMartin
IV,
e.g.LesRegostes
n. 456.

15:32:36 PM

AGGERII'S
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS

19

The authorof the commentaryon the Politics

containedin the Laurentiana manuscriptwas a Franciscanfriarnamed RaimundusAcgerii,most
probablyfromMende. Previousresearchallowed us only to establisha
very long period of time duringwhich Raimundus' commentarycould
have been composed, spanningthe era fromMoerbeke's translationin
the mid-sixtiesof the XIII century28
to the middle of the XIV century,
during which most of the relevant developmentsin the reception of
Aristotle'sPoliticsin the Latin West took place.29Attemptsto locate Raimundusin the earlieror in the later part of thisperiod of time are but
which stillneed to be proved. The onlyway to increaseour
suggestions,
informationseems to devote our attentionto the commentaryitself.
does not provideus withmany hints,as
Althoughthe textunfortunately
it is mainlyconcentratedon the task of givinga syntheticexpositionof
Aristotle'sPolitics
, a closer look will prove rewarding.
1Method
For Brevity's
Sake:Raimundus
of Commentary
The firstlittlediscoveryoccursimmediatelyafterthe lemma of the Politics
,
omnem
ciuitatem
textus
, where,beforebeginninghis diuisio
Quoniam
, Raimundus
insertsa veryshortprologue; in these lines he recalls the last sentences
of the Nicomachean
Ethics
, observingthat it conformsto the "ordo rationis" thatpoliticsshouldimmediatelyfollowethics,as onlythe personwho
is able to rule himselfcan be apt to exercisegovernmenton the others.30
It is rathersurprising
that he omitsto mentionoeconomica
, or familygovernment,which was commonlyconsideredthe thirdand middle part of
but for our purposes it is even more important
practicalphilosophy,31
28See Fleler1992(op.cit.,above,n. 2),I, 15-29.
29J. Dunbabin,
TheReception
andInterpretation
Politics
, in: N. Kretzmann,
ofAristotle's
A. Kenny,
Medieval
, Cambridge
J. Pinborg
(eds.),TheCambridge
ofLater
History
Philosophy
723-37.
1982,
30Raimundus,
Sententia
libri
Politicorum
referred
toas "Sententia"),
I, ms.cit.,
(henceforth
f.49ra:"Sicuthabenpotest
ex finelibriethycorum
aristotelis
liberpoliticorum
ei immediatedebetannecti
et certebenesecundum
ordinem
rationis,
quiatuncetnonantequis
ad aliorum
hominum
cumin se ipsofuerit
ordinatus.
Et ideoetiamterydoneus
regimen
minato
tractatu
breuietutiliproutcredonuncad librum
superlibrum
ethycorum
politicorum
cumdeiauditorio
accedamus".
Therelationship
between
thevirtue
ofruling
oneself
andthatofruling
others
wasa debated
issueinmedieval
commentaries
on theEthics
, see
Individuelle
und
indenmittelalterlichen
Ethikkommentaren
e.g.R. Lambertini,
politische
Klugheit
(von
- A. Speer(eds.),
Albert
bisBuridan
Individuum
und
Individualitt
imMittelalter
), in:J.A. Aertsen
,
York1996,464-78.
Mediaevalia,
(Miscellanea
24),Berlin-New
31Somemedieval
suchas Albert
theGreator GuidoVernani,
that
authors,
thought
thewholeofAristotle's
wascontained
in theNicomachean
Ethics
and
practical
philosophy
" wasdiscussed
in thePolitics
andarguedthat"oeconomica
notin a different
butin
work,

15:32:36 PM

20

LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO

that Raimundus reportshimselfto be the author of a similarcommenEthics

, as he writes:"terminatotractatusuper
tary on the Nicomachean
librumethycorumbreui et utili,proutcredo, nunc ad librumpoliticorum
cum dei auditorioaccedamus". One day it will be perhaps possible to
Ethicsfromamong the
identifyRaimundus' Commentaryon Nicomachean
For now, however,
us
that
handed
down
to
were
anonymously.32
many
it may be interesting
to know that Raimundus probably carried out a
in
a
summarized
explanationof Aristotle'spracticalphiprojectconsisting
Ethics
in
a
breuis"on theNicomachean
He
fact
of
"tractatus
,
losophy. speaks
but also his commentaryon the Politicsis called "abbreuiata": brevity
must have been one of the principalaims of his works.The copy preservedin the Florentinemanuscriptallows a closer look into the expositorytechniqueshe adopted to reach his goal.
Raimundus followsthe usual patternof a divisionof the eightbooks
into chapters,treatingthem as the basic units of the Aristoteliantext.
them
Sometimeshe also divides the books into larger units,identifying
more
embrace
but
not
which
or partes
as partesprincipales
,
always
usually,
than one chapter;33sometimeshe refersto a furthersubdivisionof the
For books I, IV, V, and VI,
chapterswiththe expression"principale".34
.35Unlikemanyother
and a tractatus
betweena prologus
he also distinguishes
the
as
Albert
such
on the Politics
commentators
Great,Aquinas and Peter
,

dellacasa.Il conmedievale
sulgoverno
La dottrina
thefirst
bookofthePolities'.
; seeC. Fliieler,
nelDuee Trecento
deifiatimendicanti
le teorie
in Eticae politica:
Ordini
tributo
,
mendicanti,
degli
Assisi15-17ottobre
AttidelXXVI Convegno
1998,Spoleto1999,173Internazionale,
deAristteles
dela Politica
dela recepcin
, in:R. Imbachetalii
202;F. Bertelloni,
Presupuestos
A proposito
Aristotelica
etLulliana
1995,335-54;andalsoR. Lambertini,
, Steenbrugge
(eds.),
14 (1988),315-70.
Romano
inEgidio
deWOeconomica
dellacostruzione
, in:Medioevo,
32See thelistspublished
Literature
onAristotle's
in D. Lines,TheCommentary
Nicomachean
54 (1999),
Considerations
245-82
inEarly
Renaissance
Ethics
, in:Traditio,
(appenPreliminary
Italy:
TheUniversities
Renaissance
Ethics
intheItalian
andinid.,Aristotle's
(1300-1600):
dix,267-82);
Education
andtheProblem
ofMoral
, Leiden2002,forthcoming
33Raimundus,
terminatur
Sententia
, III, 12,f. 58ra:"Sic igitur
parsprimaistiustercii,
sintdistincte";
uariasradones
diuerse
scilicet
V,
principatuum
policiesecundum
quomodo
huiuslibri";
V, 8, f.64va:"Hec
partis
7, f.63va:"Ethecsecunda
prime
parsprincipalis
istius
estsecunda
libri";
VI, 7, f.68va:"Hecestsecunda
parsprinquinti
parsprincipalis
et ultimum
istius
sextilibriet septimum
capitulum".
cipalis
34Raimundus,
13
ubiincipit
Sententia
, III, 13,f.58ra:"hicsecundo
capitulum
principali
istius
libriostendit".
10,f.72ra:"Hicsecundo
VII,
principali
prosequitur
philosophus";
35Raimundus,
librophilosophus
Sententia
, I, 1,f.49ra:"Sciendum
quodinprimo
igitur
suumtractatum
secundo
subdit
suumprimo
iuxtamorem
solempnem
prologm,
premictit
". . . et hocin totoistoprimocapitulo,
. . ."; IV, 1, f. 59rb:
tercio
quasifaciens
capitulo
. . ."; V, 1,f.62va:"sciendum
suumtractatum
secondo
quodpreaggreditur
prohemium,
intentionem
. . ."; VI, 1,f.66va:". . . primoenimpremittit
mittens
quasibreueprologm
. . .";
earnquasitractatum
secondo
considerandi
suametordinem
exsequitur
quasiprologm,

15:32:36 PM

ACGERirS
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS

21

of Auvergne,he treatsalways the chapteras the smallestlogical component of the text.Accordingly,the divisiois not presentin everychapter,
but usuallyopens a book, summarizingthe logical structure
of the whole,
or can be insertedat the beginningof a chapter,which, accordingto
issue.36SometimesthishapRaimundus,marksthe passage to a different
of the
pens at the beginningof what he considersto be a parsprincipalis
book. The divisioconsistsof ratherstandardformulae
, such as "circa hoc
facit"and "circa primumduo facit",and revealsa preferenceforreducing the complexityof the Aristoteliantextinto binarystructures.37
The divisiois followedimmediatelyby a concise expositionof the contentof the chapter(oftenbeginningwith "sciendum"):to thisfeaturethe
"
.38The expositio
litcommentarymost probablyowes its tide of sententia"
teraeis almost absent,being reduced to the explanationof some terms,
Often they are introducedby the
embedded, however,in the sententia.
standardexpression"id est".39There are no notabilia
, while mentionsof
othertextsare reduced to a minimum:cross-references
usuallypoint to
otherpassages of the Politics
sometimes
to
the
Ethicsor the
Nicomachean
,
Rhetoric
.40

36Thisoccurs,
on bookVII, Raymundus,
Sententia
, VII, 3, ff.69vbe.g.commenting
where
Raimundus
inserts
a divisio
alsoat thebeginning
ofchapter
3.
70ra,
"
37Raimundus,
Sententia
autem
estetc.Finitoprohemio
, I, f. 49rb: Quoniam
manifestum
hicaristotiles
suumtractatum
circaquodutique
duofacit:
enim
incipit
principaliter
primo
declarat
de primis
in totoprimo
scilicet
libro.2 de
partibus
ipsiustotius,
ipsiusciuitatis,
ratione
de ipsaciuitate,
libro2o ibi:Quiaconsiderare
uolumus
decommuipsiustociusscilicet
nione
etc.Circaprimum
autemduofacit:
namdistinguens
3 partes
scilicet
ciuitatis,
politica
earnqueestinter
dominum
etseruum,
virum//f.
49va//et
etfilium.
Primo
uxorem,
patrem
scilicet
de combinatione
domini
ad seruum
etde aliisad hocpertinentibus,
agitde prima,
de secunda
secundo
et tertia,
scilicet
de combinatione
viriad uxorem
etpatris
ad filium
etde similibus
omnis
etc.circaprimum
etiam
infra,
xi,ibi:Quiautem
capitulo
pars
yconomice
duofacit:
enimagitde predicta
scilicet
domini
etserui;secundo
combinatione,
primo
gratiahuiusagitcommuniter
de omnipossessione,
infra
7oibi:Totaliter
autem
deomni
capitulo
etc.Circaprimum
et duofacit:primoenimpremictit
de
possessione
duplicem
opinionem
ratione
dominii
et seruitutis,
secundo
de istisopinionibus
statim
4
dictis
inquirit
capitulo
ibi Utrum
autem
estaliquis
natura
talis..
38See Chr.Fleler,
Die verschiedenen
literarischen
derAristoteleskommentare:
zur
Gattungen
derberschriften
undKolophone
decours
et
, in:J. Hamesse
Terminologie
(ed.),Manuels,
programmes
dans
lesUniversits
mdivales.
Actes
duColloque
international
deLouvaintechniques
d'enseignement
la-Neuve
in part.89-93,where
1994,74-116,
(9-11septembre
1993),Louvain-la-Neuve
he refers
alsoto Raimundus.
39Onlyone
Sententia
vocaricrematstica,
id
Raimundus,
, I, 3, f.49va:"potest
example:
estpecunialis".
40For
ontheVII bookherefers
insomepassages
totheNicomachean
example,
commenting
Ethics
andtotheRhetoric
"etinlibrorec, VII, 1,f.69rb)
, VII, 12,f.7vb:
(.Sententia
(.Sententia
thoricorum
hocidemplenius
explicabit").

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22

ROBERTO
LAMBERTINI

Anothertechnique adopted by Raimundus in order to simplifyand

shortenhis text is to leave out most of Aristotle'shistoricaland geoUnlikeothercommentators,
such as Albertor Thomas
graphicalreferences.
Raimundus
seldom
tries
to
Aquinas,
only
explain them.41Sometimeshe
does not even mentionthe example,once he limitshimselfto the remark
thatthe Philosopher,at thispoint,"Alia etiam exempla dat".42They are
apparentlynot consideredessentialto the task of summarizingAristode's
text. Personal observationsdo not seem to be relevantto the author's
purposeeither.One of the sporadicexceptionsoccurswhen,whilereporting Aristode'scriticismof Plato's "communism",Raimundusobservesthat
habendumin communifrequenterquam
"peior est auaricia religiosorum
secularium in proprio possidentium".43It is not possible to ascertain
whetherthe Franciscan is here doing self-criticism
or feels ratherthat
Minoriteabsolute poverty,in proprio
et in communi
, lies beyond the scope
of his criticalremark:44
at any rate thisis one of the fewpassages which
retain a personal flavour. Raimundus' ecclesiastical background also
emerges althoughless directly when, commentingon Aristotle'streatment of religiousbuildingsplaced outside he city,he speaks of monasterial or uses the expressioncuratimeaning priestslivingin the city.In
both cases, the verb "videmus" introducesthe referenceto the experience Raimundus shares with his public.46A similarpassage, introduced
by the expression"diceremus",occurs when Raimundus commentson
in worshipexistingbetween smallerand larger cities. In
the difference
the firstcase only one priest(Raimundussays "pauper curatus")can be

41Forthe
Politiae
Orientalium
et
attitude
ofAlbert
theGreatseeG. Fioravanti,
opposite
e la Politica
aristotelica
, Alberto
, in:AnnalidellaScuolaNormale
Superiore
Magno
Aegiptiorum
III s 9 (1979),195-246.
di Pisa(Lett.Stor.Filos.),
42Raimundus.
Sententia
, III, 8, f.57vb.
43Raimundus,
Politicorum
libri
octo.
Cumvetusta
transSententia
, II, 4, f.52va.Gf.Aristotelis
Guilelmi
deMoerbeka,
ed.F. Susemihl,
lation
II, 1263bl8-27,
Lipsiae1872,77-8(henceforth
Pol.").
referred
to as "Arist.,
44Minorite
remained
a debated
as renunciation
todominium
inproprio
etincommuni
poverty
Raimundus'
Franciscan
issuealsoafter
XXII'scondemnation
ofthetraditional
doctrine;
John
thework;
therefore
be usedas a cluefordating
concise
as itis,cannot
see,e.g.
remark,
Controversies
of
andtheFourteenth-Century
Richard
FitzRalph
, in:Journal
Poverty
J. D. Dawson,
34 (1983),315-44.
Ecclesiastical
History,
45Raimundus,
in
uel monasteria
ecclesias
Sententia
, VII, 9, f. 72ra:"uidemus
agrestes
Pol., VII, 133lb7-l7 (ed.cit.,above,
cf.Arist.,
et locisremocioribus
nemoribus
costituta";
n. 43),294-5.
46Raimundus,
sacerdoSententia
, VII, 9, f. 72ra:"sicutet nuncuidemus
quodhospicia
cf.
ne eosoporteat
suntutplurimum
tumetcuratorum
euocari";
amplius
propeecclesiis,
Poi., VII, 133lb5-6(ed.cit.,above,n. 43),293-4.
Arist.,

15:32:36 PM

ACGERirsCOMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS

23

in the second case more people are necessary,in orderto persufficient,

formdifferent
duties: as a medieval counterpart,our author mentions
here the ebdomadarii
of a collegiata
,47
his
own
Projecting
experienceonto Aristotle'stext,Raimundus shares
a tendencycommon to many medieval commentatorson the Politics
, as
Fioravanti rightlypointed out with particularreferenceto Albert the
Great.48Peculiar to Raimundus,however,is that he veryseldom allows
himselfsuch personalremarks,concentrating
his efforts
on deviceswhich
can be usefulin order to learn the basic tenetsof the text:besides the
usual divisiones
intopartesand capitula
, at the end of each chapterhe inserts
shortsentences,which summarizein a fewwords the main issue treated
in the last portionof text.Thus, one findssuch statements
as "Hue usque
a principioquarticapituliagitphilosophusde dominoet seruoqui quedam
possessio iudicatur",49"Hue usque ergo de ipsa naturalipossessioneet
ab alia voluntaria,que scilicetest pecuniatiua"50
and "sic
quomodo differt
determinatio
et
omnia
ergo patet
propositequestionis per consequens
que
pertinentad formalemrationempossessioniset modm".51
The resultis a "commentary"thatsucceedsin being veryoftenalmost
shorterthanthe authoritative
texton whichit comments.One could legitraise
the
of
whether
Raimundus' commentarycould be
imately
question
used as an instrument
forthe actual readingof Aristode'sPolitics
or rather
it was intendedto substitute
it in some way, in orderto avoid being confronteddirectlywith the awkwardtext of Moerbeke's translation.I am
inclinedto thinkthatRaimundus' commentary
possessesfeaturesthatcan
be connected to both functions.On one hand, the links to the commentedtext,such as the divisiotextus
to understandif
, would be difficult
the readerwas not expectedto have the actual Latin versionof the Politics
at his disposal. On the other hand, such a work could also provide an
expositionof the main tenets of Aristotle'sthought,renderingalmost

47Raimundus,
"namtalisprincipatus
alicubiesttantum
Sententia,
VI, 7, f.68vb:
unus,
ubiea que ad deumpertinent
ab unicohomine
putain paruisciuitatibus
regipossunt,
sicutdiceremus
de unopauperecurato,
alicubiautemsuntmultiet separati,
id estin
officiis
sicutdiceremus
de variisebdomadariis
in ecclesiacollegiata
et in
ipsisdistincti,
uilla".Cf.Arist.,
(ed.cit.,above,n. 43),487.
1321b34-40
Pol.,
magna
48See Fioravanti
1979(op.cit.,above,n. 41),butalsoU. Meier,
Mensch
undBrger.
Die
Stadt
imDenken
undJuristen
sptmittelalterlicher
, Mnchen
Theologen,
1994,in part.
Philosophen
63-96.
49Raimundus,
Sententia,
I, 6, f.50rb.
50Raimundus,
Sententia
,
I,
7, f.50va.
51Raimundus,
Sententia,
I, 9, f.51ra.

15:32:36 PM

24

ROBERTO
LAMBERTINI

of intersuperfluous at least at a certainlevel the timeconsumingeffort

in
for
word
Moerbeke's
difficult
translation.52
word,
preting depth,
3 sources
Raimundus
From such a commentaryone would hardlyexpect originality.In fact,
initialcomparisonof Raimundus' work with the correspondingparts of
libriPoliticorum
reveals,as I pointed out in a previous
Aquinas' Sententia
that
is
the
main source of inspirationfor the
Thomas
contribution,53
Franciscanfriar.From the Sententia
of the Dominican master,Raimundus
in chapters,whichdivergesin manyrespects
takesnot onlythe distinction
fromthatof Albertthe Great,54but also many expressions,whichare litRaimundus'dependenceon Aquinas
erallyreproducedin his commentary.
from
results
the
clearly
followingcomparison.The Dominicanmasterdoes
not onlyinfluenceRaimundus' understanding
of the structureand of the
of
Aristotle's
but
also
the
text,
meaning
wordingitselfof his commentary.
Aristoteles55

Thomasde Aquino56 Raimundus57

Circa primmtria
Et idcircosubdithie tripfacit:primoproponit licemcommunitatem
una
communitatem
distinctam,
perspecifice
sone ad personam;
scilicetpersone ad persecundoponitcomsonam, alia uerocommunitatem
municatio
domus que
domus,
utiquecomplectitin se
que complectitur
diuersaspersonarum diuersas personas;alia
ibi: autemcommunicatio
communicationes,

52JeanDunbabin
thatVernani's
Sententia
bearssimilar
feais persuaded,
forexample,
'Polities'
44 (1988),
onAristotle's
Vernarli
see Guido
, in:Traditio,
tures;
ofRimini's
Commentary
scholastic
literal
com376: "Thoughat first
glancehisworklookslikea conventional
ofit,notan accesitsoonbecomes
clearthatitwasmeantto be readinstead
mentary,
toit.It is,in fact,a potted
version."
sory
53La diffusione
aristotelico
e la definizione
di unlinguaggio
dellaPolitica
, in: Quaderni
politico
in part.691.
102(1999),677-704,
Storici,
54On thissubject,
surlescommentaires
Considrations
seeF. Cheneval,
presque
philosophiques
Zeitschrift
frPhilosophie
leGrand
etdeThomas
dela Politique
d'Albert
, in:Freiburger
d'Aquin
undTheologie,
45 (1998),56-83.
55Arist.,
Pol I, 1252a26-b6
(ed.cit.,above,n. 43),3-4.
56Thomasde Aquino,
XIII
iussu
Leonis
Omnia
libri
Politicorum
Sententia
, I, 1/a,in: Opera
Romae1971,73-4.
edita,
XLVIII,
57Raimundus,
ofAquinas
which
areidentical
with
those
Sententia
, I, 1,f.49ra.
Expressions
arebold-faced.

15:32:36 PM

ACGERII'S
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS

Necesseitaqueprimum
combinari
sineinvicem
non possibiles
esse,puta
feminam
et masculum
generationis
gratia(et
hoc non ex electione,
sed sicutin aliisanimalibuset plantisnaturale
appeterequale ipsum
tale derelinquere
alterum),

autemet
principans
subiectum
natura
proptersalutem(quod
quidemenimpotest
mentepraevidere,
principansnaturaet dominansnatura,quod
autempotesthaec corporefacere,subiectum
et naturaservum:
propterquod dominoet
servoidemexpedit).

Ex hiisquidem
igitur
duabus
etc.,tertioponit
communitatem
uici que
est ex pluribusmultitudinibus,ibi Ex pluribus
autem
domibus
etc. (. . .).
Duarumautemcommunicationum
personalium
primoponitearnque
est mariset femine.(. . .)
est
primacombinatio
sine
personarum
que
inuicemesse non possunt,scilicetmariset
enim
femine;huiusmodi
combinatio
estpropter
generationem
per quam
et mareset
producuntur
et ex hoc patet
femine,
quod sineinvicemesse
non possunt.
( )
Deinde cum dicit
autem
etc.ponit
Principans
secundamcommunicationempersonarum,
scilicetprincipantis
et
subiecti;et hec etiam
communicatio
est a
naturaproptersalutem:
naturaenimnon solum
intendit
generationem,
setetiamquod generata
saluentur.
Et quod hoc
in
quidemcontingat
hominibus
per communicationem
principantis
et subiecti,
ostendit
per
hoc quod ille est naturaliterprincipans
et
dominansqui suo intellectupotestpreuidere
ea

25

uici, que etiamuarias

domosaut plures
multitudinesin
se claudit.Primaigitur
scilicet
communitas,
ad
persone
personam, est duplex,una
scilicetcommunicatio
maris et feminegratia generationis,quia
sinemutuacombinatione non possuntsibi
similempostse relinquere,nec ipsipossunt
pro se etiamstare.

Alia uerocombinatio
scilicet(?) personalis
estprincipantiset
subiecti et hec etiam
est necessariaac a
natura intenta;natura
enim non solum
intenditquod homines
sed etiam
generentur,
quod genitisaluantur
et ideo dicitquod ille
naturaliterestprinceps
principans et predominans qui suo
intellectupotest
preuidere que necessariasunthumaneuite;
ille uero,qui taliaab
alio non a se preuisa
potestexequiac opere

15:32:36 PM

26

ROBERTO
LAMBERTINI
saluti,
que congruunt
implere, debetesse
seruus naturaliteret
puta consequendo
et
subiectus.
proficua repellendo
nociua.Ille autemqui
potestper fortitudinem
corporisimplereopere
quod sapiensmente
estnaturaliter
preuiderit,
subiectus
et seruus.

A second example reveals beyond any doubt that Raimundus chooses

Aquinas as its model:
Thomasde Aquino58

Raimundus59

De quibustriadicit:primoquidem
quod in utraqueharumconiugationumestquedamprelatiosiue
uir enimprinciquidamprincipatus;
mulieri
et
non quipatur
paterfliis,
dem sicutseruissetsicutliberis,in
hii duo principatus
a
quo differunt
principtu
despotico.

... de quibusprimoet principaliter

triadicit.Quorumprimumest quod
in utraque istarumcongregationum
est quedam prelatio siue quidam
principatus;vir enim principatur
mulieri et pater fliis,et hoc quidem non sicut dominusseruis,
sed sicut liberis, et in hoc quidem
hii principatus duo
conueniunt
interse, ac diffrantdespotico.
Secundumest quod hii duo principa- Secundum est quod etiamhii duo
tusnon suntuniusmodi,setuirprin- principatusnon sunt omnino
id
unius modi, sed vir preestmulieri
cipaturmulieripoliticoprinciptu,
estsicutaliquisqui eligitur
in recpolitico principtu,id est [quia in
toremciuitatis
set
preest; paterpreest regno]sicut ille qui eligiturpreest
fliisregaliprinciptu.
Et hoc ideo
sed pater preest fliis
ciuitati,
quia paterhabetplenariam
potesregali principtu,id est quia
tatemsuperfiliossicutet rexin
habet plenariam potestatem
regno;setuir non habetplenariam
super flios sicut et rex in regno,
potestatem
superuxoremquantumad vir autemnon habet potestatem

58Thomas
deAquino,
Sententia
libri
Politicorum,
I, 10(ed.cit.,
above,n. 56),113;cf.Arist.,
n. 43),49-50.
1259a37-b4
Pol.,
cit.,
above,
(ed.
59Raimundus,
Sententia
, I, 11,f.51.

15:32:36 PM

POLITICS
AGGERII'
S COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S

27

plenariam super uxorem, sed

secundum quod lex matrimonii
sic etiamet rector ciuirequiritur,
tatis super ciues secundum
statuta ciuitatis
solum.
Tertiumest quod ambo istiprinciTertioautemmanifestai
hos duos
principatoesse secundumnturm, patus suntsecundum naturam,
nam semper secundumnaturam
in
quia semperquod estprincipalius
ut suprahabitm illudquod principalius est princinaturaprincipatur,
est;setmasculusestnaturaliter
princi- patur; virautemprincipaliorest
femina ut in pluribus,
nisi aliuda
nisi
accidat
femina,
aliquid
palior
in
casu
et
naturam
sicut
hominibus
contingat, pater etiamfilio.
preter
natuet similiter
est
effeminatis;
pater
raliterprincipalior
filio,sicutantiquius
iunioreet sicutperfectum
imperfecto:
masculusprincipatur
ergonaturaliter
femineet paterfilio
omnia,setsecundumquod exigitlex
sicutet rectorciuitatis
matrimonii,
habetpotestatem
superciuessecundumstatuta.

As a matterof fact, Raimundus omits a lot of materialsavailable in

of each chapter,some excursus
Aquinas, such as the internaldivisiotextus
and also interesting
observations.For example, he does not even mention Aquinas' discussionregardingthe monarchicalnatureof familygovernment.60
There are, as a matterof fact,veryfewpassages thatcan not
be explained with referenceto Aquinas' text and to Raimundus' intentionto simplify
and shortenhis model.At firstsight,one could be tempted
"sententia
to interpret
abbreviata"
as meaning"summaryofAquinas' sententia".
would
not
be
This, however,
fair,as some data cannot be traced back
An
to Aquinas' work.
interesting
passage can be foundin chapter 13 of
the second book, whereRaimundusclearlyavoids fallingin the erroneous
identification
of Tessaliand Thessalonicenses
which could be foundboth in

60Raimundus,
Sententia
etiamscilicet
, I, 6, f.50ra:"secundum
quodnecestidemquod
namsicutstatim
dictum
estprincipatus
est,desptica
servorum,
yconomica,
yconomica
veroomnium
in domoquorum
habitantium
ueroserui.".
aliquisuntliberi,
//50rb//aliqui
Thomasde Aquino,
Sententia
libri
Politicorum,
I, 5, (ed.cit.,above,56),94: "cum
Compare
sitprincipatus
ueroomnium
in domo,quoservorum,
despotia
yconomica
qui habitant
rumquidamsuntseruiet quidamliberi.
Differ
a politica
in hocquod
ergoyconomica
estquedammonarchia,
idestprincipatus
omnisenimdomusregitur
ab
unius,
yconomica
unoquiestpaterfamilias".
thendiscusses
a possible
toAristotle's
stateAquinas
objection
ment:
ofthisdiscussion
surfaces
in Raimundus'
text.
nothing

15:32:36 PM

28

ROBERTO
LAMBERTINI

.61
and Tessali
Aquinas and Albert,althoughhe then confusesLacedemoni
in
the
first
Raimundus
celmostina
instead
of
teknoreads
Moreover,
book,
factiva'this readingis not listedamong the variantsof criticaleditionof
Moerbeke's translationused by Aquinas, and does not appear even in
Albert.62
That thisscribalerror,however,is not isolatedis confirmedby
the factthatit surfacesalso in Ockham's Dialogus
, in the chapterdevoted
to an explanationof fundamentalconcepts of the AristotelianPolitics
P
This situationseems to hintat the factthatone manuscripttraditioncarried in factthismistakenreading,althoughit is difficult
to reach further
resultsbecause of the lack of a criticaleditionof the Latin translationof
the Politics
.64At any rate, thiscan be considereda clue that Raimundus
chose to followvery strictly
Aquinas' lead in commentingon Aristotle,
but had at disposal also other materials,which could allow him to go
beyond the textof the Dominican master.
Shiftingour attentionto the third book throwsmore light on the
sources that Raimundus used. From the firstchapter,resemblancesto
become all of a sudden extremelyvague. A comparison
Aquinas' Sententia
withGrech's editionshows,in fact,thatfromthe firstchapterRaimundus
is followingPeter of Auvergne'scommentary.65

61Raimundus,
ad servos,
dicensquod
Sententia
, II, 13, f.54ra"b:. . etprimoquantum
in regimine
seruorum
suorum".
Cf.
malese habebant
istithessali,
id estlacedemoni
Cheneval
1998(op.cit..above,n. 54).
62Thomasde Aquino,
Sententia
libri
Politkorum
, I, 2 (ed.cit
., above,n. 56),82; Albertus
Inlibros
Politkorum
Commentarvi
1651,12;"celmostina"
, I, 2,ed.P.Jammy,
Lugduni
Magnus,
10 (ed.cit.,above,n. 43),11-2.
in Arist.,
Pol.I, 3, 1253b
F. Susemihl,
is notrecorded
by
63See Wilhelm
Theorie
ausdem
Texte
vonOckham,
zurpolitischen
, Exzerpte
, ed.
Dialogus
Ockham's
, III, I, ii,3) cf.alsotheon1995,136,363(from
Miethke,
Dialogus
J.
Stuttgart
G. Knysh,
V. Leppin,
inprogress
lineedition
J.Ballweg,
http://
J. Scott,
byJ.Kilcullen,
"celmostina".
whichaccepts
britac3.britac.ac.uk/pubs/dialogus/31d.pdf.,
64SusemihTs
of
to hisedition
he published
meritorious
whoseresults
efforts,
appended
edition
of
fora stillbadlyneededcritical
substitute
theGreektextcannotobviously
translation.
Moerbeke's
65Abouttheliteral
thecontribubesides
to PeterofAuvergne,
attributed
commentary
della
Fleler
tionsmentioned
1992(op.cit.,above,n. 2),I, 86-100seeL. Lanza,Aspetti
by
" aristotelica
3o ser.,
d'Abemia
Pietro
nelXIII secolo:
della"Politica
ricezione
, in:Studimedievali,
e corpo
theVIII bookin F. A. Gallo,Anima
remarks
35 (1994),643-94;brief
concerning
- S. Vecchio
Pietod'Abemia,
secondo
dellamusica
: il raptus
nell'ascolto
, in:C. Casagrande
(eds.),
Italiana
di studidellasociet
AttidelV Convegno
medievale.
Anima
e corpo
nellacultura
per
del
lo StudiodelPensiero
25-28settembre
1995,SISMEL Edizioni
Venezia,
Medievale,
Firenze1999,231-3.
Galluzzo,

15:32:36 PM

AGGERII'
S COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
Thomasde Aquino66

Petrusde Alvernia67

Ei quidepolitiaconsidrtEi autem
quidepolitiaetc.
etc.PostquamPhiloso- PostquamPhilosophus
phiisin secundolibro
pertransivit
opiniones
de politiis
de politia,
inquisiuit
antiquorum
secundumtraditionem reprobando
eas quanaliorum,hie incipitpro- tumad male dicta,
sequide eis secundum approbandoautem
propriam
opinionem.
quantumad bene dicta,
in istotertiolibroprose(...)
quitursecundumintentionemsuamde ipsa
(...)

29

Raimundus68
Ei autem
quidepolicia
considrt
etc. Postquam
in precephilosophus
dentilibrorecitauit
opinionesaliorumde
eos
policiareprobando
quantumad male dieta
et approbandoquantum
ad bene dicta,nuncin
istoterciolibroincipit
de ipsa policiasecundumpropriamopinionem.

Circa primumduo facit:

primoostendit
quod ad
tractandum
de politiis
necesseestprimoconsiderarede ciuitate;
secundoostendit
quod
ad tractandum
de ciuitatenecesseest considerarequid sitciuis(. . .)

Primoprobatquod
duo, quorum
premictit
debentemconsiderare
de primumest quod volende
politiaoportetconside- temconsiderare
rarede civitateprius.
policiaoportetprimo
Secundoostendit
considerare
de ciuitate,
quod
debentemconsiderare
de secundumestquod
uolentem
hec facere,
civitate,
oportetconsiderarede cive.
scilicetconsiderare
de
ciuitate,
(...)
oportetetiam
considerare
de ciue;
Et hoc probatduplici
Et subditrationem.
Quia et quodlibetetiam
ratione:quarumprima illudde cuiusquidditate horumprobatetiam
estquia de hoc potest contingit
dubitarein
dupliciratione;pro
esse dubitatio.
Dubitant politicisoportetconside- primoenimest talis
enimaliquicircaaliqua raredebentemconside- ratiosua prima:illud
enimde cuiusquiddinegotiautrumsintfacta rarede politia.Sed in
a ciuitate,
tatecontingit
in politicis
puta cum sint politiaquandoquedufactaa tyranno,
uel a
biumest quid est cividubitarenecesseest
diuitibus
ciuitatis.
tas.Aliquandoenim
considerali
ab eo qui
dubitant
de actionibus vultde policiatractare,
(...)
et contractibus
sed in policiaquanfactis,

66Thomasde
libri
Politicorum,
Aquino,Sententia
III, 1 {ed.cit.,above,n. 56), 186;cf.
PoL III, 1274b32-39
Arist.,
(ed.cit.,above,n. 43). 150-1.
67Petrus
de Alvernia,
libros
Politicorum
, III, 1, ed. in: G. M. Grech,The
Scriptum
super
Peter
onAristotle's
Politics
Roma1967,73-5.
Commentary
of
of
,
Auvergne
68Raimundus,
Sententia
, III, 1,f.55 .

15:32:36 PM

30

ROBERTO
LAMBERTINI
utrumcivitasegeritvel
contractum
fecerit.
( )

doque dubiumest quid

sitciuitasseu de factis
in ea, an sintfactaper
ciuitatem
uel per personamsingulrem,
ergo
etc.
Secundaratioest quia
Et dicitquod in politia Secundaratio:quia in
totaintentio
eorumqui oportetconsiderare
de
politianecesseest contractant
de politiiset de ilio quod omnelegisla- siderarede ilio quod
et
legislatione,
negotiatur toreset politiciconsid- omneslegislatores
circaciuitatem,
rant.Nunc autem
talis
quia
politiciconsidrant,
est civitas;policiaenim
omnesconsidrant
de
politianihilaliudest
quam ordoinhabitan- civitate.Quod dclarai: non est aliudquam
ordohabitantium
in
nam videmusquod
tiumciuitatem.
totumnegotium
sive
ciuitate.Circa hoc
autem,id estordinem
negotiatio
legislatoris
in ciuitate
circa
habitantium
politiciversatur
civitatem.
totaintentio
Quod apparet versatur
quia politianon est
legislatoris,
ergoetcetera
aliudquam ordoinhabitantium
in civitatem.
Tota autemintentio
et
vernegotium
legislatoris
saturcircaordineminin ciuitate,
habitantium
quare et circacivitatem.
The surprising
fact,of course,is not that Raimundus was compelled,at
a certainpoint,to abandonAquinas,whosecommentary
was leftunfinished,
as is well known.It is more interesting
to note that he passed to Peter
ofAuvergnealreadyat theverybeginningof the thirdbook,whileAquinas
could stilloffersix chapters.Rather than a choice, however,thisstateof
affairs
could dependon thematerialswhichwereavailableto him.Probably
he had access to a manuscriptbelongingto the group that containsonly
and substituted
the fragment
the firsttwo books of Aquinas' commentary,
of the commentaryon the thirdbook with the parallel portionof text
by Peter of Auvergne.69
69G. M. Grech,
onAristotle's
s inedited
tradition
Themanuscript
ofAuvergne'
commentary
ofPeter
which
contain
Peter's
sixpar41 (1964),
Politics
438-49lists12manuscripts
, in:Angelicum,
Politics.
The
onAristotle's
Edition
in: id., TheCommentary
allel"lessons".
ofPeter
ofAuvergne
is edited
. I-VI,Rome1967.The restofPeter's
Unedited
Commentary
part:BookIII, less
In octolibros
Politicorum
in ThomasAquinas,
withAquinas'work,forexample
together
Aristotelis
ed. R. M. Spiazzi,Torino-Roma
1951,141-438.
Expositio,

15:32:36 PM

POLITICS
ACGERirsCOMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S

31

From the beginningof the thirdbook onwards, Peter of Auvergne

takesup the role played by Aquinas before.There can be no doubt that
Raimundus made an intensiveuse of this commentary,as many literal
source. Two
correspondencesreveal; it is at any rate his most influential
taken
from
different
should
books,
examples,
provide enough evidence
forthis claim.
Petrusde Alvernia70

Raimundus71

In primadicit,quod primaspecies
quae maximedicitur
popularis,
est
popularis, in qua principantur
secundumomnimodam
aequalitatem.
Et hoc apparet;quia lex fuitin tali
non plus
politia,quod de honoribus
distribueretur
diuitibus
quam egenis
vel virtuosis
sed
quam non virtuosis;
istis
et
illis.
Iterum
dicebat
aequaliter
lex,quod istinon magisdeberent
dominaliquam illinec e converso,
sed istiet illiindifferenter,
quia sunt
similesvel aequales.Et ideo quia
habentin liberiate,
aeaequalitatem
debent
dominali
et
qualiter
recipere
de honoribus,
non plusunusquam
alter.(. . .)
Et quod istaspeciessitpopularis,
probatsic. In istaenimspeciepolitiae
dominatur
populussivemultitudo,
omnes
suntaequalessecundum
quia
libertatem
et principatus
distribuitur
secundumipsam.Et ideo multitudo
totadominatur:
sed ubi multitudo
dominatur
popularisest:haec igitur
estuna speciespopularis.

Quarumprimaest que maximeest

ut dicit,quandoaliqui
democratia,
secundumomnimodam
principantur
nam
equalitatem, lex ut dicitfuitin
talipoliciaquod de honoribus
non
distribueretur
diuitibus
plus
quam
egenis,nec plusuirtuosis
quam non
sed equaliterhiiset aliis,
uirtuosis,
nec plusdominarentur.

Et quod istaspeciessitdemocratia
probatper hoc quod in istadominaturtotamultitudo,
quia omnessunt
secundum
liber
[ali]tatem;ubi
equales
autemtotamultitudo
dominatur,
democratia
est,ergohec estuna
speciesdmocratie.

70Petrus
de Alvernia,
libros
Politicorum
, IV, 4 (ed.cit.,above,n. 67),202-3;
Scriptum
super
cf.Arist.,
Pol.IV, 1291b32-38
n. 43),395.
cit.,
above,
(ed..
71Raimundus,
Sententia
, IV, 4, f.60rb.

15:32:36 PM

32
Petrusde Alvernia72

LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO
Raimundus73

In primadicit,quod circapraedicta Hoc premissomouethie duas utiles

incidunt
duae dubitationes
(. . .) Qua- questiones,
quarumprimaest:cum
sint
due
uite
hominisprincipales,
sint
duae
vitae
rumuna est:cum
scilicet
scilicet
hominismagisprincipales,
que
practicaet speculatiua,
est eligibilior:
utrumilia que
istarum
istarum
et
quae
practica speculativa,
in communicatione
utrumilia quae consistit consistit
siteligibilior:
ciuili,
scilicet
in communicatione
scilicet
civili,
politica,uel ilia que peregrina
et a politica
estet
est,scilicetsolitaria,
activa,vel illa que peregrina
communica- comunicatione
absolutaab huiusmodi
absoluta,id est sepascilicetspeculatiua.
rataet sequestrata,
tionecivili,scilicetcontemplativa.
()
Secundadubitatio
est,que sitoptima Secundaquestioest supposito
quod
et quae optima politi<c>a,que politiauel qualis
simpliciter,
respublica
ordinario
civitatis,
optima
quod sit potestet debetsimpliciter
supposito
.
vita
civilis
reputali.
(. .)
magiseligibilis
se non
SubditetiamPhilosophus
de istis
Dat modumconsiderandi
huius
uel
hic
bonitatem
intendere
condubitationibus,
dicens,quoniam
uel politice
illiusputa uitesolitarie
siderarede hoc quod esteligibile
nec talis
est opus quo ad primamquestionem
aut etiampluribus,
omnibus,
ad specu- uel talispolitiequo ad secundam
intellectus
civiliset pertinet
lationemeius,non autemconsiderare compararequo ad hunehominemuel
illudquod est eligibilehuicuel illi;
ilium,hoc enimipse reputataccessobonum
commune
considrt
rium,id est secundarium
proutdicit,
quoniam
sed potiusilludquod estprincipale,
huius
uel
illius
autem
bonum
per se,
scilicetquod respectutotiuscommuninon nisiin ordinead bonumcomhune
tatishec bonitascomparato
mune.Ideo nos intendimus
circapraedictas
modumspeculationis
eas secunconsiderando
dubitationes
ad totamcividumquod referuntur
tatemet non secundumquod
ad hunevel ad ilium
referuntur
civem.Hoc enimmodo considerare
de ipsisest accessorium.

72Petrus
Politicorum
libros
de Alvernia,
, VII, 2 (ed.cit.,above,n. 67),344;
super
Scriptum
(ed.cit.,above,n. 43),245-6.
cf.Arist,Pol.VII, 1324al2-23
73Raimundus,
is rather
ofthesamepassages
treatment
Sententia,
VII, 2,f.69va;
Burley's
librum
cf.VII, tr.1, 2 (cf.Gualterus
Politicorum,
IV, 4, 1,
super
Expositio
Burley,
different,
Biblioteca
ms.CittdelVaticano,
129),ff.101vb-102vb.
Borghes.
Apostolica,

15:32:36 PM

ACGERII'S
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS

33

Some passages,however,hintat the possibility

thatRaimundushad access
to information
not included in Auvergne'stext.For example, the Latin
textRaimundusis usingwitnessessome readingsthatcould not be found
in Peter of Auvergne,e.g. "salsiciam" instead of "cibum".74In another
passage concerningHercules, while clearlydependingon Peter for the
explanation,Raimundusreads "eracleam",insteadof "Herculem".75Both
readingsoccur also in Albertthe Great; this state of affairsalone, however, cannot prove that he was using the commentaryof the German
Dominican master. "Salsiciam" and "Eraclea" are in fact variants of
Moerbeke's text,which Susemihl accepted in his edition. A somewhat
strongersuspicionin the same sense can be raised,because in agreement
withAlbert,but not withPeter,Raimunduserroneouslyassertsin another
passage that Laconica is a regionlocated in Magna Graecia, at his time
Italy: "Fuit olim in laconica regioneque quondam dicebaturmagna grecia et nunc apulia nominatur".76
Also the idea that Thrasibuluswas a
could
have
to
come
Raimundus
fromAlbert.77
This scant evidence
poet
74Raimundus,
nauismelius
iudicatde guberSententia,
III, 9, f. 57ra:"etgubernator
naculoquamcarpentarius
et salsiciam,
id estpulmentum,
melius
iudicatepulansquam
de Alvernia,
libros
Politicorum,
III, 9 (ed.cit.,above,n. 67),
Scriptum
coquus";Petrus
super
nautagubernaculum
a carpentario,
etmelius
de ipsoquam
152:"similiter
iudicat
accipit
sicetconviva
de epulismelius
iudicat
ButseeArist.,
Pol.III
carpentarius;
quamcoquus".
1282a22(ed.cit.,
etsalsitiam
above,n. 43),196:"etgubernaculum
gubernator
carpentario
etnoncoquus".
Albert
theGreatusesthisthevariant
"salsiciam":
Albertus
epulans
Magnus,
In libros
Politicorum
, III, 7 (ed.cit.,above,n. 62),166:"etgubernaculum
gubernator,
supmelius
iucatcarpentario,
et saltitiam
sednoncoquus".
ple,
epulans,
75Raimundus,
Sententia
". . .probatidemperfactum
nau, III, 12,f.57vb:
quorundam
tarumqui quendam
nobilem
scilicet
eracleam
ob hoc ad navigandum
secum
nautam,
utquiasiexcedebat
eosinartenauigandi
veliet
nimis
noluerunt,
timentes,
accipere
supple,
butseeAristoteles,
Politica.
ed.cit.,
dominali";
III, 1284a22-25,
protempore
p 209:"fabulaturautem
etArgonautas
Heracleam
talem
nonenimvoluisse
causam,
dereliquisse
propter
ducere
cumaliistamquam
excedentem
multum
Albertus
nautas";
ipsum
Argo[idestnavem]
In libros
autemet
Politicorum,
III, 8 (ed.cit.,above,n. 62), 177:"Fabulantur
Magnus,
Heracleam
idestquodHeracleas
aliosnautas,
etexpulArgonauta
derelinquisse,
derelinquit
susab eispropter
talemcausam.Et ponitrationem,
ibi,nonenimvolensipsumducere
id estnavem
cumaliis.Etponitcausam,
excedentem
multum
nautas".
ibi,tamquam
Argo,
76Cf.Albertus
In libros
Politicorum,
III, 9 (ed.cit.,above,n. 62),182:"estenim
Magnus,
Laconicaprovincia
Petrusde
parsItaliae,quae quondammagnaGraeciadicebatur";
libros
Alvernia,
Politicorum,
III, 13 (ed.cit.,above,n. 67),169:". . . quifuitin
Scriptum
super
Laconicaregione
. . ."; cf.Arist.,
Pol.III, 1285a3-4
(ed.cit.,above,n. 43),213.
77Raimundus,
consilium
semelpetens
Sententia,
V, 8, f.64va:"Quodquidamtyrannus
a quodampoeta,scilicet
suusdiudurare
ab
trassibulo,
qualiter
principatus
possetaudiuit
eo oportunum
essequodexcedentes
spicaseuelleret,
perquodsibidabatintelligi
quod
interficeret
ettolleret
de medio(. . .) diuites
Albertus
In libros
insignes",
compare
Magnus,
ofthetwoThrasibulus
Politicorum,
III, 8 (ed.cit.,above,n. 62), 178.To myknowledge,
in Aristotle's
mentioned
Politics
neither
is considered
a poetbyPeterofAuvergne.
Cf.
Arist.,
Pol.,III 1284a26-33
above,n. 43),208-9;V 131la20,p. 559;V 1312bl9-27,
(ed.cit.,
de Alvernia,
libros
Politicorum
pp. 568-9,V 1315b38,p. 590 andPetrus
, III,
Scriptum
super
12 (ed.cit.,above,n. 67),165;V, 8, (ed.cit),284;V, 10,290-1;V, 12,303.

15:32:36 PM

34

LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO

does not prove beyond any doubt that Raimundus knew Albert'scomalways Peter's
mentary;it stillremainspossible that,althoughpreferring
fromthat of Albert),he had
divisionin chapters(whichis oftendifferent
somehowaccess to materialsrelatedto the Commentaryof the German
master.Perhaps marginalnotes added to a copy of the Latin textof the
to collect such information.
Politicswould be sufficient
These few examples at least hint at the fact that Raimundus was
fromAquinas' commentaryand its conacquaintedwithsourcesdifferent
tinuationby Peter of Auvergne.In one case, I think,it is possible to
is providedby a passage in the fourth
his source.This opportunity
identify
book, where,at the veryend of chapter11, our authorobserves:"Ultimo
epilogai ea que determinatasuntin principioistiusquartilibri,scilicetin
At firstglance, these remarkssound
tribustractatibusprecedentibus.78
not
ratherodd, as Raimundus did
previouslydivide the books into tracreferencein the followingchaptatus
; to such a divisionhe makesfurther
tractatus
the
fourth
that
there
ter, asserting
begins.79Strangelyenough,
theseseem to be the onlytwo passages of the commentarywhere a divitractatus
sion of the books into different
appears, a rathercasual practice
thatis abandoned quite soon, while as we have seen- Raimundusoften
I thinkthat the
fromprologus.
uses "tractatus"(singular)as distinguished
most convincingexplanationforthisstate of affairsis that thisfragment
of subdivisionderivesfroma source of Raimundus'. As a matterof fact,
among the commentariesknownto me, Walteris the only one to divide
, and then each of the tracverycarefullyeach of the books into tractatus
.80Moreover,
and
into
tatusinto capitula
, capitula
,
partesinto particule
partes
in the
four tractatus
a comparisoneasily shows that Burleydistinguishes
fourthbook, and places the beginningof his fourthtractatus
exactlyat the
Peter
of
to
of
12
Auvergne'sdivision,which
beginning chapter according
A
further
Raimundus.81
is takenup by
passage in the fifthbook strengthens the assumptionthat Raimundus depends on Burley. Beginninghis
on chapter10 of the FifthBook, Raimundus,who is as usual
commentary
78Raimundus,
Sententia
, IV, 11,f.61va.
79Raimundus,
docetphilosophus
que
IV, 12,f.61va:"Hiein isto4 tractatu
Sententia,
fines
suos".
eas in dbitos
suntducentes
ciuitatis
cuiuslibet
etqualesoperationes
80Aboutthiscommentary,
see
andrelevant
tradition
itsmanuscript
sources,
secondary
Fleler1992(op.cit.,above,n. 2),II, 13-22.
81Gualterus
librum
IV, 4, 1 (ms.cit.,above,n. 73),f.
Politicorum,
super
Expositio
Burley,
de tribus
"Tractatus
68rb:
prinque suntconsiliatiuum,
politiarum
perse partibus
quartus
secundum
estde consiliatiuo;
triacapitula:
et continet
et iudicatiuum
primm
cipatiuum
autem
Rursum
autem
estde iudicatiuo.
ibireliquum
tertium
estdeprincipatiuo;
ibihabita
autem,
libros
de Alvernia,
. . Cf.Petrus
continet
cum
dixerimus.
super
Scriptum
primum
Capitulum
..
autemcumdixerimus
IV, 12 {ed.cit.,above,n. 67),230:"Rursum
Politicorum,

15:32:36 PM

POLITICS
ON ARISTOTLE'S
AGGERII'S
COMMENTARY

35

faithfully
followingPeter of Auvergne'sdivision,observes that "melius
For
lemma.82
secundum alios" the section should begin with a different
the readers of a laconic writersuch as Raimundus, these words are
extremelyimportant,as theyconfirmthatthe commentatorcompared at
least two different
commentaries.As a matterof fact,it is Burleywho
adopts, as a startingpoint of this sectionof his work,exactlythe lemma
An acquaintancewithBurley's
Raimundusquotes as the bettersolution.83
the
lines of Raimundus, who
therefore
between
commentaryemerges
drew
on
the
successful
work
of
the
Englishmaster.
apparendy
to deny that Raimundus knew Burley's
To sum up, it seems difficult
divisionsof the Politics
,84althoughwe cannot rule out the possibilitythat
his acquaintance with the work of the Englishmasterwas indirect,that
is, througha mediationwe do not know yet.
Besides establishingthat Raimundus knew directlyat least Aquinas'
and Peter of Auvergnecommentaries,
perhaps had some access to informationpresentin Albert,and certainlywas acquaintedwithsome aspects
of Burley'scommentary,
thisexaminationof possiblesourcesthrowsnew
abbreuiata
lighton the way he worked.The task of composinga sententia
of Aristode'sPolitics
did not preventhim,apparently,
fromhavingrecourse
to more than one commentary.In otherwords,he did not limithimself
82Raimundus,
scilicet
ibi
Sententia,
V, 10,f.65ra:"Incapitulo
x,quodincipit
sequenti,
Eorum
honorem
amorem
secundum
aliosibi:Corrumpitur
autem
etc.,uelmelius
quipropter
tyrannis
in speciali
datcausasetprincipia
monarchiam
..." Cf.Petrus
de Alvernia,
corrumpentia
libros
ofPeter's,
Politicorum,
V, 10(ed.cit.,
above,n. 67),289;a further
Scriptum
super
passage
notplacedat thebeginning
of thechapter,
seemsto haveinfluenced
cf.
Raimundus,
autem'determinai
causasetprincipia
p. 290:"Deindecumdicit'corrumpitur
corruptionis
inspeciali".
monarchiarum
Pol.V, 1312a21ss.
(SeealsoArist.,
(ed.cit.,
above,n.43),566-8).
83Gualterus
librum
Politicorum
, V, 3, 2 (ms.cit.,above,n. 73),f.
Burley,
Expositio
super
"
autem
tirannis.
Istudestsecundum
secunde
82vb:Corrumpitur
de
capitulum
partis
principalis
causisspecialibus
monarchiarum".
corruptionis
84Assuming
Raimundus'
on Burley
castssomelight
alsoon thea possible
dependence
sourceoftheclosing
wordsofRaimundus'
wherehe states:
"Etin hocphilososententia,
librum
octauum
scilicet
adhucde grecotransferri
phustermint
politicorum,
quantum
in latinm".
Raimundus
hadalready
menSententia,
Vili, 3, f.75vb;
poterai
(Raimundus,
tioned
hispersuasion:
transSententia,
VII, 1,f.69ra:"Licetillelibernonuideatur
perfecte
whichwe do notfindeither
in Albert
or in Peterof
remark,
latus").Sucha closing
couldbe reminiscent
ofBurley's
conclusion:
"Etinhocfinitur
intencio
aristotelis
Auvergne,
estde grecoinlatinm
supertotum
quodtranslatum
superlibrum
politicorum"
(Gualterus
librum
Politicorum,
VIII,2, 2 (ms.cit.,
above,n. 73),f. 148.See Fleler
Burley,
Expositio
super
1992(op.cit.,
between
thetwocommentators,
howabove,n. 2),II, 16-8).Thisagreement
in a different
thattheywereboth
ever,couldalsobe explained
way,thatis, thinking
whichwaswidespread,
as Susemihl
has already
inspired
bythewordsofthecolophon
indicated:
ingreconondum
huiusoperis
cf.Arist.
Pol.1342b33-34
inveni";
"reliqua
(ed.cit.,
to Fleler's
theauthor
ofthe
above,n. 43),372 (intheapparatus).
According
catalogue,
attributed
to Henry
ofOytawasalsowellacquainted
withtheidea
commentary
Totting
thatMoerbeke's
translation
wasincomplete,
cf.Fleler1992(op.cit.,above,n. 2),II, 25.

15:32:36 PM

36

LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO

but foundit importantto

to shortenthe Aquinas/Auvergnecommentary,
have a look at other works.From the traditionalpoint of view in the
historyof politicalthought,which tendsto emphasizethe importanceof
doctrinaloriginality,
Raimundus' commentarymay appear disappointing,
on a briefsummaryof Aristotle'ssenbecause he concentrateshis efforts
tentia.From the point of view of the Franciscanfriar,on the contrary,
access to Aristotle'spolitical work seem to have
the task of facilitating
been an importantone, which he tried to accomplishcarefully,gatheris
frommore than one source. In this way, his sententia
ing information
work
to
the
Aristotle's
of
an
effort
at
political
mediating
representative
LatinWest,althoughothercommentaries
enjoyeda muchgreatersuccess.85
3
DatingRaimundusCommentary
EstablishingRaimundus' dependence on Burley is a substantialcontribution also to the dating of the commentary.The debated question of
withdifferent
whichis transmitted
the date of Burley'scommentary,
prologues,seems to have been settledby Fleler,accordingto whom Burley
his taskby 1342.86This amounts
began workingat it in 1338-9,finishing
to say that Raimundus' commentarywas composed in the mid 1340s at
the earliest,not long before the only extant copy, which is dated by
Concetta Luna to the middle of the XTVth century,was finished.This
conclusion is quite compatible with the paleographical evidence that
Raimundus' commentarywas copied by the same French hand together
.
Ethics
withmasterPetrusde Cornuheda'scommentaryon theNicomachean
dated
can be
This sententia
, which is preservedin two othermanuscripts,
with more precision,because it is dedicated to Bernard d'Albi when he
was bishop of Rodez, althoughthe author admitsthat he composed the
work at the requestof Peter,the son of the Baron of Barrire.Bernard
d'Albi was bishop of Rodez from 1336 to 1338.87
85Thiscan be judgedfromthenumber
Fleler
forexample,
ofextant
manuscripts;
and36 forWalter
couldlist12 mss.forPeterofAuvergne,
Burley.
86Fleler1992(op.cit.,above,n. 2), II, 22-3.See alsoS. Harrison
Walter
Thomson,
Louvain1947,557in:Mlanges
onthePolitics
Pelzer,
Auguste
ofAristotle,
Burley's
Commentary
nowin:id.,Ausgehendes
Mittelalter,
I, Roma
Politik-Kommentar,
78;A. Maier,Zu Walter
Burleys
seeJ. Ottman-R.
ofBurley's
Wood,Walter
of
1964,93-9.Fora recent
biography,
survey
37 (1999),1-23.
in:Vivarium,
HislifeandWorks,
Burley.
87Information
wasfirst
collected
unstudied
aboutthisalmost
byA.Pelzer,
commentary
auXIIIesicle
enusage
d'Aristote
souslenom
conservs
desouvrages
demorale
latines
Lesversions
, in:
Louvainsurla scholastique
littraire
Etudes
d'histoire
vande Vyver
A. Pattin-E.
mdivale,
(eds.),
Paris1964,151-3.

15:32:36 PM

ACGERirS
COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS

37

From a geographicalpoint of view, as we have seen, many clues point

to a southernFrenchorigin:Raimundusis said to be fromMimatis;other
people carryingthe same name in the papal registersand in otherdocuments are from southernFrance; his commentaryon the Politicswas
Ethics
copied by the same hand as a Commentaryon the Nicomachean
dedicated to the bishop of Rodez, which lies on the riverAveyron,not
veryfar fromMende.
Does this datingrule out the identification
of the authorof this comon
the
Politics
with
the
Raimundus
mentary
Augeriiwho wroteon Gratian's
DecreturrP.
From Garcia y Garcia we know that one of the manuscripts
containingthis work is of French origin and that it is called sententia
abbreuiata
as is the commentaryof the Politics.The real obstacle forsuch
identification
remainschronology:if Garcia y Garcia is rightin dating
the sententia
before 1298, then one has to imagine an unusuallylong
career, extendingat least for more than fortyyears. It is stillpossible,
however,that Garcia y Garcia's assessmentmay be submittedto a substantialre-examination,in particularif one succeeds in weakeninghis
e silentio.88
Our presentstageof knowledgeallowstherefore
argumentum
only
a conditionalconclusion:ifGarcia is rightin identifying
thetwoRaimundus,
he mustbe to some extentwrongin datingthe Sententia
on the Decretum.
Conclusion
remain
Many questionsconcerningRaimundus'Commentaryon thePolitics
Evidence
far
collected
so
allows
us
nevertheless
to
ascribe
Raimundus'
open.
commentaryto the same trendin the studyof Aristotle'sPoliticswhich
undoubtedlyinspiredBurleyand Guido Vernani a decade beforehim.89
In each of thesecases, in fact,we are confronted
withauthorswho, with

88One couldin factthink

thatthelackofreference
toBoniface's
Liber
Sextus
couldbe
causedbythehostility
towards
theCaetanipopein certain
French
I owethis
milieus.
to prof.CarloDolcini,
to whomI am deeply
indebted
forhismostvaluable
suggestion
Sextus
seeA. M. Stickler,
Historia
IurisCanonici
Latini.
Institutiones
acahelp.AbouttheLiber
Fontium
Taurinorum
andunease
dmicas,
I, Historia
, Augustae
1950,257-68.Uncertainty
thereationship
to Boniface
VTII'sworkemerges
in particular
as thetitleof
concerning
Clement
theV's collection
waschanged
to theintention
ofhis
byJohnXXII contrary
Historie
duDroit
etdes
predecessor
(p. 266).See alsoLe Bras,Ch. Lefebvre,
J. Rambaud,
Institutions
del'Eglise
enOccident,
Sources
etthorie
du droit,
VII,L'geclassique
, 1140-1378,
Paris1965,inpart.247-53;306-38shows
thatinterest
intheDecretum
initself
is stillalive
in thefirst
halfoftheXIV century.
89J.Dunbabin,
'
Guido
Vernani
onAristotle's
Politics'
44
, in:Traditio,
ofRimini's
Commentary
(1988),373-88.

15:32:36 PM

38

LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO

more or less sophisticatedtechniques,were eager to make clear to their

readersthe basic structureand the most importanttenetsof the Politics.
They did not aim at commentingon Aristotleword forword,90or at explainingall his examples,but ratherat producingan usefultool which
facilitates
access to Aristotle's
doctrine.91
This aim obviouslydid not exclude
in principlean ideologicalprogram,as Chenevaltriedto showforVernani,92
nor the expressionof some personalpointsof view, as one can notice in
Burley,but privilegesat any rate a summarizingattitude.Not by chance,
"Abbreuiata"is also the word
scholarshave lamentedBurley'sbrevity:93
Raimundus authored.
the colophon uses to describethe kind of sententia
Raimundus' commentary,unlike Burley's and Peter of Conueheda's
(whichprecedes it in the same manuscriptand was copied by the same
, so that its origincannot be traced
hand), has no dedicatoryprohemium
back to the intentionof pleasingsome importantperson,who mighthave
been interestedin the Politics.On the otherhand, it offersno clue which
points to actual lessons held in a classroom.This state of affairsmakes
to figureout the contextin which this textcould origit ratherdifficult
I
inate. think,however,that a connectionwithteachingactivityremains
verylikely.It seemsimprobablethata Franciscanfriar,who did not carry
the titleof magister
, and was mostprobablyactive as a lector,wrotesuch
a commentaryforpurposesotherthan mediatingthe basics of Aristode's
Politics(as he had apparentlyalreadydone withthe JVicomachean
Ethics)to
the studentsof a Franciscanstudium
, maybe in SouthernFrance. Other
sententiae
do exist,as it is the case for
"abbreviated"
of
such
examples
on the Physics
etcompilatio
Francisof Ascoli's Sententia
, whichmostprobably

90In oneofhisdedicatory
of
Richard
admits
thathe couldnotgratify
letters,
Burley
"Hoc dumtaxtat
on Aristotle's
fromcommenting
examples:
Bury'swishand abstained
sum
necexponam,
quiailliuslinguae
interpretabor
graecos
excepto,
quianonsermones
in istoidiomate
estinstructa,
sed discretioni
totaliter
vestrae,
quae sufficienter
ignarus,
in
historiarum
et explanationem
verborum
quae proexemplis
graecorum
expositionem
cf.Maier1964(op.cit.,above,n. 86),95.
decrevi
locisponuntur,
pluribus
relinquendas.";
91Fromthispointofview,itis telling
to eachbooklists
thatWalter
Burley
appended
ofL. J. Daly,Theconclusions
seethestudy
hiscommentary;
outfrom
ofconclusiones
singled
onthePolitics
12 (1968),78-92;13 (1969),
, in: Manuscripta,
Commentary
ofWalter
Burley's
woulddeserve,
usedbyBurley
142-9;15(1971),13-22.Thewholeissueofthetechniques
a deeperinvestigation.
however,
92F. Cheneval,
1559,
imJahre
Dantes
biszurEditio
deMonarchia
Die Rezeption
Princeps
117-30.
Mnchen
1995,
93L. J.Daly,Some
onthePolitics
onWalter
Notes
, in:T. A. SandquistCommentary
Burley's
Wilkinson
toBertie
inMedieval
M. R. Powicke,
1969,
, Toronto
presented
History
(eds.),Essays
a
is often
at anyrate,Burley
in thiscommentary
at p. 281: "Unfortunately,
270-281,
laconicwriter."

15:32:36 PM

AGGERII'
S COMMENTARY
ON ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS

39

The verywell known

derivesfromFrancis of Ascoli's teachingactivity.94
factthat Franciscanauthorsare almostabsent in the medievalcommentary traditionon the Politicsshould not be considereda decisive argunor should the factthatcommentingon the
mentagainstmy hypothesis,
in the regulationsconPoliticsnever surfacesas a part of the curriculum
,95Afterall, one has to wait until a provincial
cerningFranciscanstudia
in
in
Toulouse
1330 to findAristotle'sPoliticsin a Dominican
chapter
while
the
Friars
Preachers,with Albert,Aquinas and Vernani,
syllabus,
a
substantial
contribution
to the medieval effortto interpretthis
made
in particularif connectedto
Raimundus' commentary,
Aristotelian
text.96
can
be
seen
as
evidence
of
an
Franciscaninterestin the
teachingactivity,
its
text of Aristotle'sPolitics
, although intensitycannot be compared to
in
what happened the Dominican Order or at the ArtsFaculty.97
This would not invalidate Andrea Tabarroni's judgement that the
of the Franciscan contributionto medieval political thought
specificity
should not be investigatedin the fieldof the commentarieson Aristotle's
98On the
Politics.
contrary,it corroboratesTabarroni's claims,since Raimundus' commentary,depending on Aquinas, Peter of Auvergne and
Walter Burley,is ratherinsertedin a traditionwhere Dominican and
Secular mastersplay a pivotalrole. It cannot be seen as the source of a
specificpoliticaltheory,but ratheras an interesting
exampleof the process
in which,mainlyin the wake of the Aquinas-Peterof Auvergne'scommentary,a "standardized"readingof Aristotle'sPoliticsbecame a sortof
"shared" knowledge.Startingfromthis common basis, politicalthinkers
could then develop theirown interpretation
of the Aristotelianheritage.
From this point of view, the studyof the only Franciscan commentary
on Moerbeke's translationof the Politicscould be disappointingonly if
we expect it to performa functionit probablydid not even intend to
have, that is, to expressan originalpolitical theory.As I have already
argued,it can be rewardingif we studyRaimundus' commentaryas an

94See N. Mariani,
a Francisci
de Marchia
sivede EsculoSententia
etcompiIntroduzione
latio
Libros
Aristotelis
ed. N. Mariani,
Grottaferrata
21-4.
Physicorum
super
,
(Roma)
1998,
95SeeB. Roest,
A History
Education
ofFranciscan
2000,
(c.1210-1517
), Leiden-Boston-Kln
in part.142.
"
96M. M. Mulchahey,
First
theBowis BentinStudy".
Dominican
Education
1350,
before
in part.273-3,butseealsoat pp. 335-6,382.
Toronto
1998,
97Sucha comparison
canbe easily
madeon thebasisofFleler's
inFleler
catalogue,
1992(op.cit.,above,n. 2),II.
98Tabarroni
1999{op.cit.,above,n. 4),in part.211.

15:32:36 PM

40

LAMBERTINI
ROBERTO

example of how Aristotle'sPoliticsas a textcould be read and explained

in the XIV century.In thisway, furtherstudyon Raimunduscan throw
more lighton the process of the formationand mediationof what some
politicallanguage".99
specialistscall an "Aristotelian
Universitdegli studi di Macerata
e del territorio
di ScienzeStoriche
, artistiche
, Documentarie
Dipartimento

99Obviously,
inEurope
Political
istoA. Black,
, 1250-1450,
Cambridge
Thought
myreference
such
defended
etalibi1992,inpart.1-13,andtothedebateaboutthemethod
byscholars
stancetakenbyG.J. Nederman,
butseethecritical
as A. PagdenandJ. G. A. Pocock;
oftheHistory
Moral
andPolitical
inMedieval
TheMeaning
, in:Journal
Thought
of"Aristotelianism"
ofIdeas,57 (1996),563-85.

15:32:36 PM

derMonarchie
vonAristoteles
zu Ockham
Zur Transformation
KARL UBL - LARS VINX

Die aristotelische
Politiklt sich nur mit Schwierigkeiten
einer systemain einen
die
alle
Abschnitte
des
Werks
tischenInterpretation
unterziehen,
kohrentenGedankenzusammenhang
setzt.Dies giltinsbesonderefrdie
Theorie der Verfassungsformen,
die in schwer durchschaubarerWeise
zwischen unterschiedlichen
Fragestellungenhin- und herschwankt:der
Suche nach der bestenVerfassung,der Suche nach der untergegebenen
Umstndenbestmglichen
Verfassung,der Frage nach den Ursachen des
und
nach
Verfassungswandels
mglichen Techniken der Stabilisierung
(auch schlechter)
politischer
Ordnungen.Im Kontextder ohnehinproblematischenVerfassungstheorie
ist die aristotelische
Konzeptiondes Knigtums
nach MeinungvielermodernerInterpreten
besondersschwerverstndlich
zu machen.1
Das Ziel unseresAufsatzesbestehtdarin, die Reaktionenmittelalterlicher Interpretenauf die Schwierigkeiten
der aristotelischen
Theorie des
Knigtumszu beleuchten.Dabei ist weder beabsichtigt,smtlicheStelnoch die
lungnahmenzum aristotelischen
Knigtumzusammenzutragen,
einzelnenAutorenin vollerBreitezu wrdigen;vielmehrwerdenwir uns
auf die Geschichteeines spezifischen
Problemsin der Rezeptionsgeschichte
nmlichauf die Frage,wieweitdie Kommentatorendie polibeschrnken,
tischePhilosophiedes Aristotelesumformenmuten,um die Monarchie
nichtmehrwie in der Politik
als ungewhnlichen
Grenzfalldes Politischen,
sondern als gerechte und zeitgeme Institutionzu verstehen.Diese
weil die mittelalFragestellungist nichtzuletztdeswegenaufschlureich,
terlicheRezeption dem Konzept des Knigtumszwangslufigein besonderes Interesseentgegenbrachte.
Auch sind die Ansichtendes Aristoteles
1 Vgl.zumProblem
F.D. Miller,
andRights
inAristotle's
Politics
Nature,
, Oxford
Justice,
Animal.
andConflict
in
1995,234-9;B. Yack,TheProblems
ofa Political
Community,
Justice,
Aristotelian
Political
and
Citizens
, Berkeley/Los
Thought
Angeles1993,85-7;M.P. Nichols,
A Study
Statesmen.
Politics
, Savage/Maryland
1992,72-81;W.R.Newell,
ofAristotle's
Superlative
Virtue:
TheProblem
inAristotle's
Politics
, in:C. Lord,D. O'Connor(Hg.),Essays
ofMonarchy
ontheFoundations
Political
R.G.
Science,
1991,191-211;
ofAristotelian
Berkeley/Los
Angeles
Aristotle's
Political
, Oxford
1977,67-9u. 82-8.
Mulgan,
Theory
Koninklijke
BrillNV,Leiden,2002
- www.brill.nl
Alsoavailable
online

Vivarium
40,1

15:32:43 PM

42

KARLUBL- LARSVINX

ber das Knigtum primafacie nur schwer mit dem mittelalterlichen

in Einklang
VerstndnisseinerFunktionund seinerLegitimittsgrundlagen2
da einige der interessanzu bringen.Es ist daher kaum verwunderlich,
testenInnovationensptmittelalterlichen
politischenDenkens im Kontext
Theorie der Monarchie auftraten.
der Rezeption der aristotelischen
Um die Schwierigkeiten
verstndlichzu machen, die sich den mittelim Hinblickauf das Knigtum
alterlichenKommentatorendes Aristoteles
Theoriedes Knigtums
sollin Abschnitt1 zunchstdie aristotelische
stellten,
werden.
kurzdargestellt
und ihreproblematischen
Aspekteherausgearbeitet
In Abschnitt2 werdenwir der Frage nachgehen,wie in den mittelalterauf diese Schwierigkeiten
lichenKommentarenzur Politik?
reagiertwurde.
Am Ende werfenwir einen Blick auf Marsilius und Ockham, die sich
Theorie der Monarchie in Buch
beide exegetischmit der aristotelischen
der Kommenta14III.
17 befatund die eingefahrenen
Interpretationen
torenverlassenhaben.
desKnigtums
1. Die aristotelische
Konzeption
Arten
berdie unterschiedlichen
oderAmt?- Aristoteles
1.1. Verfassungsform
desKnigtums
Aristoteles
beginntdie Diskussiondes Knigtumsals einerVerfassungsform
in Pol. III. 14. Er hebt ausdrcklichhervor,da es sich beim Knigtum
um eine der guten Verfassungenhandelt, und fragt,unter welchen
Umstndenes freine Stadt oder ein Land sinnvollist,von einem Knig
regiertzu werden.4
Wie vor allemin der zu Beginndes viertenBuchesgehaltenenRckschau
auf das dritteBuch deutlichwird,spieltsich die Diskussiondes Knigtums

2 Grundlegend
imfrheundWiderstandsrecht
nachwievorF. Kern,Gottesgnadentum
dafr
Mnster/Kln2
der
Mittelalter.
ren
1954;E.H.Kantorowicz,
Monarchie,
ZurEntwicklungsgeschichte
1957.Ein neuerer
Political
A Study
inMedieval
TheKing's
TwoBodies.
, Princeton
Theology
inEurope,
1250-1450
berblick
bei A. Black,Political
1992,136-61;
, Cambridge
Thought
Princeton
intheMiddle
andtheMixedConstitution
IdealGovernment
1992;T.
Ages,
J. Blythe,
desMittelalters
Theorie
inder
monarchischer
DieBegrndung
, in:Zeitschrift
Struve,
Herrschaft
politischen
della
La monarchia
frhistorische
23 (1996),289-323;R. Lambertini,
prima
Forschung,
C. Trottmann
in:B. Pinchard,
diAristotele,
nella
delregnum
: leragioni
Monarchia
ricezione
(ed.),
deDante
humanistes
Lectures
Dante
etl'Apocalypse.
Pour
Dante.
, Paris2001,39-75.
3 HierzuC. Fleler,
Mittelalter
imspten
Politica
der
Aristotelischen
undInterpretation
,
Rezeption
1992.
2 Bde.,Amsterdam/Philadelphia
4 Pol.
, III.14,1284b35-40.

15:32:43 PM

DIE MONARCHIE
ZU OCKHAM
VONARISTOTELES

43

vor dem Hintergrundder Idealstaatstheorie

ab. Sie bezieht sich nur auf
die sichbei der Verteilung
Rechte
diejenigenVerfassungsformen,
politischer
auf die Befhigungzur Tugend sttzenund in denen politischeund ethische Tugend zur Deckung kommen.5Solche Verfassungenwerden der
des Politischen,
nichteine Not- und Schutzeigentlichen
Zweckbestimmung
sonderneine ethischeGemeinschaft
zur kollektiven
Entwickgemeinschaft,
lung und Ausbungder Tugenden zu sein, in idealer Weise gerecht.
die sich nichtdirektauf das Tugendkriterium
bezieVerfassungsformen,
hen lassen, stehen also vorerstnicht zur Debatte. Dies hat eine Reihe
von wichtigenKonsequenzen: Erstensbefat sich Aristoteleshier nicht
mitder Frage,wie man sich gegen Herrschaftsmibrauch
schtzenkann.
Es wird unterstellt,
da die Herrschendentugendhaftsind, so da sich
die Frage nach institutionellen
Schutzmechanismen
gegenMachtmibrauch
nicht stellt.Zweitensist die ganze Diskussionin III. 14-17 impliziteine
und Monarchie,
Errterungber die EntscheidungzwischenAristokratie
denn nur diese beiden Verfassungsformen
beruhen auf Tugend. Die
in III. 14-17 befat,lt sich daher prziser
Frage,mitder sich Aristoteles
als die Frage fassen,unter welchen Umstnden eine Monarchie einer
Aristokratie
vorzuziehenist (oder umgekehrt).
Bevor Aristotelesdiese Frage explizitangeht,unterscheideter jedoch
zwischenverschiedenenFormen des Knigtums,von denen in den folin Buch III nur noch eine, das Vollknigtum(pamgendenErrterungen
basileia
), eine Rolle spielenwird.6Hierbeiversuchter zu zeigen,da andere
historisch
beobachtbareFormendes Knigtums(das spartanische
Knigtum,
das Knigtumder Barbaren,die symnetieund das Knigtumder heroischen Zeit) keine Verfassungsformen
im eigentlichenSinn sind, sondern
mter
innerhalb
einer
lediglich
(nichtnotwendigerweise
monarchischen)
Aus diesemGrundeglaubtAristoteles
ihnenkeinesystematische
Verfassung.
zumessenzu mssen.7
Bedeutungfrdie Theorie der Verfassungsformen
Das entscheidende
Kriteriumbei der Unterscheidung
des Vollknigtums
als einer Verfassungsform
von den Formen des Knigtums,die lediglich
mterin einer Verfassungdarstellen,ist das Verhltnisdes Knigs zum
Recht. Dieses Verhltniswird von Aristotelesin zweierleiHinsichtthematisiert:im Hinblick auf die Frage nach der Bindung herrscherlichen
Handelns an bereitsbestehendeGesetze (Limitierung)und im Hinblick
5 Pol.,IV.2,1289a26-38.
6 PoL III.14,1285al-b32.
7 Pol.
1286al-8 undPol.,DI.16,1287al-7.
, 111.15,

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KARLUBL- LARSVINX

auf die Frage, ob die Autorittdes Herrschersselbstauf einer gesetzlichen Grundlageruht(Autorisierung).8

Die uneigentlichenKnigtmersind Aristoteleszufolgein einer oder
beider dieser Hinsichtenan das Recht gebunden: einerseitsberuhtihre
Stellung,insofernsie ein Amt innerhalbeiner Verfassungdarstellen,auf
oder Wahlprozeduren,die anerpositivenNormen,z.B. Nachfolgeregeln
kannterweise
einen Anspruchauf Ausbungdes Knigtumskonstituieren.
Andererseitsknnenihre Kompetenzenauf die eine oder andere Weise
positiv-rechtlich
begrenztsein, d.h. die Befugnisseder Knige sind nur
im Rahmen normativer
Schrankenwahrnehmbar,
ber die die Monarchen
selbstnichtverfugenknnen.Einschlgigsind hiervor allem die Gesetzesund die Begrenzungherrscherlicher
bindungherrscherlicher
Entscheidungen
Zustndigkeiten.9
Der Vollknighingegenistdurchpositiv-rechtliche
NormenwederautoEr entscheidetalles nach
risiertnoch in seinerHerrschaftsgewalt
limitiert.
seinemWillen,und seine Gewalt wirdvon Aristotelesmit derjenigendes
Hausvatersverglichen.10
Die LegitimittseinerHerrschaftruhtallein auf
seiner berragendenpersnlichenTugend, sie hat mithin eine nichtkonventionelleGrundlage. Dies hat zur Folge, da im Falle des Vollnichtvon der persnlichen
der Verfassungsform
knigtumsdie Legitimitt
ethischenQualitt der herrschendenPerson getrenntwerdenkann. Eine
Unterscheidungzwischenlegitimermonarchischerund illegitimertyrankann also nichtauf der Grundlageeines vorgnnischerAlleinherrschaft
rechtlichen
Legitimittskriteriums
begrndetwerden.Beide, sowohl
gigen
der Tyrann als auch der Vollknig,herrschenaus eigener,persnlicher
Ein Austauschder herrschenden
Personkme unter
Machtvollkommenheit.
diesenBedingungeneinemVerfassungswandel
gleich.Das echteKnigtum
ist mehr als nur ein Amt: Hier ist einer Herr ber alles, d.h. er allein
istdie politischeGemeinschaft.11
nach dem Vorzug
Die Kapitel III. 15 und 16 greifendie Ausgangsfrage
wieder auf und diskutieren
des absolutenKnigtumsvor der Aristokratie
sie unterBezugnahmeauf das Verhltnisdes Knigs zum Recht.
8 Vgl.etwaPol, 111.14,
1285a3-6u. 1285a23-24;Pol.
, DL16,1287a3-4.Die Frage
Gesetzewirdin Pol.,111.15,
an bestehende
1286a7-ll thematisiert.
nachderBindung
desKnigszumRechtvgl.Mulgan1977(wieAnm.1),82-8.
ZumVerhltnis
9 Das spartanische
derRechtsbindung
scheint
beideFormen
aufzuweisen,
Knigtum
nurdieerstere:
dasbarbarische
Pol.,III.14,1285a 1-29.
Knigtum
10Pol.,111.14,
1285b29-33undPol.,DL16,1287a8-10.
11Vgl.dieprgnante
beiYack1993(wieAnm.1),86.
Charakterisierung

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Aristotelesgeht hierbeivon der Frage aus, ob es besser sei, von dem

bestenMann oder den bestenGesetzenregiertzu werden.Der Verteidiger
des absolutenKnigtumsberuftsich laut Aristotelesauf die These, da
mittelsallgemeinerGesetze keine ausreichendeVorsorgefrpartikulare
werdenknne.Daher sei eine diskretionre
Einzelfallegetroffen
Regierung
wendurcheinenMonarchenvorzuziehen.Der Gegnerdes Vollknigtums
det dagegen ein, da das Gesetz freivon Leidenschaftsei und damitgrere Unparteilichkeit
verbrge.12
13erinEthik
Diese an die Diskussionder Billigkeitin der Nikomachischen
nernde Gegenberstellung
hlt Aristotelesfreine ungeeigneteBasis zur
Er hebt hervor,da
EntscheidungzwischenMonarchie und Aristokratie.
im Kontextjeder Verfassungsform
die
auftreten,
Entscheidungsprobleme
einer gesetzlichenRegelungnichtzugnglichsind:. . . berdasjenige
Gesetze
manzu beraten
.14Bei der
zu geben
, worber
, isteinDing derUnmglichkeit
pflegt
von der Aristoteleshier spricht,handeltes sich um eine
Unmglichkeit,
die vor dem HintergrundgenerelleraristoteprinzipielleUnmglichkeit,
lischerPrmissenber das Verhltnisvon Theorie und Praxis zu sehen
sind.Die Notwendigkeit
von Billigkeitsentscheidungen
istalso keinArgument
frdas Knigtum,weil auch eine Gruppe von Tugendhaftenoder eine
Behrde zu solchen Entscheidungengezwungensein kann.
Die Herstellungeiner vollstndigenGesetzesherrschaft
im Sinne eines
modernenaufklrerischen
hlt Aristotelesfolglichnicht
Verfassungsideals
frerstrebenswert,
obwohl er den Wert gesetzesfbrmiger
Herrschaftsaussoweit
sich
die
ausdrcklich
anerbung,
Dinge gesetzlichregelnlassen,
kennt.Soferndie Problematikdes Verfassungsformenvergleichs
betroffen
durch
ist,stehtjedoch nichtdie Vermeidungdiskretionrer
Entscheidungen
ein mglichstlckenlosesLegalittssystem,
sonderndie Frage nach dem
Subjektder EntscheidungfrAristotelesim Zentrumder Beurteilungdes
absolutenKnigtums.15
Soll einer oder sollen mehreredie entsprechenden Entscheidungentreffen?
An dieser Stelle kommtder zweite Aspektdes Verhltnisseszwischen
Knigtumund Recht ins Spiel. Der Begriffder Herrschaftdes Gesetzes
wird von Aristotelesnicht nur auf das Problem der Bindung der Exean vorgngigesRecht, sondernauch auf das Besteheneiner
kutivgewalt

12Pol, 111.15,
1286a7-20.
13Nik.Eth V.14,1137bl2-33.
14Pol.
, III.16,1287b21.
15Pol.
, III.16,1287b18-25.

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KARLUBL- LARSVINX

gesetzlichgeregeltenOrdnung der politischenAmter bezogen. Fr die

Unterscheidungzwischen Monarchie und Aristokratieist dieser zweite
Das Bestehen einer solchen Ordnung bringt
Aspekt ausschlaggebend.16
die Basis jeder nicht-monarchischen
politischenOrdnung zum Ausdruck:
die Gleichwertigkeit
der Brger,die in der Aristokratie
als Gleichheitin
der Befhigungzu einem tugendhaftenLeben verstandenwird. Unter
Gleichen kann Herrschaftnur als begrenzte,im Wechsel von Herrschen
und Beherrschtwerden
ausgebte,legitimsein.UnterdiesenVoraussetzungen
herrschendie Regierendennicht krafteiner natrlichenberlegenheit
ber die Untertanen,wie der berragendtugendhafteAlleinherrscher,
sondern aufgrundeiner gesetzlich,d.h. konventionellzugeschriebenen
Rolle, die ihnen nur vorlufigzukommt.Sie sind "Wchterund Diener
des Gesetzes".17Obwohl Aristoteleskein modernesVerfassungsidealim
hier dennoch auf einerVariante der
Auge hat, ruhtseine Argumentation
Unterscheidungzwischeneiner willkrlichen
personalenHerrschaftund
einer Herrschaftdes Gesetzes: Sobald die Zuweisung politischerKompetenzenauf positivenGesetzen beruht,ist die natrlicheGleichheitder
weil die Tatsache,da Personx ber Persony herrscht,
Brgeranerkannt,
konventionell
bestimmtist.18
Aristoteles'Antwortauf die Frage nach dem Vorzug von Monarchie
oder Aristokratieist eindeutig:Wenn es mehrere Brger gibt, die an
einige
Tugend in etwa gleich sind, wre es falsch und widernatrlich,
von der Partizipationan
dieser Brgerzugunsteneines Alleinherrschers
aktiverPolitikauszuschlieen.Eine Monarchie hingegenist dann angemessen,wenn eine einzelne Person alle anderen Brger an Tugend so
sehr berragt,da ihre charakterlicheQualifikationund diejenige der
sind.19
brigenBrgerinkommensurabel
Die Frage, ob das absolute Knigtum einer Teilung der Herrschaft
vorzuziehenist, stelltsich folglichim Kontext der Diskussionin III. 1417 nichtso sehr im Hinblickauf die Gefahreines Machtmibrauchsseikein Tyrann,
Der Knig istja definitionsgem
tensdes Alleinherrschers.

16Vgl.Pol., III.16,1287a 8-22.

17PoL III.16,1287a21-22.
18Vgl.Mulgan1977(wieAnm.1),85.
19Pol.,III.15, 1286b3-7undPol., DI.17, 1287b41-1288a3. Zur Legitimitt
des
1288a 15-32.Da dieTugenddesaristotelischen
Vollknigs
vgl.Pol., 111.17,
Knigtums
ihrschlechthin
sondern
nichtnurquantitativ
seinerUntertanen
bersteigen,
diejenige
8
onAbsolute
Rule
Aristotle
seinmu,zeigtR.G.Mulgan,
inkommensurabel
, in:Antichthon,
(1974),21-8.

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47

hierimmer
und da er tatschlichein guterMann ist,wirdvon Aristoteles
vielmehr
die
Tatsache
der
Problematisch
ist
stillschweigend
vorausgesetzt.
relativenEhrlosigkeit
aller anderen Brgerim Verhltniszum Vollknig.
Ma an indiSobald einigeandere Brgerein dem Knig vergleichbares
knnensie auf der Basis des Tugendkriteriums
viduellerTugend aufweisen,
zu Recht aktiveTeilhabe an der politischenLeitung des Gemeinwesens
beanspruchen,weil nur diese Ttigkeit anders als ein rein passives
Gehorchen eine angemessene Mglichkeitzur Aktualisierungihrer
Tugenden mit sich bringt.
1.2. Das ParadoxdesKnigtums
Aristoteles'Theorie der absoluten Monarchie basiert auf der Prmisse,
da der Knig alle anderen Brgeran Tugend nichtnur graduell,sondern schlechthinberragt.Hiermit wird implizitfragwrdig,
inwiefern
im
seine Herrschaftberhaupt als eine politische Herrschaft
aristotelischen Sinne angesehenwerden kann. PolitischeHerrschaftunterscheidet sich von despotischerHerrschaftnicht zuletztdadurch, da sie auf
der Seiteder Unterworfenen
Subjekte
persnlichfreie,zur Tugend befhigte
voraussetzt,die durch das politischeHandeln der Herrschendenbzw.
durch die Gesetze zur ethischenTugend erzogen werden sollen. Sie ist,
wie Aristotelesnachdrcklichbetont,ein Verhltniszwischen Gleichen
und ihr Zweck ist die gemeinschaftliche
Ausbungder Tugenden.20Ein
Monarch mu, wenn sich seine Herrschaftals politischequalifizierensoll,
ber Brgerherrschen.Es ist der poliswesentlich,da sie eine Rechtsgemeinschaftdarstellt,die auf einem gemeinsamenGerechtigkeitsideal
fut
und allen ihren Mitgliederngleiche Rechtssubjektivitt
zuweist.In einer
schlechthin
des Brgerstatus
gutenpolitischen
Ordnungistdie Zuschreibung
eine Folge der ethischenTugend bzw. der Befhigungzur Tugend. Weil
die Ausbungder Tugenden politischeAktivitt
voraussetzt,mtejeder
der
dafr
die
Herrschaftsunterworfenen
als Objekte poliGrund,
spricht,
tischerund nicht despotischerHerrschaftanzusehen, daher eo ipso ein
Grund sein, sie an der aktivenAusbungpolitischerHerrschaftzu beteiligen, d.h. eine gesetzlichgeregelteOrdnung der Kompetenzverteilung
und Amterrotation
zu installieren.Geht man hingegendavon aus, da
die Tugenddifferenz
zwischendem Vollknigund seinen Untertanenso
gro ist,da sie eine dauerhafteAusschlieungder Untertanenvon aktiver Partizipationam politischenLeben rechtfertigt,
stelltsich eine andere
20Vgl.etwaPol III.4, 1277b8-18;Pol, VIL3,1325b7-12;Pol.
, VII.8,1328a35-37.

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KARLUBL- LARSVINX

Frage: Warum sollteder Vollknigim Interesseund im Hinblickauf die

Bedrfnissedeenigenregieren,mit denen er strenggenommen
gar keine
ethischeGemeinschaftund Rechtsgemeinschaft
bilden kann, weil er sie
an Tugend schlechthinberragt?Nur wenn auf diese Frage eine befriedigendeAntwortgegebenwerdenkann,istberhaupteine Unterscheidung
zwischenMonarchie und Tyrannismglich.
Diese Schwierigkeitwurde von Fred D. Miller als "Paradox des
Laut Miller ist Aristotelesauf folgendeThesen
Knigtums"bezeichnet.21
festgelegt:22
sindpolitische
(1) In derbestenVerfassung
Tugendundethische
Tugendidentisch.
Eine
in
der
ethische
ausbt
ist
besser
als einePolis,
Polis,
,
(2)
jederBrger
Tugend
in dernureineeinzigePersonethische
Tugendausbt.
btnureinePerson
(3) Im Knigtum
politische
Tugendaus.
Aus diesen drei Prmissenfolgtnach Miller,da das Knigtumnichtals
die beste Verfassungangesehen werden kann, obwohl Aristoteleses in
der Nikomachischen
Ethikausdrcklichals Kandidaten fr diesen Titel
anfhrt.23
Es sei denn, so Miller,man schreibtAristotelesdie These zu,
da in einer echtenMonarchie der Knig der einzige Brgersei. Diese
berlegungsei jedoch absurd und stehe im Widerspruchzu Aristoteles'
Miller versucht,das Paradox aufzulsen,
sonstigerVerfassungstheorie.
indem er Satz (1) umdeutet.Dieser besage lediglich,da in der guten
Verfassungdie politischeTugend des HerrschersethischeTugend sei,
nichtjedoch, da ethischeTugend nur in der Form politischerPraxis
aktualisiert
werdenknne.Im absolutenKnigtumseien die Brgerdaher
ihrerTugenden zu widmen.Sie
frei,sich der privatenVervollkommnung
wren zwar in der Lage, selbstpolitischaktivzu sein, mssen es aber
die politischenGeschftefr
nicht,da der berragendeAlleinherrscher
sie besorgt.
mehrfachhervorhebt,
die pamAngesichtsder Tatsache, da Aristoteles
basileiasei allein dann angemessen,wenn es nur eine Person oder ein
Geschlechtvon echterethischerTugend gibt,kann diese Interpretation
kaum berzeugen.Wer ber die Befhigungzur Tugend verfgt,ist im Gegensatzzum Sklaven- zu vernnftiger
fhig.Jemand
Selbstregierung
der diese Fhigkeitbesitzt,wird - so Aristoteles- eine ihm auferlegte
21FrdasFolgende
Miller1995(wieAnm.1),234-9.
22Ebd.235.
23Nik.Eth VIII.12, 1160a35-36.Der Kontext
nahe,da vom
legthiereindeutig
dieRedeist.
Vollknigtum

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49

fremde Herrschaftnie akzeptieren knnen.24Die mit dem Ideal der

Entwicklungder Tugenden einhergehendeIdee der Selbstbestimmung
mu im Kontextdes politischenLebens Ausdruckfinden,d.h. zu aktiver
fhren.Die Idee
Selbstregierung
Partizipationin einer Praxis kollektiver
keiAutonomiemachtfrAristoteles
einerreinprivaten,nicht-politischen
Personenin der polisgibt,wird
nen Sinn. Sobald es mehreretugendhafte
zur
daherjede Alleinherrschaft
notwendig Tyrannei,weil sie die anderen
macht
und daran hindert,ein tugendhaftes
Leben
ehrlos
Tugendhaften
zu leben. Wre ein tugendhaftes
Leben ohne politischeAktivitt
mglich,
so machtedie ganze Diskussionber den relativenVorzugvon Aristokratie
und Monarchie in III. 14-17 keinen Sinn.
Die moderne Idee, der gute Monarch reprsentiereden Willen der
seine Gesetze seien somitAusdruckeines Willens,mitdem
Allgemeinheit,
sichjeder einzelne als Brgerzu identifizieren
habe, stehtzur Auflsung
dieser Schwierigkeitnicht zur Verfgung.Die enge Verknpfung,die
Aristotelesin Buch III zwischen ethischerund politischerTugend herstellt,lt jede Form politischerReprsentationdurch einen personal
fremdenWillen als undurchfhrbar
erscheinen.Die konkretePraxis eines
ist
nicht
an
einen
Lebens
Stellvertreter
guten
delegierbar.Im Kontextder
aristotelischen
Idealstaatstheorie
ist daher jede Unterscheidungzwischen
Aktiv-und Passivbrgernundurchfhrbar.25
In der Aristokratiekann es politischeHerrschaftvon Tugendhaften
ber Tugendhaftegeben, weil die Beziehung der Herrschendenzu den
als eine pdagogischeBeziehunggedeutetwird,die auf die
Beherrschten
Generationenfolge
bezogen ist. Die jeweils Herrschendenherrschenaufihrer
ber potentielltugendhafte
grund
Tugendhaftigkeit
jngere Brger,
die durchdie Gesetzedazu erzogenwerden,selbstaktivpolitischeHerrschaft
auszuben.26Die Idee politischerHerrschaft
und der Anspruchauf Selbstbestimmunglassen sich auf diese Weise miteinandervereinbaren,ohne
24Pol.,IV.10,1295al 8-24.
25AusdiesemGrundfordert
da eineaufTugendgegrndete
Aristoteles
mehrmals,
Banausen
keinBrgerrecht
drfe.
SiehePol.,IIL8, 1278a8-13und
Verfassung
gewhren
dahiermit
nicht
a2. In VII.8,1328a21-37wirddeutlich
VII.9,1328b33-1329
gemacht,
einAusschlu
vonderAktivbrgerschaft
seinkann.Hierwerden
lediglich
gemeint
ganze
Schichten
alsbeseelte
TeiledesBesitzes
eineTerminologie,
in
dieAristoteles
bezeichnet,
BuchII aufdenSklaven
anwendet.
E. Schtrumpf,
DieAnalyse
derPolis
Vgl.zumProblem
durch
Amsterdam
sowiedenBeitrag
vonC. Nederman
Aristoteles,
1980,20-37und165-168,
indiesem
Heft:
Mechanics
andCitizens:
TheReception
Aristotelian
IdeaofCitizenship
inLate
ofthe
Medieval
Europe.
26Pol.
, III.3, 1277b7-16undVII.9,1329al3-17.

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KARLUBL- LARSVINX

von ethischerund politischerTugend aufzugeben.Die

die Engfihrung
wirdauf den Proze
in der politischenGemeinschaft
Rollendifferenzierung
bezovon Tugendpotentialen
der individualbiographischen
Aktualisierung
darstellt.
Auf
diese
Lebens
Ziel
das
die
jedes
guten
naturgegebene
gen,
Gemeinschaft
die
aristokratische
Weise istes Aristoteles
politische
mglich,
trotzder Konventionalittihrermterordnungals eine von Natur aus
bestehendeGemeinschaftaufzufassen.
nichtbertraAuf das Knigtumkann diese Lsung selbstverstndlich
im
und
Herrschen
eines
Wechsels
ist
mit
der
Idee
denn
es
gen werden,
man
fate
das
sei
Es
Beherrschtwerden
denn,
Vollknigtum
unvertrglich.
als eine Art Erziehungsdiktatur
auf, die die Tendenz hat, sich selbst
zu machen. Ein guter,politischherrschenderVollknigverberflssig
Untertanenauf den Pfad der Tugend zu lenken.27Er hanseine
sucht,
delt sozusagen im Vorgriffauf einen mglichenTugenderwerbseiner
mitein.
Untertanenund beziehtsie so 'virtuell'in seine Herrschaftspraxis
automatisch
ihm
wird
sein
dies,
fragAlleinherrschaftsanspruch
Gelingt
wahrhaft
Als
Frchte
erzieherische
Gesetze
sobald
seine
tragen.
wrdig,
Mann mte er dann die Stellung eines Alleinherrschers
tugendhafter
aufgeben.Einige Passagenin Buch
zugunsteneinergemigtenHerrschaft
III und in Buch V legen nahe, da Aristoteleseine historischeTheorie
dieserArt ber das Knigtumvertritt.28
'
- Aristoteles
undLegitimitt
1.3. Stabilitt
Knigtums
Konzepteinesgemigten
Weitere Errterungenzum Knigtumfindensich in der aristotelischen
Politikan verschiedenenStellenin Buch IV und Buch V.29In diesenbeiden Bchernlt sichgegenberBuch III eine deutlicheAkzentverschiebung
Im Mittelpunkt
des Interesses
feststellen.
in der Fragestellung
des Aristoteles
stehtnichtmehr die Frage nach der schlechthinbestenVerfassung,sondern die nach der unter gegebenen Umstnden besten oder auch nur
durchfhrbaren
Verfassung.
in
Anders als in der Diskussiondes Knigtumsund der Aristokratie
und von
Buch III gehtAristoteles
jetzt nichtmehrvom Tugendkriterium
Lebens als der alleinigenZweckbestimdes tugendhaften
der Zielvorstellung
aus. Er erkenntausdrcklich
mung der politischenVergemeinschaftung
27Mk.Eth
., VIII.12,1160b24-28undVIIL13,1161al 1-21,wo dieRolledesKnigs
wird.
mitdereinesVaters
verglichen
28Pol., III.15,1286b8-13undV.10,1312b38-1313
alO.
29Pol., IV.10 undV.10-11.

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sich aus funktional

Teilan, da die politischeGemeinschaft
spezifizierten
da
man
also
und
Handwerker,
gruppenzusammensetzt,
gleichzeitig
Brger
Bauer, Kaufmannetc. sein kann.30Die Aufgabeder politischenOrdnung
wirdjetzt strkerinstrumentell
Sie soll einen fairenAusgleich
interpretiert:
zwischen den Interessender unterschiedlichen
Gruppen herstellen,der
da
keine
einzelne Gruppe ber alle anderen in ihremparsicherstellt,
tiellenInteressedespotischherrscht.
DieserArgumentation
liegtder Gedanke
da
noch
anderen
Zwecken diezugrunde,
politischeVergesellschaftung
nen kann als nur der Bereitstellung
einesHandlungsraumes
frdas tugendhafteLeben. Sie schtztvor Rechtlosigkeit
und Unterdrckung,
insbesondere
stelltsie sicher,da keine Gruppe eine andere beraubt oder enteignet.31
Aristotelesentwickeltim Kontext dieser Fragestellungein Kriterium
der Legitimitt
zum Tugendkripolitischer
Ordnungen,das eine Alternative
teriumdarstellt:Eine gute Verfassungist eine Verfassung,die stabil ist,
weil sie von allen gesellschaftlichen
Teilgruppen als legitimanerkannt
wird.Sie ruhtnichtauf Gewaltausbungoder Gewaltandrohung,
sondern
auf freierZustimmungseitensder Brger.32Diese freiwillige
Zubilligung
von Legitimittdurch die Beherrschten
wird von Aristoteleszuweilenals
ein wesentlichesKennzeichenpolitischerim Unterschiedzu despotischer
Herrschaftbezeichnetund als Ausdruckder Tatsache gedeutet,da politischeHerrschaftals Herrschaftber Freie mit der Ausbunggewaltttiist. PolitischeStabilittund Legitimittstehen
gen Zwangs unvertrglich
in der nicht-idealen
aristotelischen
in engemZusammenVerfassungstheorie
Aristoteles
davon
da
ein
blo
auf
uerem Zwang und
aus,
hang:
geht
auf UnterdrckungbasierenderStaat unmglichstabil sein kann. Die
Zustimmungder Mitgliederaller sozialen Gruppen hingegenzeigt an,
da die politischeGemeinschaft,
wenngleichsie den hohen Standardsdes
nicht
mehr
Tugendkriteriums
entspricht,dennoch in einem schwachen
Sinn naturgemund damit legitimist: die Zustimmungverbrgt,da
sie zumindestkeinSystemder Unterdrckung
der Interesseneinerbestimmten Gruppe im parteilichenInteresseeiner anderensozialen Gruppe darstellt,wie die Oligarchieoder Demokratie.Es wre also falsch,Aristoteles'
Interesseam Problemder Stabilittgegen sein Interesseam Problemder
nach Mglichkeiten
der StabiliLegitimitt
auszuspielen.Wenn Aristoteles
auch
schlechter
so
seine
sierung
Verfassungenfragt, gehen
Vorschlgein
30Vgl.die Diskussion
derVerschiedenheit
derVerfassungsformen
undderTeiledes
StdtPC
in X
T'/
^.4.
VllPrr/ii
Qpki'itriimnf
1
QQfi
Airio
AnwiAO),OH
1
QO
III
kJL
CICALIO
V
,*Jr.
U1CHC
UL-11UL1
I
JUU
nillil.
JKJ1
.
Oj
U1I1JJI
^WIC
31U1C11C
CU~ HICI
u: ZT"'
1
U1T>1
11.
VT.1
VI.,X
32Pol.,IV.9,1294b34-40.

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52

KARLUBL- LARSVINX

der Regel in die Richtungeines Ausbaus der Zustimmungswrdigkeit

der
aus
der
der
Schicht.
jeweiligenOrdnung
Perspektive jeweilsbenachteiligten
Um eine wertneutrale,
machiavellistische
Machttechnikist es Aristoteles
nichtzu tun. Dies wirdim KontextseinerBehandlungder Ursachen des
Verfallsdes Knigtumsbesondersdeutlich.
Obwohl die Zustimmungskonzeption
in Buch IV im Kontextder Lehre
von der Politieals einer gemischtenVerfassungentwickelt
wird,wird sie
an sptererStelle auch auf das Knigtum angewendet.In Buch V.10
analysiertAristotelesdie Ursachen der AuflsungmonarchischerVerfassungen.Er betonthierbei,da das Knigtumsichvon der Tyrannisdurch
die freiwillige
unterscheide.33
Zustimmungder Herrschaftsunterworfenen
Die entscheidendeUrsache der Auflsungeiner Monarchie bestehtfolglich im Entzugder Zustimmung
seitensder Brger,die den Alleinherrscher
automatischzum Tyrannenmacht.
Als Gegenmittelgegen den Zustimmungsentzug
empfiehltAristoteles
den Knigen, ihre Herrschaftzu migen,d.h. von einem Vollknigtum
zu einerder uneigentlichen
Formendes rechtlichgebundenenKnigtums
wirdhierdie spartanischeVariantedes Knigberzugehen.Ausdrcklich
in Buch III noch als uneigentliche
Form abqualifiziert
tums,die Aristoteles
zum
Vorbild
dieser
erklrt.34
hatte,
Strategie
UmgekehrtsiehtAristoteles
frden tyrannischen
Alleinherrscher
nureine Mglichkeit,
seineHerrschaft
Er mu die unerzwungeneZustimmungseinerUntertanen
zu stabilisieren:
indem
er wie ein gemigterKnig agiert.Wer aber glaubgewinnen,
und
dauerhaft
wie ein gemigterKnig agiert,kann keinTyrann
wrdig
mehrsein. Implizitargumentiert
Aristoteleshier also frdie Abschaffung
der Alleinherrschaft.35
Diese Konzeption scheintder Idee des Vollknigtumsdiametralentgegengesetztzu sein. Hat Aristotelessich also von der in Buch III vorgebrachtenTheorie des Knigtumsinhaltlichdistanziert?Der Versuch,
auf diese Frage eine berzeugendeAntwortzu geben, wird durch den
Umstand erschwert,da Aristotelesin Buch V nichtdeutlichmacht,ob
Formendes Knigtums
er nur von einerder in Buch III unterschiedenen
oder vom Knigtumberhauptspricht.
die Errterungen
ber das Knigtum
istjedoch, da Aristoteles
Auffllig
sowohl in Buch III als auch in Buch V mit einer kulturgeschichtlichen
33Vgl.PoL 111.14,
1285a27-28undPol,IV.10,1295al4-23.
34PoL V.ll, 1313al8-33.
35Pol.
blO.
, V.ll, 1314a29-1315

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DIE MONARCHIE
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53

Reflexionverbindet,die das Knigtum als eine archaischeErscheinung

ausweist,von der er glaubte, da sie der sozialen Realitt seiner Zeit
nichtmehr angemessensei:
undwennsieauchentstehen,
entstehen
keineKnigtmer
sind
mehr,
Gegenwrtig
es mehr
Alleinherrschaften
undTyranneien.
DenndasKnigtum
isteineHerrschaft,
die freiwillig
wirdundmiterheblicher
Machtvollkommenheit
getragen
ausgestattet
vonso hervorragenden
wie
ist,undgleiche
gibtes vieleundkeinen
Eigenschaften,
es derGreundWrdeeinersolchen
Daherkommt
es,da mansie
entsprche.
nichtmehrfreiwillig
undwenneinersie durchListoderGewaltan sich
ertrgt,
so musieebendarumfreineTyrannis
werden.36
bringt,
angesehen
Im Lichte dieser Passage und der Bemerkungenber die Stabilisierung
des Knigtumsin Buch V mu man Aristoteles
keinefundamentaleInkohrenz und keinen tiefgreifenden
Meinungswechselvorwerfen.Die pambasileia
die
, das Knigtum in seiner reinen Form, ist in Gesellschaften,
sich durch ein Mindestmaan sozialer Differenziertheit
auszeichnen,die
nicht mehr als vergrerteHaushaltungengedacht und legitimiert
werden knnen,keinelebendigeOption freine funktionierende
Verfassung.
Alleinherrschaft
kann nur in einerhistorischen
bergangsphasepolitische
Herrschaftsein,wenn der Monarch seine Herrschaftim Vorgriff
auf die
ausbt. Das Knigtum als
Entstehungeiner echten Brgergemeinschaft
Amt kann diesen bergangberleben,aber nur als Glied einer gemischten Verfassung.Anders gewendet: Wenn unter Bedingungengrerer
entstehen,dann
gesellschaftlicher
Komplexitt noch Alleinherrschaften
mu es sich bei diesen um tyrannische
Herrschaften
handeln,die unweigerlichinstabilsein werden,weil sie zwangslufigauf gewaltsamerUnterdrckungberuhenmssen.
War Aristoteles
ein Verteidigeroder ein Gegnerdes Knigtums?
Jedenfallslt sichfeststellen,
da Aristoteles
dem absolutenKnigtum- zumindest frseine Gegenwart- schlechteRealisierungschancen
attestiert.
Die
dem absolutenKnigtumangemessenesoziale Situationwirdvon Aristoteles
ausdrcklichmit einer vergangenenhistorischenEpoche identifiziert.
Er
war gewi der Meinung, da in den meistenpoleisseiner Zeit mehr als
nur eine Personoder Familie zu findenist,die aufgrunddes Tugendkriteriumsbei der VerteilungpolitischerRechte bercksichtigt
zu werdenhat.
Das Knigtumim eigentlichenSinne ist zwar eine gute Staatsform,die
empirischen
BedingungenseinerRealisierungsindjedoch in Gesellschaften,

36Pol.,V.10,1313a5-10.Dt.TextausAristoteles,
Politik
vonE. Rolfes,
, bers,
Hamburg
41981,203.SieheauchPol.,VII.14,1332bl6-27.

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KARLUBL- LARSVINX

derenEntwicklung
ber ein archaischesStadiumhinausgegangen
ist,nicht
mehr gegeben.
in denPolitikkommentaren
2. Die Monarchie
hat dem MittelalterkeineTheorie der Monarchie hinterlassen,
Aristoteles
die ohne weitereszur Beschreibungder politischenRealitt des Sptmittelaltershtteverwendetwerdenknnen.Seine Konzeptiondes absoluten
Grndenpostulierter
Grenzbegriff
Knigtumsscheintein aus theoretischen
kaum
Chancen
einer dauerhaftenempirizu sein, dem Aristotelesselbst
schen Realisierungzugesprochenhat. Fr den griechischenPhilosophen
nurvon historisch-systematischem
war die Monarchieoffensichtlich
Interesse,
whrendsein Hauptaugenmerkder griechischenPolis-Verfassunggalt.
Die Monarchie
Im Mittelalterwaren die Verhltnisseentgegengesetzt:
sie erwies sich auch als
war nicht nur die dominanteVerfassungsform,
KommunalNorditaliens
in
den
Stdten
als
die
praktizierte
erfolgreicher
14.
im
des
13.
und
die
Verlauf
Jahrhunderts
weitgehendder
verfassung,
Signoriegewichenist. Fast alle Autorenbetrachtetendie Monarchie als
Gottesim Unider die Herrschaft
natrlicheVerfassungsform
par excellence,
versumoder der Vernunftin der menschlichenSeele entspricht.Diese
der Naturgehrtenim Mittelalter
und andereAnalogienzur Funktionsweise
wenn es galt,Argumentefrdas monarchische
zum Standardrepertoire,
Das Knigtumwurde als eine dauerhafteund
bereitzustellen.37
Regiment
die nicht vom Vorhandenseineiner
begriffen,
typischeVerfassungsform
oder
einembestimmten
Person
gesellschaftlichen
berragendtugendhaften
Konzeptiondes KnigEntwicklungsstand
abhngigist. Die aristotelische
Vertumsmutedaher modifiziert
werden,bevorsie den mittelalterlichen
hltnissengerechtwerden konnte.
Allerdingswaren nichtalle Spannungenin der Theorie des Aristoteles
von ethischerund poligleichermaenakut. So wurde die Identifikation
Ethik
tischerTugend im Mittelalternichtanerkannt.In der scholastischen
zur
die
ethischen
da
als
es
selbstverstndlich,
Vollendung
Tugenden
galt
gebrachtwerdenknnen,ohne direktan politischerHerrschaftteilzuhadie Ausbung
ben. Fr die christliche
Tugendlehrewar gerade umgekehrt
von Herrschafteine Gefahrdungfr das eigene Seelenheil,weil damit
offenbarBlutvergieenebenso notwendigverbundenwar wie die KapiEthiknderte
talsndedes Hochmuts.Auch die RezeptionderMkomachischen
37Struve
2001(wieAnm.2).
1996(wieAnm.2), 302-5;Lambertini

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DIE MONARCHIE
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55

an dieser Einstellungnur wenig,weil die Aristoteliker

fasteinhelligdem
den
kontemplativenLeben
Vorrang einrumtenund ausdrcklichdas
Leben des Philosophenberdas des Herrschers
stellten.38
Was bei Aristoteles
als Einheitvon Theorieund Praxisgedachtwar,zerfielbei den Scholastikern
in zwei unterschiedliche
Lebensarten,denen in der Realittdie Trennung
von gelehrtenKlerikernund adeligen Herrschernentsprach.Die erste
Prmissefr das oben genannteParadox des Knigtumsist damit entfallen:MonarchischeHerrschaftber tugendfahigeBrger mute nicht
perse als illegitimangesehenwerden,weil die Tugenden aus dem politischenBezugsrahmen
und einerSphreprivater
Autonomie
herausgenommen
zugewiesenwurden.
Die Auszeichnungdes Vollknigtums
in derNikomaals besteVerfassung
39konntevon
chischen
Ethik
eines
starken
Apologeten
Knigtumsdaher problemlosaufgegriffen
werden.Doch die Politik
stelltdiesesKonzept in einen
Kontext, der das Bekenntniszur Monarchie zumindest
systematischen
doppelbdigwerdenlt. Die absoluteMonarchie des Aristotelesstehtin
kaum auflsbarerSpannungzu dem GrundgedankenpolitischerGemeinwerdensoll:Welchen
schaft,sobald sie als dauerhafteEinrichtung
begriffen
Status haben die Brgerin einer Monarchie, wenn sie in keinerWeise
an der Herrschaftsausbung
teilhaben?Wie kann man trotzder absoluten Gewalt des Vollknigsam Gedanken festhalten,
da seine Herrschaft
politischund nicht despotischist, seine UntertanenBrgerund Rechtssubjekte,aber keine Sklaven sind? Welche Vorkehrungensind ntig,um
die Brgervor Machtmibraucheines Alleinherrschers
zu schtzen,wenn
schlechthinberragendepersnlicheTugend des Knigs nichtmehr als
unabdingbareVoraussetzungder Legitimittder Monarchie betrachtet
wird?Die Rechte der Untertanenund die Befugnissedes Knigs werden
in der aristotelischen
Konzeption des Vollknigtumsim Unklarengelassen. Im Mittelalterging es dagegen seit der Ausbildungvon Staatlichkeit
im 12.Jahrhundert
geradeum die wechselseitige
Abgrenzungvon Untertanenrechtenund Herrscherbefugnissen,
bei der Frage der Gesetzgebung
ebenso wie bei der Forderungnach zustzlichenSteuerleistungen.
Es bot sich folglichan, die aristotelische
Konzeption der beschrnkten
Monarchiein eine Theorie der gemischtenVerfassungzu integrieren,
um
38G. Wieland,
- scientia
Ethica
DieAnfnge
der
Ethik
im13.Jahrhundert
practica.
,
philosophischen
Mnster
L.
Il vescovo
e i filosofi.
La condanna
del1277e l'evoluzione
1981; Bianchi,
parigina
dell'aristotelismo
vonAdmont.
EinGelehrter
scolastico,
1990,149-95;K. Ubi,Engelbert
Bergamo
imSpannungsfeld
vonAristotelismus
undchristlicher
Wien/Mnchen
121-39.
,
2000,
berlieferung
39Nik.Eth.,VIII.10,1160a36-37.

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KARLUBL- LARSVINX

Lcke in der Theorie des Knigtumszu schlieenund

die systematische
des Adels im Mittelaltergerechtzu werdem
zugleich
Mitspracherecht
Verfasden. Hierbei trataber die Schwierigkeit
auf,da die aristotelische
nurdas absoluteKnigtumals eigenstndige
ausdrcklich
sungsformenlehre
Verfassungsform
anspricht.Der aristotelische"Idealtypus"des gemigten Knigtums,die spartanischeMonarchie, wird in der Politiknie als
Glied einer gemischtenVerfassungangesprochen,sondern
eigenstndiges
Mittelalterliche
vielmehrals Amtin einernicht-monarchischen
Verfassung.40
Vertretereines gemigtenKnigtumskonntensichjedoch kaum bereit
finden,dem Knigtumden CharaktereinermiteigenenMachtbefugnissen
und - zumindestinnerhalbgewisserGrenzen - aus eigeausgestatteten
nem Recht handelndenInstitution
gnzlichabzusprechen.Das Knigtum
zu
als bloes Titularknigtumoder "lebenslnglichesFeldherrenamt"41
Realitt
mittelalterlichen
htte
der
ebensowenig
politischen
interpretieren,
mitdem archaischen,quasi-despotischen
wie die Gleichsetzung
entsprochen
Vollknigtum.
Albertus
und Vollgewalt:
2.1. Tugendherrschqft
Magnus
den ersten
Albertschriebin den sechzigerJahren des 13. Jahrhunderts
Im Epilog verteidigt
er sein Anliegender ErschlieKommentarzur Politik.
sich
ereiferndeOrdensbrder,
Wissenschaft
heidnischen
der
gegen
ung
als eines Dominikanersfrunwrdigerachtedie sein Aristotelesstudium
ten. Darauf entgegnetAlbert,er versuchelediglichdas Gedankengebude
und enthaltesich dabei einer eigenen
des Aristoteleszu rekonstruieren
Diese
apologetischeBemerkungist nur beschrnktfr
Stellungnahme.42
Verwohl die originellste
bare Mnze zu nehmen:Denn Albertentwirft
drei
verschieEr
die
Kommentars.
innerhalbeines
begreift
fassungstheorie
und Politie)nichtals eigenstndige
denen Formen(Monarchie,Aristokratie
miteinem
einereinzigenVerfassung
sondernals Bestandteile
Verfassungen,
und
demokratischen
aristokratischen
im
und
Gesamtreich
Regenten
Knig
von Seiten
in den Stdten.In der Literaturwird dies als Miverstndnis
Albertsgewertet,der sich im Rahmen eines Reichs keine andere als die

40Po/.,
im
Aristoteles
selbst
III.14,1286a 1-5.Voneinergemischten
Verfassung
spricht
Elementen
undoligarchischen
aus demokratischen
dieer als Mischung
FallederPolitie,
SiehePol.,IV.8 u. 9.
beschreibt.
41So die aristotelische
Pol., III.14, 1285
des spartanischen
Knigtums:
Beschreibung
a7-l1.
42Albertus
omnia
in: Opera
In libros
, 4, Lyon1651,500.
Politicorum,
Magnus,

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57

monarchischeHerrschafthat vorstellenknnen und daher Aristokratie

und Politieauf die Stadtherrschaft
beschrnkthabe.43Dieser Einschtzung
widerspricht
allerdingsdie Tatsache, da Albertin seinem erstenEthikkommentarsehr wohl die drei Formen als eigenstndigeVerfassungen
in zeitaufgefathatte und erstallmhlichim zweitenEthikkommentar,
zu seiner eigenstndigen
gleichen Predigtenund im Politikkommentar
Lsung gelangte.44
Wie vertrgtsich nun diese Konzeptionmitder These von Aristoteles,
da nur das Vollknigtumals Monarchie bezeichnetwerdendarf? Prima
facie scheintja die Befrwortungdemokratischerund aristokratischer
Elementeeinem Vollknigtumim aristotelischen
Sinne zu widersprechen.
Doch Albertvermeidetdiese Folgerung,indem er auf den Staat ein im
13. Jahrhundert
gelufigesModell anwendet,und zwar das der Kirchenwie sie von den Bettelordenverstandenwurde.45Albertfolgt
verfassung,
nmlich dem kirchenrechtlichen
Sprachgebrauch und bezeichnet den
als
Inhaber
der
d.h. der Vollgewalt,und die
Knig
plenitudo
potestatis,
als ins Amt berufeneTeilhaber (vocati
untergeordneten
Herrschaftstrger
inpartem
sollicitudinis
der Bettelorden
).46hnlichwie nach der Auffassung
die Jurisdiktionsgewalt
in der Kirche von oben nach unten weitergegeben wird,geht auch bei Albertdie Aufteilungder Herrschaftvon oben
aus. Zwar werden die untergeordneten
Amtstrgerin der Stadt ebenso
wie die Bischfein der Kirche durch Wahl ernannt,ihre Teilhabe an
der Herrschaftsgewalt
wirdjedoch durcheinenAktder Delegationbegrndet.47Die singulrePositiondes Knigs machtAlbertdabei wie Aristoteles
43G. Fioravanti,
Politiae
Orientalium
etAegyptiorum.
Alberto
e la Politica
aristotelica
, in:
Magno
Annali
dellaScuolaNormale
di Pisa.Classedi lettere
e filosofia,
9 (1979),195Superiore
D. Sternberger,
DreiWurzeln
derPolitik
amM. 1984,47f.
246,hier199f.;
, Frankfurt
44Albertus,
inEthica
omnia
Quaestiones
, VIII.10,in: Opera
, 14/2,Kln 1987,631;id.,
Lectura
Ethica
omnia
, VIII.3.2,in: Opera
, 4, Lyon1651,304f.;id.,In libros
super
Pol.,1.1(6);
II.8(109).Die Predigten
sindediert
vonJ.B.Schneyer,
Alberts
desGrossen
Augsburger
Predigtzyklus
ber
denhl.Augustinus
de thologie
ancienne
et mdivale,
36 (1969),100, in:Recherches
undBrger.
Die Stadt
imDenken
47; dazuvgl.U. Meier,Stadt
sptmittelalterlicher
Theologen,
und
Mnchen
35-47.
Philosophen
1994,
Juristen,
45Y. Congar,
dela querelle
entre
mendiants
etsculiers
dansla seconde
moiti
Aspects
ecclsiologiques
duXIIIesicle
etledbut
duXIVe,in:Archives
d'histoire
doctrinale
et littraire
du Moyen
bes.88-100;
DieRolle
derBettelorden
imUmbruch
der
Age,36 (1961),35-151,
J.Miethke,
politischen
Theorie
anderWende
undWirksamkeit
der
zum14.Jahrhundert
, in:K. Elm(ed.),Stellung
Bettelorden
inderstdtischen
Berlin1981,119-53.
Gesellschaft,
46Zu diesen
intheThirteenth
Begriffen
vgl.J.Watt,TheTheory
ofPapalMonarchy
Century.
TheContribution
NewYork1965,75-92;K. Pennington,
oftheCanonists,
PopeandBishops.
ThePapalMonarchy
intheTwelfth
andThirteenth
, Philadelphia
1984,43-74.
Century
47Das
verwendet
Albertan folgenden
Begriffspaar
plenitudo
potestatis/
parssollicitudinis

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KARLUBL- LARSVINX

von seinerberragendenTugendhaftigkeit
abhngig.48Besondersdeutlich
in
1
1
wird das an der Stelle V. , an der Aristotelesdie Beschrnkungder
AlbertmiverHerrschaftzur Stabilisierungdes Knigtumsempfiehlt.49
als Herrscherbeschrnkung:
stehtzunchst die Herrschaftsbeschrnkung
Wenn es wenigerHerrschergebe (und nicht:wenn es HerrschermitweniDie
ger Machtbefugnisgebe), sei eine mildereHerrschaftzu erwarten.50
in Sparta beschreibter dann in Begriffen
der KirchenHerrschaftsteilung
divisit
in pluresquosvocavit
in partem
sollicitudinis
,51
verfassung:
potestatem
Albertgibt also dem Problemdes absolutenKnigtumsbei Aristoteles
III. 14
er den Knig nach Politik
eine originelleLsung:Weder identifiziert
er die Institution
noch begreift
mitder politischen
Gemeinschaft,
vollstndig
des Knigtumsnach PolitikII. 9 und V. 11 lediglichals "lebenslngliches
VerFeldherrenamt"bzw. als Amt innerhalbeiner nicht-monarchischen
fassung.Vielmehrwirdder Knig wie der Papst als Inhaberder Vollgewalt
bezeichnet,der Kompetenzenan andere Amtstrger
delegiert,um so die
zu
Da
auf
lokaler
Ebene
von
gewhrleisten.
Gerechtigkeit
Durchsetzung
sich daraus keine prinzipielleBeschrnkungkniglicherGewalt ergibt,
zu
sollte man eher vermeiden,diese Konstruktionals Mischverfassung52
bezeichnen.Albertsorgtsich nichtum BeschrnkungkniglicherGewalt,
sondern um Inklusion derjenigen Schichten der Bevlkerung,die wie
oder wie Oligarchendurch
durch ihre Rechtsgelehrsamkeit
Aristokraten
unentbehrlichsind.53Dies
ihren Reichtumfr die Herrschaftsausbung
in
lt sich auch daran ablesen, da Albertfrdie zweite Schwierigkeit
Theorie der Monarchie keine Lsung anbietet:Der
der aristotelischen
des
Stellen:
In libros
Pol.,LI (6); L9 (47);III.10 (196u. 198);V.8 (338).Der Vorrang
in: Lectura
akzentuiert
VIII.3.2(305);Augsburger
Ethica,
super
Knigsistauchdeutlich
maxima
hominum
2 (111u. 118):"Viderunt
quodnullamultitudo
siquidem,
Predigten,
dimitfacienda
etdimitterent
facerent
ad cuiusimprium
absquecapite,
gubernari
posset
et
etad eumtamconsiliarii
tarnen
rexdebetessesuperior
tenda. . . Semper
quamdivites
debent
habererecursum."
potentes
48Albertus,
mEthica,
Pol.
In libros
, IL3 (81);III.8 (178);III.9 (185);V.8 (330);Quaestiones
VIII.11 (636).
49Sieheoben52.
50Ebd.V.8 (338).
51Ebd.Zurspartanischen
vgl.auchIV.7 (233).
Ordnung
52So Meier1994(wieAnm.44),39.
53Augsburger
audire
2 (111u. 118):"Itemviderunt,
quodunusnonsufficeret
Predigten,
hocordinaverunt,
et propter
et singulorum
totam
multitudinem
respondere
quaerimoniis
rexjustus
. . . Quantumcumque
velsubregeessent
aliquiaristocratos
quodsubmonarcha
nisitalessuntin ea, qui
adhucstarenonpotest
sitetjustisintjudicesin civitate,
civitas,
bellide bonissuisaliis
familiam
et tempore
tenere
facere
et magnani
expensas
possunt
providere."

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59

rechtlicheStatus der Untertanenwird im Unklarengelassen,die Frage

nach den Grenzen des Gehorsamsnichtgestellt.Albertwiederholtlediglich die Bemerkungvon Aristoteles,da die Brger dem tugendhaften
und unterltes, dem Begriff
und als Freie gehorchen,54
Knig freiwillig
zu
Gehalt
Freiheit
einen
rechtlichen
der
geben. Im Politikkommentar
schwanktsein Inhalt zwischenrechicherFreiheit,persnlicherAutarkie,
und rechtlicherGleichheithin und her.55
Willensfreiheit
ThomasvonAquino
undMischverfassung:
2.2. Widerstandsrecht
vermuichin Kenntnisvon
Thomas verfateseinen Politikkommentar
Dies hinderteihn nicht daran, in seiner Konzeption
AlbertsErstling.56
der Monarchie ganz neue Wege zu beschreiten.Allerdingslassen sich
diese neuen Wege nur im Vergleichmituerungenin anderenSchriften
des Aquinaten erschlieen,da er seinen Kommentarnichtmehr vollendete und unmittelbarvor dem Kapitel ber das Knigtum die Arbeit
niederlegte.
in seinem KomTrotzdem sind einige bedeutsameWeichenstellungen
Thomas eine Unterscheimentarzu erkennen.Gleichim erstenKapiteltrifft
Herrschaftsformen
dungzwischendem Knigtumund den anderenlegitimen
wenn jener, der
ist
die
und
Herrschaft,
(Aristokratie Politie): "Kniglich
ber ein Gemeinwesengebietet,im Besitz der Vollgewalt(plenariapotestas) ist; brgerlichaber, wenn die Macht durch bestimmteGesetze eingeschrnktist".57Diese Definitionrhrtvon einem Miverstndnisder
entsprechendenStelle in der Politikher, an der Aristotelesdie brgerliche Herrschaftdurch den Wechsel der Herrschaftsausbenden
(.secundum
die
Worte
secunet
charakterisiert.
Thomas
bezieht
partem
principanssubiectus)
dumpartemnicht auf die wechselnden Amtsinhaber,sondern auf die
der Entscheidungsbefugnis
durchGesetze.In der Forschung
Einschrnkung
wurde diesem Miverstndnisgroe Bedeutung zugemessen und als
Anzeichen fr eine Verschiebungdes Interessesvon Partizipationauf
Philosophsei dem Prinzip
Gesetzesbindunggewertet.Der mittelalterliche

54Albertus,
In libros
Pol.
, III.9 (184);IV.8 (235);V.7 (330).
55Ebd.1.5(23);II.l (59);IV.2(209);
IV.9(239).Das Gleiche
giltfrdievierte
Augsburger
Amnchsten
in 1.3(17).
De bertte
istAlbert
einemWiderstandsrecht
(126-130).
Predigt
Considrations
surlescommentaires
dela Politique
Vgl.F. Cheneval,
presque
philosophiques
d'Albert
leGrand
etdeThomas
Zeitschrift
frPhilosophie
undTheologie,
, in:Freiburger
d'Aquin
45 (1998),56-83.
57Thomas,
In libros
omnia
Pol.,1.1,in: Opera
, 48,Rom1971,73 zu Pol.,1.1,1252a 16.

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KARLUBL- LARSVINX

in der griechischen
der mterrotation
Polis mitUnverstndnis
begegnet.58
Allerdingsist gegen diese Deutung einzuwenden,da Aristotelesselbstin
Pol. III. 15-16 die brgerlicheHerrschaftzur Herrschaftdes Rechts in
das Besteheneiner gesetzlichen
Beziehung setzt,weil die mterrotation
Auch
Vielzahl
von Stellen im Politikvoraussetzt.59
eine
Ordnung
zeigt
als Kennzeichen
kommentar,da Thomas das Prinzipder mterrotation
von Aristokratie
und Politie keinesfallsentgangenist, zumal ja auch die
KommunenseinerZeit nach diesemPrinzipregiertwurden.60
italienischen
Fr Aristoteleswie frThomas sind Gesetzesbindungund mterrotation
Herrschaftsform.
zwei sichwechselseitig
bedingendeAspekteder brgerlichen
Herrschaftfolgt
Bei der Abgrenzungvon kniglicherund brgerlicher
Thomas also im wesentlichenden aristotelischen
Vorgaben. Andersverund despotischer
hltes sichbei derAbgrenzung
von kniglicher
Herrschaft,
frdie AristoteleskeinenangemessenenAusdruckgefundenhat. Thomas
61
liberorum
Definitiondes Staates als communio
leitetaus der aristotelischen
ein Kriteriumab, das die Untertaneneines Knigs von denen einer
Despotie abgrenzt:ihre Freiheit.Whrend die Sklaven einer Despotie
oder
berhauptkeine Rechte haben und die Brger einer Aristokratie
Politie sowohl frei als auch rechtlichgleich gestelltsind, genieen die
Fllen
als sie in bestimmten
UntertaneneinerMonarchieFreiheitinsofern,
fhrtThomas
zum Widerstandberechtigtsind.62Im Politikkommentar
nichtweiteraus, in welchen konkretenFllen dem Gehorsamsanspruch
des Knigs eine Grenze gesetztist. In anderen Schriftenbefater sich
jedoch eingehendmitdiesemThema, insbesondereim frhenSentenzen.63In
kommentarsowie in den SptwerkenDe regnound Summatheologiae
der Forschungwurde viel Tinte ber diese Stellungnahmenvergossen,
ohne da es bislanggelungenist,aus den verschiedenen,oftdivergenten
Hier soll kein weiuerungeneine kohrenteTheorie zu extrahieren.64
58Sternberger
1984(wieAnm.43),48f.;Blythe
1992(wieAnm.2),42-5.
59Sieheoben50.
60In Pol, 1.5(94);1.10(113);III.3 (195);IIL5 (202).
61Pol.,III.6, 1297a21.
62In libros
1.4
Pol., 1.3(87).Vgl.auchI-II.58.2;De malo
, 3.9 ad 14;De virt.,
63ZurDatierung
vonDe regno
Fleler
1992(wieAnm.3),I, 28.
64Zuletzt
56 (1981),
Obedience
andDisobedience
onPolitical
, in:Thought,
R.J.Regain,
Aquinas
Moral
1998,287-91;P. Moinar,
, Political
, andLegalTheory
, Oxford
77-88;
J.Finnis,
Aquinas.
fur
Zeitschrift
Deuxsolutions
La lgitimit
dela rsistance.
chezS. Thomas
, in:Freiburger
Aquin
imspteren
DerTyrannenmord
46 (1999),115-37;
undTheologie,
J. Miethke,
Philosophie
in derScholastik
Theorien
berdas Widerstandsrecht
Mittelalter.
, in:
Herrschaft
ungerechte
gegen
um
imRingen
imMittelalter.
G. Beestermller/H.-G.
Theologie
(ed.),Friedensethik
Justenhoven
24-48.
diegottgegebene
1999,
Ordnung,
Stuttgart/Berlin/Kln

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61

tererVersuchin dieserHinsichtunternommen
werden,sondernes sollen
die
werden, frunsereFragestellung
lediglichjene Aspektehervorgehoben
relevantsind.
Zunchst ist festzuhalten,
da sich die brgerlicheFreiheitnicht auf
den Bereich der Grundrechteder Person bezieht. Und dies nicht,weil
Thomas diesem Gedanken ablehnendgegenbersteht,65
sondernweil aus
seinerSicht auch SklavenAnspruchdaraufhaben, ungehindertEntscheiund ihreFortpflanzung
zu treffen.
Ebenso
dungenberihreSelbsterhaltung
in bereinstimmung
zhlen der innereWille und die Lebensfhrung
mit
den christlichenGeboten zu den Bereichen,in denen weder ein Knig
von seinenUntertanennoch ein Herr von seinen SklavenGehorsameinforderndarf.66
Die brgerlicheFreiheit mu sich folglichauf spezifischpolitische
Schrankender Knigsgewaltbeziehen. Im Sentenzenkommentar
befrwortetThomas eine sehr weit gefateAuflassungdieser Schranken:Der
Gehorsam endet, falls ein HerrscherBefehle erteilt,die sich entweder
des Gemeinwohls
gegendas Gemeinwohlrichtenoder die die Erfordernisse
berschreiten.Ferner drfe ein Usurpator aus der Herrschaftentfernt
oder sogar beseitigtwerden,wenn er die Macht durch Gewalt und ohne
Zustimmungder Untertanenan sich gerissenhabe und wenn keine bergeordneteInstanz zustndigsei.67
Diese weiteAuslegungdes Widerstandsrechts
erfahrtin der SummatheoIn der theologischen
logiaeund in De regnogewichtigeEinschrnkungen.
Summe heit es, da der Entzug des GehorsamsgegenberHerrschern,
die Unzulssigesbefehlenoder sich auf unrechteWeise der Herrschaft
sei, wenn damit nicht grerer
bemchtigthaben, nur gerechtfertigt
Schaden angerichtet
oder ein ffentliches
) erregtwerde.
rgernis(.scandalum
In bestimmten
Fllen mssedaher der Widerstandgegen Unrechtzugunsten hherer Erwgungenausgesetztwerden.68Diesen Gedanken fhrt
Thomas in De regnoweiteraus, indem er die oft nachtrglichenFolgen
von Rebellionenhervorhebt
und Widerstandnur als letztenAusweggelten

65Diessuggeriert
P. Landau,Reflexionen
ber
Grundrechte
derPerson
inderGeschichte
deskanonischen
Rechts
Reinhardt
etiuscanonicum.
Heinemann
, in:H.J.F.
(ed.),Theologa
,
fiirHeribert
Festgabe
Essen1995,517-32.
66Summa
II-II.104.5;II-II.69.4;Sent.,
ad 1, ad 5.
IV.39.1.4a;Sent.,
theologiae,
IV.36.1.2,
Finnis1998(wieAnm.64),170-80.
Vgl.
67Sent.,
II.44.2.2.
68Summa
II-II.104.6ad 3. Vgl.auchI-II.96.4ad 3, II-II.42.2ad 3. Zu kanontheologiae,
istischen
Vorbildern
vgl.Moinar1999(wieAnm.64),130-4.

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KARLUBL- LARSVINX

lt. Darber hinausfuhrter ein weiteresKriteriumlegitimenWiderstands

ein: Allein derjenige sei zur Leistung von Widerstandberechtigt,der
ffentliche
Autoritt(publicaauctoritas)
ausbt.69Dies sei entwederdann
der Fall, wenn der Herrscherseine Legitimationaus einer Wahl herleite
und somitdas Volk selbstals letzteInstanzeinschreiten
drfe;oder wenn
an einenbergeordneten
Herrscherappelliertwerde,der frdie Einsetzung
des Monarchenzustndigist. Die zweiteMglichkeitkann unterBerckVerhltnissenur auf den Papst gemnztsein,
sichtigungmittelalterlicher
der frdie unterseinerLehensobrigkeit
stehendenKnigreicheeine Art
Aufsichtsrecht
in
und
der
Person Innocenz' IV. mit der
beanspruchte
AbsetzungSanchos II. und FriedrichsII. auch in selbstndigeReiche einDer Normalfallistjedoch die ersteAlternative,die auch dann in
griff.70
Krafttritt,wenn sich das Volk frdie Ewigkeiteinem Knig oder einer
hat, weil ein Tyrann die Bedingungendes HerrDynastie unterworfen
verwirkt.
(pactum
schaftsvertrags
) verletztund damit sein Herrschaftsrecht
Insgesamtbestehtwohl kein Zweifeldaran, da sich Thomas im Lauf
seiner schriftstellerischen
Ttigkeitimmer mehr von der emphatischen
des
im Sentenzenkommentar
distanziert.
Dennoch
Bejahung Tyrannenmords
mu man ihm nichtnotwendigerweise
einen drastischenMeinungswandel
da die Einschrnkungen
auch als Przisierungen
werattestieren,
aufgefat
den knnen,die an der grundlegendenTatsache, da Widerstanddurch
das Volk legitimist,nichtsndern.Lassen wirdiesesInterpretationsproblem
einmalbeiseite,so bleibtdie Frage bestehen,wann es sich um ungerechte
Gesetze bzw. ungerechteBefehlehandelt,gegen die das Widerstandsrecht
in Kraft tritt.Oder anders gewendet:Wann sind vom Knig eingeforderteSteuernrechtmigeKontributionen
furdas Gemeinwohlund wann
Raub am Eigentumder Untertanen?
Fr Thomas lt sich keine prinzipielleBarriere zwischen legitimen
Manahmen zugunstendes Gemeinwohlsund illegitimenEingriffen
zum
Schaden des Gemeinwohlsaufrichten:"Es kann der Fall eintreten,da
ein Knig frdas GemeinwohlShne einzieht,Amtstrgereinsetztund
reichlichAbgabenvon seinenUntertaneneintreibt,
ohne dabei eine Tyran69De regno,
omnia
1.6,in: Opera
, 42,Rom1979,455f.
70Vgl.Watt1965(wie
Anm.46),62-4;A. Melloni,
IV.La concezione
e l'esperienza
Innocenzo
dellacristianit
come
uniuspersonae,
Genova1990,90-3.Zurherausgehobenen
regimen
II-II.60.6ad
desPapstes
beiThomasvgl.Sent.,
II.44.2.3.ad 4; Summa
theologiae,
Stellung
II.3 (465f.);
XII.13.1ad 2; In II. Ep. ad Thess.
2.1.ZurAuslegung
3; De regno,
Quodlibet,
Dieppstliche
imWiderstreit
der
Theorie
Depotestate
Amtskompetenz,
politischen
vgl.J.Miethke,
papae.
vonOckham,
vonThomas
von
bisWilhelm
2000,40-3.
Aquin
Tbingen

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63

"Wenn Herrschergegen die Gerechtigkeit

nei auszuben".71Andererseits:
durchffentliche
MachtausbunggewaltsamfremdesEigentumentwenden,
handelnsie rechtswidrig,
begeheneinen Raub und sind zur WiedergutmaWas
Auffassungen
chungverpflichtet".72 passiertaber,wennzwei divergente
Manahmen aufeinanderpralber die Rechtmigkeitherrscherlicher
Theorie der Mischverfaslen? Es sprichtvielesdafr,da die thomistische
Die Teilhabe der gesamtenBevlkerung
sungdafreine Lsungbereitstellt.
an der Verwaltungdes Gemeinwesenssoll garantieren,da Steuernund
ausEinvernehmen
Manahmenim gemeinschaftlichen
andereumstrittene
Repressivewird (in den Worten
gehandeltwerden.Widerstandsrechdiche
Prventivetransformiert.
Fritz Kerns)73in stndestaatliche
freine Mischverfassung
Die einzigeStelle,an der Thomas ausfhrlich
I-II.
Dort
bezeichnet
er eine Mischung
105.1.
Summa
ist
,
eintritt,
theologiae
und Demokratieals die beste und in Israel
aus Monarchie,Aristokratie
Doch anders als bei Alberthandelt
tatschlichverwirklichte
Verfassung.74
mit geteilterSouvernitt:
es sich hier um eine echte Mischverfassung
den Knig hier ebensowenigwie in De regnoals
Thomas charakterisiert
und lt die aristokratischen
und demokratischen
Inhaberder Vollgewalt75
whrend
der Knig
aus
einer
Wahl
hervorgehen,
Amtstrgereindeutig
in der Vorbildverfassung
wurde.Wie die Auswahl
Israelsvon Gottbestimmt
des Knigs im allgemeinenstattfinden
soll, darberschweigtThomas an
dieser Stelle. Es wre zu erwarten,da Thomas wie in De regnodie
) und die Wahl durch das
Bestimmungdurch einen Vorgesetzten(superior
ist
der
Volk frgltigerachtet.76
Jedenfalls
Knig nichtwie im gemigten Knigtum aristotelischerPrgung einfach rechenschaftspflichtiger
Verfassung.Vielmehr
Amtstrgerinnerhalb einer nicht-monarchischen
werdendem Knig in De regno
umfassendeKompetenzenin der Gesetzgebung,dem Militrwesenund in der Aufsichtber die untergeordneten
Amtstrgerzugewiesen.77Da der Knig fr das Funktionierendes
Gemeinwesensverantwortlich
ist,zeigtsich auch an einemMiverstndnis
71Summa
I-II.105.1ad 3.
theoloeiae.
72Summa
, II-IL66.8.
theologiae
73Kern1954(wieAnm.2), 226-39.
74Summa
miverstandene
, I-II.105.1;vgl.auchI-II.95.4.berdiesebislang
theologiae
Stellevgl.Ubi (wieAnm.38),96.
75Anders
nochin Sent.,
IV.24.2.1aad 3.
IV.20.1.4.c;
76Einedritte
nennt
Thomasin Sent.,
11.44.
knnesich
2.2: EinUsurpator
Mglichkeit
durch
denKonsens
derUntertanen
oderdurch
einesVorgesetzten
Autorisierung
nachtrglich
legitimieren.
77De regno,
II.4 (468).

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in der Lektrevon Aristoteles:Wo Aristotelesmeint,man "sollte einen

whlen",78verstehtThomas,
(pervitam)
Knig nach seinerLebensfhrung
da man einenKnig frseinganzesLeben und nichtfureine beschrnkte
Amtszeiternennensoll. Als Begrndunggibter an, da "der Knig dem
Weise den
Staat ntzlichist, indem er durch seine Macht auf effiziente
consewet
statum
civitaZustand des Staates erhlt" (ut sua potestate
efficaciter
solltendagegen nur befristet
Andere Amtstrger
eingesetztwerden,
tis).79
zu unterziehen.80
einer Rechenschaftspflicht
um ihre Amtsfhrung
In diesemArgumentwird der Bezugsrahmendeutlich,in den Thomas
seine Theorie der Monarchie stellt:Er orientiertsich nichtan Buch III
sondernan den
und dem dortentwickelten
Prinzipder Tugendherrschaft,
Bchern IV und V der Politik,wo als hervorstechende
Qualitt einer
Diese
bezeichnet
werden.81
ihre
Effizienz
und
Dauerhaftigkeit
Verfassung
auch
den
Frcharakterisiert
in
der
Argumentationsstruktur
Verlagerung
mehrfachbei
ad regem
, in dem das Wort efficaciter
Cypri
stenspiegelDe regno
frdie berlegenheitder Monarchie bentztwird.82
der Argumentation
die Beteiligungdes Volkes
er in der Summatheologioe
Ebenso rechtfertigt
mit der Behauptung,da dadurchjeder Anteil
an der Mischverfassung
sein werde.83
am Staatswesenhabe und so an seinerErhaltunginteressiert
des Knigs als auch die des Volkes verdanSowohl die Herrschaftsrechte
auf die die Staatsken sich also letztlichder Norm der Friedenswahrung,
noch
Volk nehmen
Weder
ist.
als
ihren
Zweck
Knig
verpflichtet
grndung
werdennach
die Positioneines Souvernsein, sondernHerrschaftsrechte
Teile
der
verschiedenen
auf
die
Bevlkerung
aufgeteilt.
Zweckmigkeit
Auf diese Weise gelingtes Thomas, die Monarchie von der Bindung
an die individuelleTugend eines Individuumszu lsen und sie unabhnals zweckmigeund zeitlich
gig von formalenEinsetzungsmodalitten
zu verstehen.Zwar soll der Knig auch frThomas
dauerhafteInstitution
im Idealfall seinen Untertanenals Beispiel vollendeterTugend dienen,
Hierfrist allein
doch zhlt dies nichtzu seinenLegitimittsgrundlagen.84
wesentlich,da die Institutiondes Knigtumsfrdas Gemeinwesenvon
78Pol, II.9, 1271a20.
79In libros
Sinn:In libros
dieStelleindiesem
Albert
deutet
Pol., 11.14(170).Bereits
Pol.,
II.8 (110).
80In libros
Pol,11.14(170).
81Zu dieser
zurTugendherrschaft
Differenz
sieheoben1.3.Kritische
Stellungnahmen
Pol, II.5 (136);III.5 (202).
in:In libros
82De regno
, 1.2-3(45If.).
83Summa
Pol., II.7 (145).
I-II.105.2;In libros
theologioe,
84In Bezugaufkirchliche
In loh.21.3ad v. 15.
Amtstrger:

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Nutzen ist und da die Grenzen des Herrschaftsvertrags

nichtberschritten werden.Respektiertder Knig diese Grenzen nicht,trittdas Widerin Kraft,das furThomas den rechtlichen
standsrecht
Statusder Untertanen
eindeutigfixiert.
2.3. Das Knigtum
Romanus
, Petervon
aufdemWegzur Despotie:
Aegidius
Tolomeus
vonLucca
Auvergne,
In der weiterenFolge der Aristoteleskommentierung
sind im wesentlichen
die von Albertund Thomas entworfenen
Modelle bestimmendgewesen:
Entwederwirdan der Bestimmungdes Knigtumsals absolutfestgehalten,
seine PositionmitberragenderTugendhaftigkeit
und die Herrlegitimiert
als Konzedierung des Monarchen verstanden(Peter von
schaftsteilung
Auvergne,AegidiusRomanus);85oder ein absolutesKnigtumwirdzugunsten einer gemischtenVerfassungabgelehnt,wobei die Beteiligungaller
durch die stabilisierende
wird (JohannesQuidort,
Wirkunggerechtfertigt
Engelbertvon Admont,Heinrichvon Rimini).Dem einen Modell dient
das Vollknigtumaus Buch III, dem anderen das spartanischeaus Buch
II und Buch V als Vorbild.86Whrend in der thomistischen
Tradition
besondersdie Anschauungendarberdifferieren,
welcheRechte die einzelnen an der Mischverfassung
teilhabendenGruppenhaben, dauern in der
albertinischen
Konzeptiondie schon bei AristotelesakutenProblemefort,
d.h. die fehlendeAbgrenzunggegenbereinerdespotischen
Herrschaftsform
sowie die Unterbestimmung
des rechtlichenStatus der Untertanen.
Verschrftwerden diese Probleme bei den Apologetender franzsischen Monarchie Peter von Auvergneund Aegidius Romanus.87Beide
befrworten
das durch die berragendeTugend des Monarchen legitimierteVollknigtumund sehen eine Herrschaftsteilung
nur insofernvor,
als dem Monarchen empfohlenwird,einen Rat weiserMnner zur ReAls Folge dieser Befrwortung
einer absoluten
gierungheranzuziehen.88

85DiesePosition
herrscht
im 13.Jahrhundert
auchin denanonymen
Kommentaren
zurNikomachischen
Ethik
undzurPolitik
vor.Vgl.die zahlreichen
Belegebei Lambertini
2001(wieAnm.3).
Dazu Ubi2000(wieAnm.38),98-102.DortaucheineAuseinandersetzung
mitden
ThesenvonBlythe
1992(wieAnm.2).
87ZumEinsatz
vonAristoteles
derfranzsischen
Monarchie
zugunsten
vgl.TJ. Renna,
Aristotle
andtheFrench
9 (1978),309-24.
, in:Viator,
Monarchy
88Petrus
vonAuvergne,
In libros
Pol.,III.15,ed. R.M. Spiazzi,in: Thomae
Aquinatis
inocto
libros
Turin1966,182;Aegidius
De regimine
Expositio
Politicorum,
Romanus,
principm,
unterscheidet
sichindermonarchischen
III.2.4,Rom1607,460.Peters
Qustionenkommentar

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66

KARLUBL- LARSVINX

einMonarchie wird der Unterschiedzur despotischenHerrschaftsform

domials
das
ausdrcklich
bezeichnet
Peter
Knigtum principatus
geebnet:
nativus
, dessen Kennzeichen es sei, da die Untertanen gem ihrer
naturalem
inclinationem
natrlichenAnlage (secundum
) willig und glcklich
seinen
Rechtsstatuseiner
der
zum
Die
Sklaven,
Analogie
gehorchen.89
natrlichenUnterlegenheitverdankt,ist hier offensichtlich.
Solange die
Untertanennichtan die Tugend des Monarchen heranreichen,kommen
ihnen keine politischenRechte zu, wie sich auch an der Interpretation
des Freiheitsbegriffes
zeigt.Peterkonzipiertnichtwie Thomas einen negasondernausschlielicheinen positiven.Frei sei nicht
tivenFreiheitsbegriff,
der, der in gewissenAngelegenheitennicht der Staatsmachtunterliegt,
sondernjener, der freivon Begierdenseinerursprnglichen
Bestimmung
Diese Freiheitistmitder Herrschaft
Wesen Folge leistet.90
als vernnftigem
ohne weitereskomeines Vollknigs,der die Vernunfteo ipsoverkrpert,
patibel. Bei Peter von Auvergneund Aegidius Romanus begegnen wir
also bereitsdie frdie sptereGeschichteder politischenTheorie so folgenreicheVerknpfungvon absoluter Herrschaftmit einem positiven
Freiheitsbegriff.91
Diese radikale Deutung von Aristotelesim Sinne einer Legitimation
DominikanerToloden italienischen
Monarchieforderte
der franzsischen
meus von Lucca zu einer Umkehrder Wertungheraus. In seinerSchrift
macht er noch deutlicherdie Konsequenz der EinebDe regimine
principm
nung des Unterschiedszwischen Monarchie und Despotie sichtbar.In
habe nmlich das Volk nicht Anteil an der
beiden Herrschaftsformen
Herrschaftund verfgeber keine Mglichkeit,seine Rechte geltendzu
machen. Das Volk sei deshalb im selben Zustand wie die Untertanen
eines Despoten, nur der Herrscherunterscheidesich durch seine mehr
lt
Der Begriffder libertas
oder wenigerausgeprgteTugendhaftigkeit.92

Ms.
nationale
de France,
Theorienurunwesentlich:
, 111.26
Quaestio
(Paris,Bibliothque
lat.16089,f.299vb-300ra).
89Inlibros
De regimine
Pol III.9(152);III.16(184f.);
, III.2.34(547-550).
principm,
Aegidius,
90In libros
De regimine
,
principm
Pol.,V.7 (281);VII.2 (347);VII.5 (364).Vgl.Aegidius,
efficiuntur
si habitatores
etcivitatis,
liberi,
III.2.34(548):"Salvatur
regni
itaquesalusregni
et observent
si obediant
leges."
regibus
91Vgl.denklassischen
Four
TwoConcepts
vonI. Berlin,
Aufsatz
, in:ders.,
Essays
ofLiberty
onliberty
1969,118-72.
, Oxford
92Tolomeus
vonLucca,De regimine
, 11.9;III.11,ed. K.M. Spiazzi,in: 1homa
principm
hier286f.;310-2.DieseStelleistin
Turin
280-358,
1954,
Philosophica,
Opuscula
Aquinatis
Zu Tolomeus
Pol., III.16 (185)geschrieben.
In libros
vonPetervonAuvergne,
Kenntnis
224-89.
Other
and
Dante's
C.T.
1984,
,
Philadelphia
Davis,
Essays
Italy
vgl.
allgemein

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DIE MONARCHIE
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67

sichfolglichaus der Perspektive

des Verfechters
der italienischen
Kommuauf ein als populusservilis
Untertanenvolk
nalverfassung
gekennzeichnetes
nichtanwenden.Tolomeus behlt ihn den demokratischen
Verfassungen
der Stadtrepubliken
vor und deutetFreiheitweder positivnoch negativ,
sondernin der republikanischen
Traditionals Aufhebungvon Herrschaft:
Da alle an der Herrschaftteilhttenund niemand repressiveBefehle
erteile,btendie Brgerein suavedominium
aus, welchesihreFreiheitnicht
einschrnke.93
Mit polemischer
AbsichtziehtTolomeushierdie Konsequenz
aus der Annherungder Knigsherrschaft
an die despotischeHausverwaltung,die bereitsbei Aristoteles
angelegtwar94und die von Monarchisten
wie AegidiusRomanus und Peter von Auvergneverstrkt
wurde.
desAristotelismi:
2.4. Die Transformation
MarsiliusundOckham
Entscheidendneue Wendungenerfuhrdas Problem der Konzeption der
Monarchieund der damitverbundenen
Rechteder Untertanen
bei Marsilius
und Ockham. Indem sie auf unterschiedliche
Weise die Alternativezwischen absoluterTugendherrschaft
und gemischterVerfassunghintersich
sie
den
lieen, sprengten
Rahmen, der die frheRezeption
begrifflichen
der aristotelischen
Theorie der Monarchie bestimmthatte.Die entscheidende Motivationwar dabei der Kampf gegen die Lehre von der ppstlichen Souvernitt,dem sich beide Denker verschriebenhaben.
Wie oben ausgefhrt,
zog bereitsAlbertusMagnus einenVergleichzwischen dem aristotelischen
Vollknigtumund der ppstlichenVollgewalt,
weil in beiden Fllen Herrschaftvon oben nach unten delegiertwird.
brach sich in der Diskussionum die
Gegen Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts
des
eine
radikalere
Amtskompetenz Papstes
Deutung der VollgewaltBahn:
Der Papst stehtdemnach nicht nur an der Spitze der jurisdiktionellen
Hierarchie, auch drfenseine Entscheidungenselbst bei zweifelhafter
moralischerQualitt nicht in Frage gestelltwerden. Aegidius Romanus
fand dafrin De ecclesiastica
die extremsteFormulierung,indem
potestate
er die Macht des Papstes als grenzenlosbezeichnetund den Status der
Untertanen
verbis
auf den von Sklavenreduziert.95
WhrendAegidius
expressis
93De regimine , II.9
Therepublican
idealofpolitical
principm (287).Vgl.Q. Skinner,
,
liberty
in:G. Bocku.a. (ed.),Machiavelli
andRepublicanism
293-309.
,
1990,
Cambridge
94SieheobenAnm.10.
95Aegidius
De ecclesiastica
u. III.12,ed. R. Scholz,Leipzig
Romanus,
, 11.10-11
potestate
des Papalismus
1929,95-9u. 206-9.Zur Entwicklung
vgl.Watt1965(wieAnm.46);
L. Buisson,
Potestas
undCaritas.
Dieppstliche
Gewalt
imSptmittelalter
, Kln/Wien2
1982;
Miethke
2000(wieAnm.70).

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68

KARLUBL- LARSVINX

Politikfrseine Argumentation
in dieser Schriftdie Aristotelische
ungentztlt, ist seinem OrdensbruderJakob von Viterbo die Konvergenz
der ppstlichenLehre mitdem aristotelischen
Konzept des Vollknigtums
nicht entgangen.Jakob begreiftdie Kirche als Monarchie im aristoteliauf diese Weise jede Beschrnkungder Gehorschen Sinn und verwirft
Untertanen.96
von
Seiten
der
samspflicht
standen
Die Kritikerdes Papsttumsam Anfangdes 14. Jahrhunderts
somitvor einem Dilemma: Einerseitswar Aristotelesder zentraleBezugsZielsetzungenzu
punkt,um den Staat auf ausschlielichinnerweltliche
echten
seine
Theorie
des
andererseits
bot
Knigtumskeine
verpflichten,
Vollum den AnsprcheneinerTheorie der monarchischen
Schtzenhilfe,
man
im
Wollte
in
Kirche
oder
sei
es
der
Staat,
entgegenzutreten.
gewalt,
daher die ppstlicheLehre nichtnur von innen heraus,durch eine UmTradition,wie sieJohannesQuidortdurchfhrte,97
deutungder christlichen
in entzum Einsturzbringen,mutedie politischeTheorie des Aristoteles
werden.Marsiliusund Ockham schluscheidenderHinsichtdurchbrochen
Marsiliusindemer die aristotelische
ein:
seine
Art
diesen
auf
Weg
genjeder
in eine Theorie der Volkssouvernitt
Theorie der Verfassungsformen
Ockham indemer jedem Menschenvorstaatlich
transformiert;
begrndete
GedannatrlicheRechte zuschreibtund so den widerstandsrechtlichen
lst.
ken vom stndestaaichenMischverfassungsdenken
sich der Gesetzgeber,d.h. die Brgerin ihrer
Fr Marsiliuskonstituiert
Gesamtheitoder deren strkererTeil, sowohl vor jeder gesellschafdichen
in verschiedeneBerufeund Stnde als auch vor der EinDifferenzierung
Institutionen(pars principam
staatlicher
).98 Marsilius sprengtauf
setzung
fr ein
diese Weise den Elitismusdes Aristoteles,der die Abknftigkeit
charakterlicher
sich der Entwicklung
Tugend widmendespolitischesLeben
und daher die Verteilungpolials Voraussetzungdes Brgerstatus
begriff
in Bauern,
tischerRechte auf die funktionale
Gliederungder Gesellschaft
Handwerkerund Hndler einerseitsund nicht auf Erwerbsarbeitangemute. Der Begriffder
wiesene Aristokratenandererseitszurckfuhren
96JakobvonViterbo,
Paris1926,
De regimine
1.1;II.5,ed. H.-X.Arquillire,
christiano,
von
2001(wieAnm.2) Anm.76 weistdieAbhngigkeit
Jakobs
89-99;21lf.Lambertini
nach.
derPolitikkommentare
Tradition
derargumentativen
97K. Ubi- L. Vinx,Kirche,
ParisO.P.(f 1306),
von
beiJohannes
Arbeit
undEigentum
Quidort
- Codex.
- Schrift
Institut
ausdem
Arbeiten
in:C. Egger- H. Weigl(ed.),Text
Quellenkundliche
2000,304-44.
, Wien/Mnchen
Geschichtsforschung,
fiirsterreichische
98Zumfolgenden:
Marsilius
A. Gewirth,
of
ofPeace.1: Marsilius
ofPadua,TheDefender
andConsent.
Political
PaduaandMedieval
Community
, NewYork1951;C. Nederman,
Philosophy
1994.
Political
TheSecular
Pads",Lanham/London
ofPadua's"Defensor
ofMarsiglio
Theory

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DIE MONARCHIE
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ZU OCKHAM

69

Tugend spielthingegenbei Marsiliusso gut wie keine Rolle mehr,und

die Vorstellung,da man zuerstBrgerund erstsekundrBauer, Handwerkeroder Hndler ist, erscheintihm vllig selbstverstndlich.
Soziale
und staatlicheInstitutionen
werden erstvon WillensentDifferenzierung
humnus)
scheidungendes Gesetzgebers(legislator
erzeugt.Die Einteilung
in Verfassungsformen
beziehtsich daher nur mehr auf die Frage, welche
Gestaltdie Regierungannehmen soll. Da die Autorittder Regierung
von der gesetzgebendenKrperschaftabhngtals einerexternen,ihrvorausliegendenInstanzund ihreTtigkeitsichan den von dieserKrperschaft
erlassenenGesetzen zu orientierenhat, wird hierbeivorausgesetzt,egal
ob es sich um eine Demokratie,Aristokratieoder Monarchie handelt.
Diese Theorie ist ganz und gar unaristotelisch:
Whrend Aristotelesdie
zu
substantiellen
Formen
Verfassungenanalog
konzipiert,die nichtvon
auen auferlegtsind,sonderndem Staat als Prinzipder Bewegungimmanent sind,leitensie sich bei Marsiliusvon einer Willensentscheidung
des
Souvernsab.
Aufdiese Weise wandeltMarsiliusdie aristotelischen
Verfassungsformen
in Regierungsformen
um. Trotz dieses BruchsmitAristoteles
bemhtsich
Marsiliusdarum, seine neue Theorie im Gewand des Aristoteleszu prsentieren.Dieser Sachverhaltspringtbesondersbei den uns interessierenden Stellenzur Monarchiein die Augen.In Defensor
paris,1.9 zhltMarsilius
in der Arteines Literalkommentars
die fnfFormender Monarchie auf."
Geflissentlich
wird dabei nichtnur die Aussage des Aristotelesberganda
allein
das Vollknigtumals Verfassungsform
zu gelten hat;
gen,
Marsiliusdeutetdiese Stelle auch nichtals systematische
Unterscheidung,
sondernals Erluterungdafr,wie die Einsetzungeines Monarchen oder
einer Regierung in der Geschichte vonstattengegangen sei. Whrend
Aristotelesklarstellen
will,da nur das nicht-abgeleitete
Vollknigtumals
Monarchie geltendarf,macht Marsiliusdaraus ein Argumentdafr,da
jede Monarchiein ihrerhistorischen
Entstehungvon einerhherenAutohumnus
ritt,dem legislator
, abgeleitetist. Inmittendieses Kapitels bricht
Marsiliusdann die Exegese ab und fhrteine neue Unterteilung
in gute
und schlechteVerfassungenein, die mit der aristotelischen
nichtsmehr
zu tun hat. Kriteriumist hier allein, auf welche Weise der Konsens der
99Marsilius
vonPadua,Defensor
der
1932,39-47.ZurKenntnis
pacis,1.9,Hannover
Kommentartradition
beiMarsilius
Es seihier
vgl.Fleler1992(wieAnm.3),I, 120-131.
nebenbei
daMarsilius
tendenziell
alsallgemeinen
fralleVerfaserwhnt,
regnum
Begriff
" diMarsilio
bentzt:
Gewirth
1951(wieAnm.98), 117;E. Berti,
II "regnum
sungsformen
trala "polis"
aristotelica
e lo "Stato"
moderno
5 (1979)165-81.
, in:Medioevo,

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70

KARLUBL- LARSVINX

Untertanenin die Regierungsform

aufgenommenwird:Je mehr politisches Gewichtder Konsens in der Regierunghat, destobesserdie Verfasauch die
sung. Marsiliuslegt also in 1.9 dar, da jede Regierungsform,
Monarchie, durch Konsens sowohl autorisiert( 1-4) als auch limitiert
und Limitierung,
wurde von Aristoteles
( 5-11) ist. Beides, Autorisierung
frdie Monarchie bestritten.100
Definition
hnlicheigenstndiggeht Marsiliusmit der aristotelischen
liberorum
um. Wo Aristoteles
des Staatesals communio
despotischeHerrschaft
zum eigenenNutzenausschlieenwill,entdecktder Paduanerein Argument
frseine Theorie der Volkssouvernitt:
Unfreiist man nichtnur,wenn
man dem partikularenInteressejeweils herrschendergesellschaftlicher
ist,sondernauch wenn der HerrscherGesetze erlt,
Gruppenausgeliefert
ohne die ausdrckliche
Zustimmungder Brgereinzuholen.FreiheitimpliziertaktiveTeilhabe an der Gesetzgebung.101
Marsilius flltalso, berspitztformuliert,neuen Wein in die alten
Anders Ockham, der nicht
Schluche der aristotelischen
Begrifflichkeit.
festhlt.
nur uerlicham Schema der aristotelischen
Verfassungstheorie
in
er
der
dem
Im drittenTeil seines Dialogus
,
einige Grundbegriffe politischenTheorie erlutert,greifter die Unterteilungin fnfArten der
Monarchie auf und reduziertsie auf einen Idealtypusund zwei AbweiDen Idealtypusbestimmter als Vollknigtum,in dem der
chungen.102
Monarch nach seinem Willen regiert,nicht an positiveGesetze gebunEid ablegen mu. "Ein solcher
den ist und keinen verfassungsmigen
berdas Gemeinpotestatis)
Knig kannals Inhabervon Vollgewalt(plenitudo
wohl bezeichnetwerden". Von diesem Idealtypusknne die Monarchie
in zweifacherHinsichtabweichen: durch Miachtungdes Gemeinwohls
der absolutenGewalt des Knigs. Auf die eine
und durchEinschrnkung
Weise nhertsich die Monarchie der Tyrannisan, auf die andere einem
beschrnktenKnigtum.Doch Ockham bleibt bei dieser
konstitutionell
nichtstehen,er nenntein weiteresKriteriumder
von
Aristoteles
Deutung
von
Tyrannis und Monarchie: die libertasnaturalisdes
Unterscheidung
Menschen.

100Sieheoben44.
101Ebd.1.12.6(67).SieheGewirth
1951(wieAnm.98),220-3.
102
am
SacriRomani
in:Monarchia
, Frankfurt
, III.1.2.6,ed. M. Goldast,
Imperii
Dialogus
von
Wilhelm
R. Lambertini,
vonAristoteles:
M. 1614,II, 794f.Zu Ockhams
Bentzung
inderEkklesiologie
desAristoteles
Theorie
derpolitischen
derPolitica.
alsLeser
Ockham
ZurRezeption
im14.Jahrhundert
Theorie
Ockhams
, Mnchen
, in:J. Miethke
politischer
(ed.),Das Publikum
1992,207-24.

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ZU OCKHAM
DIE MONARCHIE
VONARISTOTELES

71

Definitiondes Staates als comBereitsThomas hatte die aristotelische

von
dazu bentzt,ein neues Kriteriumzur Unterscheidung
munioliberorum
Herrschaftzu konzipieren.Demnach kommtdie
legitimerund illegitimer
Freiheitder Brgerdadurchzum Ausdruck,da Widerstandgegen tyranwird
nischeManahmen des Knigs zulssigist. Dieses Widerstandsrecht
in
an
einen
institutionalisierzumindest
De
von
Thomas,
,
regno
allerdings
ten Instanzenzuggebunden,da es nur von Personen ausgebt werden
darf, die ber auctoritas
publicaverfgen.Thomas' sptere Theorie des
erklrtfolglichnicht,wie die Herrschafteines echten
Widerstandsrechts
hat und der keinenpositiv-rechtMonarchen,der keinenregulrensuperior
unterworfen
lichenkonstitutionellen
ist,dennochals poliBeschrnkungen
werden kann. Dieses Problem stelltesich im
tischeHerrschaftbegriffen
Kontext der Frage nach den Grenzen der ppsdichen Amtskompetenz
mit besondererDringlichkeit,
weil die monarchischeGewalt des Papstes
frOckham durch biblischeund sachlicheArgumenteverbrgtist.103
indemer den widerstandsrechtOckham begegnetdieserSchwierigkeit,
Er verstehtunter libertas
naturalis
das vorlichen Gedanken radikalisiert.
eines
von
Gott
verliehene
Recht
staatliche,
jeden Individuums,Eigentum
anzueignenund Herrschereinzusetzen,die ber die Wahrungder Eigenzu wachen und das Gemeinwohlzu schttums-und Persnlichkeitsrechte
zen haben.104Auch monarchischeGewalt, die nicht durch besondere
konstitutionelle
ist,bleibtin ihrenEingriffen
Bindungenexplizitbeschrnkt
in die Rechte der Untertanenimplizitan diese Funktionsbestimmung
rechtlichgebunden.Sollte sich ein Herrscheran diese Verpflichtung
nicht
halten und seine Untertanenwie Sklaven zum persnlichenNutzen verwenden,ist es jedem Individuumerlaubt,seine individuellenRechte mit
naturalis
zu schtzenund Widerstandzu leisten.
Berufungauf die libertas
Da es sich bei der libertas
naturalis
um ein natrlichesRecht auerhalb
jeder positivenRechtsordnunghandelt,ist der einzige Mastab fr die
korrekte
das
Ausbungder sich aus ihm ergebendenWiderstandsbefugnis
individuelleGewissen, das vor Gott dafr Rechenschaftablegen mu.
103
III.1.4.1-26(846-868).
1.6.14-21
ThePolitical
Dialogus,
(483-489);
Vgl.A.S.McGrade,
William
Ockham.
Personal
andInstitutional
, Cambridge
1974,149-68.
Thought
of
of
Principles
104
ramico,
deprinciptu
III.7, ed. H.S. Offler,
in: Guillelmi
deOckham
Breviloquium
ty
Opera
II.3 (113-115);
11.17(146f.);
m.1.1.5-7(776-779);
Politica,
4, Oxford
1997,178-80;
Dialogus,
Octo
in: Guillelmi
deOckham
II.8,ed. H.S. Offler,
1, Manchester2
Politica,
quaestiones,
Opera
TheConcept
inWilliam
in:
1974,83. ZurInterpretation
vgl.J.Miethke,
ofLiberty
ofOckham,
etdroit
dansla science
del'tat
Rom1991,89-100;B. Tierney,
The
moderne,
Thologie
politique
IdeaofNatural
Studies
onNatural
LawandChurch
Law, 1150-1625,
Atlanta
Natural
Rights.
Rights,
1997,131-202.

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72

KARLUBL- LARSVINX

Eine Institutionalisierung
des natrlichenWiderstandsrechts
ist nichtnur
nichtnotwendig,sondernausgeschlossen,da in letzterKonsequenz jede
Institutionirren kann. Der Status brgerlicherFreiheit,den Ockhams
Argumentauch den Untertaneneines Vollknigszuspricht,setzt somit
keineregulrePartizipation
an der Ausbungvon Herrschaft
mehrvoraus.
Es ist daher durchaus mit dem Ideal politischerHerrschaftvertrglich,
da ein Knig oder ein anders legitimierter
Herrscherdie Untertanen
aus eigenerMachtfllezum Gemeinwohlhinlenkt.105
Das Freiheitsrecht
stehteinerpaternalistischen
nicht
Herrschaftsausbung
entgegen,solange
in die Rechte der Untertanendem Gemeinwohlund nichtder
Eingriffe
kann
Bereicherungdes Herrschersdienen.Das aristotelische
Vollknigtum
also als politischeHerrschaft
werden,obwohlOckham einschrnaufgefat
kend festhlt,da in seiner Zeit Knige blicherweise durch einen
seien.106
Krnungseidund Rechtsgewohnheiten
eingeschrnkt
Marsiliusund Ockham sprengendemnach auf gnzlichkontrreWeise
den Rahmen des politischenAristotelismus,
der eine durch eine Theorie
der Volkssouvernitt,
der andere durch eine Theorie der Naturrechte.
Beiden gemeinsamistjedoch die Strategie,den aristotelischen
Staat um
eine vorausliegendeEbene zu ergnzen, sei es die Konstituierungder
Brgerals Gesetzgeber,sei es die gttlicheVerleihungeines natrlichen
Rechtsstatus.
3. Ergebnisse
Die hierverfolgte
war eng umgrenzt:Wir haben die DiskusFragestellung
sion um den Vorrangvon Erb- oder Wahlmonarchie,die seit Peter von
Auvergne in den Kommentarengefhrtwurde, beiseite gelassen, weil
diese Frage von Aristoteles
nichtaufgeworfen
wurde.107
Ebenso haben wir
da dieses
das Verhltnisdes Herrscherszum Recht nichtbercksichtigt,
Thema vorwiegendin den SchriftenderJuristenerrtertwurde und sich
Uns ging
auch nichtauf die monarchischeVerfassungeingrenzenlt.108
105
natura, III.1.2.6,ed. Goldast
(wieAnm.102),794: . . sednonestcontra
Dialogus
ad bonum
cumquilibet
teneutatur
liberis
lemlibertatem,
utquisrationabiliter
commune,
aturbonumcommune
praeferre
privato."
106Ebd.(795).
107
1992(wieAnm.2).
Vgl.Fleler1992(wieAnm.3),I 122-7;Blythe
108
dupouvoir
dansla scolasurla conception
lgislatif
remarques
Quelques
Vgl.M. Grignaschi,
The
61 (1983),783-801;
K. Pennington,
etd'histoire,
, in:Revuebelgede philologie
stique
andRights
intheWestern
andthe
Law(1200-1600).
Prince
, Berkeley/Los
LegalTradition
Sovereignty
1993.
Angeles/Oxford

15:32:43 PM

DIE MONARCHIE
VONARISTOTELES
ZU OCKHAM

73

es allein um die Frage, wie die Kommentatorenmit dem Problemfertig

die Monarchie- sofernsie eine echteVerfassungswurden,da Aristoteles
form darstellt nicht als politischeHerrschaft,sondern als erweiterte
Hausherrschaft
aufgefathat, die nur in archaischenGesellschaftenbei
berragenderTugend eines Einzelnen Legitimittbeanspruchenkann.
Whrend AlbertusMagnus sich noch eng am Text der Politikanlehnt
und der aristotelischen
Konzeption des Knigtumsals Tugendherrschaft
bleibt,ist bei Thomas ein Bewutseinfrdas Problemdeutverpflichtet
lich greifbar:Die Unterscheidungzwischen der politischenHerrschaft
eines Monarchen und der despotischenHerrschafteines Tyrannenmu
sich an einem eindeutigbestimmbarenUnterschieddes Statusder Untertanen festmachenlassen. Indem Thomas zum einen die Monarchie nicht
als Tugendherrschaft,
sondernals stabilittssicherndes
ElementeinerMischund
zum
anderen
den
Untertanen
als Brgernein
verfassungbegreift
Recht zum Widerstandgegen tyrannische
Herrschafteinrumt,gelingtes
ihm, das Knigtumvon der despotischenHerrschaftabzugrenzen.AllerdingsbleibtThomas' Lsung letztlichan das VorliegeneinerMischverfassung gebunden, zeigt mithin nicht, ob sich auch die Herrschaftvon
Monarchen, die aus eigenem Recht absolute Gewalt beanspruchen,als
politischeHerrschaftdenken lt. Diese Frage gewann zwangslufigan
zur Rechtfertigung
unbeschrnkter
AlleinherrBedeutung,sobaldArgumente
schaftum sich griffen.
Zu Beginn des 14. Jahrhunderts
fhrtendie Ambiguittenin der aristotelischen
Konzeptiondes Knigtumszu radikalerenLsungen.Whrend
die Apologetendes franzsischenKnigtumsebenso wie die Verteidiger
des Papalismusder Unterscheidung
zwischenpolitischerund despotischer
Herrschaft
eines Monarchenalle rechtlicheBedeutsamkeit
nehmenwollten
oder sie sogar expressis
in Frage stellten,entwickelten
verbis
Marsiliusund
Ockham neue Mglichkeiten,das Knigtumals genuin politischeHerrschaftzu deuten.Hierbei gingensie allerdingssehrunterschiedliche
Wege.
Wie Thomas interessierte
sich Marsiliusvor allem frdie nicht-ideale
des Aristoteles,also frdie Frage, wie in einer "pluVerfassungstheorie
ralistischen"Gesellschaftein fairerund stabilerAusgleichzwischenden
unterschiedlichen
Teilen hergestelltwerden knne. Anders als Thomas
sttztesich Marsiliusaber nichtauf das Konzept einer Mischverfassung,
sondern auf eine zukunftsweisende
Theorie demokratischer
Volkssouvernitt. Im Lichte dieser Theorie verliertdie klassische Verfassungsformenlehre
ihre zentraleBedeutung,da sie zu einer Lehre von bloen
wird. Die Freiheitder Brgerist bei Marsiliusdurch
Regierungsformen
den demokratischen
im Gesetzgebungsproze
Mehrheitsentscheid
gesichert,

15:32:43 PM

74

KARLUBL- LARSVINX

der als hinreichendeGarantiefrdie Gemeinwohlbezogenheit

der Politik
da
er
eine
auf
die
Interessen
eines
Teils der
wird,
interpretiert
einseitig
Gesellschaft
Herrschaft
verhindere.
Ein der politischen
Gemeinausgerichtete
schaftvorgelagertesnatrlichesRecht, auf welches sich einzelne auch
und ihrepolitischenReprsentantenberufenkngegendie Gemeinschaft
wird
damit
nen,
hinfallig.
Ein solcher'demokratischer
Optimismus',der Glaube an die MglichkeiteinerreinprozeduralenLsungdes Problemsder Tyrannei,istOckham
vielmehrden bereitsvon Thomas formuliervlligfremd.Er radikalisiert
ten Gedanken einer natrlichenBegrenzungstaatlicherGewalt,indem er
die Zustndigkeitfr die Ausbung des Widerstandsrechtsin letzter
Konsequenz in die Hand des Individuumslegt. Sein Argumentberuht
auf dem Grundgedanken,da jede Herrschaft,die politischgenanntzu
werdenbeansprucht,
auf die Achtungwohlerworbener
Rechteder Untertanen verpflichtet
istund den Untertanenkeineschwereren
Lastenauferlegen
darf,als zur ErfllungihrerFunktionnotwendigsind. Diese Herrschaftsbeschrnkungmu Ockham zufolgenichtexplizitstatuiertoder gewohnoder
heitsrechtlichtradiertsein (z.B. durch Eide, Herrschaftsvertrge
sie ist vielmehrim Begriffder politischen
positiveVerfassungsgesetze),
Herrschaft- in der Unterscheidungzwischen Sklaven und Brgernkann das Vollknigtum
implizitenthalten.Im LichtedieserArgumentation
von despotischerHerrschaftabgegrenztwerden,ohne da eine Theorie
der gemischtenVerfassungbemhtwerden mu.
Die Unklarheitenin der aristotelischen
Beschreibungdes Phnomens
des Knigtums,welches fr den griechischenPhilosophen eher einen
Grenzfallals ein Schlsselproblemim Bereich des Politischendarstellte,
eine erstaunhaben unterden vlliganderenBedingungendes Mittelalters
zu bewlDie Versuche,sie begrifflich
lich produktiveWirkungentfaltet.
der
modernen
Idee der
sowohl
einen
Teil
der
stellen
Vorgeschichte
tigen,
Demokratieals auch der modernenVorstellungnatrlicherRechte dar.
Tbingen
Eberhard-KarlsUniversitt

Toronto
of Toronto
University

15:32:43 PM

Mechanics
and Citizens
: TheReception
of theAristotelian
Idea of Citizenship
in LateMedievalEurope
CARYJ. NEDERMAN

From Greek antiquityup to our own century,one of the most pressing

problemsof Westernpolitics in theoryas well as in practice- has been
the identification
of the appropriatecriteriafor full membershipin the
community,encapsulatedby the term "citizenship."Greek and Roman
philosophersas well as politiciansdebated a wide range of principlesfor
politicalinclusionand exclusion;the theme was taken up in regard to
both churchand statein earlyEuropean Christendom.Of course,in the
modernworld, the demand for civic rightshas been a rallyingcry for
warsand revolutions,
and also formeda centralobjectof theoreticalreflection.1Even at the beginningof the twenty-first
century,politicalexclusion
remainson the agenda of the most economicallyand sociallycomplex
liberal-democratic
regimes whetherin connectionwithillegalimmigrants,
"guest workers,"racial minorities,or other marginalizedgroups. In the
United States, for instance,the policy of numerousstates,especiallyin
the South,to deny the franchiseand othercivilrightsto convictedfelons
(an overwhelming
majorityof whom are black) may have tippedthe outcome of the 2000 presidentialelection.The politicsof citizenshiphas not
disappearedfromsupposedlyinclusiveliberal democracies.2
Among the many attemptsto definethe standardsof citizenshipin the
Westerntradition,one of the most influential
was proposed in the writof
in
his
Politics.
Aristotle
ings Aristotle, particular,
famouslyquestioned
whethera share in citizenshipcould be accorded to women, children,
slaves,foreigners,
perhaps even the elderly and "mechanics"(;mechanicus
,
the Latin translationof the Greek banausos
one
who
a
earns
, literally,
livelihoodby workingwith his hands). In Aristotle'sown day, and well

1 Fora
ofthetopic,
seePeterRiesenberg,
intheWestern
wide-ranging
survey
Citizenship
Tradition:
PlatotoRousseau,
1992.
Hill,
Chapel
2 On someaspects
ofthis,seeJohnLantiqua,
HowtheGOPGamed
theSystem
inFlorida
,
in:TheNation,
272:17(April
30,2001),11-7.
Koninklijke
BrillNV,Leiden,2002
- www.brill.nl
Alsoavailable
online

Vwarium
40,1

15:32:51 PM

76

GARYJ. NEDERMAN

into modern times,the refusalto permitpeople in the firstfour categoriesto possess fullmembershipin the civic communityremainedrelaIndeed, althoughthe abolition of formsof legal
tivelyuncontroversial.
unfreedomand the extensionof gender equality have erased most of
Aristotle's
todaystilldo not generally
groupexclusions,liberal-democracies
confera completerange of politicalrightson minorsand residentaliens.
By contrast,the civil statusof "mechanics"remaineda disputedtopic
fromancientGreece onwards.As Aristotlefullyrealized (and bemoaned),
Greek democraciessuch as Athensadmittedfreebornadult males to citizenshipregardlessof propertyqualificationsor occupation:farmers,artisans, traders,and skilled craftsmenwere indeed the backbone of the
democraticpoleisin war and peace. Republican Rome likewiseeventually
accorded basic civic identityto freemenwithoutreferenceto economic
betweenpatricianand plebian linposition,althoughthe social distinction
And throughoutlater European history,the claims of
gered powerfully.
free
but
civillyexcluded men to a share of politicalstandingwere
legally
time and again. Aristotleand other
asserted(albeit oftenunsuccessfully)
that citizenshipproperlyunderas
who
insisted
such
Plato,
philosophers
stood was incompatiblewith physicallabor, thus advocated a position
that by no means enjoyeduniversalapproval eitherin theirown day or
thereafter.
Yet Aristotle'spoliticalphilosophyexercisedwidespreadand profound
influencein later times,particularly
duringthe Latin Middle Ages, when
The Philosopherenjoyedan almostpeerlessstatusamong European theorists.Of course,the traditionalview among historiansof politicalthought
that the translationand transmissionof Aristotle'smoral and political
centurycaused an "intellectualrevolution"
writingsin the mid-thirteenth
has now been generallydiscredited.3
Still,Aristoteliantextswere among
the primesourcematerialsforpoliticalreflection
among the learnedelites
of the medieval West, and their authoritycontributedcruciallyto the
classroomsand scholassupportforthephilosophicalteachingsin university
tic texts.Hence, if ever Aristotle'sviews about the qualificationsfor citizenshipmightenjoy an enthusiasticaudience preparedto embrace them
late medieval scholasticismwould seem to provide idewholeheartedly,
ally fertileground.
3 See Gary
inMoral
Traditions
Classical
andItsLimits:
Aristotelianism
Medieval
J.Nederman,
in
Xllth-XVth
Centuries
andPolitical
Black,Political
, London1997;Antony
Thought
Philosophy,
1992.
1250-1450
,
,
Cambridge
Europe

15:32:51 PM

ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS

77

As is so oftenthe case withthe processof Aristotelian

receptionduring
the Middle Ages, however,the storyof the circulationof the conception
of citizenshipproposed in the Politicswas by no means a straightforward
one. Certainly,some (perhapsmost)schoolmenindeed acceptedAristotle's
of mechanicsfor civil lifewithoutcomteachingabout the unsuitability
But
other
authors
ment.4
includingthose whom I shall examine in the
- while
social and politpresentessay
dependingheavilyupon Aristotelian
declinedto disavowthe competenceof artisans,
ical thought,nevertheless
craftsmen,and theirilk for public life merelyby reason of theiroccupation. Not only did such writerssimplyignore Aristotle'sremarkson
Aristode's
the subject,at timestheydistortedor entirelymisrepresented
own clearlystatedpositionsand ascribedto The Philosopherideas manifestlyat odds with his explicitstatements.Such willfulmisinterpretation
was hardlya noveltyamong medievalreadersof classicaltexts,yetit perhaps calls for some explanation.I wish to argue that Aristotle'snotion
of citizenshipin the Politicsrequiredrevision,at least for some authors,
because of a veryprominentpredilectionin favorof the mechanicalarts
that became evidentamong philosophersfromthe middle of the twelfth
centuryonward.In otherwords,the positivevaluationof labor and artisanshipthat had been endorsedby thinkerswell beforethe recoveryof
Aristotle'scorpus helps to account for the readinessof certaintheorists
to promotea more inclusivevision of citizenshipthan one findsin the
Politics.In order to defendthis claim, I shall examine Aristotle'sreasoning forexcludingmechanicsfromcitizenship,followedby a discussionof
the valorizationof the mechanical arts by the pre-receptionmedieval
authorsHugh of St. Victor,Johnof Salisbury,and BrunettoLatini.Finally,
I shall considerthe principlesof civic identityproposed by two of the
betterknownscholasticpoliticaltheorists
of thelaterMiddle Ages,Ptolemy
of Lucca and Marsiglio of Padua. I argue that the latterfiguresbuilt
more upon the insightsof twelfthand thirteenth-century
philosophythan
the
in
ideas
found
the
Politics
when
the
upon
defining qualifications
appropriate for the citizen.

4 Forgeneral
discussion
ofthethirteenthandfourteenth-century
ofAristode's
reception
ideaofcitizenship
andrelated
concerns
as "slavery'),
thestandard
sources
are:Mario
(such
3dansla
La definition
du civis
in:Ancien
Grignaschi,
d'tats,
scholastique,
payset assembles
35 (1966),71-88;Christoph
undInterpretation
derAristotelischen
Politica
im
Fleler,
Rezeption
Mittelalter
undBrger:
, 2 vols.,Amsterdam
1992,1, 35-85;andUlrich
spten
Meier,Mensch
DieStadt
imDenken
und
, Philosophen
sptmittelalterlicher
Theologen
Juristen
(Munich
1994),63-126.

15:32:51 PM

GARYJ. NEDERMAN

78
Conditions
, Not Parts

Aristotle'sPoliticsleaves no doubt that in a well-orderedor just regime,

the statusof citizenwould only be accorded to those whose aret(exceland the
lence, virtue)qualifiesthem to participatefullyin office-holding
functionsof ruling.He admits that constitutionsdo indeed vary concerningwho is to be admittedinto citizenship:democraciesincludingall
(or at any rate most) free males born of citizen parentage,oligarchies
establishingmore limitationson citizenship.But he declaresthathis concern is not merelyto engage in the descriptiveenterpriseof determining
citizenshipin a relativesense; he is insteadinterestedin defining"citizen
in the strictestsense," that is, those individualswho are competentto
exercisethe civic rightsassociatedwithjudicial and officialtasks.5While
civic excellenceis not identicalto personal virtue,individualswho possess both- that is, who are both good citizensand good men- will tend
And thus,the citito coincide in the best constitutional
arrangements.6
zen can never be a mechanic,for the menial laborer necessarilylacks
the excellenceassociatedwithjust judgementand wise rule.
of his
Regardlessof whetherwe view Aristotle'spositionas a reflection
and
of
the
lower
aristocratic
extreme
classes,
loathing
prejudice against
of the wellor as an exaltationof the nobilityand justice characteristic
it is evidentthatforhim the man who earns his living
bred gentleman,7
has no trueplace in politicalaffairs.Under any constitutional
systemworresident
aliens and
classified
with
a
is
to
be
thyof the name, such person
slaves:
whoarenecall thoseto be citizens
consider
thatwe cannot
It mustbe admitted
andamongsomenations,
ofthepolis.... In ancient
to theexistence
times,
essary
themajority
ofthemareso
andtherefore
theartisan
classwereslavesorforeigners,
areadmitbutifthey
them
tocitizenship;
ofpoliswillnotadmit
now.Thebestform
willnotapplytoevery
ofa citizen
oftheexcellence
citizen,
ted,thenourdefinition
services.
from
freemanas such,butonlythosewhoarefreed
or every
necessary
or
to thewantsofindividuals
slaveswhominister
The necessary
peopleareeither
ofthecommunity.8
whoaretheservants
andlaborers
mechanics
thispositionin his discussionof the ideallybest regime
Aristotlereaffirms
the "citizens"properly
in Book 7 of the Politics.There he distinguishes
5 Aristotle,
Politics
1275a3-20.
6 Ibid.,1276bl6-1277b33.
7 Fortheseinterpretations,
and
EllenM. WoodandNealWood,ClassIdeology
compare
andMan, Chicago
TheCity
withLeo Strauss,
Political
Ancient
1978,209-257
, Oxford
Theory
1964,13-49.
8 Aristotle,
Politics
1278a2-12.

15:32:51 PM

ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS

79

speaking whom he termsthe "parts"of the polis and who dischargethe

properlypolitical functionsof defense,religiousworship,and deliberation- fromthe "conditions"of the polis, whose responsibility
is to meet
its physicalneeds by engagingin farming,craftsmanship,
and commerce.
He argues that "since we are speakinghere of the best formof government,that is, the one under which the polis will be happiest(and happiness,as said before,cannot existwithoutexcellenceor virtue,aret
), it
follows
that
in
the
that
is
best
and
includes
clearly
polis
governed
only
men who are just absolutely,ratherthanjust relativeto the principleof
the constitution,
the citizensmust not lead the life of artisansor tradesmen, for such a life is ignoble and inimical to excellence."9The very
mechanicaloccupationsconstitute
forAristotlethe basis forexclusionfrom
to
exercise
civic
competence
rights.Thus, in his ideal regime,those who
earn theirliving necessarilypossess the status of outsiderswithintheir
own community.They would not be the same as slaves or foreigners,
in
the sense that they could presumablyown propertyand determinethe
conditionsof theirown labor; but forall intentsand purposes,theirstatus would otherwisenot be much different
fromthe unfreeand the alien.
What conceptualprinciplesjustifysuch exclusionfromthe community
forAristotle?Two main argumentsstand out. First,practitioners
of the
mechanicalarts necessarilylack the freetime that he regardsto be crucially importantfor a perfectedcivic life. "Citizens being compelled to
live by theirlabor have no leisure,"he asserts.10
Leisure is requiredfor
both
it
because
a
citizens
full
to particicitizenship
permits
opportunity
in
all
of
pate
aspects communityactivityand because it affordsthe chance
to acquire the moral and intellectualqualitiesindispensableforwise rule.
"Leisure," Aristotleobserves,"is necessaryboth for the developmentof
excellenceand the performanceof politicalduties."11The man of leisure,
as he says in the Mcomachean
Ethics
, stands a betterchance of obtaining
excellence and happiness than does one constantlyconsumed by daily
cares and woes.12
The second rationalefor the exclusionof mechanicsfromcitizenship
is the incompatibility
of the aims of theiroccupationwiththe truenature
of the polis. Aristotlehad famouslyheld thatthe polis existsnot in order
simplyto preservethe biological lives of its members,but to promote
9 Ibid.,1328b32-41.
10Ibid.,1292b26-27.
11Ibid.,1329al-2.
12Aristotle,
Mcomachean
Ethics
1177b4-27.

15:32:51 PM

80

GARYJ. NEDERMAN

theirvirtueand happiness;its purposeis not mere life,but a worthwhile

life."The polis existsforthe sake of a good life,and not forthe sake of
lifeonly:iflifeonlywere the object,slaves and bruteanimalsmightform
a polis, but theycannot,fortheyhave no share in happinessor in a life
based on choice," Aristotleasserts.13
Obviously,the end of the mechanical arts does not measure up to this vaunted goal of "the good life";
thosewho workwiththeirhands create at best merelythe conditionsfor
a materiallyadequate existence.Of course, a man must have access to
the means of physicallife as a pre-requisiteto livingwell, that is, virtuously and happily;the goods of the soul assume at least a modicum of
"external"goods.14But those who provide such sustenanceare engaged
themselvesin an enterprisethat limitstheirappreciationof the ultimate
excellencethat the polis existsto achieve. Their conceptionof the good
lifeinvolvesthe amassingof wealth or gatheringof propertyor enjoying
of physicalpleasure,ratherthan the genuine happinessaffordedby the
practice of the moral and intellectualvirtues.The life of mechanics,in
sum, decisivelydisqualifiesthem fromrealizingcompletelytheirpolitical
natures,accordingto Aristotle.
Arts
theMechanical
Revaluing
While Aristotle'sattitudetoward the manual arts probably represented
the dominantphilosophicalviewpointduringlater antiquityand into the
intellectual
Early Middle Ages, scholarshave demonstrateda significant
The reasons for this
reorientationarisingduring the twelfthcentury.15
developmentare manyand complex,includingchangesin economicorgaBut what resultsby
nization,technology,theology,and religiousculture.16
the middle of the twelfthcenturyis a definitestrand of philosophical
thoughtthatprizes the mechanicalarts and acknowledgesthe honorable
and upliftingeffectsof human labor on social order as well as individual character.

13Aristotle,
Politics
1280132-34.
14See Aristotle,
Ethics
1177a28-31.
Mcomachean
15Themostimportant
nel
mechanicae'
e le *artes
Lafilosofia
Franco
include:
studies
Alessio,
6
3rdseries,(1965),71-155;
XII, in:StudiMedievali,
secolo
Ovitt,
Jr.,The Restoration
George
Culture
inMedieval
LaborandTechnology
1987;and Elspeth
, NewBrunswick
ofPerfection:
theThirteenth
Arts
TheMechanical
Restored:
Paradise
,
Century
through
Antiquity
from
Whitney,
1990.
Philadelphia
16See ibid.,pp. 75-82.

15:32:51 PM

MECHANICS
ANDCITIZENS

81

The foremost
name associatedwiththisreconsideration
of manual work
is Hugh of St. Victor, who was among the most influentialfiguresof
twelfth-century
philosophy.Throughouthis corpus,but most directlyin
- a treatisewrittenaround 1125 on the
the Didascalicon
organizationof
human knowledge
the
as
well
as the theHugh incorporated
practice
of
the
mechanical
arts
into
realm
the
of human "wisdom,"renderory
ing them therebyworthyto be pursued by human beings. He reasons
thatearthlywisdomextendsto all acts forwhich "the end and the intention" is "the restoringof our nature'sintegrity
or the relievingof those
weaknessesto which our presentlife lies subject."17The formeractions
are, of course,spiritualand pertainto the conditionof the human soul,
the goal of which is "to restorein us the likenessof the divine image."
The lattertype of act concernsthe circumstancesof the body and "the
necessityof thislife,which,the more easilyit can sufferharm fromthose
thingswhich work to its disadvantage,the more does it require to be
cherishedand conserved."18While "divine" mattersmay take ultimate
priorityfor Hugh over "human" ones, he concludes that the necessity
imposed upon us by our god-givennature constitutesa dilemma whose
remedydeservesto be accorded the name of knowledge(scientia)
just as
much as the theoreticalor practical fieldsof reason.19The purpose of
the mechanicalarts is to overcomeor combat the naturaldeficienciesof
human life.
The unique predicamentof human beings,then,demands the "invention" or "discovery"of the arts, according to Hugh.20"Necessity,"he
observes with referenceto the proverb, "is the mother of arts."21He
refusesto disdainthe factthe God has leftus to our own devicesto meet
our needs: "A need is somethingwithoutwhichwe cannotlive,and [with
17HughofSt.Victor,
Didascalicon
NewYorkandLondon
, 1.5,trans.
Jerome
Taylor,
corrected
thetranslation
whenit seemedto departtoo
1961,51-2.I haveoccasionally
from
theLatinversion
oftheDidascalicon
, I, 5, ed. C.H. Buttimer,
greatly
Washington,
D.C. 1939,12,3-6:"Omnium
autemhumanarum
actionum
seustudiorum,
quaesapientia moderatur,
finiset intentio
ad hoc spectare
nostrae
debet,ut vel naturae
reparetur
veldefectuum,
subiacet
necessitas."
vita,
integritas
quibus
praesens
temperetur
18Hughof St. Victor,
Didascalico
n, 1.7,transi.Taylor,54, ed. Buttimer,
15, 5-8:
. . omnium
humanarum
actionum
ad huncfinem
concurrit
utveldivinae
imaintentio,
innobisrestauretur,
velhuiusvitaenecessitudini
ginissimilitudo
consulatur,
quaequofaciliuslaedipotest
eo magisfoveri
et conservali
adversis,
indiget."
19Ibid.,1.8,transi.
55-6.
Taylor,
20Ibid.,1.11,transi.
57-8.
Taylor,
21Ibid.,1.9,transi.
... omnesexcuderit
56; ed. Buttimer,
17, 14: "... natura
Taylor,
artes."

15:32:51 PM

82

CARYJ. NEDERMAN

which] we would live more happily. . . For the sake of our needs, the
mechanicalarts were discovered."22
In turn,because humanityhas mulsortsof occupationsto meet
tiple needs, there must be many different
them.Thus, mechanicalknowledgecomprisesseveralarts- fabric-making,
- of
armament,commerce,agriculture,hunting,medicine,and theatrics
whichtheinitialthreepertainto the externalprotectionof the body,while
the otherfourconcerninternalnourishment.23
The practitioners
of each
of these arts redresssome defectof natural human existenceby manufacturingan artificialproductin imitationof nature itself:theyprovide
forus what nature does not, yet in a quasi-naturalway:24
Fromnature's
a better
chancefortrying
should
be provided
toman
example,
things
whenhe comesto deviseforhimself
thosethings
byhisownreasoning
naturally
animals.
human
reasonshines
forth
muchmorebrilliantly
Indeed,
giventoall other
in inventing
thoseverythings
thaneveritwouldhavehadmannaturally
possessed
them.25
Hugh thus refutesthe accusationthat mechanicslive contraryto nature
because theirproductsare mere "artifice":"We look withwondernot at
naturealone but at the artificer
as well."26Such remarkshighlighta dramatic reversalof opinion about the mechanical arts and theirvarious
occupationsand practitioners:
theycontain a measure of wisdomwhich,
if not thatpossessedby the philosopher,stillpossessesinherentvalue that
demands the respectof humankind.
Since Hugh's main concern in the Didascalicon
is the classification
of
formsof human knowledge,he does not address the specifically
political
implicationsof his valorizationof mechanicallabor. But thisthemeis discussed by his slightly
who integrates
junior admirer,John of Salisbury,27
22Ibid.,6.14,transi.
estsine
130,19-20,26-7:"Necessitas
Taylor,152;ed. Buttimer,
. . . propter
necessitatem
inventa
est
sed felicius
viveremus
qua viverenonpossumus,
medianica."
23Ibid.,2.20,transi.
74.
Taylor,
24Ibid.,1.4,transi.
51.
Taylor,
25Ibid.,1.9,transi.
enimutillis,quae
56, ed. Buttimer,
17,7-12:"Oportuit
Taylor,
sibiprovidere
naturaconsuleret,
homini
autemex hocetiammaiorexperiendi
nesciunt,
naturaliter
datasunt,propriaratione
sibi
occasiopraestaretur,
cumilla,quae ceteris
inveniret.
ratiohominis
haeceademinveniendo
Multoenimnuncmagisenitet
quam
habendo
claruisset."
26Ibid.,1.9,transi.
mire17,17-8:. . . iamcumnatura
56,ed.Buttimer,
Taylor,
ipsum
murartificem."
27Whether
remains
theirpathscertainly
could
unclear;
JohnknewHughpersonally
in Parisduring
education.
ButJohnrefers
havecrossed
theearlyyearsofJohn's
approvtheMetalogicon
histreatise
on education,
withHughandhisteachings
ingly
throughout
(c. 1159).

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ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS

the mechanicalartsinto the famousmetaphorof the body politicin the

Policraticus
(completedin 1159). Claiming to adapt the main arguments
of the forged"Instructionof Trajan," John compares the ruler to the
head, the senate (counselors)to the heart,the judges and proconsulsto
the senses,the hands and arms to tax collectorsand soldiers,the houseto the stomachand intestines,
hold servantsto the flanks,the fiscalofficers
fleshesout in
and the peasants and artisansto the feet.28The Policraticus
detail all of the duties associated with these functions,each of which is
deemed necessaryfor a healthypoliticalcommunity.
John also explains
how the tasksassignedto each part stand in a necessaryrelationto the
whole,stressingthe reciprocalcharacterof the well-orderedbody. Unlike
most precedingthinkers,for whom organic images of public life were
John
simplya way of emphasizingpoliticalhierarchyand subordination,
holds that all partsmustconsciouslyworktogetherin orderto achieve a
common good that none of them can attainindependently.
Most importantly,
John's deploymentof the organicmetaphoris inclusive. He embracesthe participationof all social classes- includingthose
associatedwith the "mechanical arts"- in the life of the community:
thehumbler
offices
. . . Among
theseareto
Thosearecalledthefeetwhodischarge
cleavetothesoil,busied
abouttheir
be counted
thehusbandmen,
whoalways
ploughlandsorvineyards
orpastures
orflower
To thesemustbe addedthemany
gardens.
ofcloth-making
andthemechanical
workinwood,iron,bronze,
arts,which
species
of
and thedifferent
alsothemenialoccupations,
and themanifold
forms
metals;
a livelihood
andsustaining
orincreasing
household
allofwhich,
life,
making
property,
ofthegoverning
areyetin the
whiletheydo notpertain
to theauthority
power,
useful
andadvantageous
to thecorporate
wholeofthecommunity.29
highest
degree
John recognizesthe complexityof the tasksassociatedwiththe mechanical arts,remarkingthatthe body politicresemblesmore an "eight-footed
crab" or "even a centipede"than a human being supportedby only two
feet.All of the activitiesof mechanics are necessaryfor the completely
satisfactoryorganization of the communal organism. AlthoughJohn
acknowledgesthat manual laborers do not have a directhand in rule,
28JohnofSalisbury,
Policraticus
1909.The translations
, 5. 2, ed. C.C.J.Webb,Oxford
herearebasedon myEnglish
version
(Cambridge
1990).
29Ibid.,6.20,ed. Webb,vol.2, 58, 21-59,3: "Pedesquidem humiliora
exercent
qui
officia
... In hisquidemagricolarum
ratiouertitur
adherent
sivein
qui terraesemper
sationalibus
siuein consitiuis
siueinpascuissiuein floreis
His etiamaggreganagitentur.
turmultae
lanificii
eremetallisque
uariis
mecanicae,
species
artesque
quaein lignoferro
seruiles
et multplices
uictusadquirendi
susconsistunt,
quoqueobsecundationes
uitasque
tentandae
autremfamiliarem
aucformae,
amplificandi
quaenecad praesidendi
pertinent
toritatem
et uniuersitati
reipublicae
usquequaque
proficiunt."

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GARYJ. NEDERMAN

he insiststhat theynonethelesspossess a politicalidentitybased on their

contributionto the functionalgood of the whole. Peasants and artisans
mustbe accountedpart of the politicalcommunitypreciselybecause "it
is they who raise, sustain,and move forwardthe weightof the entire
body. Take away the supportof the feetfromthe strongestbody, and it
cannot move forwardby its own power, but must creep painfullyand
shamefullyby its own hands, or else be moved by means of brute animals."30Because the practitionersof the mechanical arts bring dignity,
not to mentionmaterialwell-being,to the society,they deserve to be
accorded a fullplace in it.
It should be noted that the role of the manual occupationsis defined
that he takes to characterizethe
byJohn in termsof the fullreciprocity
in
Those
who
engage mechanicaloccupationsare to
politicalorganism.
constantreferenceto the public utility,"
"observe
the
law
and
to
obey
providing"service" to the other membersof the body. In turn,magistratesowe "protectionand succor"to thoseoverwhom theyrule.31Indeed,
John observes:
tothehumbler
inallthings
thatis ofadvantage
Thatcourse
is tobe pursued
classes,
thereason
for
forsmallnumbers
thatis,themultitude;
Truly,
always
yieldtogreat.
from
beprotected
ofofficials
wastotheendthatsubjects
theinstitution
wrong,
might
services.32
as itwere,bymeansoftheir
be "shod,"
itself
andthattherepublic
might
John's model of politicalorder here is not merelyone of subordinationand-rule.The mechanics withinthe body politic are to submit,to be
sure, but only when theyare ruledjustly and for the good of all. As I
have suggestedelsewhere,the failureof the princeto governin thismanner invitesJohn'sreasonableexpectationthathe may fallvictimto tyrannicide on entirelydefensiblegrounds.33When the political organismis
of the functionalparts that keeps
healthy,however,thereis a symmetry
the whole operatingforthe common good: "Each and all are like memand each regardshis own advantageas
bers of one anotherreciprocally,
30Ibid.,5.2,ed.Webb,vol.I, 283,18-22:". . . quitotius
et
sustinent
corporis
erigunt,
nonprocedei
suisuiribus
robustissimo
Pedumadminicula
molem.
tolle,
corpori
promouent
animalium
autbrutorum
manibus
etmoleste
inutiliter
sedautturpiter
opemouebitur."
repet
31Ibid.,6.20.
32Ibid.,6.20,ed.Webb,vol.2, 59,14-8: . . inomnibus
quaehumilioribus,
exequenda
cedit.Ea ergocausainstitti
nampaucitas
id estmultitudini,
pluribus
semper
prosunt;
respublica
iniuriae
uta subditis
suntmagistratus
opificio
quasiillorum
ipsaque
propulsentur
caldetur."
33Gary
A DutytoKill:John
, in:Review
ofTyrannicide
Theory
ofSalisbury's
J. Nederman,
50 (1988),365-89.
ofPolitics,

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ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS

best served by that which he knows to be most advantageousfor the

fromthis duty
Manual labor does not exclude its practitioners
others."34
to promotethe public welfare;theirtasksare integralto the body's sustenance, and so they have a fullyintegratedrole in the community.
Mechanics are not to be scorned,but respected,revered,and defended.
This does not amountto the identification
of themas "citizens,"butJohn
aticusa consistentcivic language.
does not adopt anywherein the Polier
To the extentthat the mechanical occupationsare counted among the
membersof the body politic, however,he has already challenged the
ancienttendencytoward exclusiontypifiedby Aristotle.
Aristotle's
FirstComing
John of Salisbury possessed at best faint gleam of knowledge about
Aristotle'spoliticalphilosophy,includinghis theoryof citizenship.35
Yet
readiness
to
translate
the
enthusiasm
of
some
John's
twelfth-century
philosophersabout the value of the mechanicalartsinto a politicaldoctrinecarried forwardinto the thirteenth
centuryto authorswritingboth before
and afterthe circulationof Williamof Moerbeke'stranslation
of the Politics
afterabout 1260. This is evident,forinstance,in theworkof the Florentine
rhetoricianand civil servantBrunettoLatini, who wrote,among other
works,an encyclopedictreatisein Frenchcalled Li Livresdou Tresor
, which
containsan extensivediscussionof the art of governmentand the nature
of community.The Tresoris an eclecticwork,knittedtogetherout of a
diverse array of source materials.Its three major sectionscover, first,
speculativewisdom as well as religion,human historyand the natural
world;second,ethicsas understoodby Aristotleand by the Latin philosophers; and third,rhetoricand the art of government.Latini apparently
wrote the Tresorin the early 1260s, and thus had no directknowledge
of the ideas containedAristotle'sPoliticsbeyond those teachingspresent
in the Nicomachean
Ethics
, an abbreviatedtranslationof which comprises
the firsthalf of the Tresor"
s second book.
In his discussionof government,Latini offersa definitionof politics
thatincorporatesthe reverenceforcraftsmenand artisansthat had been
34JohnofSalisbury,
Policraticus
sintquasi
6.20,ed.Webb,vol.2, 59,24-7: . . singula
aliorum
ad inuicem
membra
et in eo sibiquisquemaxime
credat
esseconsultum
in quo
aliisutilius
nouerit
esseprospectum."
1inthe
See CaryJ. Nederman,
Aristotelianism
andtheOrigins
Science
of'Political
Twelfth
in:
of
the
of
179-94.
52
, Journal
Century
History Ideas, (1991),

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GARYJ. NEDERMAN

articulatedduringthe twelfth
century.The "noble profession"of politics,
he says, "teaches us all of the arts and trades[arset mestiers)
necessaryto
the lifeof man, and thisoccurs in two ways,forone is in deed and the
otherin word."36By "word," Latini means that politicsembracesgrammar, dialectic,and rhetoric,the latterof whichhe commendsas the pinnacle of the politicalarts.37
By "deed," he maintainsthatpolitics"consists
of the daily tradesinvolvinghand and foot,thatis, metalsmiths,
weavers,
and shoemakers,and the othertradesnecessaryforthe lifeof man, and
which are called mechanical."38Thus, Latini's idea of politicscomprehends occupationsthathad been regardedby Aristotleand otherancient
with civic life.
philosophersto be demeaningand inconsistent
What mightLatini have in mind here? Certainlynot that knowledge
with all of the intricaciesof the
of politicsinvolvesa directfamiliarity
mechanical trades.39Rather, he apparentlybelieves that goal of politics
of the disparatearts and tradesthat
mustbe to facilitatethe flourishing
sectionof Book
existwithina community.As he says in the introductory
the
view
of Aristotle's
which
Two of the Tresor
,
allegedly reproduces
:
Ethics
JVicomachean
andthesovera cityis themostimportant
The artwhichteaches
howto govern
ofall arts,becauseit contains
arts,suchas
manyhonorable
eignandthemistress
itis noble
one'shousehold;
science
andgoverning
rhetoric
andmilitary
furthermore,
to all thoseartswhichareunderitandwhich
becauseit givesorderanddirection
oftheothers.40
anditsendis alsotheendandfulfillment
aboutitsfulfillment,
bring
In spiteof his claim to be summarizingthe Ethics
, Latini seems to make
For
however.
a quite different
than
Aristotle,all of the
Aristotle,
point
subordinateartspresentwithinthe polis had purposesthatwere less hon36Brunetto
and
ed. Francis
Li Livres
douTresor
Latini,
, 1.4.5-6,
Berkeley
J. Carmody,
tousles arset toz les
... si nousensegne
Los Angeles1948,21, 19-25:"... politique
carl'uneesten oevreet
Ce esten .ii.manieres,
kia vied'omesontbesonable.
mestiers
theEnglish
is basedon,butsometimes
en paroles."
l'autre
from,
departs
Mytranslation
Brunetto
Baldwin:
andSpurgeon
,
Latini,TheBookofTreasure
rendering
byPaulBarrette
NewYork1993.
37Ibid.,1.4.7-10.
38Ibid.,1.4.6,ed. Carmody,
ke l'en
21, 25-28:"Celeki esten oevresontli mestier
etcesautres
desmainsetdespis,ce sontsueurs,
oevretousjours
cordewaniers,
drapiers,
et sontapielsmcaniques."
a la viedeshomes,
kisontbesoignable
mestiers
39A viewthatBrunetto
deniesat ibid.,3.73.2.
explicitly
40Ibid.,2.3.1,ed. Carmody,
est
la citgoverner
li arskiensegne
176,1-6:"Donques
maintes
luisontcontenues
etdamede tousars,pource quedesous
etsoveraine
principale
sa maisnie.
de fereostetde governer
etla science
honorables
art,so comeestretorique,
arskisousli sont,
Estencoreestele noble,pource k'elemeten ordreet adrecetoutes
desautres."
et sa finsi estfinet compliement
etli siencompliement;

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MECHANICS
ANDCITIZENS

orable than the aim of political science: they soughtonly partial goods
whereas political science sought the good of the whole.41Hence, they
were to be relegatedto the strictcontrolof the "masterscience of the
good," politics,in orderto ensurethattheydid not detractfromthe realization of the common good, which was the promotionof moral virtue
among those inhabitantscapable of attainingit. Aristotle'spolitical science thus is whollyunconcernedwith the ends of the divers arts and
tradesfortheirown sake, but instead concernedwith maintainingthem
(at arms's length)because theirproductsformedthe materialpreconditionsfor a morallyvaluable life on the part of a small elite.
Ethicsa
By contrast,Latini teases out of the text of the Nicomachean
more
and
less
exalted
of
is
both
inclusive
that
the
nature
politics
suggestion
than Aristotleproposes. Brunettohintsthat the reason politicsincludes
the mechanicalas well as the verbal artsis that the communitymustbe
arrangedso as to promotethe good of all its members.Thus, a crucial
is the protectionand enhancementof tasksand funcdutyof government
tions that contributeto materialas well as moral welfare.It is evident
throughoutthe Tresorthat Latini has the utmostrespectfor the capacities of personsengaged in mechanicaloccupations."Each artisanjudges
well and tellsthe truthabout what belongs to his trade,and in thislies
the subtlyof his sense," Latini states.42
Elsewhere,he remarks,"Wisdom
is the dignityand advantageof a man in his trade (:mestier
); forwhen one
in
a
man
he
is
his
then
his
value
and
worthin that
of
that
wise
art,
says
the
Tresordeems
art are shown."43As in Hugh of Victor's Didascalicon
,
manual enterprises,
so far fromdemeaningthose who engage in them,
to be honorable and worthy.
Doubtless,Latini's thinkingwas shaped by the guild-basedstructureof
public lifein Florence and the otherItalian communesof his time. But
thisfactoris not adequate to explain one of the most striking
featuresof
the concept of politicspropounded in the Tresor,
its insistencethat the
a
of
human
arts
constitutes
crucial
foundation
for communal
diversity
life. "All arts and all worksare directedto some good, but because of
the diversity
of things,it followsthat good thingsare diverse;each thing
41Aristotle,
Ethics
Nicomachean
1094al-1094bl2.
42Latini,
Li Livres
douTresor
artiers
, 2.3.2,ed. Carmod,177,14-5: . . chascuns
juge
bienet distla vrit
a sonmestier,
de ce kiapertient
et en ce estsonsenssoutil."
43Ibid.,2.31.3,ed.Carmody,
estla dignit
etl'avantage
de Pome
201,16-7:"Sapience
en sonmestier;
carquanton distd'unhomek'ilestsagesen sonart,lorsestdemoustr
sa bontet sa vaillance
en celuiart."

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GARYJ. NEDERMAN

requiresits own good whichis appropriateto its goal," Latini remarks.44

ranks and functionsof clerics,
Specifically,he enumeratesthe different
and then stipulatesthat "othersare laborers,with some makinghouses
and otherscultivatingthe arable land, and otherare stillsmithsor cobI say thattheyall worktoward
blersor practicesome othertrade (mestier).
the common and peaceful good of cities."45In sum, a range of talents
and functionsis both constitutive
of and desirablefor civic life.
As a result,citizenshipcomes to be definedby Latini as an extension
of the performanceof mechanicalfunctions."It is a naturalthingfor a
man to be a citizenand to live among other men and other artisans,"
he states,"and it would be againstnatureto live alone in a desertwhere
no people live, because man naturallydelightsin company."46A large
measure of such "delight" seems to be comprisedof the exchange of
goods: "Citizens who live togetherin a city serve one another,for if a
man needs somethinganotherperson has, he receivesit and gives him
his reward and his payment according to the quality of the thing."47
Indeed, Latiniconcludes(contraAristode)thatcommerceamong mechanics formsa perfectlyappropriatearchetypeof friendlyrelationsamong
citizens.He claims that "the proper directionof friendship
puts in order
which are divergent,as it happens in cities,for
those areas in friendship
the cobbler sells his shoes according to what they are worth,and the
intercourse
and unobstructed
othersdo the same." What permitsfriendly
is the shared desire for personal profit:"Among them,thereis a common thingthat is loved, throughwhich theyarrange and confirmtheir
is neibusiness,and that is gold and silver."48
Seeking one's self-interest
44Ibid.,2.50.1,ed. Carmody,
oevresvonta aucun
224,7-9:"...tous arset toutes
seloncce que
il que li biensoientdivers;
deschosescovient
bien,maisporla diversit
a sa fin."
chosesrequiert,
sonbienkiestapropriis
chascune
45Ibid.,2.50.3,ed. Carmody,
224,21-5: . . .li autresoientlais,dontli un iontles
ou d'autre
u cordewainier
li autresontfevre
li autrecoutivent
terre
maisons,
gaiaignable,
a ls paisible
a celuibienkiapertient
mestier;
je di k'ilsonttoutentendant
quek'ilsoient,
deshomeset descits."
communit
46Ibid.,2.5.2,ed. Carmody,
et
choseesta l'homek'ilsoitciteins
178,5-8:"Naturele
habiter
es desers
seroit
etcontre
nature
lesartiers;
etentre
k'ilse converse
leshomes
entre
en compaignie."
ce kel'omese delitenaturelement
ou n'a pointde gent,
47Ibid.,2.29.1,ed.por
en une
ensamble
et cilkihabitent
199,1-4:"Li citein,
Carmody,
si en
deschosesd'unautres,
carIi unssi a mestier
Ii unsas autres;
vile,s'entreservent
seloncla qualitde la chose..."
et sonpaiement,
reetli rentsonguerredon
48Ibid.,2.44.18,
adrece
d'amisti
adrecement
ed. Carmody,
213,94-8:"Li convenable
avient
kidiverses
d'amisti
lesmanieres
sont,si comme
parmilesviles;caril cordoaniers
estunechosecommune
sontli autre.Entr'aus
autresi
seloncce k'ilvalent;
ventsessollers
c'estor et argent."
la marchandise,
et conferment
amee,parquiil s'apareillent

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MECHANICS
ANDCITIZENS

89

ther inherentlyantitheticalto citizenshipfor Latini nor is it necessarily

destructiveof the public welfareof the community.Indeed, he appears
to definethe communaladvantageat leastpartiallyin termsof the expanding personal gain of citizens.The Tresorthus travelsfar down the road
towardfoundingsocial orderon commercialvalues thatpresumean active
and positiverole forthe practitioners
of the mechanicalarts.
ofLucca'sRevision
ofAristotle
Ptolemy
The returnof Aristotle'sPolitics
, with its overt and pointed condemnation of the qualificationsof mechanicsforcitizenship,by no means universallysupplantedthe views of preceding authors. Rather, as was so
oftenthe case with the medieval receptionof Aristotle,the authorityof
The Philosopherwas explicitlyinvoked in support of views that were
incompatiblewith,and even antitheticalto, his own. We see such a strategy at workin Ptolemyof Lucca's De regimine
principm
(c. 1300), a work
that circulatedduring the later Middle Ages as a genuine treatiseby
Thomas Aquinas. Aquinas had at best writtena small part of thislarge
treatise(perhaps Book 1 and the firstseveralchaptersof Book 2), but it
was Ptolemywho contributedits most originaland visionaryelements.
In particular,and in directoppositionto the Thomisticpart of the book,
of Rome and found numerPtolemylauded the republicaninstitutions
ous reasons to prefer"mixed" governmentto monarchy.49
Ptolemy'sdefenseof republicanregimesadapts conventionalAristotelian
: he contends
language to a perspectivequite out of step with the Politics
that "polity"(Aristotle'stermfor the mixed constitution)
is that formof
governmentwhich is best suited to the rule of cities,both in the past
and in his own times.50
And since Aristotlecontendsthat "human beings
are social and politicalanimals by nature,"Ptolemyconcludesthat "the
communityof the city is necessaryto obtain the necessitiesof human

49The recent
workofJamesM. Blythe
on Ptolemy
is indispensable.
In addition
to
introduction
tohistranslation
ofPtolemy's
De regimine
Blythe's
principm
1997),
(Philadelphia,
' andMedieval
seehisessay'Civic
Humanism
Political
in:James
Hankins
Thought,
(ed.),Renaissance
Civic
Humanism:
and
is presently
com, Cambridge
2000,30-74.Blythe
ReappraisalsReflections
a book-length
ofPtolemy's
thatwillcomplete
theprocess
pleting
study
political
thought
ofrecovering
thislong-neglected
I follow
basedon theLatin
translation,
figure.
Blythe's
textedited
inThomas
Perrier
Omnia
necnon
Minora
byR.P.Joannes
,
Aquinas,
Opuscula
Opera
vol.1,Paris1949.
50Ptolemy
ofLucca,De regimine
4.1.2-5.
principm,

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GARYJ. NEDERMAN

life."51In posing this argument,his revisionof Aristotelianpremisesis

apparent. Aristotlehad held that the true aim of the city unlike the
householdor village was the promotionof the excellenceof the whole
and of each personwho is qualifiedforcitizenship.By contrast,Ptolemy
posits both virtue (what he calls "rational nature") and physical need
(mankind'sbodily "sensitiveparts") as worthygoals for civil life:52
and... it is constituted
on behalf
ofthe
The cityis a necessity
forhumanbeings,
without
whichhumans
cannotlivedecently.
To the
ofthemultitude,
community
thata cityis greater
thana townorvillage,
there
willbe moreartsandartiextent
sanspresent
thereto assurethesufficiency
ofhumanlife,anditis from
thesethat
thecityis constituted.
defined
itin thisway,thatthecity"isa multitude
Augustine
ofhuman
boundtogether
beings
byonechainofsociety."53
mostcherishedviewsabout
PtolemythusdepartsmarkedlyfromAristotle's
the foundationof human association. People join togetherin community and politicalcommunitymore specifically in orderto protectand
improvetheirphysicalas well as theirmoral well-being.The greaterthe
number of the arts, and practitionersthereof,in a city,the betterthe
civilbody will caterto the fullrange of naturalhuman needs. Like Latini
beforehim (and Marsiglio of Padua later on, as we shall see), Ptolemy
makes the mechanicaldisciplinesa hallmarkof communalexistence.
Ptolemydevelops this position,and defendshis preferInterestingly,
ence fora civicrepublicanconstitution,
by referenceto Aristotle'saccount
in Book 2 of the Politicsof the ideal cities championedby Plato in the
and by Hippodamus,withoccasional mentionof the knownpracRepublic
ticesof actual cities.Thus, Ptolemysidestepsentirelythe factof his wide
becomes an historicalsourcedivergencewithAristotlehimself:the Politics
book ratherthan a theoreticaltreatise.The model of communedorder
thatguidesPtolemyis insteadthe familiarorganicconceptionof a diverse
whole bound in reciprocal duties that he explicitlyborrows from the
Policraticus
.54He assertsthat

51Ibid.,4.2.2,ed.Perrier,
civitatis
essenecessariam
364:"... communitatem
pronecesvitae."
humanae
sitatibus
Perrier]
[necessariis
52Ibid.,4.3,12.
53Ibid.,4.2.8,ed. Perrier,
constituendam
homini
essenecessariam
366:". . . civitatem
et tanto
non
vivere
decenter
homo
sine
communitatem
multitudinis,
potest:
qua
propter
suntarteset
velquacumque
villa,quantoin ea plures
quamde castro,
magisde civitate
SicenimAugustinus
constituitur.
exquibuscivitas
humanae
artifices
ad sufficientiam
vitae,
in unosocietatis
vinculo
hominum
D, quod'estmultitudo
earnin I De Civitate
dfinit
colligata'."
54See ibid.,4.23.2,4.24.5,4.25.7.

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in anycongregation
It is necessary
(andaboveall,thatis whata cityis) forthere
and
withregard
to homesandhouseholds
to be distinct
ranksamongthecitizens
all areunited
withregard
to artsandoffices;
nevertheless,
bythechainofsociety,
themem. . . [St.Paul]distinguished
which
is theloveshared
among
byitscitizens.
ofarts
thegreater
thediversity
tothestateofthecitizens.
bersaccording
Therefore,
ofhuman
ina city,
themorecelebrated
itis,becauseinitthesufficiency
andoffices
to a greater
. . .55
lifecanbe found
degree.
Note here that "citizens"are expresslyidentifiedwithoutspecificationof
occupation,and diversityis indeed identifiedas the hallmarkof the best
civic body. Purportedlyfollowingthe regimeof Socrates and Plato, who
"distinguishedfive kinds of persons in their city,namely,rulers,counselors,warriors,artisans,and farmers,"Ptolemyjudges that "thisdivision
for the perfectionof the city,because it includesall the
seems sufficient
In conkinds of persons who have to do with political government."56
trastto Aristotle,Ptolemyinsiststhat all of these arts form"the species
or partsinto whichthe civilbody or polityis divided,"inasmuchas they
make distinctiveand indispensablecontributions"to the whole city to
whichthe integralpartsbelong."57What rendersthe manual trades"parts"
ofthecommunity,
he states,is the factthattheymeetthe "needs of human
life":eitherthey"fulfillthe need of the sensitivepart of a person,which
is the artisans'duty,thatis, to delightand supplementthe sensesof sight,
hearing,smell,or touch,whethertheydo thisthroughbuildings,clothes,
shoes, or any other artificialthing";or they "fulfillthe need of human
life for nourishment,
which correspondsto the vegetativepart, whether
theydo thiswith bread, wine, fruit,flocks,cattle,or birds,all of which

55Ibid.,4.4.9,ed. Perrier,
sitin qualibet
372:"Quasinecessarium
congregatione,
quae
incivibus
estcivitas,
essedistinctos
ad domosetfamilias,
praecipue
gradus
quantum
quantumad arteset officia:
omniatarnen
unitain vinculo
societatis,
quodestamorsuorum
civium
. . . distincto
videlicet
Ex qua diversitate
statum.
artium
permembra
juxtacivium
etofficiorum,
tanto
civitas
redditur
famosa,
quantoineismultiplicatur
amplius,
magis
quia
sufficientia
humanae
estconstructio
vitae,propter
civitatis,
quamnecessaria
magisreperiturin ea."
56Ibid.,4.10.1,ed. Perrier,
384:"Suamenimcivilitatem
distinxerunt
[civitatem
Pemer'
in quinqu
inprincipes,
videlicet
artifices
etagrhominum,
consilarios,
bellatores,
genera
colas.Quae quidemdivisio
satisvidetur
sufficiens
ad perfectionem
civitatis,
quia omnia
hominum
lateralso
genera
comprehendit,
quaead regimen
politicum
pertinent."
Ptolemy
thedivision
madebytheRomans
between
andplebeians"
and
"senators,
accepts
knights,
thatascribed
toHippodamus
between
artisans
andfarmers"
it
"warriors,
(4.24.2),
making
thatan "reasonable"
division
mustinclude
themechanical
arts.
clear,however,
57Ibid.,4.24.1,ed. Perrier,
414: "Nuncigitur
de hisin specieestagendum,
in quae,
siveinquaspartes
sivepolitia
dividitur.
. . . respectu
civilitas,
Quasquidem
oportet
accipere
totius
cuipartes
civilitatis,
integrales
respondent."

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farmerstransportto the cities and sell."58It is not difficult

to conclude
that since all such provisionsare absolutelynecessaryfor human wel- those who
fare- the point of communal associationfor Ptolemy
produce them qualifyfor a stake in the civic community,and thus deserve
to be accorded citizenship.
The emphasison the "division"of citizensmightstillseem to reproduce a hierarchicaland exclusionaryvision of social order. But Ptolemy
overtlydisputesthis conclusion.Taking aim at Hippodamus (and also,
at Plato's tripartite
scheme in the Republic
implicitly,
), Ptolemyobjects to
an excessivelystrictseparationof civic functions:"The kinds of persons
that,when the situationrequires,
oughtnot to be so sharplydistinguished
not
be
mixed
In
they might
together."59 the course of De regimine
prinhe
offers
three
clear
,
cipm
examples of how all citizens,regardlessof
occupation,possess certain common duties and opportunities.First,he
holds (in directoppositionto Aristotle)60
that all citizens,includingthose
in
mechanical
engaged
occupations, ought to be fit and prepared to
in
"It should not only be the warriorsthat are
service:
engage military
called up for fightingbut also citizensof everykind, whetherthey are
He protestsany divisionof labor that
counselors,artisans,or farmers."61
tasks
from
the
citizen
separatesmilitary
body as a whole, for the army
is oftenpopulatedby artisansand farmers.62
Like Machiavellialmost 150
years later,Ptolemyseems to regarda citizenarmyto be more reliable
force.
(or at any rate, more numerous)than a professionalfighting
In the peacetimepublic affairsof the city,likewise,Ptolemyholds that
all citizensenjoy a similarshare of rightsand powers,regardlessof station or occupation.He citeswithapproval the view of Hippodamus that
- should choose
"the whole people- warriors,artisans,and even farmers
58Ibid.,4.24.4,ed.Perrier,
humanae
415-6:"Suntetiametaliaeindigentiae
vitae,
quae
ornamentm
etnutrimentum.
Duo
aliispotentiis
utesttegumentum,
animae,
respondent
estofficium
sensitivae
hominis;
quodartificum
quidem
primaindigentiam
supplent
partis
aliisartificialibus
sivequibuscumque
siveinaedificiis,
siveinvestimentis,
sivecalceamentis,
ad nutrimentum,
humanae
vitaequantum
rebus
. . . Sedad indigentiam
quod
supplendam
siveinpane,siveinvino,siveinfructibus,
ordinantur
vegetativae,
agricolae
respondet
parti
sivein armentis,
sivein volatilibus,
sivein gregibus,
per
quaeomniadejuread civitates
deferuntur
ettransportantur."
agrcolas
59Ibid.,4.11.3,ed. Perrier,
sicdebent,
388:"Neciterum
quincumopportudistingui
nitashocrequirit,
illatriagenera
sintadmixta."
60Aristotle,
Politics
1329b36-38.
, 1329a3-26,
61Ptolemy
sunt
386-7:"Assumendi
ofLucca,De regimine
4.10.7,ed. Perrier,
principm,
sintsiveconinquocumque
distincti
civesad pugnam
nonsolumbellatores,
genere
igitur
..."
siliarii
siveartifices
siveagricultores
62Ibid,4.11.3.

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93

the ruler,"notingthat "for the most part, the cities of Italy followthis
method."63
The "political"constitution
appropriateto the cityentails"elective" governmentin the mannerof the Roman Republic.64And only the
- the
citizenbody as an entirety
"many" who guide the city is competentto selectthosewho servein rulingfunctionsas "counselors"or "rectors." Finally,Ptolemyspecifiesthat magistratesought not to be derived
froma singlefamilyor class; instead,"someone fromany stockat all is
He explainsthat such an inclueligible,notjust one selectedby birth."65
sive solutionis most likelyto produce wise and stable rule:
It seemsto be consonant
withreasonthatthey[rulers]
wereelevated
to thegovernment
ofthepeoplewiththeconsent
ofallcounsel,
as today
is common
inItalian
cities.
The name"city"
to Augustine,
is "a multitude
this,which,
implies
according
ofhumanbeings
boundtogether
so thata cityis,as it
bysomechainofsociety,"
ofcitizens.
sincethename"city"includes
ail citizens,
it
were,a unity
Therefore,
indeedseemsreasonable
thatit oughtto searchforitsgovernment
from
theseparatekindsofcitizens,
sincethemerits
ofindividuals
arenecessary
forthestateof
civilgovernment.66
While it may be too colloquial to gloss Ptolemy'sidea of qualificationfor
officeas "it takes all kinds,"there is certainlyrecognitionhere that no
than
singleclass or occupationbettersuitsan individualforoffice-holding
In
other.
his
all
no
matter
how
earn
their
view,
citizens,
any
they
living,
can and should partake of civic life. He seems to believe that no trade
is so demeaningthat it excludes its practitioners
fromthe rightsof citizenshipby reason of some indwellingabsence of virtue.Indeed, the final
sentence quoted above implies that a properlyorganized constitution
would endeavorto includea diversity
of backgroundsamongitsgovernors.
This positionstandsat considerableremovefromthe teachingsof Aristotle,
to whose authorityPtolemyso regularlyappeals.
63Ibid.,4.13.6,ed. Perrier,
393:"Itemstatuit
videlicet
tambellaquodtotuspopulus,
tores
. . . quemmodum
quamartifices,
quametiam
agricolae,
principem
eligerent
promajori
civitates
Italiae."
parteobservant
64Ibid,3.20.1,4.1.1.
65Ibid,4.1.1,ed. Perrier,
361:"Modusautumassumendi
in hocgraduelectivus
estin
hominis
nonpernaturae
..."
quocumque
genere,
originem
403: "Sed Lacedaemonii,
etsihaberent
Ibid, 4.18.3,ed. Perrier,
regemsecundum
tarnen
a sapientibus
ex omnibus
beneplaciti
tempus,
eligebatur
civium,
assumptis
gradibus
ethocvidebatur
consonum
utconsensu
totius
consilii
ad regimen
rationi,
assumpti
populi
ut hodiecommuniter
faciunt
civitates
Italiae.Sic enimcivitatis
nomenimportt,
fieret,
I De Civitate
D, hominum
quae estsecundum
multitudo,
Augustinum,
aliquosocietatis
vinculo
undecivitas,
unitas.
Gumergonomen
civitatis
omnescives
colligata:
quasicivium
rationabile
videtur
ad regimen
civium
debere
includat,
quidem
ejusde singulis
generibus
merita
ac civilis
status."
requiri,
proutexigunt
singulorum,
regiminis

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GARYJ. NEDERMAN

Functionalism
MarsiglioofPadua's Communal
of citizenshipembracedby BrunettoLatini and
The expansivedefinitions
to
assume in broad outline the medieval theoLucca
seem
of
Ptolemy
reticalframeworkthat I have elsewherelabeled "communal functionalism," accordingto whichthe communityis in the firstinstancecomposed
neitherof individualsnor of citizens,but ratherof functionalgroupings
or parts, arrangedaccordingto the nature of theircontributionto the
communal whole.67Membershipin the communityderives from one's
contribution,
throughthe performanceof a given function,to the wellto the
health
of the whole. Yet, althoughtypesof contribution
or
being
division
of
function
and
are
(or
specialization
distinguished,
community
of labor) therebyposited,thereis no attemptto postulatea hierarchyof
functionsin order to exclude some part(s)froma place in public lifeor
to cast aspersionson the qualificationsof certain groups to exercise a
basic role in government.
The mostprominentlate medievalexponentof thisdoctrinewas perhaps Marsiglio of Padua, who is sometimesaccorded the reputationof
A physicianand ArtsMaster
than Christian."68
"a man more Aristotelian
at
who spentmuch of his career Paris, Marsigliorefinedthe "communal
of citizenshipcame
doctrineto the point thatthe definition
functionalist"
to be coextensivewith the diverseways in which the materialgood of
the communityand its membersis enhanced. In his work of anti-papal
pads (completedin 1324), he gauges the level of the
polemic,the Defensor
"development"or "perfection"of a communityaccordingto the extent
of its parts,where such parts are understoodto be
of the differentiation
the specialized functionaldivisionswithinsociety.It is only possible to
called the city(civitas
), withthe differenspeak of the "perfectcommunity,
tiationof its parts"69once human beings have discoveredthe variegated
activitiesthroughwhich the fullrange of theirneeds may be met:

67SeeCary
Lessons
Communitarian
andFunction:
ofMedieval
Freedom,
Community,
J.Nederman,
andConstitutionalism
977-86
86 (1992),
Science
Political
in:American
Political
Review,
Theory,
Political
of
in:
Medieval
andModern:
Thought,
Orthodoxy
(Again), History
Neo-Figgisite
Against
17 (1996),179-94.
68On Marsiglio's
seeCary
andalsoitslimitations,
Community
J.Nederman,
Aristotelianism,
Political
TheSecular
andConsent:
Pads,Lanham,
Maryland
Defensor
ofPadua's
ofMarsiglio
Theory
1995,29-31.
69Marsiglio
ofPadua,Defensor
19i,
Cambridge
, 1.3.5,ed. C.W. Previt-Orton,
pads
cumsuarum
vocatacivitas
communitas
estperfecta
partium
11, 17-9:"...et institta
..."
distinctione

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MECHANICS
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95

Sincediverse
arenecessary
tohuman
whodesire
a sufficient
life,
things
beings
things
which
cannot
be supplied
there
hadto be diverse
bypeopleofoneorderor office,
human
orders
oroffices
inthisassociation,
orsupplying
suchdiverse
exercising
things
whichhuman
needfora sufficient
life.70
beings
Marsiglio thus places a premium on reciprocity.The intercommunication of functionsshould be the goal of the multiplicity
of parts. The
final cause of each member is the well-beingof the whole community
ratherthan simplyits narrowself-interest.71
In turn,everyfunctionis itself
for
the
sufficient
communal
life which all human beings
indispensable
desire.72
The
are
naturally
parts
consequentlyregarded as parts of the
civic body. These parts do not performtheirfunctionsin isolation,but
ratherin the contextof and in relationto the otherelementsof the civil
community.73
No part of the communitycan survivewithoutthe cooperationof the
otherparts.The intercommunication
of functionsis necessaryforthe sustenance of the multiplicity
of parts. Understood fromthis perspective,
"these diversehuman orders or officesare none other than the many
and distinctparts of the civic body."74Viewed communally,the final
cause of each membermust be the well-beingof the whole community
ratherthan simplyits narrowself-interest.
The partsdo not performtheir
functionsin isolation,but ratherin the contextof and in relationto the
other elementsof the civil community.Hence, because all of the functionsnecessaryformaterialhuman survivalare simultaneously
exercised
in the contextof the civil body, they must be ordered accordingto a
common principle.Marsiglio denies that the distinctionbetween public
and privatecan be drawn so as to classifymost functionsas beyond the
standardsset byjustice. Rather,he holds thatall the parts,preciselyinsofaras theyare prerequisitesforthe sufficient
lifeof the communalbody,
must be guided by and responsiveto the welfareof the community.It
is in this sense that the parts are also officessubjectto directionby the

70Ibid.,1.4.5,ed. Previt-Orton,
suntnecessaria
volen14, 12-7:"Namquia diversa
tibussufficienter
uniusordinis
seu officii
vivere,
quae perhomines
procurari
nequeunt,
essediversos
ordins
hominum
seuofficia
in haccommunitate
commuoportuit
'app.crit.
nicatione
P.-O.] diversa
huiusmodi
exercentes
seuprocurantes,
quibusprovitaesufficientia
homines
indigent."
71Ibid.,
1.6.9.
72Ibid.,1.5.2-11.
73Ibid,1.2.3,1.13.2.
74Ibid, 1.4.5,ed. Previt-Orton,
diversi
ordins
seu
14, 17-9:"Hi autemhominum
officia
nonaliudsuntquampluralitas
et distinctio
civitatis."
partium

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GARYJ. NEDERMAN

whole body of citizens.They are partsof the civic body: they"are propas thoughservices,since, consideringthat they
erlycalled offices{officia),
are establishedin the civic body, theyare ordered towardshuman service."75The "offices"necessaryfor the perfectedcommunitythus coincide with the groupsfitfor citizenship.
Marsiglio'sapproach to citizenshipconformsto the emphasison inclumodel. It is true that his inision found in the communal functionalist
tial account of the foundationsof communitydoes set certain broad
who may
parameterson who may be considereda citizenby specifying
consentto the termsof civillife.The minimumconditionforcivic iden; onlyheads of householdsmay be afforded
tityis one's statusas paterfamilias
Pads repeatsthe conIn this regard,the Defensor
the rightsof citizens.76
ventionalAristotelianformulathat "children,servi[serfsor slaves],aliens
fromcitizens,althoughin different
and women are distinguished
ways."77
Adult freemales- those personswho are not subject to the lordshipof
another- clearly meet the requirementsfor citizenship.Scholars have
excluintroducesfurther
sometimestriedto claim thatMarsiglioeffectively
sions into the communityby expressinghis definitionof the citizen as
"one who participatesin the civil community,rulingor deliberatingor
judging accordingto his rank."78Thus, Michael Wilks comments,"The
mularistocracyas a whole is placed on a level far above that of vulgaris
of the labouringclasses. . . whose naturalmentaldeficiencyis such
titudo
thattheyare fittedonlyforthe 'vile and defiling'functionsin the state."79
On this interpretation,
generatesa
Marsiglio'scommunal functionalism
principleof civic exclusion.
To draw such a conclusion,however,requiresthe problematicassumption of Marsiglio'sfidelityto the Aristotelianconceptionof citizenship.
divisionbetween
On theface of it,of course,he seemsto followsAristotle's
a
small
to
classes withinsociety,which limitscivic identity
rulingelite.
75Ibid.,1.7.1,ed. Previt-Orton,
officia
27, 7-9:"...propriedicuntur
partescivitatis
obsead humanuni
sicsuntin civitate,
utstatutae
consideratae,
quoniam
quasiobsequia,
ordinantur."
quium
76See CaryJ. Nederman,
in
andConsent
Household
Public
Private
, Community
Will,
Justice:
43 (1990),699-717.
Politicali
Defensor
Pacis,in:Western
Quarterly,
ofPadua's
Marsiglio
77Marsiglio
ofPadua,Defensor
50, 16-7: . . separan, 1.12.4,ed. Previt-Orton,
pacis
diversum."
modm
licetsecundum
ac mulieres,
tura civibus
advenae,
servi,
pueri,
78Ibid.,1.12.4,ed. Previt-Orton,
in communitate
50, 14-5: . . eumqui participt
suum."
secundum
veliudicativo
autconsiliativo
gradm
civili,
principtu
79Michael
intheDefensor
andRepresentation
pacis,in:StudiaGratiana,
Wilks,
Corporation
15 (1972),274-5.

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MECHANICS
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97

While Marsiglio agrees with the Aristotelianenumerationof six social

classes(warriors,
priests,judges, farmers,artisans,and traders),he declines
to draw the conclusionthat the performanceof the manual tasksassociated with farming,the craftsand commerce disqualifiespersons from
membershipand participationwithinthe civil order. This is signaledby
his highlyun-Aristotelian
use of the word "part" to describeall segments
of the civil body:
Threeofthese[parts],
thepriestly,
thewarrior
andthejudicial,
areparts
namely,
ofthecity(civitas)
whicharecustomarily
called"honorpureandsimple
(simpliciter),
able"in civilcommunities.
The remainder
are calledpartsbroadly
to the
(large),
extent
thattheyare offices
to thecivitas
to theopinionof
, according
necessary
Aristotle's
Politics
7. Andsucha multitude
is customarily
calledthe
, Book7, Chapter
masses(vulgaris).
arebestknown
to
These,therefore,
partsofthecityor kingdom,
whichall theothers
canconveniently
be reduced.80
here fromAristotle's
absoluteseparationbetween"parts"
Marsigliorefrains
and "conditions,"even as he cites the Politicsas his authority.81
Instead,
the Defensor
withinthe community,
pacis appeals to the need fordiversity
betweenthe six Aristoteliangroupswith refprefacinghis differentiation
erence to "the partsof the civitas
, in whose perfectand unimpededinteraction and intercommunication
we have said to consistthe tranquility
of
the civitas
."82Reciprocity
precludesexclusion.All thepartsmustbe accorded
a basic civic identity:thisis the onlyway to avoid the disorderingof the
communalwhole. The statusof citizenencompassesthose who perform
mechanical functionsjust as surelyas the leisured and educated elites.
The salientcriterionfor citizenshipis one's contributionto the communityjudged along functionallines that are material,ratherthan simply
moral or spiritual.
Other passages in the Defensor
pacisleave littledoubt thatMarsiglioregarded civic identityto be inclusiveof all the functionsnecessaryforthe
healthof the community.For instance,he respondsexplicitlyto the claim
80Marsiglio
ofPadua,Defensor
, 1.5.1,ed. Previt-Orton,
15,4-11:"Quorum
pacis
tria,
videlicet
etiudicialis,
suntpartes
sacerdotium,
civitatis,
propugnativa
simpliciter
quasetiam
in communitatibus
civilibus
honorabilitatem
diceresoient.
Reliquaverodicuntur
partes
necessaria
civitati
secundum
Aristotelis
sententiam
7 Politicae,
large,ut quiasuntofficia
7.Et solethorum
multitudo
dicivulgaris.
Suntigitur
haepartes
famosiores
civicapitulo
tatisseuregni,
ad quasomnesaliaeconvenienter
reduci
possunt."
81Someofthe
in thispassage,
seemsto echoPeterofAuvergne
's
however,
language
ofthePolities',
cf.Grignaschi
1966(op.cit.,above,n. 4), 81-4.
reading
in quarum
actione
ac
Ibid.,1.5.1,ed.Previt-Orton,
14,23-6:". . . partibus
civitatis,
communicatione
necextrinsecus
civitatis
consisinvicem,
perfecta
impedita
tranquillitatem
terediximus
..."

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GARYJ. NEDERMAN

that a few wise people are, by virtueof theirsuperiorknowledge,more

competentto rule than the "multitude."He countersthisview with the
claim thatthe "multitude,"whichhe construesas the totalityof segments
withinthe civilbody, enjoysa greaterdegree of competence.If Marsiglio
wishedto deny the extensiveand inclusivecharacterof this "multitude,"
he surelywould not have specifiedits compositionso concretely:
or civil
within
thepolity
orpeopleofall theassociations
The multitude
(collegiorum)
itjudgeswithmoresecure
andas a consequence,
aregreater,
bodytakentogether
thatpartmaybe
ofwhether
thananyofitspartsseparately,
regardless
judgement
that
artisans
andtheir
. . . suchas thefarmers,
themasses,
kind,or themagistrates,
orlawyers
inadministration,
likesolicitors
theruler
is,thosewhoareofficials
serving
who
ofthebestpersons,
andnotaries,
or honorable
people,thatis,theassociation
takenseparately.83
arefew... or another
partofthecivitas
Marsiglio is clear that basic civic identityis compatiblewith a broad
range of functions,and hence that the scope of the communitycannot
be limitedsolelyto men of education,leisureor wealth.The Marsiglian
is formedout of the diversetasksupon whichthe surpopulusor multitudo
vival of both the communityand all its parts relies.84
There is a furtherstep in Marsiglio's argumentthat must also be
acknowledged.It may be one matterto affordto necessaryoccupations
a place withinthe community,and quite anotherto claim forthem the
of the citizen.In orderto bridgethisgap, Marsiglio
activeresponsibilities
in the rationalpowers withwhich all (or nearly
his
confidence
expresses
He rejectsthe claim that the mass of
are
endowed.
human
beings
all)

83Ibid.,1.13.4,ed. Previt-Orton,
57, 14-22:"Vultdicere,
collegiorum
quodomnium
etperconsesivepopulus,
estmultitudo
simulsumptorum
seucivilitatis
amplior
politiae
. . . veluti
siveparsiliasitvulgus,
iudicioalicuius
securius
partisseorsum;
quensiudicium
suntofficiales
sivesitpraetorium
et huiusmodi;
artifices
, id estqui in praetorio
agricolae,
id
sivesithonorabilit,
seuiurisperiti
ut advocati
subservientes,
atquenotarii;
principanti
seorsum
altera
civitatis
.
sive
sunt
.
.
estcollegium
quaecumque
pars
quipauci
optimtm,
accepta."
84Thereis perhaps
of
theterms
woulddefine
reason
a purely
whyMarsiglio
personal
under
as falling
theworkofthephysician
TheDefensor
padsclassifies
broadly.
citizenship
class(1.5.6,ed. Previt-Orton,
ormechanic
theartisan
17,21-2):"Subquo etiamgenere
This
ad plures
architectonica
medicinalis
predictarum".
quodammodo
practica,
reponitur
theMiddle
artwaswidely
as a mechanical
ofmedicine
identification
during
proposed
to ensure
as a physician,
trained
himself,
maywellhavebeenconcerned
Ages.Marsiglio
thiswith
Contrast
civicrights.
himfrom
didnotexclude
thathisoccupation
exercising
is between
outlook
dividein Marsilius's
remark
that"therealsocialandpolitical
Wilks's
who
ofthestupid
number
andtheinfinite
thearistocracy,
bymensuchas himself,
guided
in theDefensor
and Representation
therestofthepopulation"
("Corporation
comprise
," p. 275).
pacis

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ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS

the citizenbody is bound to be utterlyvicious and incapable of discovering its own truestand highestinterest.On the contrary,the Defensor
pacis insiststhat "the assembled multitudeof all is able to discern and
desirethe commonjustice and benefitin greatermeasure than any part
takenseparately,howeverprudentthatpart may be."85Consequently,all
decisionsabout public affairs,such as the appointmentof rulersand the
implementationof new laws, must be placed before the whole citizen
body in orderto receiveauthorization.Marsigliodoes not deny the need
forwise and prudentmen (prudentes
) to guide the operationof the communal association.Yet practitionersof mechanical trades,despite their
lack of leisure and education, "neverthelessshare in the understanding
To deny such a fullrationalcapacand judgementof practicalaffairs."86
to
citizens
would
be
to
return
to
the
ity
previouslydenounced view that
some segmentor group enjoysprivilegedaccess to knowledgeof the common good and thus is competentto rule apart fromthe "multitude."In
sum, Marsiglio remainsunconvincedthat any functionrequisitefor the
healthof the civilbody is so demeaningor degradingas to renderimpossible the exerciseof reason.
Marsiglioconfirmsthe statusof mechanicsas qualifiedforactive participationin civic lifewhen he returnsto the question of politicalrights
in his Defensor
minor
, a summaryrecapitulationand applicationof the precepts of the Defensor
pacis writtenaround 1340. The issue arises in the
contextof the questionof who enjoys the proper authorityto punish or
- a
removenegligentrulers
thatthe papacy had oftenarroresponsibility
to
itself.
reasserts
thatteachingof the Defensor
gated
By contrast,Marsiglio
pacis that no singlepart of the community,such as the priesthood,has
the rightful
power to correctthe governor;instead,it is a matterforthe
whole citizen body to address. He then goes on to add an intriguing
that if such correctionpertainsto
qualification:"And I say furthermore
some particularpart or officeof the civic body, then under no circumstances does it pertainto priests,but instead to prudentmen (prudentes
)
or learned teachers,indeed preferablyto the workmanor craftsmenor
the restof the laborers(mechanicis
)." Whereaspriestsare forbiddento have
a hand in politicalaffairs(especiallythoseof a coercivenature),Marsiglio

85Marsiglio
ofPadua,Defensor
, 1.13.6,ed. Previt-Orton,
58, 27-59,2: "Verum
pacis
horm
omnium
multitudo
discernere
etvelieamplius
commune
iustum
congregata
potest
et conferens
harum
seorsum
partium
quacumque
accepta,
quantumcumque
prudentum."
86Ibid.,1.13.7.

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100

GARYJ. NEDERMAN

explains,it is permitted"by human reason or law ... for these men to

The Defensor
minor's
remark
involvethemselvesin civilor secularaffairs."87
of the mechanical
confirms,at minimum,that he regardedpractitioners
arts to be full membersof the community,competentto participatein
importantpublic decisions such as the punishmentof an errantruler.
Marsiglio'swording,moreover,suggeststhathe may subscribeto an even
more expansiveview: he hintsthatthose engaged in manual occupations
in cases of judging and cormay enjoy special rightsor responsibilities
It
is
not
the
mistakes
of
governors.
implausible,given the orienrecting
tation of his conceptionof communitytoward materialwell-being,that
he believed that artisans,farmersand theirilk possessed a special stake
in ensuringthe communalgood. Afterall, theyare the groupsmostlikely
to be harmedby an abusive rulerand thusbest placed to determinethe
occurrenceof injuryand to seek redressfortheirgrievances.In any case,
Marsiglioof Padua seems preparedto accord to mechanicsa citizenstatus that confersa remarkablylarge share of authorityin the governance
of theircommunities.
Conclusion
As was so oftenthe case in the historyof the medievalcirculationof the
Aristoteliancorpus, the receptionof Aristotle'stheoryof citizenshipin
and indeterminate
was a multifaceted
the Politics
process.Certainly,there
were many authors who embraced wholeheartedlyhis aristocraticand
exclusivistdoctrines,usingthemto authorizeand reinforcetheirown distasteforthe mechanicalarts;Thomas Aquinas in the thirteenth
century,
and Nicholas of Cusa in the fifteenth
Walter Burleyin the fourteenth,
call some to mind.Yet acceptanceof Aristotle'spositionwas by no means
the onlyintellectualstrategyavailable,even to thosethinkerswho located
themselveswithinthe main currentsof the Aristotelianperspective.As I
in medieval moral and political
have argued elsewhere,Aristotelianism
tolerant
of a broad arrayof philoand
was
capacious
thought
potentially
87Marsiglio
minor
andDe translatione
onthe
ofPadua,Writings
, trans.
Imperii
Defensor
Empire:
is to be foundin Oeuvres
1993,2.7. The Latinedition
Cambridge
CaryJ. Nederman,
Paris1979,182:"Etdicoulterius,
Mineures
quod
, ed. Colette
andjeannine
Quillet,
Jeudy
nullomodo
velofficium
ad aliquam
si taliscorrectio
civitatis,
partem
pertineret
principm
autscribis,
sedvirisprudentibus
tarnen
sacerdotibus
conveniret,
potiusfabris
quinimmo
vel
humanaratione
Namhisnoninterdicitur
vel mechanicis
autpellificibus
relinquis.
seu
saecularibus
acribus
se
civilibus
...
implicare."
lege

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ANDCITIZENS
MECHANICS

sophical positionsas well as social values.88While I do not propose to

of the laterMiddle Ages,
undertakea census of the views of Aristotelians
- for reasons
it seems evidentthat a sizeable numberof them continued
theoreticalas well as practical to uphold the earlyidea of mechanicsas
worthyand competentmembersof the communalwhole, indeed as the
verybedrockof society.
Certainly,the inclusive view of the mechanical arts that has been
encounteredin authorssuch as Ptolemyof Lucca and Marsiglioof Padua
and fifteenth
continuedto be adopted and expandedduringthe fourteenth
centuries.In fact,it became a crucial aspect of the growingeconomic
self-awareness
among politicaltheoristsof the Late Middle Ages thatwas
to culminatein laying the foundationsof early modern political economy.89For instance,Nicole Oresme displayeda considerablesympathy
forthe impact of public policy (especiallymonetarypolicy)on the laborLikewise,Christinede Pizan (who
ing classes in his politicalwritings.90
knew AristotlethroughOresme's French language translationand commentary)heraldedthe role of mechanicsas membersof the body politic.
She also valorized the women (mythicalas well as historical)whom she
held to be responsibleforthe inventionof craftsand otherformsof practical knowledgeusefulto human welfare.Indeed, her advice for proper
conductextendedeven to the wivesof merchants,artisans,and the working poor, with whose plightshe as the widow of a businessmanwho
- could
had to support her familyon the craft of writing
especially
empathize.91By the time that Sir John Fortescuewrites,in the second
half of the fifteenth
century,the themesof public regardfor and inclusion of manual laborersin the commonwealthhad become relativelystandard subjects of political reflection.Judged retrospectively,
then, the
thirteenthand earlyfourteenth-century
thinkerswho resistedthe doctrinaire Aristotelianposition on occupational qualificationsfor citizenship
' inMedieval
88CaryJ.Nederman,
Moral
andPolitical
TheMeaning
,
of'Aristotelianism
Thought
in:Journal
oftheHistory
ofIdeas,57 (1996),563-85.
89Forsomeelements
ofthisprocess,
seeNealWood,Foundations
Some
ofPolitical
Economy:
Tudor
Views
onState
andSociety
1994.
, Berkeley
Early
90See CaryJ.Nederman,
andthe
RiseofCommercial
Political
and
Community
Society:
Economy
Political
inNicholas
Oresme's
De Moneta,
in:History
ofPolitical
21 (2000),
Theory
Thought,
1-15.
91CaryJ. Nederman,
TheExpanding
Politic:
Christine
dePizanandtheMedieval
Roots
Body
Political
desescp
Paris2000,383-97.More
, in:EricHicks(ed.),Auchamp
tures,
of
Economy
on Christine's
ThePolitical
ideas,seeKateLangdon
Forhan,
generally,
of
political
Thought
Christine
dePizan
, London2002.

15:32:51 PM

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GARYJ. NEDERMAN

rode the crestof an earlywave that was to crash onto modern Europe
as the demand for universalfranchise,legal rights,and civic participation. I do not wish to turnPtolemy,Marsiglio,and othersinto the harbingersof modernliberaland democraticideas. But theirworkcontributed
tangiblyto sweepingoffthe intellectualterrainmany of the principles
and prejudices (articulatedby Aristotleand others)that obstructedthe
realizationof politicalinclusionand civic equalityas a value worthyof
widespread(althoughstillby no means complete)acceptance.
Texas A&M University
ofPoliticalScience
Department

15:32:51 PM

Aristotle's
Politicsand Ptolemy
ofLucca
JAMESM. BLYTHE

I amthatone,whoafter
thecausesofthings
andthearts,
investigating
whichevery
Taughtthosethings
through
mayascendto thestars.
republic
Asyourcivilexemplar,
famous
cityofSiena,
I showyouthesemen,forwhileyoufollow
in their
Sacredfootsteps
willgrowat homeandabroad,
yourglory
Andfreedom
willalways
honors.
preserve
yourmenin their
I amgreatAristotle,
whoin hexameters,
Forsixis a perfect
leadsyouto action.
number,
I showyouthesemenofvirtue,
whomandwithsupernal
through
help
The RomanRepublic
andapproached
theheavens.
grewpowerful
- inscriptions
on Taddeodi Bartoli's
of
painting
in theSienesePalazzoPublico(1414)1
Aristotle
In the late Middle Ages Aristotlewas seen as the embodimentof political thought,the teacherof how best to create,maintain,and administer
a politicalcommunity.
Modernscholarshave traditionally
regardedAristotle's
ascendencyafterthe translationof the Politicsaround 1260 (a year that
Joachitesanticipatedwould transformthe world) as initiatinga revolution in politicalthoughtand practice.Recently,thishas been challenged.
While acceptingthe constantpresenceof the Politics
, Cary Nedermanand
othershave pointed to otherclassical influencesand questionedwhether
medieval political theoristsare "Aristotelian"in any meaningfulsense.
Nedermancriticizesboth thosewho argue fora textualcontinuity
of reference to the Politicsby otherwisedivergentwritersand those who perceive an authenticunderlying
Aristotelianism.
Nedermanconcludes,"The
1 Illeego, rerum
causasscrutatus
et artes/Publica
resdocuisurgat
qui
quibusomnis
<in> astra/Exemplum
civiletuum,
tibimonstro
senarum/Urbs,
viros,quorum
preclara
sacra/Dum
foris
tuossemvestigia
sequeris
atquedomituagloria<cre>scet/Libertasque
< es>.//Magnusaristoteles
in honor
/Estenim
perservabit
seno,
ego sum,qui carmine
numerus
duxitad actum/Quos
tibisignoviros,
virtus
perfectus,
quibusatquesuperne/Res
crevit
romana
Thisis mytranslation
from
thetranscription
of
potens,
celosquesubivit.
NicolaiRubinstein,
Political
IdeasinSienese
Art
oftheWarburg
andCourtauld
, in:Journal
21 (1958),179-207;193.I alsousedRubinstein's
to some
Institutes,
partialtranslation
extent.
Koninklijke
BrillNV,Leiden,2002
- www.brill.nl
Alsoavailable
online

Vivarium
40,1

15:33:00 PM

104

M. BLYTHE
JAMES

medieval 'Aristotelian'traditionis held togetherby a particularorganization of and orientationtowardsthe kind of knowledgenecessaryfor

achievinghuman good in moral and politicaldimensions."2
was merelyone of severalscholarly
Aristotelianism
Others go further:
forpolemwriters
medieval
that
deployed opportunistically
"languages,"
context
and
the
Greek
ical purposes.3They had difficulty
understanding
Williamof Moerbeke,
Aristotle'sconcepts,partiallybecause the translator,
himselfdid not fullyunderstandthem.4Thus, the Politicsthey encounteredwas itselfa kind of commentaryon Aristotleadapted unintentionally to the Middle Ages. As M.S. Kempshallwrites,the Aristoteliantexts
could be accommodatedto preexistingnormsto supportmedievalideas.5
Few today speak of an "AristotelianRevolution,"as Walter Ullmann
did. Brian Tierney,Ullmann's student,writesthat the Politics
, "opened
up a new world of thoughtto medievalmen. . . . But, while the formof
the new writingwas influencedby Aristotle,its contentwas derived in
large part fromthe actual experienceof medieval societyand fromthe
of earliergenerationsofjuristson thatexperience."6Gian Carlo
reflections
Garfagninicontraststhis with the more complete success of the rest of
it in part to the factthat,unlikeother
the Aristotelian
corpus,attributing
worksof Aristotle,the Politicsdid not do justice to all the receivedtraditionsand discussionsin its field.7But Nederman believesthat the easy
was conditionedby the prexistenceof many of
acceptance of the Politics
its ideas fromthe twelfthcenturyon.8
Others are more positive.Nicolai Rubinsteinargues that despiteseveral hundred years of republicanismin Italy, only access to Aristotle's
3inMedieval
2 Gary
Moral
andPolitical
TheMeaning
,
Thought
of'Aristotelianism
J.Nederman,
viewoftherelaofIdeas,57 (1996),563-85;564-9.Nederman's
oftheHistory
in:Journal
Bruni
ofhowLeonardo
is reminiscent
to medieval
ofAristotle
thought
political
tionship
us themanner
"hetaught
andthelaterhumanists:
Petrarch
between
sawtherelationship
wasto be learned."
in which
knowledge
3Janet
Debate
Academic
andLateMedieval
TheScience
, in:RitaCopeland
Coleman,
ofPolitics
intheMiddle
andDissent
183,citing
1996,181-214;
Antony
, Cambridge
Ages
(ed.),Criticism
1250-1550
inEurope
in Political
oflanguages
Black'sconcepts
1992,
, Cambridge
Thought
7-12.
4 SeeJames
in:History
a Halo:TheTranslation
A Raven
with
Politics,
ofAristotle's
Schmidt,
7 (1986),295-319.
ofPolitical
Thought,
5 Marshall
Political
Good
inLateMedieval
TheCommon
1999,
, Oxford
Thought
Kempshall,
340.
6 BrianTierney,
1982,29.
, Cambridge
Thought
, Law,andtheGrowth
ofConstitutional
Religion
7 GianCarloGarfagnini,
Politica
Tradizione
La Riflessione
Religiosit,
agliInizidelTrecento:
52 (1997),31-46;34.
di StoriadellaFilosofia,
e Modernit
, in:Rivista
8 Nederman
1996(op. cit.,above,n. 2), 194.

15:33:00 PM

ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA

105

Politicsallowed its formulationinto a coherentpoliticaltheory,and that

thishappened withinonly a fewdecades.9Maurizio Viroli maintainsthat
althoughearlier writersdiscussed a political science centeredon rulers
and theirvirtues,it was only in the thirteenth
centurythatpoliticalwriters employedAristotle'sPoliticsto develop "a coherentand shared language of politicsas art of the city,"which dominatedpoliticaldiscourse
untilaround 1600.10GianfrancoFioravantiagrees that this requiredthe
Politics
, not just the Ethics
; withoutit, it would have been unthinkableto
various
forms
of
recognize
governmentas legitimate,identifythem with
existingpolities,and debate which is best.11
From my point of view, the validityof these assessmentsdoes not
depend on the ratherpointlessdebate over which Aristotelianprinciples
derivedfromthe Politics
, not the Ethics
, whichbecame fullyavailable only
about fifteenyears before the Politics}2These two textsmutuallyreinforcedeach other,so the importantquestion is whethertheircombined
influenceproved decisivein transforming
politicalthought.
I will examine this throughstudyof the Dominican PtolemyFiadoni
of Lucca (Tolomeo dei Fiadoni da Lucca, c. 1236-1326).Ptolemyflourished
, studiedunderThomas
duringthe firstsixty-five
yearsof the Latin Politics
served
his
order
as
of
in
convents
Lucca and Florence,
Aquinas,
prior
lived in the papal court at Avignon,and died as bishop of Torcello. He
wrotenumerousworks,includingseveraltreatiseson the Roman Empire
and its relationshipwith the church, the continuationof De Regimine
Principm
(whose firstpart is attributedto Thomas Aquinas), Exaemeron
(a
on the six days of creation),chroniclesof Lucca and Florence,
commentary
and a historyof the church.13
9 NicolaiRubinstein,
Political
Theories
in theRenaissance,
in: AndrChastel(ed.),The
Renaissance.
inInterpretation
Skinner
Rubinstein's
, London1982,153-5.
Essays
Quentin
disputes
conclusions
inMachiavelli
's Discorsi
andthePre-Humanist
Ideas
, in:Gisela
Origins
ofRepublican
andMaurizio
Viroli(eds.),
Machiavelli
andRepublicanism
Bock,Quentin
Skinner,
, Cambridge
1990.
10MarizioViroli,
From
Politics
toReason
, Cambridge
1992,11,33.
ofState
11 Gianfranco
La Politica
Aristotelica
nelMedioevo:
Linee
diunaRicezione
Fioravanti,
, in:Rivista
di Storia
dellaFilosofia,
52 (1997),17-29;22-23.NicolaiRubinstein,
TheHistory
oftheWord
inEarly
Modem
inEarly
, in:A. Pagden(ed.),TheLanguages
politicus
Europe
ofPolitical
Theory
Modern
, Cambridge
1987,42 andViroli1992(op.cit.,above,n. 10),34 showthe
Europe
ofWilliam
ofMoerbeke's
mistranslation
ofAristotle's
wordmeaning
importance
"political
man"as "political,"
whichrefers
to a kindofruleandnota ruler.
12See alsoSabine
DerEinflu
deraristotelischen
Politik
Denken
in
Krger,
aufdaspolitische
imSptmittelalter.
Buch
vonChristoph
Fleler
Archiv
zudnem
Westeuropa
Bemerkungen
, in:Deutsches
frErforschung
desMittelalters,
50 (1994),
thisout.
215-9,
who,among
others,
many
points
13
ofLucca,Determinatio
deluribus
as DeIurisdictione
Ptolemy
Compendiosa
Imperii
(alsoknown

15:33:00 PM

106

M. BLYTHE
JAMES

Charles Davis believesstronglyin Ptolemy'sAristotelianism:

"Ptolemy
was a betterAristotelianthan Aquinas because of his emphasis on the
polity,and a betterone than Dante or Marsiliusbecause he did not think
that the need for governmentoriginatedwith the Fall."14Yet few of
The scholarlymethodof quotinglimited
Ptolemy'sworkscite the Politics.
or
to
passages support challengeour thesestends to obscure the density
of certain ideas in the primarysources. PtolemymentionsAristotelian
. His
and De Regimine
Principm
onlyin Exaemeron
politicalworksfrequently
Ethics
and
to
the
times
three
otherworkstogetherreferto the Politics
only
fifteen(eightin a political context).So is Ptolemyan Aristotelianwho
when necessarycan use other arguments,or is he one who merelyat
timesemploysAristotelian
justification?
Ptolemytakes up many basic Aristotelianthemes,and I will look at
some of them- the origin and ends of government,the importanceof
cities and theirbest government,the common good, the organological
concept of government,and the idea of the citizen in order to determine when and the extentto which he was affectedby Aristotelian
principles. I believe thathis knowledgeof the Politicswas slightin his earliest
, but thatit exercisedan increasinginfluence
work,Determinatio
Compendiosa
.15In
over him, firstmanifestin Exaemeron
, then in De Regimine
Principm

IurisGermanici
in:Fontes
ed. MariusKrammer,
Summi
etAuctoritate
Antiqui,
Pontificis),
Imperii
deJurisdiction
Historka
Germaniae
Monumenta
, Hanoverand Leipzig1909,1-65;Tractatus
in:ed. S. BaluzeandJ.D.Mansi,Miscellanea
etSkiliae,
Ecclesie
, Lucca
Regnum
Apuliae,
super
Romani
Statu
et
ac
Translatione
de
and
Tractatus
v.
Imperii,
468a-473b;
Origine
1761, 1,
Anonymus
anditsrelationwiththeempire
volume
in theKrammer
66-84,areall concerned
cited,
Books2.2.5-4ofa work
are:De Regimine
His otherworks
Principm,
shipto thechurch.
necnon
Omnia
in ThomasAquinas,
to ThomasAquinas,
attributed
Opera
Opuscula
formerly
Paris1949,
Minora
O.P.,ed. TomusPrimus:
Philosophka,
Perrier,
Opuscula
, R.P.Joannes
Duo, ed.
Politica
is in ThomasAquinas,
edition
modern
221-445(an alternate
Opuscula
as De Operibus
Turin1949,reissued
1971,1-101);Exaemeron
(alsoknown
Matthis,
Joseph
as
vonLucca(alsoknown
desTholomeus
Siena1880;DieAnnalen
ed.T. Masetti,
SexDimmi),
Rerum
Historka.
Germaniae
in:Monumenta
ed. B. Schmeidler,
Germankorum,
Scriptores
Annales),
Italkarum
Ecclesiastica
Nova
edition
1930(second
, in:Rerum
1955);andHistoria
N.S.,t.8,Berlin
toDeRegimine
Allreferences
Milan1727,v. 11,col.751-1242.
ed.L.A.Muratori,
Scriptores,
ofLucca,
itwillbe toPtolemy
from
translations
andEnglish
divisions
's paragraph
Principm
toThomas
attributed
,
OntheGovernment
Aquinas
), with
portions
Principm
(DeRegimine
ofRulers
arethesamein
divisions
1997.Bookandchapter
trans.
Philadelphia
JamesM. Blythe,
minor
tocorrect
Translations
andtheLatinediton.
boththetranslation
mayvaryslighdy
ofthewhole.
thecontext
outside
moreunderstandible
andto maketheEnglish
errors
14Charles
andPope
andRepublkan
Patriotism
TillDavis,Roman
ofLucca
Ptolemy
Propaganda:
50 (1975),411-33;416,n. 22.
III, in:Speculum,
Nkholas
15Whilethisarticle
to myattention
Flehler
wasin pressChristoph
Jrgen
brought
derpolitiin Widerstreit
du
De
recent
Miethke's
Amtskompetenz
book, potestate
papae: ppstlkhe

15:33:00 PM

ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA

107

tracingthiswe can see the process of the receptionof the Politicsin one
person.
1. Originof Government
Determinate
's citationof Aristotle'sPoliticsshows only a slight
Compendiosa
with its principles.It begins with argumentsfor and against
familiarity
sehen
Theorie
vonThomas
vonAquin
bisWilhelm
vonOckham
, Tbingen
2000,whichcontends
thatDeterminado
wasnotwritten
ca. 1277-1281,
as previous
consenCompendiosa
scholarly
susheld,butin 1300orshortly
after.
Miethke
formulation
(86-91)thattheprecise
argues
in Determinatio
found
therelationship
between
theelection
ofthe
Compendiosa
concerning
German
toexercise
innon-German
landsas rexromanorum
was
kingandhisright
lordship
halfofthereign
thelatter
ofPopeBoniface
VIII (1294-1303),
and
onlyduring
developed
thatthetraditional
is therefore
Miethke
is certainly
onewhosejudgment
dating
suspect.
mustbe evaluated
andcomprehensively,
a complex
taskthatis impossible
under
seriously
theconstraints
ofa publication
butwhichI willundertake
as partofmybook
deadline,
inprogress
on Ptolemy
ofLucca.Myinitial
is thatwhileMiethke's
impression
argument
is suggestive,
it is notincontrovertible.
therelationship
ofpopeandemperor
Certainly,
hadlongbeena topicofdebate,andthearguments
ofDeterminatio
arenot
Compendiosa
anachronistic
fora workofca. 1280in thesensethatitwouldhavebeenimpossible
for
an author
ofthetimetohaveconceived
as Miethke
realizes
scholthem,
(91).Andother
arshavealsomadesuggestive
fordating
basedon contemporary
ca.
events
arguments
TillDavis1975[op.cit.,
Charles
1277whofavors
1280,particularly
above,n. 14),417-21,
is relevant
1278.The datingcontroversy
to thethesis
ofthisarticle,
sinceI arguefor
intellectual
under
Aristotelian
influence
from
Determinatio
Ptolemy's
development
Compendiosa
toExaemeron
andDe Regimine
evenifDeterminatio
to
However,
Principm.
Compendiosa
proved
be written
ca. 1300,myprimary
wouldstillstand.As Miethke
thesis,
pointsout,both
Exaemeron
andDe Regimine
reusematerial
from
Determinatio
Exaemeron
Principm
Compendiosa,
9.7 citing
it explicitly,
so thereis no difficulty
in arguing
thatan intellectual
changehas
evenifthisnowwouldhavetakenplaceovera muchshorter
occurred,
period.Butif
bothDeterminatio
andDeRegimine
werewritten
between,
Compendiosa
Principm
say,1300and
thatthemassive
Exaemeron
couldhavebeenwritten
between
1303,itwouldbe lesslikely
them.
Thedating
ofthisworkhasalways
beenuncertain;
thefirst
realattempt
to dateit
' di Tolomeo
hasbeentherecent
oneofEmilioPanella,
Rilettura
delcDeOperibus
SexDierum
d Fiadoni
daLucca
Fratrum
63 (1993),51-111;83-100,
, in:Archivm
Praedicatorum,
who,
as Miethke
out(87,n. 232),canonlyplaceitwithnearcertainty
in a wideperiod
points
oftime,
between
1280and1323(butMiethke
gives1274as theterminus
post
quem),
although
Panellabelieves
he canreasonably
narrow
thisto 1285-1295
andis confident
to
enough
mention
Ordinis
Praedicatorum
Medii
Rome1993,v. 4, 320.
onlythisrangein Scriptores
Aevi,
Ifthiscouldbe confirmed
itwouldrefute
Miethke's
On theother
hand,
proposed
dating.
ifExaemeron
weretoturnouttohavebeenwritten
after
theother
twoworks,
which
seems
to mebecauseofthedifferent
treatment
ofcommon
material
in theworks,
one
unlikely
ofmyarguments,
thatPtolemy
in hisapproach
to Aristotle
between
Exaemeron
developed
andDe Regimine
wouldno longer
be sustainable.
The chronology
ofPtolemy's
Principm,
workhasalways
beenproblematic
andis unlikely
everto be determined
precisely
byan
examination
ofmanuscripts
and thehistorical
record.
It is to be hopedthatsustained
ofthetext,
likethatofDavis,Panella,
andmyself
willeventually
lead
analysis
Miethke,
to a newconsensus.

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108

M. BLYTHE
JAMES

the propositionthat the emperordoes not receive imperialadministrative power untilthe pope crownshim. Initially,Ptolemyuses arguments
fromlaw, medievalpractice,and the Bible, typical,exceptforthe dialecticalform,of church-state
polemicsof theprevioustwo centuries.However,
when he wants to answer the objection that, since emperorspreceded
popes historically,
papal authorityderivesfromthe imperial,he insertsa
the originof politicalauthority.In range,con"digression"investigating
tent, organization,and examples this is close to De Regimine
,
Principm,
Book 3.1-9,wherePtolemyreworksthe earliermaterial.In the latterwork
Ptolemyvastlyexpands Aristotelianreferences in the analogous section
he citesthe Politicssix times,the Ethicseighttimes,and otherAristotelian
worksseven times,as opposed to one, one, and two timesin Determinatio
Compendiosa.
Determinatio
's sole citationof the Politicsconcernsthe first
Compendiosa
humans:
. . . although
in humans
there
wasprelation
evenin theStateofInnocence
... itis
notlordship
in so faras thisis represented
as servitude,
becausethisis penal,but
as theoffice
ofconsulting
anddirecting,
theangels,
which
indeed
justas among
pertainsto humankind,
in so faras humans
arenaturally
socialanimals,
whomit is
to mutually
ordain.Butamongthosewhicharemutually
it is
ordained
necessary
thatthere
should
be oneprincipal
anddirecting,
as thePhilosopher
necessary
always
. . ,16
saysin 1 Politics
Ptolemy'scitationof Aristotleforthe necessityof rule,but not forhumans
as social animals, suggeststhat his source is not Aristotlebut Aquinas's
similarpassage in SummaTheologiae.
Aquinas followsthe same pattern,
even using "social animal" instead of his more usual "social and political animal," or the words with which Moerbeke translatedAristotle's
and De Regimine
"political animal": "civil animal." Later, in Exaemeron
, Ptolemyis clearlyusing the Politicsdirectly,but both contain
Principm,
passages close to the one quoted.17
16Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
36, 11-20:"Licetenim
, 17,ed. Kramer,
Compendiosa
. . . nonin quantum
dominium
in hominibus
etiamin statuinnocentie
fuisset
prelatio
consulendi
et dirigendi,
sicutin angeservitud,
opponitur
quiahocestpenale,sedoffito
in quantum
estanimalsociale,
homonaturaliter
lis,quodquidemhomini
competebat,
In hiisautem,
suntordinata,
ad invicem
ordinare.
oportet
que ad invicem
quemoportet
..." The
et dirigens,
utphilosophus
dicitin primo
Politice
semper
aliquidesseprincipale
Libri
Octo
vetusta
translation
Guilelmi
deMoerbeke
reference
istoAristotle,
Politicorum
cum
[henceis
The "digression"
forth
ed. Franciscus
Susemihl,
Politics],
Leipzig1872,1.5.1254a.28.
in all.
17-24;therearethirty-one
chapters
chapters
17ThomasAquinas,
ofLucca,Exaemeron
Summa
, 116-17and
1.96.4;Ptolemy
Theologiae,
De Regimine
3.9.6-7.
Principm

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ARISTOTLE'S
OFLUCCA
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY

109

Ptolemy'sdefenseof governmentas rooted in nature,even beforesin,

commonlyseen as a major consequence of acquaintance withAristotle's
Politics
in context:his main argumentis that since all
reads diiferendy
is
from
God
there
can be no naturalclaim to rule. God will propower
vide the necessaryrule,which,forsinfulhumans,is usuallypunitive.Even
the necessityfor directionis not a novel Aristotelianidea; compare, for
example,pseudo-Dionysius'shierarchicalorderingof creation.God as the
sourceof ruleunderminesAristotelian
and the use of "social"
naturalism,19
animal allowsAquinas and Ptolemyto stressthe need to live in communities in contrastto Aristotle'semphasison participationin government.
In De Regimine
Principm,
Ptolemystill misconstruesAristotleon this
that
what
made humans social and political animals
point by arguing
were the needs assailingthemin the postlapsarianworld- food,clothing,
protection,etc. Ptolemystatesthis explicitly:"The necessityof establishing a citycomes firstfroma considerationof human need, which compels a person to live in society,as is writtenin Job: CAperson born of
woman lives fora brieftime filledwithmany miseries,'that is, withthe
necessitiesof lifethatmake miseryapparent.For thisreasonhumanbeings
are social and politicalanimals by nature,as Aristotleproves. . ."20
Anotherargumentis more Aristotelian:humans need a cityin order
to realize theirtendencytowardvirtue(one of Aristotle'sprincipalpoints),
fullyemploy speech and hearing,and satisfythe need for friendship.21
And Aristotledoes argue forthe naturalnessof the polisin part because
of a mentallack in isolation.Holly Bleakleydistinguishes
two Aristotelian
sensesof "natural":an innateimpulseand somethingnecessaryfora final
18See TilmanStruve,
DieBedeutung
deraristotelischen
'Politik3
der
irdienatrliche
Begrndung
staatlichen
in:Jrgen
Miethke
Theorie
im14.Jahrhundert
Gemeinschaft,
,
(ed.),DasPublicum
politischer
desHistorischen
: Kolloquien
154-5.
, 21 (Munich
Schuften
153-72;
Kollegs
1992),
19SeeJ.P.
Introduction:
andIdeas
Politics,
Institutions,
, inJ.H.Burns
Canning,
(ed.),Cambridge
Political
c. 350-c.1450,Cambridge
ofMedieval
History
1988,341-66;360-2,forthis
Thought
observation
aboutmedieval
in general.
theorists
political
20Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
364: "Necessitudo
4.2.2,ed. Perier,
Principm,
[constituendi
autem
considerata
humana
civitatem]
apparet
primo
quidem
indigentia,
perquam
homoin societate
vivere
'Homonatusde muliere
brevi
cogitur
quia,utinJobscribitur:
vivens
multis
id estnecessitatibus
vitaein quibusmiseria
manmiseriis,'
tempore,
repletus
undesecundum
naturam
estanimalsocialesivepoliticum,
ut Philosophus
ifestato;
probatin 1 Politicorum
..." Thereferences
aretoJob14.1andAristotle,
1-3.
1.2.1253a.
Politics,
Fioravanti
1997[op.cit.,
thatGilesofRomeexceptionally
founded
above,n. 11),26,argues
thenaturalness
ofpolitical
lifeinthesuperior
nature
ofhuman
animals.
Formoreon the
on physical
needssee,forexample,
25 and Struve1992{op.cit.,
emphasis
Fioravanti,
above,n. 18),passim.
21Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
4.3.
Principm,

15:33:00 PM

110

M. BLYTHE
JAMES

cause. These are equivalent except for humans,who must develop the
virtuesnecessaryfortheirdestinedend. This explainsAristotle'scomment
in the Politics:"... thereis in everyoneby naturean impulsetowardthis
sortof community.
And yetthe one who firstconstituted
[a city]is responsible for the greatestof goods." The impulse toward associationis not
sufficient
for a properly-functioning
polis unless people are led toward
law
and
wise
leaders.
virtueby
Thus, political associationis natural in
both senses.22This is true even in Eden, since there always existed
differentiation
of abilities,and learningwas alwaysnecessaryto directthe
masses to virtue,even when theyhad a naturalinstincttowardit. The
only question is if a communitysmallerthan a citywould satisfythese
mentalneeds,whichAristodeand Ptolemydeny. Ptolemy'smove toward
thanhis continuedemphatruepoliticalnaturalismhereis moreimportant
if it is the only reasis on physicalneeds, which is only non-Aristotelian
son forthe social impulse.
Ptolemycan be seen as addressingthe gap between Ciceronian and
Aristotelianapproaches. Nederman claims that political naturalismwas
commonbefore1260,23but thiswas usuallyin the limitedsense thatgovernmenthas an orderingfunctionindependentof religion,somethingalso
basic to Augustine,and usually related to degenerate human nature.
Nederman argues that the twelfthcenturyJohn of Salisbury,perhaps
uniquelybefore 1260, went on to develop it positively:". . . it is hard to
see what or what kind of happinessof communitycould existoutsideof
society,or how it could be formed.. . ."24John outlines a Ciceronian
political naturalismbased on a humanity,originallybestial but with a
submergedpolitical nature,urged to societyby an enlightenedorator.
This mighteasilyattractthose believingin originalsin: people no longer
22Aristotie,
inomnibus
ad talem
"Natura
Politics
, 1.2.1253a29-32:
impetus
quidem
igitur
See
maximorum
bonorum
causa."
autem
communitatem:
instituit,
Holly
Bleakley,
primus
qui
ofPolitical
20
'DeRegimine
inAquinas'
TheArtofRuling
/ in: History
Thought,
Principm
outside
of
forvirtue
ofreasonto suffice
586,589-90.Fortheinability
(1999),575-602;
seealsoStruve
1992[op.cit.,above,n. 18),157.
thepolitical
community,
23See,forexample,
Science
andtheOrigins
Aristotelianism
ofPolitical
CaryJ. Nederman,
180-1.
of
of
the
52
in:
intheTwelfth
179-94;
Ideas,
,
(1991),
CenturyJournal
History
24JohnofSalisbury,
ed. Clement
1929,cited
1.1.826c,
C.J.Webb,Oxford
Metalogicon,
inMedieval
Tradition
TheCiceronian
in CaryNederman,
Nature
, Sin,andtheOrigins
ofSociety:
13:"CumverobeatofIdeas,49 (1988),3-26;
oftheHistory
Political
, in:Journal
Thought
..
itudocommunionis
sit,necfingi
possit
quidem
ignara,
queautqualisextrasocietatem
"Onecannot
withhistranslation:
naturalism
Nederman
imagJohn's
political
exaggerates
and
association
couldexistentirely
ine howanykindofhappiness
apartfrommutual
from
humansociety."
divorced

15:33:00 PM

ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA

111

feltthe natural call to virtue,but they could be redeemed. Nederman

believesthatAristotlecannotprovidean explanationof good government
to medievalChristians,whichis whywriters,
likeJohn of Paris
satisfactory
and Marsiliusof Padua, continuedto appeal to Cicero.25
Johnof Pariswritesthatbeforethe earlyrulersBelus and Ninus humans
lived as beasts,withoutrule, againsttheirnature.26In contrast,Ptolemy
writes:"those who firstexercisedlordshipin the world were iniquitous
persons,such as Cain, Nimrod,Belus,Ninus,and his wifeSemiramis. . ."27
Both writersposit an earlybestialperiod,in contrastto Aristotle'speriod
of heroickingship,28
but Ptolemy'smodifiedAristotelian
naturalism,asserta
to
the
bestial
ing primitiveurge society,places
period under the earli- the deformed
est governments.
Both probablyhave the same explanation
nature of sinninghumanity.As Ptolemymakes clear, early rule "began
throughusurpationfroma certainhaughtinessof pride and lust of exercisinglordship. . . because the reprobatealone assumed lordshipin the
beginningof the creationof the world. . ,"29
Both John and Ptolemyneed to explain how good governmentcan
ever arise. Ptolemynever adequatelydoes this,30
but Aristotleprovidesa
in
answer
on
skilled
men, comparableto Cicero's orator,
partial
insisting
but arisingat a different
of
stage
society(aftergovernmentsexist,not
before).NeitherAristotle'snor Cicero's argumentexplains the existence
of such virtuousmen in degeneratesociety,so neitheris inherently
more
to
and
each
results
for
medievais
adaptable Christian-Augustinian
concepts,
in a period of bad governmentor anarchic livingafterthe Fall.
Aristotlebelievedthatthe degeneratenatureof barbarians,froma hot
climate,condemns them to oppressivegovernment,that peoples of the
cold North live freelybut withoutpolitical capacity,and that only the
25Nederman
1988[op.cit.,above,n. 24),3-26.
2 JohnofParis,Tractatus
dePotestate
vonParis:Uber
, in:Johannes
RegiaetPapali
Quidort
undppstliche
Gewalt
1969.
, c. 1,ed. F. Bleienstein,
knigliche
Stuttgart
27Ptolemy
ofLucca,DeRegimine
319:". . . primi
dominantes
, 3.7.1,ed.Perrier,
Principm
inmundo
fuerunt
homines
uthistoriae
sicutCain,Nembroth,
Ninus
tradunt,
Belus,
iniqui,
et Semiramis
uxorejus. . ."
28Aristode,
Politics
, 3.14.1285b.6-10.
29Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 17,ed. Krammer,
36, 25-9:"Abinitio
Compendiosa
seculipostpeccatum
noneo mododominium
estassumptum,
sedex quodamfastu
superbieac dominandi
libidine
. . . quiasolireprobi
inprincipio
creperursurpationem
incepit
ationis
mundi
dominium
..."
assumpserunt
30SeeJames
M. Blythe,
IdealGovernment
andthe
Mixed
Constitution
inthe
Middle
Princeton
Age,
toPtolemy
ofLucca,TheGovernment
1992,98-109andIntroduction
above,
ofRulers
{op.cit.,
n. 13),24-30.

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112

M. BLYTHE
JAMES

In De Regimine
Greekshad politicalability.31
, Ptolemyuses a simPrincipm
ilar argumentto explain the despotictendenciesof some peoples and the
desire of Italians for freedom,but he does not explain how they overcame originalsin.32AlthoughGod is happy to validatevirtuousrule,the
sourceof thisvirtuecannotbe worshipof God, forPtolemy'sprimeexamCompendiosa
Ptolemy
ple is the pagan Roman Republic. In Determinatio
assignsno cause to Roman virtueand deniesany inherentgoodness,since
modern ChristianRomans lack virtue,being characterizedby, in words
of Bernard of Clairvaux that Ptolemycites, "impudence and haughtiness ... a nation unaccustomedto peace . . . stern. . . intractable. . .,"33
whose rule God merelytolerates.Real world monarchybelongsto God,
who in the past has delegatedit to various peoples untilit devolved on
Jesus and his vicar, the pope.34This last providesone secure refugefor
his argument,sinceJesus providedthe societyof the churchwithvirtues
guaranteeinggood government.
While Ptolemyretainedpapal hegemonyin De Regimine
, his
Principm
he
attitudetowardpoliticalpeoples evolved,and, probablyunconsciously,
uses words close to those Bernardused to condemn modernRomans to
praiseNorthernItalians. Bernardcalled the Romans a nation "not knowPtolemywrites:
ing how to be subjectexceptwhen it could not resist";35
"Certain othershave a virile spirit,a bold heart, and a confidencein
their intelligence,and these cannot be ruled other than by political
rule. . . Such lordshipis especiallystrongin Italy,where. . . the inhabitantswere always less able to be subjected than others,so that if you
should want to bringthem under despoticrule, this could not be done
insiststhat Italian rule
unless the lords tyrannized."36
Ptolemyfrequently
31Aristotle,
and
a "community
ofslaves,"
hecallsbarbarians
Politics
, 7.7;cf.1.2,where
thanEuropeans.
andAsiatics
thanGreeks,
aremoreservile
hesaysbarbarians
3.14,where
32Usually
fora peoorgivesnoreason
substitutes
signforclimate
astrological
Ptolemy
but
he cites
De
3.22.6,
4.8.3-4,
2.8.4,
3.11.9,
,
characteristics,
Regimine
Prinpum
e.g.,
ple's
at 2.9.6.
at climate,
in thiscontext,
andhe hints
Aristotle
especially
33Bernard
ofLucca,Determinatio
inPtolemy
De Consideration
ofClairvaux,
4.2,as quoted
asueta,gensimmi47, 6: "... gensinsueta
24,ed. Krammer,
paci,tumultui
Compendiosa
..."
tis,intractabilis
34Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
25,48-9.
Compendiosa
35Bernard
inPtolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
De Consideratone
ofClairvaux,
4.2,as quoted
resistere."
nisicumnonpossit
47, 7: "... subdinescia,
24,ed. Krammer,
Compendiosa
36Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.8.4,ed. Peiner,381: Quaedametiam
Principm
et talesreginonpossuaeintelligentiae,
animiet in audaciacordiset confidentia
virilis
in Italiavigetundeminus
maxime
... Tale autemdominium
suntnisiprinciptu
politico
hocesse
ad despoticum
. . . quodsi velistrahere
fuerunt
principtm,
semper
subjicibiles
nisidomini
nonpotest
tyrannizent."

15:33:00 PM

ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS

113

is characteristically
political,and he goes beyond Aristotle'spartialityto
one regionto claim that citieseverywherelive under a politicalregime,
thoughoftencircumscribedby a monarch.37
2. Ends of Government
In his sole citationof Aristotle'sEthicsin Determinati
, Ptolemy
Compendiosa
considersthe ends of community:
. . . therefore
. . . "Moreover,
is nothere,"thatis,it
it is saidproperly
mykingdom
. . . whichis sought
as theprincipal
is notlikean earthly
kingdom
bytheworldly
thatpolitical
consists
ofthis,to
end. . . andthephilosopher
saysintheEthics
felicity
whichhe disposes
othercivilpolitical
virtues.
Butthefaithful
ofChrist
on account
withvirtues
andsendthemselves
forth
withmostfruitful
laborsto folofthisstrive
in whichtrueandnotfalsehappiness
consists
. . ,38
lowthekingdom
ofheaven,
This presentsa clear AugustinindichotomybetweenChristianand governmentalgoals. Politicalorderis beneficial,but secondary,and not necessary for the only importantgoal, salvation. The goals are at best
not directlyrelated,and politicalactivitycannot lead to
complementary,
true happiness.Aristotlealso argued for happiness correctlyunderstood
as the ultimatehuman goal and also identifiedtwo approachesto it, but
for him theyare more intimatelyrelated. In the Ethicshe distinguished
betweencontemplativeand practicalactivitiesand in principlefindsthe
A key difference
formermore worthy.39
is thatAristotleunderstandsthat
alone
cannot
to
lead
contemplation
happiness,since the virtueneeded
forit can only be developed in the contextof a polity,participationin
which thusbecomes a necessityforperfecthappiness.40
And forhim the
virtuesrequiredfor each kind of life are not distinct.
37Ptolemy
ofLucca,DeRegimine
mentions
thepolitical
nature
, 4.1.2,5. Ptolemy
Principm
ofItalianruleat 2.8.1,2.10.2,3.20.5,3.22.6,4.1.2,4.1.5,4.2.1,4.8.4,4.13.6,4.18.3,
4.19.5,and4.25.3.
38Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 28,ed. Krammer,
57,28-58,1: "... ideo
Compendiosa
. . . 'Nuncautemregnum
meumnonesthinc,'id estsicutregnum
terproprie
loquitur
renum
. . . quoda mundanis
... etphilosophus
inEthicis
in
queritur,
quasifinis
potissimus
hocfelicitatem
dickconsistere,
ad quamceteras
virtutes
civiles
politicam
politicas
disponit.
SedChristi
fideles
hocvirtutibus
intendunt
etfructuosis
se laboribus
ut
propter
exponunt,
celorum
in quo veraet nonfalsabeatitudo
consistit,
regnum
consequantur,
quamphy. . ." The reference
is toAristotle,
Ethics
1.9.
losophi
ponebant
39Aristotle,
Ethics
alsomentioned
thepursuit
ofphysical
10.7;see also 1.5.Aristotle
thelifeofmoney
andhonoras possible
buthe displeasure,
making,
pathstohappiness,
counted
themat once.
40Aristotle,
Ethics
, 10.9.

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M. BLYTHE
JAMES

, makes politicsand contemplation

Ptolemy,in Determinatio
Compendiosa
social
activities
to
directed
different
ends. Beyond this he subseparate
ordinatesone goal to the other,which necessarilyresultsin the subordinationof politicalauthorityto thatof the pope, who assuresthe primary
goal of salvation.It would be hard for a medieval author to avoid this
conclusion,except,as Dante, for example, did, by positingthat religion
and politicshave completelyseparate goals, independentlyworthyand
achievable.41
Tractatus
de Iurisdictione
EcclesiesuperRegnum
Sicilieet Apulie
, probablya
late work,42connectsthe ends, directlycitinga passage fromAquinas:
"... brotherThomas in his treatiseDe Regimine
Principm
[proved] that
the priesthoodof Christand consequentlyhis vicar is preferredfromhis
commissionto all lordship,because this is greatestin moral philosophy.
The principleof that art, to which pertainsthe ultimateend, is always
to command in operationsthose thingswhich are ordained to that ultimate end."43Hierocracyflowsnaturallyfromthis,44and Ptolemyimmediatelycites anotherpassage fromEthics(the only citationof eitherthe
Ethicsor Politics)in defenseof papal hegemony:
... Itpertains
Theultimate
endoftheChristian
life.
tothepontifical
peopleiseternal
inproitwillbe hissingularly
tocommand
toleadtothatend;therefore
priesthood
arenecesandin disposing
thosethings
which
andin exercising
viding
governance,
inremoving
tofollowing
thatend.Which
sarytothatend,andsimilarly
impediments
in Ethics
virtues
. . .45
artAristotle
callsarchitectonic
amongthepolitical
41DanteAlighieri,
III.16,145-49,
trans,
anded.PrueShaw,
Monarchia
edition),
(bilingual
1995.
Cambridge
42EmilioPanellaandAntoine
dateit to 1308-14,
thelatest
interDondaine
although
MediiAevi
Ordinis
Praedicatorum
nal reference
is to 1283.See Scriptores
, v. 4, praemissis
Rome
andEmilio
addendis
etcorrigendis
ad volumina
Panella,
I-III,ed.Thomas
Kaeppeli
' chezPtolm
deLacques
Fratris
Thomae
Les 'Opuscula
, in:
Dondaine,
1993,323; Antoine
171.
31 (1961),142-203;
Archivm
Fratrum
Praedicatorum,
43Ptolemy
Thomas
Ecclesie
ofLucca,DeJurisdiction#
472b:". . . Frater
, ed.Baluze-Mansi,
et perconsein tractatu
De regimine
Christi,
, ad probandum
quodSacerdotium
Principm
in
omnidominio,
ex suacommissione
quiahaecestmaxima
praefertur
quenssuiVicarii
estimperad quempertinet
ultimus
illius
morali.
finis,
artis,
semper
Principium
Philosophia
to Thomas
finem
..." Thisrefers
ultimum
ad istum
areoperantibus,
ea quaeordinantur
ultimi
curapertinet,
"Sicenimei,ad quemfinis
1.15.8-10:
De Regimine
Principm
Aquinas,
et eiusimperio
curaantecendentium
subdidebent
finium,
illi,ad quospertinent
dirigi."
end.
10-15on thehighest
Ethics
before
, 1.1.1094a.
this,ThomascitedAristotle,
Just
44However,
der
derJ(eit.
Theorie
inderKrise
Politische
Miethke,
Anstotelesrezeption
Aspekte
Jrgen
Theoretische
undGeschichte:
infrheren
14.Jahrhundert
, in:GertMelville
Aspekte
(ed.),Institionen
that
undmittelalterliche
1, Cologne1992,157-86,165,argues
, NormundStructure
Befrinde
from
this.
or dualism
either
couldderive
students
hierocracy
Aquinas's
45Ptolemy
autem
ultimus
Ecclesie
472b:"Finis
ofLucca,DeJurisdictione
, ed.Baluze-Mansi,

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POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S

115

fromAristotle'sintention,this is a natural
Althoughradicallydifferent
a
distortion
for medievalreader.Like Ptolemy,but unlikeDante, Aristotle
does writeof a singleend and the subordinationof all otherends to happiness and argues that it is political science that directsus to it. How
else could a medieval Christianinterpretthis than that politicalscience
aims at salvation,whichis underthe directionof the Church?The important point is that Ptolemysubtlymodifiedhis earlierview: now thereis
a singleend, with the pope coordinatingthe steps towardit.
in assimilatingpoliticalvirtuesand
De Regimine
Principm
goes furthest
ends to theologicalones, most clearlyin sectionsanalogous to the ones
in Determinatio
in whichPtolemyderivedall lordshipfromGod.
Compendiosa
Whereas earlier Ptolemyprincipallycited Augustineand restrictedthe
rulerto correctionand settingan example, he now uses Aristotleextensivelyand elevatesgovernment:
In government
thelegislator
shouldalways
intend
thatthecitizens
be directed
to
liveaccording
tovirtue.
thisis theendofthelegislator,
as Aristotle
Indeed,
saysin
... We cannot
cometo thisendwithout
divine
2 Ethics
motion
... An endsetsthe
efficient
causein motion,
andwefindthatitis a morenobleandbetter
endto the
... as Aristotle
The endwhicha
degreethatit is moreeffective
saysin 1 Politics.
intend
forhimself
andhissubjects
is eternal
which
kingshould
principally
happiness,
consists
ofthevision
ofGod.Becausethatvision
is themostperfect
good,itought
to setthekingandanylordin motion,
so thatthesubjects
should
follow
thatend,
sinceonegoverns
bestbyintending
suchan end.46

Christiani
. . . Adistum
autem
finem
deducere
ad Pontificale
sacerPopuliestvitaaeterna.
dotium
in providendo,
etin gubernando,
ac
pertinet;
ergoejuseritsingulariter
imperare
ad praedictum
etsimiliter
removendo
ea,quaesuntnecessaria
finem,
disponendo
impedimenta
ad memoratum
finem.
ab Ethicis
in virtutibus
consequendum
QuamartemPhilosophus
Architectonicam
vocat. . ." Aristode,
Ethics
thesupreme
, 1.2.1094adiscusses
end,
politicis
andsaysthatpolitical
whosepractice
to thisend,is themostarchitecscience,
pertains
tonicscience.
At 1.7he saysthathappiness
is thesupreme
endto whichall shouldbe
subordinated
andat 1.4.thatpolitical
science
aimsat thehighest
ofall goodsachievable
action.
by46
ofLucca,De Regimine
ed.Perrier,
309-10: . . inregimine
, 3.3.3-4,
Ptolemy
Principm
debetintendere
ut civesdirigantur
ad vivendum
secundum
legislator
semper
virtutem,
immohicestfinis
utPhilosophus
dicitin 2 Ethicorum
. . . Sedad istum
finem
legislatoris,
venirenonpossumus
sinemotione
divina
. . . Finismovetefficientem
et tantoefficacius
nobilior
et melior
. . . sicutPhilosophus
dicitin 1 Politicorum.
Finis
quantofinis
reperitur
autemquemprincipaliter
rexintendere
debetin se ipsoet in subditis
estaeterna
beatiDei consistit.
Et quiaillavisioestperfectissimum
maxime
tudo,quaein visione
bonum,
debetmovere
etquemcumque
dominum
utistum
finem
subditi
regem
consequantur:
quia
tuncoptime
si talisin ipsositfinis
intentus."
edition
thelastsenregit,
[intheMatthis
tenceis: "Etquiaistavisio... etquemcumque
dominum
uthunc.. . ."] Thecitations
are
toAristode,
2.1.1103b.3-6
11);Politics
Ethics,
, 3.9.1280b.5(SeealsoPolitics
, l.l-2.1252a.l0and 1252a.l-6.
1252b.35-1253a.l
1253a.40,
especially

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M. BLYTHE
JAMES

It is striking
thatnow governmentis not only helpfulbut central,almost
to
necessary, salvation,and that thisis now its primaryend, not earthly
from religiousvirtue,still less
happiness. Civic virtue is not different
opposed to it, but of the same nature,and, thoughinferiorto it, a necessaryprerequisite.Ptolemycan interpretthe Roman Republic's virtue
as a strivingfor the true God, in the only way possible beforeChrist,
the nurturing
of civicvirtue,throughwhichcitizensbegin the redemptive
process. Politicsis thus a step towardthe City of God. This perspective
is reminiscentof that of the late fifteenth
centuryDominican preacher
GirolamoSavonarolaand suggeststhatperhapshe dependedupon Ptolemy
of Lucca not only,as Donald Weinsteinhas shown,for the secular elements of his later political thought,but also for his paean to the governmentof Florence,which gives that cityan apocalypticfunction.47
Later in De Regimine
, Ptolemyfollowsup a citationof the only
Principm
with a different
Ethicspassage he had quoted in Determinatio
Compendiosa
to
officials:"For
now
the
architect
of
city
analogy, applied
application
the virtueby which a politicalrectorexercisesgovernanceover a cityis
the architectof all othervirtuesof the citizens.. . ."48Althoughthe pope
remains supreme arbiter,compared to the architectin De Iurisdictione
Ecclesie
, the civic rectorbecomes in a sense his vicar for both goals in
It is implicit
ordinarytimes,not simplyone responsiblefortemporalities.
virtues
of
not
does
the
definition
that
requirecommany necessary
only
And since Ptolemy
munity,but they can only develop withinsociety.49
teachesthatcertainpeoples can have good rule onlyiftheygovernthemselves,and that thisis the only good formof governmentsimplyspeaking, the formulaof papal supremacythreatensto become divorcedfrom
practicalapplication,like that of "all power is fromGod."

47DonaldWeinstein,
in theRenaissance
andPatriotism
: Prophecy
andFlorence
Savonarola
,
dellacitt
e governo
elreggimento
Trattato
circa
Girolamo
Princeton
Savonarola,
1970,290-310;
on
as Treatise
in:Prediche
diFirenze
, Rome1965,435-87;trans,
, ed. LuigiFirpo,
Aggeo
sopra
andLiberty
Humanism
andGovernment
theConstitution
, Columbia,
, in R.N.Watkins,
ofFlorence
SouthCarolina1978,231-60.
48Ptolemy
enimqua
412:"Virtus
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.23.1,ed. Perrier,
Principm,
virtutum
aliarum
estrespectu
architecta
civitatem
rector
quae
cujuslibet
gubernat
politicus
. . ."
suntin civibus
' andMedieval
49SeeJames
fCivic
Hankins
Political
Humanism
M. Blythe,
, in:James
Thought
61.
Humanism
Civic
Renaissance
30-74;
2000,
,
Cambridge
(ed.),

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ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA

117

3. Kingship
and theCity
Ptolemy'sincreasingregardforsecular rule is associatedwithan increasing suspicionof monarchy.The rootsof thisshiftare foundin Ptolemy's
Exaemeron
and
, probablywrittena fewyearsbeforeDe Regimine
Principm
next to it makingthe most use of Aristotle'spoliticalworks(eightcitationsof Politics
, thirteenof Ethics).For the firsttime,Ptolemyemploysthe
Aristotelian
categoriesof politicaland despoticpower,whichbecome centralto De Regimine
,51to analyze the governmentin Eden, in the
Principm
the ideas of Thomas he had cited in Determinatio
process transforming
:
Compendiosa
... itis manifest
thatevenin theStateofInnocence
there
waslordship,
becauseit
exists
evenamongtheangels,
as thedoctors
[sc.Thomas]say,notindeeddespotic
butpolitical.
Whosereasoncanbe on theonehandthata humaneven
lordship,
thenwasa socialanimal;
moreover
multitude
is ordained
to onejustas to a
every
andmoving,
as Aristotle
. . .52
principal
directing
saysin 1 Politics
In Exaemeron
, Ptolemyassociatescategoriesof rule largelywiththe family,
their
monarchiccontext.53
Sin did not affectthe basic nature
reinforcing
of the relationshipswithinthe family,which Ptolemydefendsas natural
throughcitationsof the Politicsand Ethics.54
Family needs make humans
necessarilysocial animals: mutual assistance (since even in Eden children needed to be fed and educated),mutual consolation,and conjugal

50According
to Panella1993(op.cit.,above,n. 15),91-100,
butseenoteaboveabout
thedating
controversy.
51Ptolemy
ofLucca,Exaemeron
citesAristotle,
192-3.Ptolemy
, XIII, 19,ed. Masetti,
Politics
which
doesnotexactly
toit.Formoreinfor, 1.5.1254b.5-6,
saywhatis attributed
mation
on thepolitical/despotic
andpolitical/
seeBlythe
1992(op.cit.,
regaldistinctions,
Introduction
to Ptolemy
ofLucca,Onthe
above,n. 30),93-111,andBlythe,
government
of
Rulers
(op.cit.,above,n. 13),22-30.
52Ptolemy
ofLucca,Exaemeron
enimquodetiam
211:"... constat
, XIV,8, ed.Masetti,
in statuinnocentiae
fuisset
esthoc,utsacriDoctores
dominium,
quiaetiaminter
Angelos
nonquidemdispoticum,
sedpoliticum.
volunt,
Cujusratioessepotesttumquia homo
etiamtunceratanimalsociale:omnisautemmultitudo
ad unumordinatur
sicutad prinet movens,
utPhilosophus
dicitin 1 Politicorum
..." See alsoIX, 7, ed.
cipaledirigens,
A fewpageslater,XV, 2, ed. Masetti,
116-117.
thiswithan
Masetti,
221,he repeats
rule"directivum
uniusad alterum,
sicutestinter
variation,
interesting
callingpoliticeli
homines
etvirtuosos,
et etiaminter
Angelos."
53Forsapientes,
medieval
offamily
intheseAristotelian
seeJames
analysis
relationship
categories,
M. Blythe,
Government
Aristotelians
ofPolitical
, andtheMedieval
, in:History
Family,
Thought,
10(1989),1-16.I briefly
referred
to Ptolemy
ofLucca'sExaemeron
, 12,n. 40,butdidnot
address
hisideasthere.
substantially
54Ptolemy
ofLucca,Exaemeron,
222-3.
XV, 2, ed. Masetti,

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118

M. BLYTHE
JAMES

Sin only makes life harder, the conjugal

copulation and procreation.55
even
more
relationship
necessary,and the larger associationof the city
obligatory.
We can trace a progressionin Ptolemy'sconceptionof rule, in which
Aristotle'sideas help him shape his own. In Determinatio
, he
Compendiosa
followed
Thomas's
distinction
of
servitude
versus
direction
simply
penal
and consulting.In Exaemeron
, he tries to analyze this distinctionusing
Aristotle'scategories,but still,almost always,identifiespolitical rule, as
Thomas did, with a king.56Finally,in De Regimine
, he ignores
Principm
the family,associatespoliticalrule exclusivelywith republicanrule, and
identifiesdespoticrule with monarchyper se.
Aristotle'sfundamentalunit,the city,does not come to the foreuntil
De Regimine
Principm.
Ptolemy'sreturnto Lucca in the 1280s as prior of
San Romano and his later move to Florence as prior of Santa Maria
Novella in the turbulentyears 1301-02, when he probably wrote De
, undoubtedlyrestimulatedhis civic feelings.Although
Regimine
Principm
Aristotle'scity-statemodel created difficulties
for most medieval writers,
were
able
to
claim
that
a
more
was
sufficient
than a city,
they
kingdom
but it was a stretchand resultedin defenseof monarchy.57
But, withhis
found
Aristotle's
suitable,
and,
city background, Ptolemy
conception
he
states
as
he
never
defended
although acceptedlarger
legitimate,
Aquinas's
needs betterthan a city.58
positionthat a provincefulfilled
assertsthe superiority
of citygovernment.While
Ptolemyconsistently
used
a
like
or
locution
"city province,"including"city"
Aquinas always
presumablyonly because Aristotledid, Ptolemyoftenwritesonly of the
concernedwith the naturalcity.For example, Book 4.2-3 is specifically
ness of the city,not communityin general: ". . . it is clear that humans
must of necessitylive in a multitude,whetherwe considertheirbodies,
theirsensitiveparts, or theirrationalnatures,and this impliesthat the
constructionof the cityis necessaryby nature.For this reason Aristotle
says that all naturallyinclineto such a communityas existsin the com-

55
ofLucca,Exaemeron
220.
, XV, 1,ed. Masetti,
56Ptolemy
112-3,where
of
he writes
See alsoPtolemy
ofLucca,Exaemeron
, IX, 5, ed. Masetti,
rectors
theLatins.
among
political
57SeeJeanDunbabin,
Political
in:J.H.Burns
Government,
ofMedieval
(ed.),Cambridge
History
481.
c. 350-c.1450,Cambridge
1988,477-519;
Thought
58Thomas
thisextenattributes
DeRegimine
, 1.2.4.Dunbabin
wrongly
Principm
Aquinas,
sionofsufficiency
to thelaterGilesofRome,De Regimine
, 3.1.5.243r.
Prinpum

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ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA

119

There may be reasonsto formlargerstates,but they

munityof a city."59
are not naturalin the same sense as a city.
Ptolemydefendsbringingup the natureof the city,when it had already
been treatedin Book 1 (i.e., by Aquinas),by sayingthatthereit was concerned with a society'srelationshipto its ruler,here with the interrelationship and dependency of the various human groups in the city.60
Ptolemyrecognizestwo kindsof needs that demand a city:providingfor
inherentnonphysicalneeds.61
physicalsurvivaland comfort,and fulfilling
The "governmentcharacteristic
of cities,"which best fulfilsthese needs,
is a politicalgovernment,
whichPtolemydefinesas "thelordshipof many."
This would include aristocracy,but it more properly coincides with
Aristotle'sformof "polity."62
If cities are the most natural political units,and republicangovernment is best for them,Ptolemymust degrade kingship.He does this by
Aristotle'scategoryof regal government,which he now,
reinterpreting
with
along
any monarchicgovernment,
equates withdespotism.63
Ptolemy
is reinterpreting
Aristoteliancategoriesto suit himself,and he shows little interestin Aristotle'ssix-folddivisionof government,
whichwas most
to
Aristotle.
Yet
for
the
in
first
time
medievalpolitimportant
Ptolemy,
ical thought,employsa methodologyderivedfromAristotlefor analyzIn identifying
Aristotle'spolitical
ing civic politicalideas and institutions.
governmentwith the governmentfounduniversallyin citiesand extending it to any governmentrepresenting
plurality,Book 4 coversall but the
monarchicgovernmentof large territories.
What setsPtolemy'sapproach apart is thathavingdefendedthe necessityof the city,he does not proceed froma prioriprinciplesto determine the best constitutional
arrangement.Rather he discussesthe various

59Ptolemy
ofLucca,DeRegimine
369:"Patet
hominem
, 4.3.12,ed.Perrier,
Principm
igitur
siveex partecorporis,
sivepartis
siveconsiderata
suarationali
necesse
sensitivae,
natura,
haberevivere
in multitudine;
ex qua partenecessaria
estsecundum
naturam
constructio
civitatis.
UndePhilosophus
dicitin 1 Politicorum
inestad
quodnatura
quidemomnibus
talem
communitas."
Thereference
is toAristotle,
Politics
communitatem,
qualisestcivitatis
,
30f.
1.2.1
252b.
60Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
tothedivi, 4.2.9.This,in fact,
Principm
corresponds
sionthatViroli1992{op.cit.,above,n. 10),11,argues
marks
thedifference
intheformat
ofpolitical
treatises
before
andafter1260.
61Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.2-4.3.
Principm
62Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.1.2.
Principm
63Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.8.4,2.9.1,andpassim.
Principm

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M. BLYTHE
JAMES

builton them.64
typesof communityand how thisaffectsthe governments
He thus begins where Aristotledid in Book 2 of the Politicsto consider
polities derived fromvarious attitudestoward what should be held in
common. In this way he connectsAristotle'sapproach with Augustine's
definitionof a cityunitedaround the object of its love. For thispurpose
he uses the Greek city-statesanalyzed by Aristode,but he frequently
applies his conclusionsto critiquecontemporaryexamples and compare
themto Roman government.This, and the factthat he does not simply
repeat Aristotle'scritiques,also sets his approach apart.
Where these variouspolitiesfall shortor succeed revealsforPtolemy,
as for Aristotle,what are the necessarycharacteristics
of a good polity
and what are simplylocal adaptations.Using thismethodology,Ptolemy
also takes up many of Aristotle'sthemes;I will look at three- the common good and the best rulers,the comparisonof the polityto the body,
and the concept of citizen- to see how Ptolemy'sapproach compares
withAristode'sand with his own earlierworks.
4. The Common
Goodand theBestRulers
For Aristotlethe primaryconsiderationis the common good; any governmentthat servesonly a part of societyis deformed.Ptolemydoes not
mentionthe terma singletime elsewhere,but in De Regimine
it
Principm
becomes central:twice he says that accordingto Aristotlethe common
and he uses it to identify
good is divine,65
legitimaterulers:"Their power,
their
and that of any otherlordship,is ordained to the end of profiting
flocks,so that those whom vigilanceinclinestoward the utilityof their
subjectsare deservedlycalled shepherds.Otherwisethey are not legitimatelylords but tyrants,as Aristotleproves. . ."66Even when not using

64Ptolemy
ofcommunity,
then
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.4 forthediscussion
Principm
ofthevarious
4.5-21foranalysis
polities.
65Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
reference,
3.3.2,3.11.4.In thefirst
Ptolemy
Principm,
occursonlyin the
butcalling
thecommon
citesboththePolitics
andEthics,
gooddivine
where
Aristotle
atEthics
Ethics
1.2.1094b.8-10,
, 8.13.116al1-15andindirectly
saysthatthe
andmoregodlike
toachieve
anditis better
final
endmust
be thegoodforhuman
beings,
ofa citythanofan individual.
theendon behalf
66Ptolemy
to 1.2.2,1.4.5,3.7.3and
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 3.10.8,referring
Principm
et
330: . . ad hocordinatur
Politics
ed. Perrier,
Aristotle,
, 3.7.1279b.6,
potestas
ipsorum
incumbit
vocantur
undemerito
dominii
utprosint
vigilantia
quibus
gregi,
pastores
cujuslibet
. . ."
utprobat
domini
sedtyranni,
Aliasnonsunt
ad subditorum
utilitatem.
Philosophus
legitime

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POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S

121

in examples
the termor Aristotle,he oftenuses the concept,particularly
rulers.
of virtuouscitizensand
Nederman correctlyargues that medieval writersdiscussedthe common good before1260.John of Salisbury,whom Ptolemycited,refersto
it, once writingthat ancientpoliticalphilosopherssaid that "the dutyof
each and all will be to servethe public utility."67
John definesthe "public welfare"as "thatwhich fostersa secure lifeforeveryoneand all individuals."68But except for his later stresson the well-beingof the body
politic,and thus indirectlyon the common good, John never develops
theseideas; afterthe firstquotationabove, he moves to the necessityfor
nobles to abjure inordinatepleasures and magic; afterthe second he
switchesto the evilsof flattery.
Ptolemynevercitesthesepassages or mentionsthe common good in a way reminiscentof them.
A comparison of similar sections of DeterminatiCompendiosa
and De
on Roman virtuesshowshow AristotleaffectedPtolemy's
Regimine
Principm
of the commongood. In bothworkshe praisedthe Romans
understanding
fortheirlove of fatherland,
love ofjustice (traditionof laws in Determinatio
Compendiosa
), and theirbenevolence.The reason in the earlierworkwas
thatin governingtheyfocusedon "preservingthe republic."69
This is also
a commonthemein De Regimine
But
the
of Roman
Principm.
justification
rule is directedmore explicitlythere to ideas of communityand common good: love of fatherland,for example, "participatesin the divine
nature by directingits affectionto the community.
. . . Thus, Aristotle
in
1
Ethics
that
a
the
of
nation
a
is
divine
says
good
good."70Later,
... is not
Ptolemysimilarlyopposes tyranny:"A tyrannicalgovernment
ordained except as a burden and annoyanceto its subjects.It is characteristicof tyrantsto seek theirown, and only theirown, utilityand convenience... as Aristotlerelatesin 8 Ethics. . ."71
67JohnofSalisbury,
ed.C.G.I.Webb,2 vols,Oxford
1909[repr.
Frankfurt
Policraticus,
amMain1965],I, 3,vol.I, p. 20, 18-9:"Sollicitudo
etomnium
utilitari
singulorum
publicaeseruiebat."
68JohnofSalisbury,
Policraticus
saluspublica,
, III, 1,ed.Webb,I, 171,6-7:"Estigitur
fouet
et singulos,
incolumnitas
uitae."
quaeuniuersos
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 21,ed.Krammer,
Ptolemy
42,30-1:". . . totaeorum
Compendiosa
intentio
eratin ipsorum
sivedominio
ad conservandam
rempublicam
..."
regimine
70Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
311:"... particibat
, 3.4.2,ed.Perrier,
Principm
quamdamnaturam
divinam
eo quodad communitatem
suusfertur
affectus
. . . undeetPhilosophus
dicitin 1 Ethicorum
estbonum
divinum."
Thecitation
is toAristotle,
quodbonum
gentis
Ethics
, 1.2.1094b.8-10.
71
ofLucca,De Regimine
to thepor, 3.7.3,ed. Perrier,
Ptolemy
320,referring
Principm
tionattributed
to ThomasAquinas,
... nonordinatur
1.2.2,1.4.5:"tyrannicum
regimen

15:33:00 PM

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M. BLYTHE
JAMES

By the time of De Regimine

Principm
Ptolemyexplicitlylinksthe common good to the good of the state,in that,"forthe good of the republic, as for defense of the kingdomor whateverother cause rationally
pertainsto the commongood," rulersare justifiedin taxingcitizensbeyond
the customaryamount. Since the primarycommon good of the citizens
as social animals is the very existenceof society,whateveris necessary
forthe preservationof societyis allowed by naturalright.72
Preservingthe common good requiresthe choice of the best officials.
so, "the more laudPtolemythinksit wrongto exclude the meritorious,
able polityis that in which honors are distributedin turn accordingto
the meritsof each individualcitizen,as the ancient Romans did, and
Aristotlealso findsthis to be more commendable."73However, political
rule could weaken a politywithoutsuitablerulers:"Aristotletellsus in 4
Politicsthat suitableones come fromthe middle ranksof the city,thatis,
ones neitherexceptionallymighty,who would easily tyrannize,nor ones
of exceedinglylow condition,who would immediatelydemocratize."74
They could not abuse theirpower since they are bound by laws made
by the multitude.In stressingthe middle class compositionof the ruling
elite,Ptolemylooksto theformof government
practicedin manyNorthern
Italian cities as most proper for a city.75Its advantage,for Ptolemy,is
that it is most conduciveto harmony,somethingmade difficult
by divisions of class and labor and by human diversity.This was precisely
Aristotle'sconcern. Given the turmoilin Italian cities,Aristode'sconfi-

enimproprietas
estpropriam
etsolamsui
nisiad onusetmolestiam
subditorum.
Tyranni
in8 Ethicorum
ut. . . Philosophus
tradii
. . Thecitautilitatem
etcommodum
quaerere,
Ethics
tionis toAristotle,
, 8.11.1161a34-35.
72Ptolemy
ed. Perrier,
334: "...quod pro
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 3.11.6-7,
Principm
aliacausa
sicutprodefensione
velproquacumque
bonoreipublicae
regni
possit
exigere,
..."
rationabiliter
ad bonumcommune
pertinente
73Ptolemy
379:"Laudibilior
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.7.7,ed. Perrier,
Principm
igitur
honores
utantiqui
in qua secundum
civivicissim
distribuuntur
merita
unicuique
politia,
fecerunt
Romani,
magiscommendat."
quamedamPhilosophus
74Ptolemy
381:"Idoneosautem
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.8.5-6,ed. Perrier,
Principm
hocestnecnimis
in Politicorum
lib.4 mediocres
Aristoteles
tradit
civitatis,
potentes
quia
Thecitademocratizant."
inferioris
conditionis
de facili
necnimis
quiastatim
tyrannizant,
tionis toAristotle,
Politics
, 4.11.1295b.25-35.
3
75See alsoUlrichMeier,Burgerlich
mittlere
in
Herrschende
und
, beherrschte
Brger
vereynung.
in:
Reinhart
des
und
stdischen
Politiktheorie
chronikalischer
,
Quellen Sptmittelalters,
berlieferung
derBegrifflichkeit
vom
undInnovation
: Rezeption
KlausSchreiner
Kosselleck,
(eds.),Brgerschaft
undGeschichte
Hohen
Mittelalter
bisins19.Jahrhundert
, Sprache
, 22 (Stuttgart
1994),43-89;70
inPtolemy,
ofthemiddle-class
andmuchmoreontheconcept
forthisobservation
polity
GilesofRome,andothers.

15:33:00 PM

ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS

123

mentsthatonly a strongmiddleclass can mediateamong the classes and

limitfactionalismmust have been especiallyappealing.76
This argumentdoes not apply in places "servileby nature."77Good
is impossiblethere,but politicalrule is the onlysuitableform
government
for those with "a virile spirit,a bold heart, and a confidencein their
like the Italians.78Aristotlealso tendsto relegateacceptable
intelligence,"
kingshipto degraded peoples, like the barbarians,or to some mythical
goldenage, or to some superhumanruler.79
Ptolemycomments:"Aristotle
in
a
5
Ethics
that
we
do
not
allow
says
person to rule in whom human
naturealone is present,but ratherone who is perfectaccordingto reason."80Ptolemydoubts that such a paragon would arise, so he rejects
Aristotle'sidealisticsituationsand reservestolerable kingshipfor those
Aristotledenies thatkingsbound by law
incapable of better.Additionally,
fitthe strictdefinitionof "king,"81and Ptolemyfollowsthis as well, first
by eliminatingpolitical kings,and then by denigratingkingshipitself.
PtolemyanswersAristotle'squestion about the dangers of allowing the
many to rule in a way similarto Aristotle;they can have part "if the
multitudeis not exceedinglyvile."82His argumentis also the same as
Aristotle's:degeneratepeoples need tyrannicalkingship;virtuousones are
betterservedby politicalgovernment.
This question of the best officialsarises during a more general discussion of whetherpermanentor changingrulersare best, in answer to
the preferenceforthe formerin Plato's Republic
, as describedin Aristotle's
Politics.83
refers
Ptolemy'sresponse
only brieflyto the relevantsectionof
the Politics
, where AristotlemerelycastigatedPlato's proposal as leading
76Aristotle,
Politics
1297a.
, 4.12.1296b77Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
381: "Quaedamautem
, 4.8.4,ed. Perrier,
Principm
suntservilis
ettalesgubernari
debent
includendo
naturae,
provinciae
principtu
despotico,
in despotico
etiamregale."
78Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
381:"Quaedam
etiam
viri, 4.8.4,ed.Perrier,
Principm
lisanimiet in audaciacordiset confidentia
suaeintelligentiae,
et talesreginonpossunt
nisiprinciptu
communi
nomine
extendendo
politico,
ipsumad aristocraticum."
79Aristotle,
Politics
, 3.14.
80Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
380:"Philosophus
etiam
, 4.8.2,ed. Perrier,
Principm
in 5 Ethicorum
dicitquodnonsinimus
hominem
in quo estnaturahumana
principali
sediliumqui estperfectus
secundum
ad
tantum,
rationem,
quia si aliterfiatassumptus
datsibiplusde bonisettyrannus
efficitur."
Thecitation
is toAristotle,
Ethics
principtm,
,
5.6.1134a.35-36.
is also using,though
he doesnotciteit,Aristotle,
Politics
,
Ptolemy
1284a.
3.17.1288a,
81Aristotle,
Politics
, 3.16.1287al.2-3.
82Aristotle,
Politics
". . . si sitmultitudo
nonnimis
vilis."
, 3.11.1282al5-17.
83Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
4.7-8.
Principm,

15:33:00 PM

124

M. BLYTHE
JAMES

to discordand mentionedthatPlato derivedhis view fromhis beliefthat

the natureof individuadhumanswas constant,since the gods mixed new
personswithvariousmetals,whichdeterminedtheircapacities.Since their
naturesdid not change,neithershould theirrulers.84
Ptolemyrepliesthat
unlikeinanimatenature,human will is not determinedby fate,so a good
human can become bad and visa versa. This makes having permanent
rulersdisruptiveand dangerous.85
This is consistentwithAristotle'sPolitics
, but it is not the view in Determinati
o Compendiosa.
Argumentsconcerningthe naturalfoundationof rule
in the two works,althoughparallel,differsubtlywithregardto the ruler's
status.For example,in the "argumentfrombeing,"Determinatio
Compendiosa
says: "thosewho have lordshipare more vigorousin the natureof being
than a privateperson,because they act in place of all being, of which
theyare in charge,whencetheydeservedivinehonors..." This identifies
virtuousman,whomPtolemy
the ruleras one likeAristotle's
superhumanly
ties to mythsof kings' curativepowers: "This even appears in modern
rulerswithcatholicand ecclesiastical
men,thatfromspecialdivineinfluence
over them froma fullerparticipationof being theyhave singularvirtue
over the people laboringin sickness,as are the kingsof France, our lord
king Charles, and is reportedof the king of England."86The parallel
Principm
simplysays,"all being derivesfromthe
argumentin De Regimine
FirstBeing, as does lordship,since it is foundedon being. To the extent
that it is foundedon a more noble being, it comes beforethe othersto
exerciselordshipover personswho are equal by nature.Whence there
is no cause forpride,but rathera cause forhumanelyexercisinggovernance over the people . . ."87Though Ptolemyjustifiesthe ruler'sauthor84Aristotle,
10-15: "quodautemnecessarium
Politics
, 2.5.1264b.
ipsifacereeosdem
autemaliismixtum
nim
e
non
aliis,
manifestum;
quandoque
quidem
quandoque
principes,
mismoxgenitis
aitautemhiisquidem
eisdem:
a deoaurum,
sedsemper
estanimalibus
et agrieolis."
artificibus
futuris
aes autemet ferrum
hiisautemargentum,
cereaurum,
to Plato,Republic
Aristotle
is referring
, 415aff.
85Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
4.7.2,
, 4.8.1.See alsoDe Regimine
Principm,
Principm
misreads
thepartaboutmetals,
5.1.1130a.1-2.Ptolemy
4.7.1,but
Aristotle,
Ethics,
5,citing
hisargument.
thisdoesnotaffect
86Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
38,30-39,19:". . . illi,
, 18,ed. Krammer,
Compendiosa
vices
endsquamprivate
in natura
dominium
quiagerunt
persone,
plusvigent
quihabent
in
. . . Hoc etiamapparet
divinos
honores
undemerentur
cuipresunt,
entis,
quasitotius
influentia
divina
etecclesiasticis,
viriscatolicis
modernis
super
quodex speciali
principibus
virtutem
habent
entissingulrem
eosex ampliori
egritudine
superpopulum
participatione
fertur."
etde regeAnglie
rexKarolus,
noster
dominus
utsuntregesFrancie,
laborantem,
87Ptolemy
305: qua ergoraone
ofLucca,De Regimine
3.1.2,ed. Perner,
Principm,
eademet dominium,
omneensex enteprimodependet,
quiaipsumsuperensfundatur

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ANDPTOLEMY
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS
OFLUCCA

125

ity, he does not elevate him over his equals except by virtue of this
authority preciselythe conception of authoritywithinthe Dominican
Order and in Aristotle'spolity.Ptolemyintendsthisnot merelyof a sinthe multitudeof those who
gle ruler,but of all civil officials:"therefore,
exerciselordshiptakesits originin the same way,fromthe one who exercises governance,which is God."88
states:
Likewise,in the "argumentfrommotion,"Determinato
Compendiosa
"since in exercisinggovernancelords are the moversof the world,therefore it is necessarythat the motion of theirgovernmentbe reduced to
God just as the firstmover."89Once again De Regimine
reduces
Principm
the rulers'status:"kings,rulers,and all who have precedenceare among
thosepersonswho possess reason formovementto a greaterdegree than
others,whetherthey exercise governance,judge, defend,or engage in
otheracts pertainingto the responsibility
of government".90
It is only in the "argumentfromends" that the positionsin the two
worksare similar,viz that since the end of humans is the most noble
De
end, rulerspromotingit participatemore in the divine.91
Nevertheless,
Regimine
Principm
goes on to equate thisdivinitywiththe common good
and elaboratethe role of the leader in tendinghis flock,somethingabsent
fromDeterminatio
. Thus Ptolemyturnseven thisinitiallycomCompendiosa
mon treatmentinto a statementof Aristotelianprinciplesand uses these
principlesto justifyhis conclusions.
In these arguments,we could see either the increasinginfluenceof
or Ptolemydeployingwhateverargumentshe can findto defend
Aristotle,
conclusions.Only the formeris viable,since althoughthe final
preexisting
conclusions are identical, the intermediateconclusions and rationales,
whichPtolemyappliesin De Regmine
farmorethantheconclusions,
Principm

et tantosupernobilius
ensquantoad dominandum
in natura
superhomines
coaequales
eisdem
Undeet causamhabetnonsuperbiendi,
sedhumane
suumpopulum
praeponitur.
..
gubernandi
88Ptolemy
ofLucca,DeRegimine
306:". . . ergoeodemmodo
, 3.1.3,ed.Perrier,
Principm
etmultitudo
dominantium
ab unodominante
trahit
originem,
quodestDeus..."
89Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
19,ed.Krammer,
39,27-9:"Cumergo
Compendiosa,
ingubernando
domini
sintmotores
motum
suiregiminis
inDeumsicut
orbis,
ergooportet
in primm
motorem
reducere
..."
ofLucca,De Regimine
307:"Inter
omneautem
Ptolemy
3.2.1,ed. Perrier,
Principm,
homines
de ratione
suntregesetprincipes
etomnesquipraesunt,
motus,
quiplushabent
sivein gubernando
sivein judicando
sivein defendendo
et sic de aliisacribus
qui ad
curamregiminis
pertinent."
ofLucca,Determinatio
De Regimine
3.3.
Ptolemy
, 20.41-42;
Compendiosa
Principm

15:33:00 PM

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M. BLYTHE
JAMES

lead in opposing directions.That all power is fromGod is a commonplace that can be made compatiblewith any formof government.But
the demotionof the secular rulerfroma divinemonarchto a collection
of possiblychangingcitizensnecessaryforpreservingthe common good
is somethingPtolemywas not able to reconcilewith his earlierbeliefs,
despitehis admirationforthe Roman Republic and NorthernItalian citystates,withoutthe help of Aristotle'sPolitics.
5. Comparison
ofthePolityto theBody
Anothertheme presentboth in Aristodeand earliermedievalwritingis
in late medieval
theorganicmetaphor,whichbecame evermoreprominent
and early modern thought.Tilman Struve argues that in De Regimine
Ptolemy combined Aristotle,Augustine, and the medieval
Principm
byJohn of Salisbury.The latterseems
organologicaltraditionexemplified
specificorgans with state parts, and Struve
mostlyused for identifying
withPtolemy'scomcontraststhe hierarchicalorderof partsin Policraticus
binationof the Aristotelianemphasison promotinghappinessby reducto unityand the Augustininconcept of a state creating
ing multiplicity
a bond of harmony.92
Ptolemy'suse of organic imagerychanged over time. In Determinatio
it is used primarilyto supportthe hierocraticpapacy. Ptolemy
Compendiosa
, as sources.
usuallycites Aristotle'snon-politicalworks,never the Politics
He refersto the soul's rule of the body and use of it as a tool and, asserts
that had Augustinenot objected to the idea, he would have identified
the pope withthe platonicworld-soul,since "he is the soul of the world,
fromwhom comes all motionand sense and spiritualoperationof life."93
On two occasions,citingAristotle,Ptolemypointsto the heart as the
source of movement,in analogy to the monarchin society.First,in formulatingan opposingargument,viz thatjust as the heart precedes and
gives motion to the body, so too the emperor,since he preceded the
pope historicallyand donated temporallordshipto him, does not need
92TilmanStruve,
imMittelalter
derOrganologischen
DieEntwicklung
, Stuttgart
Staatsaufassung
1978,166-7.
93Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
19,4-6: . . adaptari
, 7, ed. Krammer,
Compendiosa
et sensus
a quo estomnismotus
quodsitanimamundi,
pontificem,
possetad summum
see
the
instrument
of
as
the
For
the
vite.
.
.
et spiritualis
Aristotle,
soul,
body
operatio
1.5.3
citesPlato,Timeaus
DeAnima,
Retractiones,
, andAugustine,
, 7.9,10;Ptolemy
1.3;Ethics
fortheworldsoul.

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OFLUCCA
POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
ARISTOTLE'S

127

he brings
otheropposingarguments,
his confirmation.94
Second, in refuting
and
the
heart
the
two
conflicting
analogiesconcerning
together
potentially
soul: All things"are reduced to one firstprinciple. . . This is clear in
humankind,in which all motionis fromthe soul mediatedby the heart,
whichis the beginningof all naturalmotionin the body."95Ptolemynever
of emperorwithheart,but simplysubjugates
repudiatesthe identification
him to the pope as soul. He goes on to answerthe question of priority
of rule withoutspecificallyansweringthe argumentabove, but implies
that the soul is formalcause of the body while the heart is efficient
cause.96
In Determinatio
thereis onlyone instanceof the bodilyanalCompendiosa
in
that
later
De
Regimine
Principmthe harmoniousworkings
ogy
prevails
of the parts of a state. Ptolemyargues that the mutuallyordained parts
of human society,like bodily members,need a single directingprinciin part results
ple.97The workshave different
purposes,but the difference
fromPtolemy'spresumedreadingofJohn of Salisburyin the interimand
his greaterreliance on the Politics.Most importantly,
the latterenabled
him to formulateideas of non-monarchicalgovernmentthat he was not
able to expressclearlyearlier.
In De Regimine
Principm
Ptolemy no longer identifiesthe dominant
a
unlike
with
organ
Aquinas, who wrote that having one
single lord,98
in
and
kingis best analogywiththe body whichis moved by the heart,99
that the king is like the spiritin the body or God in the world,100
and
unlikeJohn of Salisbury,who identifiedthe head with the secular ruler,
subjectto his own will alone, and the soul withthosedirectingreligion.101
Ptolemyretainsthe pope as soul, but he deviatesboth fromhis previous
positionand fromAquinas and John regardingthe state.
94Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 2.6.
Compendiosa
95Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 15,ed.Krammer,
33,30-34,7: "... omnia
Compendiosa
reducuntur
ad unumprimm
. . . Hoc patetin homine,
in quo omnismotus
principium
estab animamediante
in corpore
omnismotus
naturalis
..."
corde,quodestprincipium
96Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
herealsorefers
toNemroth's
, 17.37.Ptolemy
Compendiosa
oftheTowerofBabelas theambition
oftheheartto be preeminent,
building
causing
God [as soul]to be angry.
97
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 17.36.
Compendiosa
98Ptolemy
Struve
1992{op.cit.,above,n. 92),170-71.
99ThomasAquinas,
De Regimine
, 1.3.4.At 1.1.7he saysthattheheartor
Principm,
headis principle
themembers
ofthebody.
among
100Thomas
De Regimine
, 1.13.3,1.14.1.
Aquinas,
Principm
101
V.2 (ed.Webb,I, 282,22-5)& V.6 (ed.Webb,I, 298,
Policraticus,
JohnofSalisbury,
19if.).A single
rulercouldunitethetwofunctions,
likeAugustus
as Pontifex
Maximus.

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M. BLYTHE
JAMES

Ptolemyuses Aristotle'sPoliticsto establishthe body analogy: "human

a kingdomjust as walls a home and membersthe human
beingsconstitute
As in the body, membersof societyare natbody, as Aristotlesays."102
functions.103
Ptolemy'semphasisis always
urallysuitedto performdifferent
of the body politicand the harmonious
on the functionaldifferentiation
workingsof its members.He relatesthisto all the sourcesmentionedin
an extendedpassage:
A city,as Augustine
ofhumanbeingsboundtogether
by
says. . . "is a multitude
truevirtue."
Thisdefinition
which
is rendered
blessed
somechainofsociety,
through
in theperfect
whichplacespolitical
doesnotclashwithAristotle's
felicity
opinion,
is likethewell-disposed
. . . The trueandperfect
ofthepolity.
polity
government
Ifthesupreme
which
haveperfect
inwhich
theorganic
virtue,
vigor.
strengths
body,
then
andtheyaremovedbyitscommand,
other
inferior
is reason,
directs
potencies
ofstrengths
arisesin both,andthiswe
a certain
andperfect
pleasure
pleasantness
or
wasmotivated
tocompare
therepublic
Plutarch
callharmony
. . . thephilosopher
to a natural
andorganic
body,in whichmotions
dependon themovement
polity
ofoneor twoparts,
suchas theheartandbrain,andyetevery
partofthebody
in theminandassisting
to thefirst
motions
hasa proper
function
corresponding
thatthe
in a truecivility
or polity
it is required
. . . Therefore,
oftheothers.
istry
... weseethatthere
discordant
totheheadandnotmutually
members
be conformed
since
to their
is a necessary
mutual
influence,
amongthemwithregard
proportion
to
ofthesuperior.
. . . Therefore,
to themotion
aremovedaccording
theinferior
in a polity,
ranks
. . . therearevarious
andhappy
makeslifeperfect
livepolitically
of
orobedience
ofoffices
as wellas to thesubjection
withrespect
to theexecution
diswhenall areproperly
socialcongregation
is a perfect
thesubjects,
so thatthere
is stablewhenits
in their
ownstates.
Justas a building
properly
posedandoperate
whenall,
and perpetuity
has firmness
partsare welllaiddown,so also a polity
will
. . . there
in their
ownranks
orsubjects,
workproperly
whether
officials,
rectors,
whichis characteristic
firmness
ofstate,
andperpetual
be thegreatest
pleasantness
tellsus.104
as Aristotle
ofpolitical
felicity,
102Ptolemy
ex
332-3:". . . regnum
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 3.11.4,ed. Perrier,
Principm
ut
ex membris,
et corpushumanum
sicutdomusex parietibus
hominibus
constituitur
Aristotle
Politics
is toAristotle,
dicit. . ." Thecitation
, 3.1.1274b.39,
although
Philosophus
and
thecity,"
orderofthoseinhabiting
is a certain
that"thepolity
thereonlymentions
303a1,Aristotle
In Politics
doesnotmaketheotheranalogies.
writes,
, 5.3.1302b34-l
"just
. . . and
thatthey
ofpartsanditis necessary
as thebodyis composed
growproportionately
. . ."
ofparts
. . . thusalsothecityis composed
ifnotitis corrupted
103Ptolemy
Politics
ofLucca,De Regimine
Aristotle,
, 1.6.1255a-b.
, 2.10.4,citing
Principm
104Ptolemy
ed.Perrier,
412-4:"'Civitas
ofLucca,DeRegimine
autem,
, 4.23.1-4,
Principm
vinculo
multitudo
dicit. . . 'esthominum
utAugustinus
colligata,
quaevera
aliquosocietatis
nondiscordt,
a sententia
Haec autemdefinitio
beataredditur.'
virtute
quae
Philosophi
... Sic enimde
felicitatem
in perfecto
ponitpoliticam
regimine
politiae
[quiin Matthis]
in quo vires
benedisposito,
de corpore
veraetperfecta
quemadmodum
politiacontingit
infeEt si virtus
suntinperfecto
dirigat
quaeestratiocaeteras
suprema
vigore.
organicae
etpertuncinsurgit
et ad suummoveantur
riores
quaedamsuavitas
imprium,
potentias
... Et ex hac quidem
vocamus
in alterutrum,
virium
fectadelectado
quamharmoniam
assimimotus
fuitPlutarchus
ratione
philosophus
[thisworddoesnotappearin Matthis]

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POLITICS
ANDPTOLEMY
OFLUCCA

129

Using similarbody imagery,Ptolemyboth elaboratesthe usual organic

analogy and constructsa poetical paean to the virtuouspolity.In the
later case he compares the materialparts of the politynot to the body,
but to its virtues.Though citizensnecessarilyhave different
roles and
are
united
"chain
of
identified
with
abilities,they
by Augustine's
society,"
"the love shared by its citizens."105
Love expressesthe spiritof the political body, and, Ptolemyargues,specifically
to demonstratehow members
withdifferent
characteristics
can unitein society,". . . union is more perfectin an animate body if the virtueof the spiritis diffusedto the various organs havingvarious functionsunited in the one substanceof the
spirit,as is apparentin animatebodies thathave the sense of touch alone,
such as worms."106
Reason occupies the place of the head in this almost
secular
mystical
body. Properlydisposed accordingto Aristotelianprinciples the polityachieves transcendentstability,harmony,and happiness.

larerempublicam
seupolitiam
naturali
etorganico
inquosuntmotus
corpori,
dependentes
ex unomovente,
siveex duobus,
utsuntcoretcerebrum;
ettarnen
inqualibet
partecorestoperario
motibus
etinalterutrum
subministrans
... Ad
poris
propria
primis
correspondes
veramigitur
civilitatem
sivepolitiam
ut membra
sintconformia
requiritur,
capitiet ad
invicem
nondiscordent
. . . videmus
ad invicem
quodestdebitaproportio
ipsorum
quantumad influentiam
moventur
secundum
motum
. . . Ergosic
quia inferiora
superiorum
vivere
et felicem
vitamfacit
. . . habemus
diversum
in poliria,
politice
perfectam
gradum
tamin executione
siveobedientia
subditorum:
undetune
officiorum,
quamin subjectione,
estperfecta
socialis
in suostatudebitam
habetdispositionem
congregatio,
quandoquilibet
et operationem.
Sicutenimaedificium
eststabile,
quandopartes
ejussuntbenesitae,sic
etdepoliria
habetetperpetuitatem
insuogradu,
contingit
quodfirmitatem
quandoquilibet
siverector
siveofficialis
sivesubditus,
debiteoperatur
... ibieritsumma
suavitas
et perstatus:
et hocestproprium
felicitatis
utPhilosophus
tradit."
The
petuafirmitas
politicae,
citations
aretoAugustine,
TheCity
Ethics
f.
, 15.8,2.21,19.3;Aristotle,
ofGod
, 1.9.1099b.30
Iftheword"Plutarch"
wasintended,
thereference
isto(Pseudo)-Plutarch,
"TheInstruction
ofTrajan,"as contained
within
Policraticus
, V.2 (ed.Webb,I, 282-4),
JohnofSalisbury,
V.9 (ed.Webb,I, 318-22),
VI.20 (ed.Webb,II, 58-9).Ptolemy's
references
to
explicit
Policraticus
in chapters
nearthisone(4.24.3,4.24.5,and4.25.7,andalso2.7.7)
, especially
areusually
in in thecontext
ofthebody.However,
"thePhilosopher,"
would
Aristotle,
alsobe appropriate.
105Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
allowed
for
, 4.4.9,4.3.10,4.4.3.Augustine
Principm
thembeingjoinedbyanycommon
one,butPtolemy
objectoflove,evena despicable
assumes
itis thevirtue
ofloveitself.
106Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
371:". . . perfectior
est
, 4.4.8,ed. Perrier,
Principm
unioincorpore
animato
siindiversis
virtus
animaediffundatur
ad diversas
organis
operationes
in unasubstantia
unitas
sicutapparet
in animatis
solumsenanimae,
quaehabent
sumtactus
utsuntvermes
. . .," citing
OntheSpirit
3.11.1.434a.1.
Aristotle,
, 3.1.425a.9-10,
Thisagrees
withVat.Lat.810,an early
fourteenth
edition
ofDeRegimine
,
century
Principm,
buttheMatthis
edition
has "sicutapparet
tamin animatis
perfectis,
quamin animatis
solumsensum
tactus
utsuntvermes.
..."
quaehabent

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M. BLYTHE
JAMES

Conversely,Ptolemycompares any disturbancein the polityto sickness, which entails a fundamentalbreakdownof harmonyand thus of
virtue.This is why the governments
directlyafterthe Fall were particularlybrutal,since men crippledby sin were not yetable to redirectthemselves to virtue.Yet Ptolemymaintainshis beliefin the power of reason
to prevail in the end. Rectors make laws, not so much as in Augustine
to represssin, but to begin the healingprocess in the body politic.107
If "Plutarch,"is the correctreading,it refersto the part of Policraticus
thatJohn of Salisburyattributedto Plutarchbut probablywrotehimself,
which compared the ruler to the head (not the brain) and an advisory
senate to the heart.108
For John,the singleand virtuallyabsoluteruleris
the true head, even if in deferenceto its wisdom policy must go before
the senate. When Ptolemyuses the head or heart imageryfor secular
rule in De Regimine
it always applies to whateverconstitutes
the
Principm
rulinggroup;forexample,politicalrectorsare "the head of the civilcorEven when he uses the
porationon which the whole body depends."109
word "lord,"he intendsit in a generalsense. For example,he writesthat
ministers
mustbe conformedto lordslike membersto the head, but illustratesthisby notingthat in Italy bureaucratsact like politicalrectors.110
Since heartand brain (or head) both referto the rulingpart,why did
, and
Ptolemyuse both? In part, because of theirpresencein Policraticus
where
Aristotle
wrote
that
the
in Aristotle'sMetaphysics
more importantly
,
heartor brain,like a house's foundation,is an imminentpart,fromwhich
Since the ultimategoal is the harmony
a person,like a house, begins.111
of the organism,any otherpart could be sacrificedto preservethisfoundation: "We amputatea hand so that the heart and brain, in which a
human being principallyconsists,mightbe preserved."112
Ptolemyis not
tryingto presenta model for diffusedpower, since he always says that
must be unifiedthrougha directingpower (thoughthis
any multiplicity
107Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.23.4,4.11.2.
Principm
108
thesenatein V.9.
Policraticus
ofSalisbury,
, V.2. He alsomentions
John
109Ptolemy
. . . sint
389:". . . rectores
ofLucca,DeRegimine
4.11.5,ed.Perrier,
Principm,
ex quo totum
universitatis
civilis
corpus
dependet."
caput
110Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 2.10.2.
Principm
111
, 5.1.1013a.5-6.
Aristotle,
Metaphysics
112Ptolemy
enim
334:"Amputamus
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 3.11.6,ed.Perrier,
Principm
..."
vitaconsistt
hominis
in quibusprincipaliter
coret cerebrum
manum
utconservetur
in identifying
the
De Regimine
He elsewhere,
, 4.25.7,follows
JohnofSalisbury
Principm
calledthe"organoforgans,"
notesAristotle
whichPtolemy
handwithwarriors,
though
Policraticus
aretoJohnofSalisbury,
Thecitations
herehemeanstospeakmoregenerally.
,
De Anima
V.2 & VI.1 andAristotle,
, 3.8.

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ANDPTOLEMY
ARISTOTLE'S
OFLUCCA

131

could be many individualsor institutions).

Rather he reflectsmedieval
as
to
the
motive
physiologicaluncertainty
bodily organ and the seat of
reason.
6. The Citizen
Ptolemy'sconceptionof citizenshiparises naturallyfromthis discussion.
Aristotledefineda citizen as "one to whom pertainsthe power of paror juridically."113
The commentators
ticipatingin rule eitherconsultatively
but
had
dutifully
paraphrasedthis,
difficulty
applyingit to monarchies
indeed theydid not reallytry,except sometimesto extendthe notionof
different
participationto minimalinvolvementor to distinguish
meanings
of citizen.114
AlthoughAristotleprovidedthisprecisedefinitionof "citizen,"he was
not always carefulin his usage of the word, and sometimesreferredto
any native inhabitantof a city as a citizen,regardlessof whetherthat
used the word in
personparticipatedin government.Ptolemyfrequently
thismore inclusivefashion,as did othermedievalwriters,who extended
it to native inhabitantsof kingdoms.Defendingrepublicancitieswith a
base, Ptolemyshould have had fewerproblemswith
large participatory
the strictmeaning.But since he emphasized the functionalinvolvement
of everyone,whethertheyparticipatedor merelyworked for the common good, his concernforfostering
virtuethroughgovernmentalaction
was not restricted
to citizensstrictly
speaking.This, or ignoranceof Peter
of Auvergne'scontemporarytheory,preventedhim fromdistinguishing
between citizens"simplyspeaking,"and citizens"secundum
quid" which
extendedto the bulk of inhabitants.115
But he also did not have to rationalize the nonparticipation
of all but a tinyelite,as Peter did.
of
"citizen"
was deeper than thismightsuggest,for
Ptolemy'sconcept
he normallyuses "citizen"onlyforan inhabitantof a cityruledpolitically.
Even in Determinatio
, whichseemsunawareof Aristotle'sdefiniCompendiosa
tion,its two uses referto the Roman Republic and to Christ'skingdom,116
113
Politics
sitcivis,ex hiismanifestum,
Aristotle,
, 3.1.1275b19-21:"Quisquidemigitur
cuienimpotestas
communicandi
consiliativo
veliudicativo,
eivemiamdicimus
principtu
essehuiuscivitatis,
civitatem
autemmultitudinem
sufficientem
ad autarciam
vitae..."
114See Mario
La dfinition
du 'civis'
dansla scholastique
, in: Anciens
Grignaschi,
payset
assembles
35 (1966),70-100.
d'Etats,
115Grignaschi
1966{op.cit
., above,n. 114),79-84.
116Ptolemy
ofLucca,Determinatio
, 24.46,28.58.
Compendiosa

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M. BLYTHE
JAMES

never to the Roman Empire. Ptolemy'sother treatiseson the Roman

Empire do not use the word. AlthoughExaemeron
presumeskingship,its
Most likelyPtolemyhad an
one use is for subjectsof a politicalking.117
and
earlyapprehensionof citizenas a memberof a politicalcommunity,
as his understandingof Aristotle'sPoliticsdeepened, he extendedits full
implications.
In De Regimine
Principm
Ptolemyexplicitlyidentifiesthe inhabitantsof
a citywithparticipationand citizenship:
to thegovernment
ofthepeoplewiththe
... he [theSpartan
king]waselevated
inItaliancities.
Thename"city"
consent
ofallcounsel,
as todayis common
implies
ofhumans
boundtogether
... is, "a multitude
to Augustine
this,which,
according
ofcitizens.
so thata cityis,as itwere,a unity
Therefore,
bysomechainofsociety,"
itindeedseemsreasonable
thatit ought
includes
all citizens,
sincethename"city"
of
sincethemerits
from
theseparate
kindsofcitizens,
foritsgovernment
to search
forthestateofcivilgovernment.118
arenecessary
individuals
This is close to Aristotle'sidea of citizenas a medievalor modernreader
mightunderstandit, with "consultative"construedto include electionor
consent,and even expanded beyond Aristotleto include everyone.All
have the rightto participatesince they share a bond and are required
for the cityto functionproperly,which happens when all participatein
a way proportionateto theirmerits.119
When Ptolemydiscussesgovernmentsof entitiesother than cities,he
out of fifty-one
usages occur in
rarelyuses the term"citizen."Forty-four
Book 4, which is devoted to politicalrule. Of the otheruses, threeare
completelygenericand do not referto governmentat all, one refersto
in the abstract,and two referto politicalrule.The onlyprobgovernment
is to Roman kingsrulingoverRoman citizens;120
lematicreference
although
these kingsare not political,I assume this was a slip by Ptolemy,who
117Ptolemy
citedabove).
ofLucca,Exaemeron
, 13.19.192-93
(previously
118Ptolemy
403:"SedLacedaemonii,
ofLucca,DeRegimine
, 4.18.3,ed.Perrier,
Principm
a sapientibus
tarnen
secundum
etsihaberent
assumptempus,
eligebatur
beneplaciti
regem
totius
conrationi
utconsensu
consonum
ethocvidebatur
tisexomnibus
civium,
gradibus
Italiae.Sic
civitates
faciunt
uthodiecommuniter
ad regimen
siliiassumpti
populifieret,
multitudo
. . . hominum
nomenimportt,
enimcivitatis
Augustinum
quae estsecundum
civinomen
unitas.
Cum
civium
unde
civitas
vinculo
societatis
ergo
quasi
colligata,
aliquo
ad regimen
videtur
rationabile
tatisomnescivesincludat,
generiejusde singulis
quidem
statum."
ad civilis
merita
debererequiri,
buscivium
regimiriis
singulorum
proutexigunt
aboutthe
is writing
TheCity
to Augustine,
is actually
The citation
, 15.8.Ptolemy
ofGod
election
ofSpartan
kings.
119
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 4.7.7.
Principm
Ptolemy
120Ptolemy
ofLucca,De Regimine
, 2.9.6.
Principm

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OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S
ANDPTOLEMY

133

was so accustomedto referring

to citizensunder the Roman Republic.
never
Thus, althoughPtolemy
directlyaddressesAristotle'sdefinition
of citizen,it seems as if he is in fairagreementwithit, even in the sense
even though
that all in his expanded citizenbody are potentialofficials,
thiswould rarelyif ever happen forthose of the lower classes. The only
qualificationis that he would also include as participationa range of
- from
activities
consentingto governmentofficialsto workingin one's
- thatAristotle
outside
of governmentforthe common benefit
profession
would not.
7. Conclusions
We can now go back to the questionsposed earlierabout Ptolemy'srelationshipto the Politics.Doubtless, he found ideas that attractedhim in
Aristotleand cited themwhen applicable.He, as everyonestilldoes, read
Aristotlein lightof his own education,beliefs,and experience.Given the
limitedhistoricalperspectiveof medievaltimes,it was even easier to read
contemporary
realityinto Greek politics,especiallyfor one familiarwith
NorthernItalian city-states.
As happened in otherfields,scholarsfound
the Aristotelianformulation
of politicalscience so rationalthatit seemed
to compel assent,even if, as mentionedabove, it could not always be
successfully
applied.
I have shown severalareas in which the studyof Aristotle'sover time
his
deepened Ptolemy'sconceptionof political science and transformed
of
which
became
more
Aristotelian.
understanding community,
distinctively
This new perspectiveenabled him betterto analyze the governmentof
republicancommunesand defendthemagainstthe ideologicallydominant
supportof monarchy,even among most Italian writers.It was what he
learnedfromAristotlethatenabled him to be the firstmedievalEuropean
writerto attackmonarchyin principleand identify
it withdespotism,and
to justifytheoretically
the connectionsbetween virtue,political government,and the common good. Ptolemywould have thoughtof himselfas
an Aristotelian,
and have seen the Politicsas givingfirmrationalgroundand
therefore
his earlierbeliefs.Most of his conclusions
ing to,
justifying,
did not change,but it was not simplyhisjustification
of themthatevolved
over time,but his underlyingpolitical conceptions,which came to rely
more and more on his understandingof Aristotle'sPolitics.
For a completepicture,however,we need also to considerwhat Ptolemyignoredin Aristotle'sPolitics.The fewreferencesto it in Determinato

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M. BLYTHE
JAMES

and Exaemeron
are all to Book 1. In De Regimine
Compendiosa
Principm
refers
to
books
to book
1-3,exceptfortwo minorreferences
Ptolemy
only
121
1
4, and to book 6. He never discussesthe connectionbetween education and government,
the subjectof Book 8, and he avoids the details
in Books 4, 5, and 6. By skippingthesehe avoids
of possiblegovernments
the issue of revolutions,the subject of Book 5, as well as how to preserve regimes,the topic of Book 4. Althoughotherswrote more about
the rightto resistbad government,
none of these subjectswas of much
interestto medieval politicaltheorists.Ptolemyis interestedin the general theoreticalproblemsof Books 1-3; the main subject of this article,
but he ignoresthe specifictheoreticalquestionsof Books 4-6: the many
subvarietiesof typesof governmentand how theywork. More puzzling
is his neglectof Book 7, which deals with several subjectsof interestto
him: virtue,necessitiesof cities, criticismof business, the relationship
between climate and government,and the physicalenvironmentof the
city.Whiletheremaybe some otherexplanation,it is possiblethatPtolemy
did not have this book available to him as he wrote. However, his two
referencesto Book 4 are specific,and Aquinas did not cite them,which
suggeststhat the paucityof referencesderivesfromlack of interest.
To ask whetherPtolemy,or anyone, is a real Aristotelianposes the
Would Aristotlehave agreedwithPtolemyon basic
mattermetaphysically.
questions?Clearly,no, for even aside fromPtolemy'slack of interestin
from
some of Aristotle'simportanttopics,Ptolemyderivesall government
God and subordinatesall aspectsof human societyto the ultimateauthority of a supramonarchicalpope. Looking at the specificareas addressed
in thisarticle,we see thatin most cases Ptolemy'streatmentof a theme,
fromAristotle's:
even in his most mature version, differssignificantly
Politicallife is natural,but stemsas much fromhuman needs as from
an inherently
politicalnature.One can develop as a whole and virtuous
in
person only society,but this does not necessarilyinvolveactive political participation.The ends of the politicalcommunitygo beyondearthly
happinessand involvevirtuesat least partiallydistinctfrompoliticalones.
kinds of government,but all can be
There are a varietyof different
reduced to political or despotic rule, and only political rule is good.
121
is a
there
refers
to "Politics
2 and7,"butalthough
Exaemeron
at onepoint(5.9.112)
has
should
be 1.3.De Regimine
hintofwhathe citesin Book7 therealcitation
Principm
much
should
be toBook1. In contrast,
which
a reference
toBook4 (2.14.1-3),
Aquinas's
to
to Books5-7,noneto Book4, and sevenreferences
shorter
parthas sixreferences
mostfrequently
is oneofPtolemy'
Books1-3(noneto Book2, which
cited).

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OFLUCCA
ARISTOTLE'S
POLITICS

135

Citizenshipinvolvesparticipation,but this may mean functionalcontribution to the body politic,not sharingin government.
Nevertheless,for his general approach to the analysisof politics,his
and his basic politicalprincriteriaforjudging the worthof government,
is
and
indebted
to Aristotle'sPolitics.
ciples Ptolemy greatly
increasingly
Above all, he understoodAristotle'semphasis on the city and the type
of governmentsuited to it. In these areas Ptolemyusually understands
and the "twisting"of Aristotelian
textsthatdoes occur
Aristotlecorrectly,
resultsfromflawedunderstanding,
not consciousdeception.Moreover,in
De Regimine
Principm
PtolemycitesAristotle,not merelyto make a point,
but forclose analysis,constantlyusingAristotelianterminology
and conwhen
even
not
Aristotle
He
cepts
discussing
directly.
analyzes a wealth
of polities,without,like Aristotle,gettingbogged down in a welter of
details. Instead, he chooses a few examples wisely fromAristotle,the
Bible, and classicaland medievalhistoryand uses thempreciselyto constructa novel politicaltheorythat can reasonablybe called Aristotelian.
Althoughthisis not completelyconsistent,neitheris the Politics.
Nedermanis correctto rejectdoctrinalconsensusamong medievalwriters who used Aristotle'sPolitics
He is
, stillless any core Aristotelianism.
also correctto argue that the Politicscreated a communityof scholarly
writerssharingan Aristotelianapproach to political science. But he is
wrongto rejectthe idea of the pervasiveuse of the Aristoteliantextgiving rise to politicalideas expressedin a common language. The limitationsof Williamof Moerbeke'stranslationdo not belie this,althoughthey
do limithow "authentically"
Aristotelian
the medievalcommentators
could
be. And althoughBruni reworkedthe language in his fifteenth
century
translation,this did not much affectmedieval readingsand lefta substantialcommunity
of reference.
Bruni'sPolitics
is not a completelydifferent
book fromWilliam's, and in any case its readers would understandit
of the earliertranslathroughthe lens of two centuriesof interpretation
tion, despitetheirhostilityto the "barbarism"of its form.
Nederman shows that severalkey Aristotelianpoliticalideas were discussed as early as the twelfthcentury.Nonetheless,the reception of
Aristotle's
Politics
was crucial.First,the wayslatermedievalthinkersdeveloped these ideas were conditionedby the particulartreatmentin the
Politics.Most Aristotelianpoliticalideas before 1260 came fromcompendious treatmentsof these ideas in the basically non-politicalworks of
Boethius,Cassiodorus,Isidore,and others,and withoutAristotle'sanalysis the response rarelywent beyond statementof principles.Certainly,
this eased receptionof the Politics
, but it does not seriouslydiminishits

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M. BLYTHE
JAMES

importance.Nederman's demonstrationof Cicero's continuinginfluence

is significant,
but it is inconceivablethatJohn of Paris or Marsilius of
Padua would have writtenthe books theydid withoutAristotle'sPolitics.
And many, probablymost, medieval political theorists,like Ptolemyof
Lucca, derivedtheirtheoriesfromAristotle,even thoughtheirversions
may not have been what Aristotleintended.
Second, many criticalAristotelianideas came only fromthe Politicsor
, such as the taxonomyof forms
previouslyunknownparts of the Ethics
and modes of rule, the analysisof these, and the evaluationof specific
Aristotleraised the question of what formof govancientgovernments.
ernmentwas best absolutely,best in practice,best for most people, or
best in certaincircumstancesor forcertaintypesof people. He discussed
the simple typesof governmentindividuallyand in theirpossible mixtures.He investigated
the natureof law and questionedwhetherthe best
was thatof the best personor the best laws. These ideas did
government
of political thought.It occurred gradually,as
lead to a transformation
Nederman says, but withinabout a centuryvarious new textsled to a
remarkablechange in the formand contentof politicalwriting.
WhileJohn of Salisburyand otherswroteon politicsand the naturaland stressedthe importanceof law, no medievalwriter
ness of government
workof politicalscience analyzinga varibefore1260 wrotea systematic
all
almost
were concernedprimarilywith expoundof
ety governments;
ing the virtuesand dutiesof a good ruler,a continuationof the ancient
genre. If we compare politicalthoughtin 1100 with
"mirror-of-princes"
thatin 1300 we see thatits markedchange is largelydue to engagement
we may not be able strictly
Politics
and Ethics.Nevertheless,
withAristotle's
to call what resulted"Aristotelian."Ptolemyof Lucca, forexample,used
writerto create an
Aristotle'sPoliticsmore than any othercontemporary
and
the
of
papalistthought,
originalsynthesis Aristotle,Augustine, Bible,
and applied it to the politicaland ecclesiologicalrealitiesof his day. In
so doing he was able to defend both the communal governmentsand
papal primacythat were so dear to him.122
Universityof Memphis
ofHistory
Department

122Someofthematerial
from
ofmaterial
is a paraphrase
in thelastthree
paragraphs
ofLucca,OntheGovernment
Introduction
toPtolemy
above,n. 13),
ofRulers
[op.cit.,
Blythe,
18-9.

15:33:00 PM

/';-=09

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THE ESSENTIAL,

MEDIAE

LATINITATIS

COMPREHENSIVE

LEXICON

REFERENCE TOOL

MINUS

Lexique latin mdival Medieval Latin Dictionary MittellateinischesWrterbuch

ANDC. VANDE KIEFT.REVISEDBYj.W.j.BURGERS
J.F.NIERMEYER

October
2002
inLatin
(1608
pp.,
German
and
{English,
French
texts]
2Vols)
o
ISBN900411279
Hardback
Listprice
EUR210./US$210.Academic
Publishers
t

B R I L L

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dictionary
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provides
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forevery
ofa Medieval
Latin
entry
*"iud
All
entries
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induplicate
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Contents;
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Wissenschaftlicher
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ofBookReviews
of
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Internationale
derZeitschriftenliteratur
ausAllenGebieten
Literature;
Scholarly
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LinguisofBooksandArticles
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Languages
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MiddleEast:Abstracts
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Periodicals
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Contents
IndexOne:Periodicals
Index;The Philosopher's
Index;Religion
(RIO);Religion
IndexTwo:MultiAuthor
Works.

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