You are on page 1of 374













V O L U M E S ,




P. J.








Biblio!èque Saint Libère
© Bibliothèque Saint Libère 2008.
Toute reproduction à but non lucratif est autorisée.







—A general idea of the Protestant Jidlylwi, and (hv variations of it. The
discovery of them usrjnl to true tMrihf ami f/w pcna-ff the human mind.—
The Authors to whom reference h made in. this llistonj.

IF Protestants knew thoroughly how their religion was form­
ed ; with how many variations and with what inconstancy their
confessions of faith were drawn up; how they first separated
themselves from us, and afterwards from one another; by how
many subtleties, evasions, and equivocations, they labored to
repair their divisions, and to re-unite the scattered members of
their disjointed reformation; this reformation of which they
boast would afford them but little satisfaction, or rather, to
speak my mind more freely, it would excite in them only feel­
ings of contempt. It is the history of these variations, these
subtleties, these equivocations, and these artifices, which I de­
sign to write; but in order to render this detail more useful
to them, some principles must be laid down which they cannot
contravene, and which the current of a narration would not
permit me to deduce, when once engaged in it.
2.—Variations in faith a certain proof of falsehood.—Those of the Arians.—
Steadiness of the Catholic Church.

When in expositions of faith, variations were seen among
Christians, they were ever considered as a mark of falsehood
and inconsistency, if I may so speak, in the doctrine pro­
pounded. Faith speaks with simplicity; the Holy Ghost sheds
pure light; and the truth which he teaches has a language
always uniform. Whoever is but the least conversant in the
history of the Church, must know she opposed to each heies)
appropriate and precise expositions which she never altered ;
and if we attend to the expressions by which she condemned
heretics, it will appear that they always proceed by the shortest
and most direct route to attack the error in its source. She
acts thus, because all that varies, all that is overlaid with do J.>tful or studiously ambiguous terms, has always appeared sus*
picious, and not only fraudulent, but even absolutely false, b«-



cause it betrays an embarrassment with which truth is unao
This was one of the grounds on which the ancient doctors
condemned the Arians, who were constantly making new con­
fessions of faitht without ever being able to settle themselves.
Since their first confession of faith, which was made by Ari is,
arid presented by this arch-heretic to his bishop, Alexander,
they never ceased to vary. With this did St. Hilary reproach
Constantius, the protector of those heretics; and whilst this
emperor called new councils to reform their creeds and frame
new confessions of faith, this holy bishop addressed him in
these forcible words:* "Your case is similar to that of un­
skilful architects, who are never pleased with their own work.
You do nothing but build up and pull down; whereas the
Catholic Church, the first time it assembled, raised an immor­
tal edifice, and gave in the symbol of Nice so full a declaration
of truth, that to condemn Arianiam for ever, nothing more is
necessary than to repeat that creed."
3.—The character of heresies it to bz changeable—a celebrated passage of
But they are not the Arians alone who have varied in this
manner. From the origin of Christianity, all heresies have
had the same character, and long before the time of Arius,
TertuUian had said :"(" ** Heretics vary in their rules ; namely,
in their confessions of faith; every one of them thinks he has
a right to change and model what he has received according to
his own fancy, as the author of the sect composed it according
to his own fancy. Heresy never changes its proper nature in
never ceasing to innovate; and the progress of the thing is like
to its origin. What is permitted to Valentine is allowed to the
Yalentinians; the Marcionites have equal power with Marcion,
nor have the authors of a heresy more right to innovate than
their disciples. All changes in heresy, and when examined to
the bottom, it is found, in course if time, entirely different in
many points from what it had beeti at its birth."
4.—This character of heresy recognised in all ages of the Church.
This character of heresy has been always observed by Cath­
olics, and two holy authors of the eighth century J have written
" that heresy, however old, is always in itself a novelty; but
that, the better to retain the title of being new, it innovates
daily, and daily changes its doctrine."
5.—The charter of immutability in Faith of the Catlwlic Church.
But whilst heresies, always varying, agree not with them­
selves, and are continually introducing new rules, that is to
• Lib. contra Const N. S3. Col. 1254
f De Prater, & 4&
1 Eth. ct Beat lib. 1. contra Eliss.



say, new symbols, TertuUian says, " That m the church, the
rule of faith is unalterable, and never to be reformed."* It is
so, because the church which professeu to speak, and teacxi
nothing but what she hath received, does not vary; and on the
contrary, heresy, which began by innovating, daily innovates,
and changes not its nature.
ml principle of instability in all new doctrines.—St. Paul.—St Chrysostonu

Hence, St. Chrysostom, speaking of this precept of the
Apostle, " Shun profane babblings which will increase into
more ungodliness,"! avoid novelties in your discourses, for
things do not stop there; one novelty begets another, ana
taere is no end to error when once you have begun to err."

7.—Two causes of instability in heresies.

In heresies, two things cause this disorder: one drawn from
the nature of the human mind, which having once tasted the
bait of novelty, ceases not to seek with disordered appetite
this deceitful allurement; the other is drawn from the differ­
ence that exists between the works of God and those of man
The Catholic truth proceeding from God, has its perfection a
once ; heresy, the feeble offspring of the human mind, can be
formed only by ill-fitting patches. When, contrary to the pre­
cept of the wise man, we venture to remove J the ancient
landmarks set by our fathers," and to reform the doctrine once
received among the faithful, we launch forth, without a thorough
insight into the consequences of our attempt. That, which at
the commencement, a false light, made us hazard, is found
attended with such inconsistencies, as to oblige these reformers
every day to reform themselves, so that they cannot tell when
their own minds are at rest, or their innovations terminated.

S.—What those variations ORE, which we undertake to slww in Protestant

These are the solid and steady principles by which I under­
take to demonstrate to Protestants the falsehood of their doc­
trine, from their continual variations, and the unstable manner
IN which they have explained their dogmas. I do not speak of
the unsteadiness of individuals, but of the body of the church,
in the books which they call symbolical; namely, those tha
have been made to express the consent of the churche i ; in a
word, from their own confessions of faith, decreed, signed and
published; the doctrine of which has been given out as the doc­
trine containing nothing but the pure word of God, and which,
notwithstanding, has been changed IN so many different ways IN
its chief articles.
* De Berg. vel. N , 1 .

t Thorn. 5 in 2, AD Tim.


\ Proverb* u i i ,

10. After that. in the sequel of this history. and some of those may imagine in their turn.—Tlie variations of one party arc a preof ayainst the other. but to * understand correctly. Hungarians. Blond. who follow the sentiments of Zwinglius and Calvin. cannot deny. The former. in the institution of the Eucharist. Auth.—Thv Protestant party divided into two mum bodies. that t\iey are very little concerned in the variations and conduct of Zwinglians and Calvinists. The Lutherans will tell us here. in the bosom of the new reformation. nor the different societies of Anabaptists. and all others in general. Dutch. and. English. all these having acknowledged "those of the Confession of Augsburg. those who have for their rule the Confession of Augs­ burg. that the inconstancy of Lutherans affects them as little: but both one and the other are mistaken. and Calvin. B y this char­ acter chiefly shall I distinguish one from the other. that they have always looked upon Luther and the Lutherans. !». though many other very weighty and very important differences exist between them. p. namely. but of those two bodies only. who assembled at Frankfort. one of which is composed of Lutherans.* through the influence of Queen Elizabeth. chiefly those of Lather and the Lutherans. the latter. and not to speak of Calvin. but Luther and Melancthon. (by this name I call the sec­ ond party of Protestants.0 PREFACE.) the Germans. Bucer. it is not my design to speak of the Socinians. " which they did not pretend to contradict. " a s the first that gave a new birth to the church. have called themselves Kcformcd. that all the Calvinists. But when treating of those who. as will appear by what follows. as the authors of their reformation. on the con* Act. in these latter ages. let them say that the variations of Luther and the Lutherans affect them not. that of the Supper. who often mentioned Luther with respect. «5.'" and this in one article only. since the Lutherans can see in the Calvinists the consequences of those commotions which they excited. we will tell them. the Calvinists ought to remark in the Lutherans the disorder and uncertainty of that original which they have followed. Poles. the other. . on the contrary. for this reason also naming amongst their fathers. de­ fend the literal sense. not only Zwinglius. as the head of the reformation. the Lutherans." namely. and placing Luther at the head of all the reformers. nor of the other different sects which have sprung up in England and elsewhere." acknowledge also the Confession of Augsburg as common to the whole party. we shall see. the figurative. But the Calvinists in par­ ticular.

and the head where it had been first conceived.* in which with that of the defenders of the figurative sense. and Sweden." They are dedicated to the kings of England. have nothing but a contempt and aversion for their sen­ timents.—The collection of the Confessions of Faith. in the preface to this collection. muy. 11. which men ought to have recourse to in order to know the ancient and primitive faith. hence it fol­ lows. and their own declaiations. Their own inconstancy ought to onfound them. but as a doctrine which the Calvinists have approved expressly as true. that when we shall see in this history the doctrine of the confessions of faith not only of France and Switzerland. enlightened in these latter times by the special grace of God. to show the variations and inconsistencies of Lu ther and the Lutherans. That those kings and states should be separated from each other in com­ munion. or left uncensured in the most authentic acts that have passed among them 13. and as authentic records.7 PREFACE. as true be­ lievers. namely." and then present them with all these confessions of faith. at least.—The Lutheran Confessions of Faith. is a matter of no consequence Those of Geneva address them. is to point out the spirit of giddiness in the source of the reformation. are also those of the defenders of the literal sense. notwithstanding. but of Augsburg and others set forth by the Lutherans. that of France and the Swiss. and the other defenders of the figurative sense. A long time since. printed at Geneva.—The Calvinists approve of the Lutheran Confessions of Faith. with the true light of the Gospel. I shall say less of the Lutherans. that. What is still more re • markable is this. or at least as having noth­ ing in them contrary to the foundation of faith . 1654 . It is because these doctrines are equally adopted by the Calvinists. that though the confessions there collected be so different. notwithstanding. pro­ posed " as one entire body of sacred divinity. this doctrine must not be considered as foreign to Calvinism. and those princes and republics by whom they are followed. and in many articles of faith condemn one another." 44 44 12. Fidei. Scotland. Gen. they are. a collection of Confessions of Faith ha* been printed at Geneva. as well as in faith. who instead of being moved by the authority of those who defend the figurative sense. as an external monu­ ment of the extraordinary piety of their ancestors. either as absolutely true. Denmark. namely that of Augsburg and some others. When we should but read the titles of their Confessions ot * Syntagma Conf. according to then own principles. as containing nothing contrary to fundamental points.

impugned by others in points the most important. 570. entirely altered the sense of it in the apology which he wrote afterwards. It was necessary to draw up the confession called Saxonic. Defenders. authentically published by the party. i4.8 PREFACE. and in the other books of tb« same kind. so difficult these reformers found it to satisfy themselves. embraced by some churches. 730. those who dissented from it presented to him their own. Thus it was changed in coming forth from the hands of its very author. where they are collected togpthei into a body. This so little pleased the defenders of the figurative sense. and so little accustomed to teach precisely what was to be believed. and yet these churches would wish to appear as forming one body. because.—The Confessions of Faith of the Figurative-Sense second party of Protestants. Melanchton who had penned it. in the Abridgment of Articles/' and also in the same book. Luther judged it necessary for him to deliver his sentiments after another manner . *n (his Geneva collection. T o these are to be added the explications of the church of Wirtemberg. 778. and are inserted in what the Lutherans call the Book of Concord. and after that to have been touched and retouched several times. they dissemble their dissensions on ubiquity and other matters. which was presented to the Council of Trent in 1551. we shall see four or five after the fancy of the Swiss." All these are so many several confessions of faith. But. . in order to have them presented to the council which Paul III had called at Mantua. It will be seen as presented to Charles Y. par­ ticularly those of the Book of Concord. Faith.* This explication did not fully satisfy. pp. 298. From that time they never ceased reforming and explaining it in different ways. which shall in order take their place in this history. he drew up the articles of Smalcald. and the Nor was the other party of Protestants less fruitful in con­ fessions of faith. that every one would make his own . and the rest of them. The lirst tliat appears is that of Augsburg. in 1530. as if one confession of faith alone were not sufficient on the same subject. which in 1552 was also presented to the same council. This apology was sub­ scribed to by the whole party. These articles were signed by the whole party. through policy. we would be astonished at their multitude. At die same time that the Confession of Augsburg was presented to Charles V. the first of which was Strasburg. the birthplace of the Reformation. whence the Lutherans derive their name. published in the name of four cities of the empire. and in 1537. the " Explications Repeated. But if the Zwinglian minister* * Concord. and that of Wirtemberg.

as many in the name of the Kirk of Scotland.—yet so that none of them departed from their former sen­ timents. strange to say. others were no less singular in :heirs : this diversity gave rise to the confession of France ana Geneva. so many decisions. that upon the same matters and the same questions. 15.—Other authentic Acts. therefore. We are amused—I speak it without exaggeration—with the name of a confession of faith—and nothing has been less serious in the new refor­ mation than that which is most serious in all religion. yet we still find they published another at the Synod of Czenger. though they had subscribed the last confession of the Zuinglians. They will ap­ pear worse when we learn the detail and the manner in wh'ch these acts. Elec­ tor Palatine. T o omit the confession of faith framed by the Bohemians who wished to please both parties of the new reformation—I speak not of the treaties of concord which were made between the churches with so many variations and so many equivoca­ tions. this. The Catholic Church never had occasion to oppose the same heresy a second time . are not yet content! And we shall see in this history that the Calvinists have new confes­ sions. but the churches of the new reformation. so authentic. assembled at Sendomir. which have suppressed or reformed all the others. they agree to a new way of expounding the article on the Eucha­ rist. would make his own separately and apart. and the other confessions of faith made in different circumstances. But why should not the Calvinists of Po­ land have theirs '{ Indeed. they will appeai in their proper place. and I know that I cannot find all. 16. This prodigious multitude of confessions of faith has alarmed those who made them : we shall see the weak reasons by which they endeavor to excuse them : but I cannot avoid mention- . took its place in the collection of Geneva The Dutch would adhere to none of those already made : we have.—The Protestants are ashamed of so **iany Confessions of Fatih*—The vain pretexts by u hich the% tadeavor to excuse them. Great God ! Is it possible. with the decision* of national synods. which has produced such a number. so many multiplied acts. and yet true. with the Lutherans and Vaudois. a Dutch confession of faith approved by the Synod of Dort. were drawn up. with the others. Not satisfied with this. Frederick III. About the same time were published two confes­ sions of faith in the name of the Church of England . These variations fill us with astonishment. and different confessions of faith are necessary'( And yet I cannot boast that I know all.PREFACE s had their way of thinking.—How these variations prove the weakness of the Protestant Religion.

10 PREFACE. Conf. under the pretext of shaking off domination have deprived themselves of order. without agreement. when they have the same belief. and are unable to preserve the principle of unity. 44 * Syn:. a concordance between so many churches. This agreement would indeed be surprising. I agree to the justice of iiis easoning and at the same time. however separated they may be. as they boast. and from this his­ tory it will appear. so that we can address them with St. and bear equally upon all the churches which call themselves reformed. only regard articles precisely the same. since all. But. to unite them in one confes­ sion of faith. from the origin of Christianity we have witnessed a like con­ sent in the churches. and confessions of faith. Pr»f. if the truth governs all. this consent might have been taken for a studied combination . is the work of the Holy Ghost. that in a matter so serious there never was luch inconstancy. in fact. was there one of the reformed churches which could make a law for all the rest 1 N o . mg those which have been set forth in the preface of the collection of Geneva. but. all these new churches. it became necessary to oppose many confessions to this great number of errors. I de­ monstrate the absurdity of all these confessions of faith of the Protestants. in fine. nothing more is necessary than that all should enter into the sentiment of him to whom God had given the grace first to explain the truth. t Athan de Syn. But. Athanasius. that the whole world ought (as the apostle says. that if the refor­ mation had produced but one confession of faith.) to render an account of their faith.* because they are general. ad Afe . say the Trotestants.*f Why a new council—new confes­ sions—a new cieed? What new question has been raised?" Another excuse alleged is. as if all the churches in the world. so that the churches spread in different places. that as many articles of faith were attacked. unfortunately t is not found in these confessions of faith . whereas. by a contrary reason. In fine. cer­ tainly . «t Ep. as it appears by reading the titles. Who will show me that the churches ot the east have had in primitive times a confession different from that of the west ? Has not the symbol of Nice served equally as a testimony against all the Arians—the definition of Chalcedon against all the Eutychians—the eight chapters of Car­ thage against all the Pelagians ? and so of the rest. The first reason assigned to establish the necessity of multi­ plying these confessions is. have a right to declare their belief by a public testimony. as. we read in the preface of Geneva. cannot agree in the same testimony.

t A m m i a n M a r c e l . and the others. at the same time I cannot avoid speaking of the chiefs OF the party who have drawn up these confessions. of witnessing these variations. ON which these have been founded. no doubt. but I shall not say anything which is not taken from their own writing. SO many different agreements . who appeared more united IN the confession of-Augsburg. IT will be often said. confession o faith . Calvin. 21 .* The Lutherans. OR authors above suspicion. This great evil was deeply felt in the reformation. and the attempt to remedy it proved fruitless All the second party of Protestants held a general assembly to draw up a COMMOL. whence they are drawn. Carlostad. where the variations appeared not only of individuals. 3. 7.— Why no history more cer­ tain and more authentic than this. Melancthon. which are in th€ nands of the whole world. but of entire churches of the new reformation. Bucer. had strayed from this admirable simplicity. an agreement was impossible. and that he had weakened the whole vigor of the faith.—Tue Protestants. which the Pagans have formerly admired as SO simple. 3. l i b . that having no principle of unity. *nd so many false subtleties of the new reformation . J 19. We shall be tired. by the perpetual fear which he entertained lest he should be deceived in his sentiments. certainly IT IS not. With regard to the public acts of Protestants. so many cavils on words . Is this. 1 have found some others in the col* Liv. Ecolampadius. Thus Luther.—Hoio much th&c varieties degenerate from the ancient simplicity of Christianity. were not less embarrassed with different editions and could find therein NO better remedy. | c 3. so precise in its dogmas ? Is this the Christian religion. the Christian reli­ gion.PREFACE. $0. SO that there will not be in all this narrative any fad that is not certain and useful in elucidating the variations whosr history I write. so pure. by all his councils and all his symbols. t Ibid. 12. Ammian Marcellin was right when he said. will appear often in their places . While IT is my intention to represent in this work the confes­ sions of faith and the other public acts. so many equivocations and forced explanations.—Why it xoill be very necessary in this history to speak of those whom the Protestants call the Reformers. perfect and simple ? N o . besides theii confessions of faith and their catechisms. oj the two partiss in vain en drover to re ui ite under ont sole ami uniform Confession of Faith.—Parts of this history. or have made those changes. that Constantius. but we SEE by the acts. Zuinglius.

which I have seen in an authentic form in the king's library . As to the rest. to point out their extraction. that it ought to come forth to the world with al. to speak plainly. and what they are in the minds of those with whom we have to deal . I maintain that Protes­ tants cannot deny that I *>m entitled to belief. even to the least word. Though my plan may appear to confine . others in the SacramenfarLn History. by Hospinian. to pretend to be neutral or indifferent to the cause whose history I write. it will be easily seen that this history is entirely of a description quite peculiar . and of John Huss. but besides that thoae. as the history of the Vaudois. and armed as it were on all sides. and that they will never read a history more indubitable than this . others in the result of tne national synod of the pretended reformers. it was necessary to make it less amusing. would be to offer a gross illusion to the reader. or. at that period especially when ihe Vaudois and Hussites were seen to re-unite them­ selves with the Calvinists and Lutherans. and so disposed. and n contestable. but what they have been. its proofs. printed at Zurich in 1602. I will men tion nothing which is not clearly proved by their own witnesses 21.. I shall say nothing which is not authentic.—Some things which it was necessary to trace farther back. is essential. and. as submissive as any other to the decisions of the church. of the Jllbigenses. who are accustomed to treat on matters of religion. printed by the Lutherans in 1 6 5 4 .ne to the history of Protestants. others in the hook called the Concord. that no one fears more to prefer his own private opin­ ion to the universal judgment. and the Albigonses. The readei will perhaps complain that I have not spared his. in a subject of such delicacy and importance.12 PREFACE. In this place it was necessary to know the origin and sentiments of these sects. Others will probably condemn my dwelling upon things which may appear trivial to them . I have not spared pains to transcribe them. and in order to render it more convincing and useful. well know. in a word. to detect the Manicheism of Peter of Bruis. 44 taction of Geneva. in fine. it is well known of what persuasion I am . and to distinguish them from those with whom some have wished to confound them. in other Protestant authors . After that. for certainly I am a Catholic. after all. every thing. or to dissemble wha' I am. of John Wickliff. a Zuinglian author. and show . in certain places I judged it necessary to ascend to matters of a more distant date . we ought to consider not what things are in them­ selves. 22.—Some objections tlud may be matte against this work. since in all tha/ I have to say against their churches and their authors. but with this sincere avowal.

t is certain that the variations of Protestants. By this means.PREFACE. at last they having well perceived they could not point out any one. 84. die first of sach party. in a word. without the distinction of matter. and in their first confessions i f faith. For a long time they amused men in saying. it is that which regards the church. I have col­ lected. Naturally and accordingly to the commonly received opinions of all Chris­ tians.—what in the end is but one and the same. that by its decision alone all dis­ putes might be terminated. the disputes and decis­ ions will. the whole matter at issue is to show where the church was before the reformation. namely. were it not as much obscured in tho writings of Protestants. be seen to proceeo in it in the same order in which they happened. that a church reduced to an invisible state was a chi2 . to reveal the shame of all these sectaries to those who glory in such predecessors. namely those of Augsburg and Strasburg.—The whole dispute regarding the Church put together. For. bodies composed of pastors and people. it ought to be acknowledged as visible . 83. and the dispute long turned upon this question. to give ar account of Jie blasphemies of Wickliff. and to what terms it is reduced by the ministers Claude and Jurteu. As the arrangement of this work. but in j. either little or great. may perceive what obliged these new churches to change into eo many shapes in succession. the history of which i give separately . in a word. By thus taking in at one view the circumstances of time and place. having once seen the difficulty to the bottom. 13 how the Vaudois emanated from them. all I had to mention on this subject. which was of the Protestant belief.—Why the order of time is followed withcut distinction of the su\ject matter. obscure or illustrious. some little assembly where truth made itself heai 1. from whom Huss and lis disciples took their birth . By this they obliged themselves to show. but bodies of a church. In our days they have more clearly pereeived. This is a matter of such importance. the subterfuge of an invisible church very opportunely occurred to them. that the reader. they went thus far. will be more clearly marked. as it is clear and intelligible in itself T o restore it to its native plainness and simplicity. that the church indeed was not always in a state of splendor. There is but one controversy.—The present state of this famous gxtestion. in the last book. and the state of their churches.11 times there was at least. we shall obtain a clearer view of what may serve for the conviction or defence of the parties concerned. not private individuals scattered up and down. as agreeing with them in one and the same belief. some on one point and some on another.

irreconcilable with the plan of scripture. Home there are. where he soon finds himself as uncomfortable as before. If among Protestants it should be judged advisable. to use an expression then in fashion. unde* the pretext of the absurdities into which they have been forced to contradict and recall what they have granted. the difficulty. if I may be allowed to speak it. nor classed their adversaries. proved at last so great.14 PREFACE. and how frivolous. seeing their religion so manifestly hi the wrong. It is well known. Two celebrated ministers of France vied with each other which should best cover the inconsistencies of this system. that those two ministers are M. with a more haughty and disdainful air. mera. and every qualification neces­ sary to make a good defence. . after much turning to-and-fro in bed in search of a more easy place. subtlety and address. at the peril of being soon forced out a second time : or like the restlessness of a sick person. lest I should lav too open to our brethren the weak­ ness of their reformation. should seek to re-enter those forts which they had been unable to maintain. however. who. as in other churches. that in the Church of Rome. None put on a better counte­ nance than they. These men were gifted with wit and earning. they have so far forgotten both the ancient maxims of the reformation. eternal salvation with the essential succession of true Christianity were found—a secret which the policy of the party had so long kept concealed. I have but one thing to fear : it is. I must acknowledge sincerely. Claude and Jurieu. and common notions of Christians. and again take shelter in the invisible church. comes back to that he had just left. and their own confessions of faith that I could not but relate this change in full. rather than be pacified. and show plainly the state in which they have placed the question. as muc. that I have found in their writings. that it raised a division in the party. who dismayed at their overthrow. and this bad position is now abandoned* The Protestants have been obliged to seek for their succes­ sion in the church of Rome.—What complaints Protestants may mn&e. Having applied myself with great care to trace out exactly the plan of these two ministers. this would be like the disorder of a defeated army. who. they were driven into such visible excesses . which they would make appear so light. with weak people and missionaries for whom they entertained so great contempt. 25. or other retreats equally aban­ doned.t erudition and as much subtlety as ever I have observed in al the Lutheran or Calvinistic authors with whom I am acquaint ed. At length they were obliged to acknowledge publicly. They have given us great advantages besides . with the most dexterous shifts.

The first is. not to think of ac­ cusing us of variations in matters of faith. that this course would not be an answer to this history. in the dogmas of the Catholic Church. In a discourse in which with regard to matters of faith. But they will not fail to rise up against us.—What recriminations may be allowed them. I require of them but two conditions. Protestants will learn not to dishonor God and his providence. What recriminations will be prepared against the church. but certain facts to certain facts. ? 26. I have abandoned that modera­ tion which they themselves have praised ? But certainly they will merit the blame. but the thing itself that speaks. and I pity. And if by such proofs they show us the least inconsistency. which does not argue an inconsistency in their doctrine. it is not. and what reproaches against myself. in this part of the history. that it is not I. if through the whole party they have formed. from her first origin down to us. and is not the . probably. for they cannot deny. I shall disclose their causes. though yithout reason. and I myself will suppress my whole history. 1 shall show that no change happened among them. and conveiting disputes of religion into per­ sonal and particular accusations.—This History very conducive to the knowledge of Truth. We must bear with recriminations. but would tend to be­ wilder and delude the reader. I propose to show the most authentic acta of the Protestant religion. or the least variation. until a^er they have cleared themselves. not to oppose reason­ ings or conjectures to certain facts. a conduct directly opposed to such a design . that departing from my own char­ acter and maxima. on the natu-f* cf thi? w^-k How many of our adversaries.PREFACE. my design to make a jejune and insipid recital of Protestant variations. whom they represent as men sent in an extraordinary manner (o revive Christianity in the sixteenth century. that is from the foundation of Christianity. will teli me. 1 will readily own to them that they are right. and if these be found in their authors. 15 will be exasperated against ns. honest minds will clearly see. together with all those inventions and calumnies with which our adversaries are accus­ tomed to load us. and authentic decisions of faith to authentic decisions of faith. though alas! I am far from imputing to them the misfortunes of their birth. 27. much more than I blame them.—if this history renders the reformation odious. secondly. which they mast allow to be just. nothing less than personal facts can he the question in hand . by attributing to him a •pecial choice which would be evidently bad. characters quite contrary to a reviving of Christianity be s e e n . however.

28. like these of t h t Arians. this will prove sufficiently. at bottom is not essentially different. from time to time. flhould the execution equal the desire with which God has w spired me. what disguised in their belief. for the continual protection he affords his church. In short. *. and this work. As to the Catholic. with its apology. The Confession of Augsburg alone. inexorable to others. Their variations. is extenuated and tolerated in the other. Their disputes. what. in the very midst of so many disputes. as it will proceed from principles and facts allowed for certain by all. and that eloquence which daz­ zles . they have placed the fundamentals of religion. will discover what they would have excused. which. when it will appear. and this treatise. wha> supplied. necessary result of it. they must support in con­ formity with their own principles. which at first might seem contentious. the contests and agreements of Protestants will point out to us in what. in order to make it appear by how many ways its enemies have been forced at length to diaw near to it again. and. Thus. what is most essential. will decide more in our favor than one thinks.16 PREFACE. will everywhere display its lustre. we shall con­ vince the Calvinist. must also be repre sented such as it IS in itself. will bear witness to Catholic truth. and their equivocations. at least.—How Catholics ought to be affected by this History.—And to facilitate a re-union. and not so in the Lutheran.he dark and inevitable confusions of the new reformation Catholic truth. I presume. that such conduct proceeds not from principle. will tend more to promote peace iksn strife. They will learn to despise that knowledge which puffs up. that what is aggravated against one. and the point at issue: what they must aver. but aveision. 29. then contradictions. and inflexible uprightness. that what appears odious in the Catholic. which has ever been the true spirit of schism. like a beautiful sun piercing through opaque clouds. and the talents which the world admires will appear to . he will everywhere praise the Almighty. will reach much further than he 13 aware. The Lutheran will also find disputes greatly lessened by the truths he already acknowledges. in order to maintain her simplicity. amidst the subtleties with which men strive to bewilder the truths of the Gospel. This trial to which the Calvinist subjects himself. complaisant to some. will be the more convincing demonstration of the justice of our cause. The perverseness of heretics will be a great and instructive spectacle to th* humble of heart. on one side or the other.

be filled with a salutary and holy awe. to prefer the general sense of the whole church to his own sentiments. universal. such dissimulation. that is. this is the grace for which we shall petition in behalf of those that err. that is. and be convinced that the only remedy for these great evils. since it is through want of them that the flock. is to break off all attachment to private judg­ ment. however. *uch dangerous illusions amongst those called men of wit. nor shall we cease to pour forth prayers to obtain for her. has been so miserably ravaged* . pastors equally enlightened and exemplary. because they are followed by the crowd. for it is this which distinguishes the Catholic from the Heretic. which has been i* deemed at so great a price. when they see such vain curiosities. such artifices in the most polite writers . such caprices in learned men. so much arrogance and passion. and finally.PREFACE. They will deplore the errors of the human mind. is. is. We shall. and consequently so many and so manifest errors in men that appear great. to be wedded to his own conceits : the property of the Catholic. and the judgments which he exercises on her . so much vanity and ostentation. when we contemplate the dangerous and slippery temptations with which God tries his church. !7 Cbem of little val ie. The property of the heretic. of one who has a particular opinion.

laid it down as a groundwork to this holy assembly. &c. as the world was more universally corrupted. BOOK I. that he had not witnessed so happy a change. During his whole life he bewailed the evils of the church: he never ceased to admonish the people.—His submissions to the Church and Pope. Nor did he conceal his sentiments on this subject from his own religious. it was. Episc. 1. and from the time of the council of Vienna.—The Papacy to be overthrown all of a sudden. fiart T i t 33. vain prophecies. the mother of churches.—His passion.] Briet summary:—The banning of Luther's disputes. maintained it throughout the universe to her utmost power. to see the church of God such as she had been m the primitive times ?"* If this holy man had any thing to regret at his death. Epist. bis condem­ nation." says St. Bernard.—He promises he will not permit men to rise in arms for the maintenance of his gospel. the clergy.—His agitations. and the Popes themselves of them. " before I die. commissioned by the Pope to prepare matters there to be discussed. ad Eu<*en* Papam. which for nine whole ages had. a great prelate. tit U part 3 ejusd. furious threats." The great schism which happened * Bern. 257.THE HISTORY OK T 1 I K VARIATIONS OF T H E P R O T E S T A N T CHURCHES. N . 6. {From the year 1517 to the yeai 1530. was not exempt from evil. Mi mat Speculator dictus. nunc 238. T h e Roman church.—Ji reformation of the Church desired many ages ago. " Who will grant me. who partook of his affliction in their solitude. . and extolled the Divine goodness in having drawn them to it so much the more gratefully. f Guil Durand. his unheard of propositions. by netting the example of an exact observance of ecclesiastical discipline. the bishops. Tract de Mode Gtsv Csnc ceieb. without violence. " t o reform the church in the head and members. A R E F O R M A T I O N of ecclesiastical discipline had been desired several ages since.—The foundations of his Refor­ mation Laid in imputed justice.f Dis­ orders had still increased since that time. and the miracles of which he boasts.

the greatest twvi of his time. it is to be feared lest the laity like the Hussites. as they loudly threaten us. where a reformation was unfor­ tunately eluded. should rise against the clergy.•OOK f . and nothing was more fre­ quently repeated in those of Pisa and Constance. p. The disorders of the clergy. J " the axe is at the root: the tree begins to bend. "then will they fall upon us." said je. and other great men of the time. inter Op. and should they not be corrected.—This desired reformation regarded not faith. we accelerate its fall. TMus. and foresee Umr alarming consequences. and instead of propping it whilst in our power. The desire of de priving them of their temporal goods would form the first spring Ok" rt otion. they will soon think it an agreeable sacrifice to God ta abuse and rob ecclesiastics." He foresees r speedy desolation in the German clergy." 44 44 ( 4 4 9 2. lament the abuses of those days. f [bid."* If the clergy of Germany were not quickly reformed. These disorders. ] 19 THE VARIATIONS. that the clergyf are incorrigible. Stir. The minds of men are pregnant with expectation of what measures will be adopted. Men will cast the blame of these abuses on the court of Rome. and the church reinvolved in new divisions. soon after made this saying common. ad Eug. Gerson. proceeded he. by Cardinal Julian. When they shall no longer have any hopes of our amendment. " Bodies and souls. H e seems to have foretold those evils in which Luther was about to involve all Christc idom beginning with Germany. Mn. that after the heresy of Bohemia. or Peter D'Aily. E T C . but only discipline." H e afterwards spoke more emphatically: 1 see. and hateful to God and man. chiefly those of Germany. as he is accus­ tomed to do with those whom he destines for punishment: we run into the fire which we see lighted before us. did this Cardinal. but also with the councils. and will apply no remedy to their disorders. were represented in this manner to Eugenius IV. because it had neglected to apply the necessary remedy. another still more dangerous would soon succeed. nr. when he 1 Eptat 1 ." said he. Nor was he mistaken. for it will be said. not only with particular doctors. Goo hides from us the prospect of our dangers. and are ready for the birth of something tragic. is well known. The little respect now remaining for the ecclesiastical orders will soon be extinguished.' said he. as abandoned to extreme disorders. and when it would be extinct. Julian Card.''continued this great Cardinal. he predicted. The rancor they have imbibed against us becomes manifest. What hap­ pened in the council of Basil. 6 6 . J Ibid . " excite the hatred of the people against the whole ecclesiastical order. which will be considered the cause of them. " will perish together. in the fifteenth century.

whatever had been said by the writers of the church against the disorders of the clergy and people.* because they corrupt the very vitals. when. and those she suffered from heresies in their progress. as Arnauld of Bresse. and chiefly that of the Pope. she is most dangerously assaulted by the depraved morals of her own children. who enumerating the grievances of the church. Under the banner of Luther appeared this sect. the errors into which the church had fallen. In order to justify this pretended reformation. and those she was exposed to in latter days. great end of this new reformation as founded by Luther.—this great man would not suflTer one of them to be weakened.lllows the latter to be far more frightful. 33. which was th. and none proposed with more energy a reformation of the church in hei * Bern. in Cant. 65. on the contrary. all those she sustained at the begin­ ning during the persecutions. and in assuming to themselves the title of Reformed. 66 in Cant . doctors. because a reformation had been long desired by the Catholic world.—The testimony of St.—such as Peter of Bruis. instead of discipline. was collected with great industry. he represented it as safe on that side .so [BOOR THE. not one of these doctors even for once thought of changing the faith of the church. and demanded a r< formation of them. or ol correcting her worship. "her bitterest and most painful bitterness is in peace . and the authority of the prelates. J The testimony of Gerson. or of subverting the authorit) of her prelates. Gerson was the most celebrated of these. but fought invincibly for the faith of the church. who in the suc­ ceeding ages lamented abuses. N . { Bun). Serin. and Cardinal Peter D*JiUy Bishop oj Cambray. HISTORY OF supposed that a reformation which was despised and a hatred redoubled against the clergy. and unmolested by heretics. they boasted they had realized the wishes of Christendom. people." Even this were sufficient to show that he did not deplore. Bernard. t Iiaia XUTUL 17. since. 10. 7 It was so with the other Catholic doctors. but such evils only as pro­ ceeded from relaxed discipline : accordingly. which chiefly con­ sisted in the sacrifice of the altar. Scrrn. 3. . as the reformers did. through the corruption of morals. But here is a manifest deceit in the passages cited."•{• " when left in peace by infidels. would speedily bring forth a sect more terrible to the church than that of the Bohemians. the church may truly say with Isaiah. and prelates. Our reformers cite to us St. the dogmas of the church were attacked by turbulent and restless men. and spread infection through all the members of the church: whence. as Henry. Bernard. concludes this great man.

there were proud spirits. who called for the reformation . who. the truly peaceable and true children of the church. There were then two different sorts of persons. which was instituted by Jesus Christ to preserve unity amongst his members. Besides these. u r 5. who. and in humility bore with a delay. .make.* whose faith may have been easily corrupted. before Alexander the Fifth. looked on schism as the greatest of all evils. struck with the disorders they saw pre­ vailing in the church." says he. free from all bitterness and passion..3. and retain all in their respective duties. and * Gers. xxiii. he addresses the Pope in these words : Why. 2.] THE VARIATIONS. they deemed themselves happy that nothing pro vented them from accomplishing it in themselves. —Two ways of desiring the reformation of the Church. " that sound doctrine could not subsist. J Matth. Dom. and the other in the perfect re-estab­ lishment of that sacred authority. but he fixed ita oundation on a principle entirely different from that on which Luther would establish it. according to his promises. In the midst of these abuses. though they could not accomplish a reformation of morals. whilst the authority ol the Pope existed . they. on the contrary. knew how to preserve the faith of the church. These were the strong ones of the church. they admired the providence of God. he introduces the church demanding of the Pope a reformation and re-establish­ ment of the kingdom of Israel: but to show he complained of no error that could be observed in the doctrine of the church. and. vol ii."*!* Thus one made the reformation to consist in the subversion of the papacy. since the latter wrote to Melancthon. ETC. during the schism. S e n a de Ascens. whose faith no temptation could . whence certainty of faith must be derived ?" His master. one. J These became proud. 131 • Ibid. V. " do you not send to the Indians. 21 head and members. as they are not united to the church of Rome. especially in her ministers. namely. whereas. 137. the Cardinal thought ** thjt the members of the church being separated from their head. nor induce to deviate from unity. In a sermon. sighed also for a reformation. which he made after the council of Pisa. without bitterness bewailed her grievances. no Pope. Far from desiring to effect this object by schism." and. proposed a reformation of them. that all the church acknow­ ledged no hope could be entertained of effecting a reforma­ tion. p. the Son of God had taught to respect the chair of Moses. And. and there being no administrator. did not believe the promises of her eternal duration could subsist in the midst of such abuses. with respect. and apostolic director. notwitstanding the evil actions of the Scribes and Pharisees who sat therein. on the contrary. ad Alex. Cardinal Peter D'Aily.

a vehemence in his discourses. n •« io great. but even Calvin. on this occasion. the most vio­ lent schism and apostacy of course ensued. as if die wickedness of man could make void the work of God. made them both hate the doctrines they taught. He is the trumpet. an Augustinian Doctor. was the hatred with which they inspired them against the pastors of the church. with an ai: of authority which made his disciples tremble. an ex/raordinary boldness when supported and applauded. Martin Luther. vied with each other in extolling him. perhaps. 6. who. a lively and impetuous eloquence. and the jealousy of the Augustinian Friars against the Dominicans. or rather he is the thunder. Ibid fol.—Luther's commencements and qualities. his con­ stancy. he had a strength of genius. flui Reap. they sighed for a rupture. an Augustinian Friar. often admires his virtues. his magnanimity. he is the lightning that awaked the world from their lethargy: it was not Luther that spoke. and the authority they had received from God to teach. and. Igjy Here I should relate the beginnings of the quarrel in 1518* l ^ * ^ y not known by all mankind. F 785—787. insomuch that neither in little things. yielding to the temptation which inclines to hat« the chair itself. have equally acknowledged him to be the author of this new reformation. Coat . in hatred to those who sat upon it. first excited these commotions. dared they venture to contradict him. but God that thundered from his mouth. in the time of Luther. being selected to maintain the credit of his *rdcr. It is not therefore surprising that. the Lutherans. The two parties which called them­ selves reformed. For who 1519* * i g °f publication of the Indulgences of Leo X.2? THE HISTORY OF [BOOK thereby weak. when invectives and animosities were carried to the highest pitch. and the extravagances that were uttered from the pulpit on that subject? But he had too much fire to keep himself within these limits : from the abuses w e r e s n o r a n t t n e t n e * Calv. Opus«. such were John WicklifTe and John JIuss. till then had ever been seen in Christendom. DeC ConL Vestph. Not only his followers. 137—141. and the incomparable industry with which he opposed the Pope. ot §eq. Such were the Yaudois and Albigenses.* T ue it is. by profession Doctor and Professor of Divinity in the University of Wittenberg. which captivated the people and bore all before him. that. The ordinary bait by which they induced weak souls into their nets. II. Influenced by this spirit of bitterness. Pigh. the xversion they had conceived against the teachers. were preferred to them? Who does not know that Luther. first attacked the abuses many made of indulgences.

S3 >f the thing. and because by faith we could indeed appropriate it to ourselves." The certainty which he required was not that moral certainty alone. that what justi­ fies us and renders us agreeable to God was nothing in us: hut we were justified because God imputed to us the justice of Jesus Christ." said Luther without ceasing. and this dispute soon became the most important. Vited.] T H E VARIATIONS. "We are justified. his mysteries and his promises . Meanwhile. as if it were our own. remitting to us our sins.—What imputed Justice^ and Justification by Faith mean. and that to be jus­ tified. and though always diminishing indulgences and reducing them almost to nothing by his mode of explaining them. one subject led him on to another. for they were told that they could neither call on God noi trust in him alone. and of the efficacy of the sacraments bordered nearly upon indulgences. for a sinner to be made just.{. . ETC. 71. and this is what he called special faith. Justification is that grace which. he came to the thing itself. but of that particular good ness by which God imputes to each of us the justice of JESU. Luther fell on these two articles. each one in his heart. " from the time we with certainty believe ourselves so. however. He went on step by step. But Luther had nol followed so simple an idea. whilst they had the least doubt. but in believing most assuredly. Without this certainty there was no justification for the faith fu."* 7j—Tht groundwork of Luther's Reformation. * Prop. for when he began to write his propositions. one of them was couched in the following terms: ** Whoever denies the truth of the indulgences of the Pope.—Luther's special Faith and the certainty of Justification. grounded on reasonable motives.—namely. it had been believed that what wrought this effect proceeded indeea from God. as to be learned and virtuous. Till then. let him be accursed. He would have it. t But the mystery of this justifying faith had something in it that was very singular. by which the sinner is to believe himself justified with the same faith as he believes Christ came into the world. It did not consist in believing in general in a Saviour. 8.—it was necessary he should have this justice in him. As that of justification.I Christ. excludes trouble and perturbation . vol. not merely of the Divine Goodness in general. one must have in him learning and virtue. but yet necessarily existed in man. at the same time renders us agreeable to God. i. that all our sins are for­ given us. he seemed to agree with his adversaries in the essential part. 1517. which.. but an absolute and infallible certainty.

but this is what he was resolved to avoid. contrary to his promise. which. fear damna­ tion. for he had invented this dis­ tinction between the works of God and those of men. that man should be satisfied with the sincerity of his repentance. on account of his own want of disposition. if we are assured of our justifica­ tion. is not compatible with mortal sins actually committed. If.—on the contrary concluding. Prop. " one was not even assured. unless we at the same time believe that God. it was necessary. as Luther prescribes.84 THE HISTORY OF [BOOR §. yet were they of an eternal merit. for to he truly repentant of some grievous sins. the works of God. in every action they performed. on the contrary. 3. Prop. doubtless. it seen s necessary that we should be certain of the sin cerity of our repentance. 4.—According to Luther. we ought to fear our constantly falling into such. * t lb* . Luther told him he was not assured of his good oispowtion. man is assured of his Justification. This immediately occurred to every one . who. i . however deformed in appearance. of which he was not assured. That all the works of the just would be mortal sins were they not fearful of their being s o . nor could there be any avoiding presumption. nor did he know. Prop. 1518. and so far from being assured of the sincerity of repent­ ance. if. But Luther abhorred this last certainty. 48 1 Prop. and not of all. since God promised to justify tht penitent only. that he did not commit many mortal sins in his very best actions. in order to be assured of his justification. 44 •Luther. that in every good work we fall not into divers grievous sins—if."* Luther went still much further. that thf works of men. is impossible. yet were they grievous sins . Heidla. therefore. on the other hand. or having a true hope. at the same time. might seem­ ingly be good. T."! Repentance. a sinner should happen to call in dr ubt his justifi­ cation. for examp/*V whether he were tnilj 44 44 . wo can never be assured of being truly penitent. by reason of the most hidden vice of vain-glory or self-love. whilst one commits them. according to Luther himself. 1518. we are never certain. however beautiful in appearance. 7. without being assured of his Repentance." said he. Luther imagined Aat he had discovered the true difference between the works of man and those of God . we need not. And if. Here a new difficulty arose. might seemingly be bad. or to be sorry for them. 'j* Deceived by his antithesis and by this play of words. they did not fear damnation. not reflecting that the good works of men are also the works of God. would condemn to hell the contrite of heart. produces them in us. and. whether. should give them an eternal merit. and could we bo assured of this. by his grace.

on this head."* This is equivalent to saying. withou* hesitation that you are absolved. is a matter of no consequence . yet he was not the less assured of his entire justification. the conversion of the heart.) that Luther did not exclude from justification a sincere repentance. the not believing strongly enough that all your crimes were forgiven you. How Luther could say the sinner ought to believe most assuiedly that he was absolved be his contrition what it may. whether the priest baptized or gave you absolution in earnest or in jest. and not of his repent­ ance. v. and thou art so. consequently ought to believe he might be justified in the sight of God. All consists. truly contrite. " Believe firmly that thou art absolved. as we do. ETC. 11. the new system of Luther. did not extricate him from the difficulty: for these acts are essential for the remission of sin. unless that the Catholics called these acts the dispositions of the sinner to justification.—'Whether we may be assured of our Faith without being assured of our Repentance. either condition. name them as you will. and the will to do good.I. f Prop. and Luther judged he styled them more justly. whether you be penitent or not. however." whence he concluded. L p. On this account this new Doctor declared to the sinner. it was impossible one should be certain of trua * Serm. the horror of sin. said he continu­ al!} " in believing. be his repentance what it may. 1 5 1 8 . True it is. How was it possi­ ble to have assurance of the entire remission of sin. there appeared no difference. 58. nay. or. whatever be thy contrition. (for nothing ought to be concealed. or necessary prepara­ tion. was the great difficulty in the new dogma. to be justified without contrition or repentance. though he were not truly penitent. or disposition. when you had once wrought on yourself to believe so. Here. were a thing quite indif­ ferent to the remission of sins. then. namely. because the believer. da Indulg. 25 penitent.f because in the sacraments there was only one thing to fear. you need not concern yourself. in modern phrase. being obliged to hold himself assured of his justification. and. in short. the necessary conditions. when not assured. But this subtle distinc­ tion.] THE VARIATIONS. truly afflicted for his sins. that is. and judged it as absurd. Between him and Catholics. Ibid SMTA de Indul* . namely. at bottom. The Catholics perceived that this doctrine labored under a most grievous difficulty. because it de­ pended vx>t on any good disposition on his part. as if the being penitent. 10.—The Inconsistency of this Doctrine. or not. so that the question still returned. which opened the way to impenitence.

which faith. J Prop. that. this question should arise within. as has been seen already. we join that in which he said. TLDIAP. after all the efforts that a sinner makes. to be assured of faith. 1 6 1 8 ." says he. 4 * . without the possibility of an assu­ rance that he hath fulfilled as he ought that necessary condition of obtaining it. whether or not I have that true faith which changes the heart? This is a temptation.J it might seem that this Doctor. according to Luther. as it has been by me. ' I believe. v." as if the same person might not in like manner say 1 repent. agreed with Catholics. 4 4 . •* But. one was assured of faith. "J If to these two theses of Luther. in the opinion of Luther. which he called security. " Let the faithful take care.) it was. at bottom. always produces. weak and imperfect as I am. insomuch that he ought ah* ays to fear damnation. without so much as thinking of it. dispose to justification. that by faith all our sins are forgiven us. and not of repentance ." answers h e . L 44 . the neces­ sary condition. 4 8 * v. 153A Prop. whether he repent or not as he ought to do. which he lays down. If. accord­ ing to him. on account of self-love. We must believe. in order to persuade himself fully that his sins are forgiven him through his faith.26 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK repentame. A new difficulty.—The Security which Luther blames. For this thought alone would be making the grace of justification depend on a thing which may be in us. ii. (for he ever had an aversion to these dispositions. Who will tell me. of justification. lastly. and that this certainty. however. 14. T. he however declared there was a certain state danger­ ous to the soul. said Luther. one could never be assured he did not commit many mortal sins in his very best actions. ad Prop. was not to be taken. Tnere is a detestable arrogance and secu­ rity in those who flatter themselves. as I may say. in the most ngoroui * A M . and true conversion? But it was enough. and the only means of appropriating to us Jesus Christ and his justice. the faithful can say. which are atill deeply rooted in their minds. would not suffer. which God required at his hands. d&innat. without troubling ourselves whether this faith he such as God requires. " that they come not to a security and immediately after. therefore." Here there was a new labyrinth. nay. I say the same of faith. 1 1 4 4 44 12. and are not truly afflicted for their sins. With this certainty of the remission of sin. according to Luther. Although faith did not. artic. auvanced by Luther. 1.—that the sinner must rest assured of his justification. If." and so become alike assured of his repentance. it be replied that the doubt will still remain. and the sum of the whole is this. which the gratuitousness.'* and thereby his faith becomes sensible to him .

this self-love. If this be so. so hidden. avoiding them. which nriu* in so many shapes. he may have a full assurance that all the rest. he never knows whether sin reigns not in ftis heart. C o n £ A u g . the more dangerously the more hidden it is. For my part. whilst sin predominates in us. ETu. or there never will be any f ech thing as certainty.I. is the distinction he makes between sins committed with knowledge. 14. ft . this secret pride. does not infect the best of all his actions: on the contrary. e t p ." Whence follow those two propositions which seem not less opposite : certainty is to be admitted. then. but may be so with regard to the second .—The difficulty still remains. Si. We must. therefore. which appear so contrary— * Man is never assured that he grieves for his sins as he ought io do . in order to avoid presumption. be brought to believe we may be reconciled to God. whatever he may think he feels within himself. fiynt G e o . if it be not security 1 This was the inexplicable knot o f the d o c t r i n e o f Luther. * L u t h . and even assumes the form of virtue. therefore. which is sufficient for that certainty which Luther would establish." it does not bllow that he really is as much so as is necessary for the remission of them. T h e r a a t v .—The Contradiction of the Doctrine of Luther* T h a i all we are told of the certainty man may have with respect to sin committed against conscience. and he must rest assured that he has gained the forgive­ ness of them. security is t o b e feared. he fell into that pernicious security condemned by Lu­ ther . part p. p . by the distinction of two kinds of Sin. Luther should have gone farther and acknowledged that this *in which hides itself. whereas." and that when he believes himself " truly grieved for his offences."* It seems. this certainty. that Luther would have said. But what is. is nothing to the purpose. 27 tense. for. i. 4 3 0 . But still the difficulty returned.] THE \ ARJATIONS. and if in the committing these he held himself assured of the remission of his sins. he must look upon it as unquestionable that they are mortally infected with it: " that he flatters himself. according to Luther. which never could be unravelled. 15. are forgiven him . a Christian cannot be assured of his being exempt from sins of the first kind. it remained indubitable that it is never known by man whether this vice of self-love. d$ boa. all I could ever find in his works tending to unfold this mystery. 13-—The Answer of Luther. Bat in that we should be deceived. even the most hidden. Luther literally maintains these two propositions. op. and those committed " without knowledge and against conscience—lapsusconira comcientiam.

"* And as the prop* osition seems very strange. " Allow therefore. T SCor. he cites these passages to support it: " I am not conscious to myself of any thing." said Luther." " But. " St. T . whilst he guarantees what depends thereon." T o which w a s replied." pro­ ceeded he. 4 \% Cor. BH they say. 14. and yet I am not on that account justiiied. " N o man should answer the priest that he is contrite." con­ cluded his adversaries. nor can the church bear this scandal. Paul. in doctrine and morals. he was absolutely cer­ tain his sins were forgiven him. that is. " I am truly penitent. which Luther neither can nor will guarantee to us. " we are assured of our faith. he was absolutely certain." and understanding it rigorously. xviii. penitent. or prohibiting one. \ Ps. he was righ* Accord­ ing to him. " l i e that commendeth himself is not approved.that the answers on this subject were manifestly contradictory. that forgiveness is independent of repentance. and for an entire certainty. therefore. ad Prop. perhaps. prove yourselves. iv.'lT Therefore we feel faith. ii. however. Luther had advanced this proposition . 44 But. In order to be certain we have that lively faith which works the true conver­ sion of the heart. namely. xiii & . and the inevitable weakness of his doctrine. Paul be alleged* "Whatman knoweth * Assert. Cath­ olics labored in vain to understand these novelties : hero is a prodigy. and a weak repetition of what has been read in books.29 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK may be. the faithful to answer for their contrition equally with their faith. or heard from the mouths of others. * Examine yourselves whether you be in the faith. art Danmat ad art 14. we ought to be sure that sin no longer reigns i i us . 18."§ From these texts Luther concluded that no sinner is so qualified as to answer the priest. If it be a matter of proof. 44 17.—The Continuation of them. f 1 Cor. and the inevitable subject of that continual fear which. " Who knoweth his sins?"J St. may be. therefore. That which is called faith. x. Paul has said. after St. According to him. man was not absolutely assured he was penitent. it is not a thing we know from feeling. from conscience. and faith is inseparable from contrition. nor. prohibit the other. the forgiveness of sins."f David says. but he whom God commendeth. The same Catholics observed. con­ tinued they. 0 Ibid.—The Sequel of the Contradictions of Luther. Paul says. if a subject of examination. is taught by Catholics. f 3." concluded Luther: Therefore we feel it not. || 16. Here is the contradiction. said they. perhaps. 12. Nor let this text of St. the grand obstacle to our conversion. nothing more than an illusory image of it.

"f At that time. 2. and damnation in curred. 18. H e afterwards changed.] THE VARIATIONS. as his angei against the church increased. in 1517. de InduL || Luc. namely. Thus Luther reformed himself. and as he sunk deeper into schism. one did not lc e till after the debt. save the spirit of man. their multitude. he acknowledged that the uncertainty of the one implied that of the other. for. fProp. sees any thing in us but what we see : but it follows not from that we ourselves do always see i t . which is in him?"* True it is. he required. was remitted to him. perhaps. " He to whom is forgiven the greatest debt loveth most. much less of the fulness of his pardon. Anticrist. Luther went to such excess as to say. and no longei allowed forgiveness to be dependant on repentance. unless they are united with faith and the love of God. as we do. if we be not certain that we have entirety withdrawn our hearts from it. Bull t ii. 89 the things of a man. Prop. on the contrary. E 1 C . and to establish this. It is therefore. as we shall hereafter see ih one of the fundamentals of his doctrine) that forgiveness of sin should precede love . for here are his first theses on Indulgences. T. abused the par able of the two debtors in the Gospel. still retaining the uncertainty of contrition. and his own mind an eternal and impenetrable subject of doubt. of whom our Savioui said. to excite repentance in them. In every thing he made it his study to take the reverse of the sentiments of the church. But. 4 1 . how could David have said what Lutliei objected—" Who knoweth his sins ?" These *ins. (and this. Such • 1 Cor. man will be always a mystery to himself. he took away the uncertainty of forgiveness. 42. but from good to bad . 3* J Serm. ii. neither man nor angel. 93. which looked back. f. weighing the grievousness of sins. such was his progress. thei? deformity. i. otherwise. in the bitterness of heart. served only to make men greater hypocrites . vii. on account of the inseparable union of repentance and forgiveness.—Luther forgot all that he had said well at the beginning of the Dispute* At the beginning of the dispute Luther spoke much bettei. beatitude lost."J as if il were hypocrisy in the sinner to rouse himself from insensibility. " That contrition. fol. the sin. no other creature. execr. and at the first rise of the discussion : " None is assured of the truth of his confession."|j From this Luthei and his disciples concluded. he meant no more than that these sentiments of fear were not sufficient. I acknowledge he afterwards explained him selfthus. 20. y » § Adver.I. 1517. manifest folly to seek for a certainty of the for­ giveness of our sin. to inspire sinners with a fear of the judgments of God. are they not in us ? And since it is certain we do not always know them. Far from endeavoring. on years past.§ but in contradiction to his own principles.

"§ For three entire years. Amongst the extraordinary things which he e iery day a d ­ vanced there was one that astonished the whrle Christian world. had taken cognizance of the cause. nor was there a tribunal in the church which he would not acknowledge. Fiibourg. nothing in the ex­ terior was more humble than he—a man timid and retired. and this on purpose. this is what he wrote to him in 1518. H e ftaid. ."* 20. thrown into those troubles. moved by the clamor which the novelty of the doctrine had excited over all the church. 5*5. he consented to be treated as a heretic. he joined to them that of Paris. call me this or that May. I will hearken to your voice. not only to the council. approve or reprove as best seems fitting. f. Fmt •per.1." As to the Pope. 93.—Luther's outward humility. 9. and the Pope himself. Whilst Germany. What he uttered concerning the authority of the holy see hail + Prop. man required no more than to believe without hesitation that they were all forgive *> him. Prieri." Whence he concluded. all he said breathed his submission. 44 4 4 44 44 21. and granted by Leo X. "should he not abide by her judgment. " that to fight against the Turk. so far as to declare expressly. and rather by chance man design. who." His style had nothing uniform. who designed to visit us. 310.—Luther's s*range doctrine concerning the war against the Turks. that Luther appeared most respectful.—The reasons on which he grounded Ait submission. 1." said he. 195. f. Awhile after. In "he midst of so many bold propositions. 1 am not so rash. Luther established this principle—" That it was necessary. as to that of Christ himself." In a word. i. to be completely justified from all kind of sins. threatened with the formidable arms of the Turk. he waited the decision of the Church respectfully. but all absolutely that God himself wills. TI1K HISTORY OF [BOOR WHS the great indulgence preached by Luther. he referred himself to the decision of the universities of Basil. 177. JCont. f. (Protcf. on Trinity Sun­ day : Whether you give life or death.J as to prefer my private opinion to that of all other men. and Louvain. Luth. 2. T . 1. So far from promising immortality to his name and writings. Nay. and opposed bj him to those that were published by the Dominicans. ibid. and his submission to the Pope. t. not only to will what God requires us to will. was even unpolished in some places.f By force he had been drawn into the world. N o occasion for exciting fear. all his discourses were filled with similar protestations: nay more.. t RcsoL de P o t Papa?. f. WAS to resist the will of God. and in a moment the affair was settled. and thus it was. Prrcf. he had never so much as sought it. no necessity for love. but to the holy see. was all in motion to oppose him.

yet excused his going to Rom 5 on account of the expense. and which alone may demonstrate that our faith is true. 1 ac­ knowledge" (thus he wrote to Cardinal Cajetan. who separated from our communion. but in hif 44 * Dispnt Lips. after saying that the faith of the whole world ought to be regulated by that which the church of Rome professes." 4 4 44 44 23. as to represent the matter to the holy father. he appealed from the Pope to the council. yet he asked pardon for it. legate then in Germany) 1 have been transported indiscreetly. and whilst appealing from the Pope ill-informed to the Pope well-informed." said h e . this citation before the Pope was needless to a man who waited for nothing but the decree of the Pope. says he. he begins with citing these words of Jesus Christ. Though urged to it. confesses. said he.—He offers Leo X. 251 t Ad Card. and to obey it. for preserving on earth this only church by a great miracle." continued he. indeed. on Sundaj the 28th of No­ vember. In a book which he wrote against Sylvester Prierius. there was something haughty and violent percepti­ ble in all his writings.^ And moreover. I should not have answered the fool that wrote against me." The whole world. After his citation to Rome. to be silent fcr the future. whose excesses. did not seem necessary to hhn. hath she departed from the true faith. However." and these Feed my sheep. and have been wanting in due respect to the Pope. I am sorry for it. 31 ETC. In the same place. 44 41 4 4 v 44 44 4 4 22. t i.TUE VARIATIONS. and protested it should never be his fate to fall into a like schism." Is it possible. But though he attributed his passion to the violence of his adversaries. according to his folly. Be so good. Cajetan. a Dominican". in that way were not inconsiderable. that the appeal. for the reasons which ho assigned for his attachment to this great see were. by any one decree. Thou art Peter. the appearance of sincerity. he thus proceeds : 1 give thanks to Jesus Christ. the consent of all the faithful retained him in a reverence for the authority of the Pope. for which he begs pardon. the most capa­ ble of affecting a Christian heart. f." he always abiding submissive to the judg­ ment of the Pope. insomuch as ne er. for Jesus Christ not to be with this great number of Christians?"* Thus he condemned the Bohemians. . in order to comply witn it-J In the course of this proceeding.—His sallies of passion. and Charles V. he did not cease xo say. thai from these texts proceeds the authority of the Pope. I desire no more than to hear the voice of the church." Even after the ardor of dispute had shaken a little these good princi­ ples.—A new protestation of submission to the Pope. inasmuch as it regarded him.

since it is not what I have said. he wrote to Charles V. This was his excuse after the rup­ ture commenced . . they shall not go unanswered : as for recanting what I have said. i. '«* would never hear it mentioned. t. as ho had all along done. after all." said he. deemed by him necessary to the welfare of the church. nor be myself attacked. Your holiness.HIE HISTORY OF [ BOOR act he persisted in always saying. dedicating to him. so far from exagger­ ating. The same year. and the othei books of Luther. H e wrote. 1519. " that ho neither presumed to doubt the supremacy. as observed above. 44. t Ad Leon. t ii. ho hound himself. provided a similar injunction were laid on his adversaries. ad Car. 1510. he would have remained satisfied with the Pope. after the univer­ sities of Louvain and Cologne had censured this. And yet. but. " being once en­ gaged. X . oui holy father. and laid at his feet. " I see not what use would bo my retractation. " that he would be an humble and obedient son . there to await his sentence?" In short. nor yet to sayany thing contrary to the power of the Pope well-advised and well-informed. I do not tell the whole. I will attack no man. if we nmy be­ lieve him." or to retreat. let no man look for it. if his enemies would but let him. he wrote again to Leo X. " For. the Book of Christian Liberty. and. X ." And. at the same time. the more probable as it was more submissive.rf the Catholic Church. the dreadful effects oi which we shall soon witness. and imposing silence on both parties. Caj. ad Lcuu. his Christian reputation would not suffer him to abscond in a corner. had he but imposed on both parties an equal silence. and promised to hold his peace. or authority of the holy see. having Jesus Christ for my lord and master.—" I abhor disputes. or that of the church of Rome. But. said he."* And. he assigned one. I 2—6."! This is what he wrote to Leo X. offended these universities. grew warmer. even unto death. So little was this reformation. for he could not hear a partial judgment. so much boasted of since. f Ad Card. he complained thus : " Wherein hath Leo. $ Luth. therefore. but to heai as a discip!e."§ H e called the e c o n e s * Luth. whom I shall not pretend to answer as an adversary. he spoke somewhat higher. that « he did not design in anywise to interfere with his authority. on the third of March. ib. but what the church will say to me. however sufficient matter there was for it."*(" In the beginning of the year 1520. 216. ton ^ * ^ too. by bringing the cause to your own tribunal. that they should snatch out of his hands a book dedicated to his name. full of new paradoxes. to an eternal S U 3 N C E . if I be. V. and the party was in* creased. to the Pope. indeed. may terminate all these contests. As for retractation. during the contest. with one word. p.

But Luther spoke much plainer afterwards'. f Assert. He put out a third in " de­ fence of the articles condemned by the Bull. he endeavored to accelerate their accomplishment by these words . when disappointed that these prophecies did not proceed fast enough.—He is condemned by Leo X. he maintained it anew. and the two greatest powers thereof to wijioss. that to fight against the Turk was to resist God. in virtue of these words of Jesus Chnsi. 88. Jesus Christ shall destroy him by his glorious coining . Luther forgot all his submissions. nor the authori*y of a council must be waited for."* Thus did this new Pope pass sentence. 1 5 2 0 . and. as ii" they had been emptj compliments. no matter if Kings and * T. it shall be he and no other. a second pamphlet bore this title. t ii. " who believeth in thy word ?" And concluded. But this affair had made too great a noise to be dissembled. The sentence issued from Rome . I have said it. clouds of jbels were scattered against the Bull : first. and confirmed every thing. and flies into horrible excesses. i. appeared his notes and comments on it. at the same time. " Every Christian woman or child. that these disputes might be terminated . 33. . until the name of the Pope be taken from beneath the heavens . from every village and every borough men must assemble against him . art per Bull. I excommunicate them again. in the absence of the priest. " The Pope is a wolf. against whom all were to unite. 91. dated June I S . even to this proposition. Christendom is ruined . spoke thus : " If the Pope be not brought to an ac­ count. or let this Roman homicide be slain. Prop. and assuming the tone of a prophet. This was plainly declaring to them. shall be un­ bound even to that wherein he said." cried out this new prophet. filled with contempt. he that can. ETC. in delivering to men this com­ mandment. namely.—His fury against the Pope and those Princes \oho supported him. S3 whole universe. damnau {Ibid. " In the same manner that they excommunicate me."! Far from retracting any of his errors. as an oracle sent from heaven : " Forbear ye to make war against the Turk. Instead of correcting so scandalous a proposition. or in the least moderating his ex­ cesses. " Against the execrable Bull of Antichrist. may absolve. From that time he became furious .—All that ye shall unbind. he went beyond them. possessed by an evil spi rit." which he concluded with these words." 25. let him flee to the mountains . borrowing the words of the prophet Isaiah. and to this he bouno himself in the most solemn manner. •* Oh Lord."J Thus. that nenceforward the Pope was to be held as their common enemy. Leo X published his Uuli of condemnation.••J THE VARIATIONS. neither the sentence of the judge. 24.

407. "§ When. f Adv.S4 THE HISTORY OF [B63i Caesars make war in his behalf. "that is to say. and reduced to one heap of ashes."|| With this charm he ravished and led away mankind. Kings and Csesars bear not themselves guiltless." said he to the Pope. above all. U Exust. and it had been much more to the purpose. and Lu­ ther. because so great a courage cannot relinquish the defence of the truth he has once undertaken. f 56. instead of excusing himself. Here is the recantation you enjoin me : do you require more?"J The most burning fevers cause not more frantic ravings. Antclir. t." added he. " to the Papal chair " * Disp. if the like had been done to the Pope himself. Prop. et seq. on the subject of the citation on which he did not appear. t n. caused the Decretals to be burnt at Wittenberg ."* In short. he that rises in arms under a thief. but i doctor. told the Pope under the name of another. then will I make myself be believed. f. f. till I am followed by five thousand horse. ordered by him to be registered. execr. i. "*f All was of this character : and through his whole discourse appeared mockery and violence. that dogmatized in cold bloor and erected all his phrenzics into theses. whoever had believed him. But.f. in his turn. t ii. " We know full well that Luther will not bate you an inch. " ail that you condemn in John Huss I approve . the two marks of exasperated pride. must have set all on fire. " I defer my appearing there. 59. vhicj Luther undertook to maintain. because they ought to know what is the church. Although he did not. Nor was this an orator whom the warmth of the harangue might have betrayed into indelibe­ rate conclusions . and a h a p p y elc^anre. " It is true. 1510. said. (Ibid. as he would have done heretofore. This was called by the party the height of courage. Bull. f. all that you approve I condemn. does it to his own cost. and it was the same passion which made him say. exclaim quite so high in that libal which he published against the Bull. moderating a little his expression. as yet. Luther. he forgot not to mention it w a s not enough to have burnt those Decretals. by saying they are the defenders of the church. through hatred that the Pope had caused his works to be burred at Rome. " T h a t he h a d held forih with a su prising beautifulness of diction. in his mothei tongue. I2£ . § N o t in Bull. Prop. as many propo­ sitions as we have seen were a s many theses of divinity. 30. and twenty thousand foot. and what is still more strange. yet the commencement of that intemperance might have been discovered in i t . He was reproved in the Bull for maintaining some of the propositions of John Huss . 109. 91. t ii. acta. the a c t s recording this exploit. in the notes he made on the Bull. both Pope and princes that supported him .

and in his last strug­ gle to shake ofF church authority. never ceased to distract interiorly. 1 1 . and cast their yoke from us . he came to so great strength. \ Pwf£ Opor . that occasionally he forgot himself so far as to say. 49. 11 f. as well as pity. I am at a loss whence this apparent humility could proceed in * man of such temper. nor can we read without indignation. Lect. what he writes regarding it. $6 2ft. I could scarce conquer even with the assistance of Jesus Christ. unacquainted with itself in its beginnings. Be that as it may. from such trembling. i. and. f Pio. and the remains of faith on the other. Op. which cost Luther so dear.I. t. Grace. 50. with reluctance abandoned this unhappy man. and to complete his blindness. Luther himself confesses "that i" the beginning he was like one in despair. was it not that pride. that refusing presumptuously to hear the church. mistook Jesus Christ's abandonment of him.uth. is. contrary to the express command of Christ. will not consider it at all impossible that such different senti­ ments should appear alternately in his writings. " After."}. in Bull. for the immediate assistance of his hand. t i. whom pride on one side. it is very true that his humility was not feigned. and though he had referred his whole dispute to the determination of the supreme bishop. Who would have thought. I shall leave to the judgment of the reader. nor could man comprehend from what weakness God had raised him to such courage . 212. 63. he cries out like one set free from irksome bondage. § Not. £ 49. I may say. " Let us break their bands asunder." says he. nor how. Was it from artifice and dissimulation 1 Rather. and fearful at first. fill an occasion presents of appearing to advantage ? After the rupture was opened. " I bid gotten the better of all the arguments which were opposed to me. namely. however. Ps.J THE VARIATIONS. He prevailed at length . it is certain the authority of the Church restrained him for a long time. J. 3."* Whether God or the occasion made this change. one remained still which."§ for he made use of these words in answering the Bull. et soq. should be attributed to the grace ol Christ' After this fatal victory. not reflecting that this inau* * Praif. ETC. am content with the fact which Luther owns during this alarm: in one sense. " that he never would change his doctrine . ii.—How Luther came at last to reject the authority of the Church* When I consider so much passion after so much humility. that we ought to hear the church. f. for my part. with extreme difficulty and great anguish. to suspect artifice in his discourses. What might cause one. f. hides behind its contrary. H w h s because respect ought to be observed towards him who bore so great a charge/'f But whoever shall reflect on the interior conflicts of a man.

He did not."* Here we have his vocation as immediate. that this is his own title which he bestows on himself. and so many excommunications." lest they should pretend ignorance. and defaced the character of the beast i» him . His despised submis­ sions rankle in his breast. as a token of the ministry to which God had called him.— Luther's Letter to the Bishops. exulting that. make him bishop. nor does he pretend any thing else. and considered him as Ecclesiastes. he may henceforward speak and decide. that should scandalize his disciples. even a bishop. 27. applies it to himself. as that of St. therefore. encourage them. In a letter he wrote to the bishops. and that he might. and as extraordinary. Luther. It was itemed expedient by the party t: invade the bishopric of Nuremburg. Paul.—his sallies. " falsely so styled. left ethers remaining. at the beginning. H e that never was more than a priest. by the grace of God. so rapid a motion ti-aches soon to a." By virtue of this celestial mission he did every thing in the church. L ii. they catch. he preached. by hearing the contagious phrenzy. but what is much more unheard of. and had therefore given himself this. which none had ever given him . he assumed the title of Ecclesiastes 01 Preacher of Wittenberg. On this foundation. nor by man. as he wishes. with an egregious contempt of them and Satan. and against his anointed. he visited. in his blindness. he qual ifies himself " Martin Luther.—His pretended extraordinary mission Then he applies himself to maintain his mission as extraordi­ nary and divine. had stript him of all his former titles. ordin. I do not say other priests. in the sense . so many condemnations from the pope and emperor. and by the revelation of Jesus Christ.—he keeps no temper. in all things. yet he could not remain without a title.i * Ep ad (also nottvnat. abrogated some teremonies. and numbers look on Luther as sent by God for the reformation of mankind. Luther went to this city. f 305.$$ THE HISTORY CT [BOOM spicious canticle is what David put irto the mouth of rebels.great distance . instituted and deposed. whom he had already made minister and pastor of Magde­ burg." said he. and throughout the entire body of the letter. f Ibid. that so many Bulls. . " | and declares to the bishops. dared to make. but by the gift of God. with as good a claim. exempt from all constraint. but that he gave it to himself. which itself would be an attempt unheard of in the entire Church since the origin of Christianity . have called himself evangelist by the grace of God : for Jesus Christ most cer­ tainly named him so. 14 220. and by a new consecration ordained Nicholas Amsdorf bishop of it. whose conspiracies were against the Lord. Epiacoporum. and which he had received not from man. Ecclesiastes of Wittenberg .






he sometimes calls by that name all pastors, but he made him
bishop, with all the prerogatives annexed to this sacred name*
and gave him that superior character which himself had not;
but all was comprised in his extraordinary vocation; and an
evangelist, sent immediately from God like another Paul, could
do all he pleased in the church.
2S —I uther's arguments against the Anabaptists^ who preached without ordinary
mission and miracles.

Such attempts as these, I know very well, are esteemed
nothing in (no new reformation. These vocations and missions,
• 0 much respected in all ages, are nothing more, after all, than
formalities to these new doctors, who require only what they
call essentials ; but these formalities established by God, pre­
serve what is essential. They are formalities, if they please,
but in the same sense the sacraments are so—divine formalities,
which are the seals of the promise, and the instruments of grace
Vocation, mission, succession, lawful ordination, are alike witV
them to be called formalities. By these sacred formalities Go<f
seals the promise he made to his church of preserving her fo:
Go, teach and baptize ; and lo, I am with you always*
even to the end of the world :"* with you, teaching and bap­
tizing ; not with you here present only, and whom I have im
mediately chosen, but with you in the persons of those wha
shall be for ever substituted in your place by my appointment
Whoever despises these formalities of legitimate and ordinary
missions, may, with the same reason, despise the sacraments,
and confound the whole order of the church. And without en­
tering further into this subject, Luther, who said he was sent
with an extraordinary title immediately from God as an evan­
gelist and apostle, was not ignorant himself that that extraordi­
nary vocation ought to be confirmed by miracles. Therefore,
when Muncer, with his Anabaptists, assumed the title and
function of a paster Luther would not suffer the question to
turn on what he might call essential, or admit he should prove
his doctrine from the Scriptures ; but ordered he should be
ask*id, Who had given him commission to teach ?"
he answer—God ; let him prove it," says Luther, by a manifest
miracle ; for when God intends to alter any thing in the ordinary
form of mission, it is by such signs that he declares himself
Luther had been educated in good principles, and could not
avoid sometimes returning to them. Witness the treatise which
he wrote of the authority of magistrates, in 1 5 3 4 . This date
is remarkable, forasmuch as fcur years after the Augsburg
Confession, and fifteen after the -upture, it cannot be said thai
the Lutheran doctrine had not at that time taken its form; and
* Mat xxviii. iO. fSleid.lib. v. Edit 1555-69. In Ps. lxxxiLde MagifctflL






Mt S T O R V




yet Luthe. then declared again, " That hi* had much rather a
Lutheran saould lca\c the parish, than preach t l . c u e g a i n s t his
pastor's consrnf ; that the magistrate otiirht not to suffer eithei
private assemblies, or any to preach without lawful vocation'
if they had suppressed the Anabaptists when they began k
spread their doctrine without vocation, the many ev/ls which
desolated Germany would have been prevented ; that no rcui
truly pious should undertake any thing without, vocation, which
ought to be observed so religiously, that even a gospeller (foi
§o he calls his own disciples) might not preach in the parish of
a papist or a heretic, without the consent of him who was pastor
of it;" "which he spoke," proceeds he, "in warning to the
magistrates, that they might shun those prattlers, who brought
not good and sure testimonials of their vocation, either from
God or men; without this, though they preached the pure gos­
pel, or were angels dropt from heaven, yet they ought not to bo
admitted." This is to say, sound doctrine is not sufficient:
but, besides this, one of two things is requisite, either miracles
to testify God's extraordinary vocation, or the authority of those
pastors who were already qualified to confer the ordinary voca­
tion in due form.
When Luther wrote this, he was well aware it might be
asked, whence he himself had received his authority? and
therefore answered, " l i e was a doctor and a preacher whe
had not intruded himself, nor ought he to cease to preach, afte
it had been forced upon him, neither could he dispense witl
himself in teaching his own church; but for other churches, he
did no more than communicate his writings to them, which was
but what charity required."
29.—What were the miracles by which Luther pretended to authorize his mission.

But when he spoke with this assurance of his church, the
question was, who had given him a charge of it; and how that
vocation which he had received with dependance, on a sudden
became independent of the whole ecclesiastical hierarchy?
However that be, Luther, for this time, was willing his vocation
should be ordinary; at other times, when he was more sensible
of the impossibility of maintaining it, he styled himself, as above
God's immediate envoy, and boasted he was deprived of al
these titles which had been cont- *d on him by the church
of Rome, that he might enjoy so celestial a vocation. Then,
as for miracles, he was at no loss : he would have tne great
success of his preaching considered miraculous ; and, at his
lenouncing the monastic life, he wrote to his father, who seemed
a little shocked at this change, that God had withdrawn him
from mat state by visiole miracles. " Satan," says he, " seems
to have foreseen from mv infancy all that one day he was tr





suffer from me. Is it possible, that I, of all mortals, should
be the only one he attacks at this time I Formerly, you were
desirous of taking me from the monastery; fiod hath taken
me thence without you. I send you a book wherein you will
see, by how many miracles and extraordinary instances of ius
power he hath absolved me from monastic vows. '* Thepj
wonders and prodigies were not only the boldness*, out also the
unlooked foi success of his undertaking. It was this he gave
for miraculous, and his disciples were persuaded of it.

3*1.—Sequel of Luther's boasted Miracles.

They even accounted it supernatural that a petty monk haa
conceived the courage to attack the Pope, and stood intrepid
amidst so many enemies. The people took him for a hero, a
man from heaven, when they heard him defy threats and dan­
gers, and say, " though he absconded for awhile, the devil
knew full well" (a fine witness) ** it proceeded not from fear;
—that when he appeared at Worms befora the emperor, nothing
was capable of terrifying him ; and though he had been assured
of meeting there as many devils ready to seize him as were
tiles on the house-tops, he would have dared them all with the
like resolution."! These were his ordinary expressions. He
Had always in his mouth the devil and the pope, as enemies he
was about to crush; and his disciples discovered in these words
ft divine ardor, a celestial instinct, and the enthusiasm of a heart
influenced with the glory of the gospel.
When some of his party undertook, as we shall see, during
'ois absence, and without consulting him, to destroy images at
Wittenberg,—" I am quite unlike these new prophets," said he.
who think they do something marvellous and worthy of the
Holy Ghost, when they pull down statues and pictures. For
my part, I have not lent my hand to the overthrowing of the
least single stone ; I have set fire to no monastery, yet, by my
mouth and my pen, almost all monasteries have been laid waste;
and the report is public that I alone, without violence, have
done more injury to the Pope, than any King could have done
with all the power of his kingdom. "J l . i e s e were the miracles
of Luther. His disciples admired the force of this plunderer
\>f monasteries, never reflecting that this formidable strength
aiight be the same with that of the angel whom St. John calls
the destroyer."§


SI.—Luther acts the Prophet: promises to destroy the Pope immediately without
suffering the taking of arms.

Luther assumed the tone of a prophet against tho*e who
* De Vot. Monaa. ad Johannem Lut, Parent, auum. t. ii. 263.
t Ep. ad Frid. Sax. Ducem. apud Chvt 1. x. p. 247.
t Fridar. D u e Elect. Slc., t viL p. 507—509.
$ Apoc. u . 1L




opposed his doctrine. After admonishing them to submit to it,
he threatened at last to pray against them. " My prayers,"
said he, " will not be Salmoneus's thunder, no empty rumbling
in the air. Luther's voice is not to he stopt so, and I wish your
highness find it not to your cost."* Thus he wrote to the
Prince of the House of Saxony. " My prayer," continued ha,
'* is an impregnable bulwark, more powerful than the devil him­
self. Had it not been for that, long ago, Luther would not be
so much as spoken of; and men will not stand astonished at so
g n a t a miracle!" When he threatened any with the divine
judgments, he would not have it believed he did it upon general
views. You would have said that he read it in the book of fate.
Nay, he spoke with such certainty of the approaching downfall
of the Papacy, that his followers no longer doubted of it. Upon
his assertion, it was deemed certain that two antichrists, the
Pope and the Turk, were clearly pointed out in Scripture. The
Turk was just falling, and the attempts he was then making in
Hungary were to be the last act of this tragedy. As for the
Papacy, it was just expiring, and the most be could allow was
two years' reprieve: but above all, let them beware of employ­
ing arms in this work. Thus he spoke, whilst yet but weak;
and prohibited all other weapons than the word, in the cause of
nis gospel. The Papal reign was to expire on a sudden by the
breath of Jesus Christ;—namely, by the preaching of Luther
Daniel was express on the point; St. Paul left no doubt; and
Luther, their interpreter, would have it so. Such prophecies
are still in fashion. The failure of Luther prevents not our
ministers from venturing at the like event now; they know tb'
infatuation of the vulgar, ever destined to be charmed with some
spell. These prophecies of Luther stand in his works upon
record to this day, an eternal evidence against those who so
lightly gave them credit.*]' Sleidan, his historian, relates them
with a serious air. H e lavishes all the elegance of his fine
style, all the purity of his polished language, to represent to us
a picture which Luther had dispersed throughout Germany^
the most foul, the most base, the most disgraceful that ever was.
Yet, if we believe Sleidan, it was a prophetic piece ; nay, the
accomplishment of many of Luther's prophecies had been seen
already, and the remainder of them was still in the hands of God.
Luther was not looked on as a prophet by the people alone.
The teamed of the party would have him esteemed such. Philip
Melancthon, who, from the beginning of the disputes, had en­
tered himself on the list of his disciples, and was the most able
* Ep. ad George Due. Sax. t ii. f. 491. f Assert art Damnat t v . f l $ . « i
Prop. 3. ad Prop. 33. Ad. lib. Amh. Cathar. ib. £ 161. Cont Reg. AUG.&
S 3 ] , 332, et aeq. J Sleid. L iv. 70. x r "*15. xvL 261, & C




as well as the most zealous of them all, conceived at first a firm
persuasion that there was something in this man extraordinary
and prophetic ; and, notwithstanding all the weaknesses he dis­
covered in his master, he was a long time befoie he could relin
quish the conviction; and, speaking of Luther, he wrote to
Erasmus, you know we ought to prove and not to despise

VL -The boastings of Luther and the contempt he entertained for all the Fathers*

This their new prophet, however, fell into unheard-of extravtgar^es. He was always in extremes. Because the prophet
nade terrible invectives by God's commandment, he becomes
tne most profuse of abusive language, and the most violent of
men. Because St. Paul, for man's good, had extolled the gifts
of God in his own ministry with that confidence which pro­
ceeded from manifest truth, confirmed by divine miracles from
above, Luther spoke of himself in such a manner, as made all
his friends blush for him. They, however, grew accustomed
to it, and called it magnanimity, admired the holy ostentation,
the holy vauntings, the holy boasts of Luther; and Calvin him­
self, though prejudiced against him, styled them s o . | Elated
with his learning, superficial in reality, but great for the time,
and too great for his salvation and the peace of the church, he
seL himself above all mankind, not his contemporaries only, but
the most illustrious of past ages.
In the question of free-will, Erasmus objected to him the con­
sent of the Fathers, and all antiquity.
You do very well/
said Luther; boast to us of ancient Fathers, and rely on what
they say, when you have seen that all of them together have
neglected St. Paul; and buried in a carnal sense, have kept
themselves, as on set purpose, at a distance from this morning
star, or rather from this sun." And again : What wonder that
God hath left all the nations of the earth, and all the churches,
to go after their own ways ?" W hat a consequence ! If God
abandoned the gentile world to the blindness of their hearts,
does it follow that churches, delivered from it with such care,
must be abandoned like them ? Yet this is what Luther says
in his book of "Man's Will Enslaved." And what deserves
still more to be observed here, is, that in what he there main­
tains, not only against all the Fathers, and all the churches, but
against all mankind, and their unanimous consent,—namely,
that there is no such thing as £ ee-will, he is abandoned, as will
be seen, by all his disciples, and that even in the Confession of
Augsburg; which shows to what excess his rashness was car­
ried, since he treated with such outrageous contempt al churches
•»j»d Fathers, in a point where he was so manifestly in error.
* MeL lib. iiL E w s t 65.
f Defan. Cont Vrstpli. opusc. f. 78a


4 4






The praise^ which these holy doctors have, with one voice, be•towed on chastity, rather disgust than move him. St. Jerome
is not to be endured for recommending it. H e pronounces that
all the holy Fathers, together with him, would have done much
better, if they had married. In other nutters he is not less ex­
In a void, Fathers, Popes, councils, general and
particular, in ever}' thing, and every where, are esteemed noth­
ing by him, milesj they concur ir his sentiment. He disoses of them in a moment, by quoting Scripture, interpreted in
is own way, as if, before his time, men had been ignorant of
Scripture; or the Fathers, who so religiously kept and studied
«t, sought not, but neglected, its true sense.


33.—His buffoonery and extravagances.

T o such a degree of extravagance did Luther now arrive
from that excessive modesty he professed at first, he passed to
this extreme. What shall I say of his buffooneries, no less
scandalous than degrading, with which he stuffed his writings ?
Let but one of his most partial disciples take the trouble to read
that one discourse he composed against the Papacy, in th<
time of Paul HI, certain I am he would blush for Luther. H«
will there find throughout the whole, I do not say so much fury
and transport, but such wretched puns, such low jests, and sucj
filthmcss, and that of the lowest kind, as is not heard but from
the mouths of the most despicable of mankind. " The Pope,"
says he, " is so full of devils, that he spits and blows them from
his nose." Let us not finish what Luther was not ashamed ta
repeat thirty times. Is this the language of a reformer? Bu\
the Pope was in question ; at that name alone he f 11 into all
his fury, and he was no longer master of himself. But may 1
venture to relate what follows in this foolish invective 1 It
must be done, though abhorrent to my feelings, that it may ap­
pear, for once, into what paroxysms of fury the chief of this
.few reformation fell. I will, then, force myself to transcribe
these words, addressed by him to the Pope :—" My little Paul,
•iy little Pope, my little ass, walk gently; 'tis freezing; thou
•ilt break a leg; thou wilt befoul thyself; and they will cry
Ait, Oh the devil! how the little ass of a Pope has befouled
himself!"* Pardon me, Catholic readers, for repeating these
irreverences. Pardon me, too, ye Lutherans, and reap at lea&t
the advantage of your own confusion. But after these foul
ideas, it is time to see the beautiful parts. They consist in
thus playing on words ; ccelestissimus, scelestissimus ; Sanctissimus, satantissimus ; and it is what you find in every line. But
what will you say of this fine figure'? " An ass knows that he
is an ass, a stone knows that it \s a stone : hut these little agsea
* Papapiamu*




of Popes do not know that they are asses."* And test thi
same should be returned upon him he obviates the objection;
** And," says he, " the Pope cannot take me for an a s s ; for he
knows very well that, through God's goodness, and by his par­
ticular grace, I am more learned in Scripture than he and all
his asses put together."! T o proceed; here the style begins
to rise: " Were I a sovereign of the empire, [where will this
fine beginning lead him]] I would make but one bundle of
both pope and cardinals, and place them altogether r the little
ditch of the Tuscan s e a ; this bath would cure them, I . uuss my
word for it, and give Jesus Christ for security.' J Is not the
sacred name of Jesus Christ brought in here much to the pur­
pose? Enough is said; let us be silent, and tremble under
the dreadful judgments of God, who, in punishment of our
pride, has permitted that such gross intemperance of passion
should have so powerfully swayed to seduction and error.

34.—Sedition and violence,

I say nothing of seditions and plunderings, the first fruits ol
the preachings of this new evangelist. These served but to
foment his vanity. The gospel, said he, and his disciples after
him, has always caused disturbances, and blood is necessary
for its establishment^ Calvin defends himself the same way.
Jesus Christ, all of them cried out, came to send a sword into
the midst of the world. || Blind ! not to perceive, or unwilling
to learn, what sword was sent by Jesus Christ, and what blood
was shed on his account. True it is, the wolves, in the midst
of whom Christ sent his disciples, were to spill the blood of his
innocent sheep ; but did he say the sheep should cease to be
sheep—should form seditious confederacies, and, in their turn,
spill the blood of the wolves ? The sword of persecutors was
drawn against his faithful; hut did they draw the sword,—I do
not say to assault their persecutors,—but to defend themselves
against their onsets ? In a word, seditions were raised against
the disciples of Jesus Christ; but the disciples of Jesus Christ,
during three hundred years of 'in unmerciful persecution, never
so much as raised one. The gospel rendered them modest,
peaceable, submissive to the lawful powers, even though these
powers were hostile to the faith ; and filled them with true zeal
—not that bitter zeal which opposes sourness to sourness,
arms to arms, violence to violence. Supposing, then, if they
please, Catholics to be unjust in persecuting; those who gave
themselves out for reformers, on the model of the church apos­
tolic, ought to have begun their reformation with an invincible
patience : but, on the contrary, said Erasmus, who witnessed
* Papapismus.
{ De Senr. Artf.431, &c

f Adv. Pcpism. p. 474.
|| Matt x. 3 4 - 4 7 .

t Ibid.

$1.—The circumstances of this rup­ ture. the part Luther acts.—The Sacramentarians prefer the Catholic to the Lutheran doctrine. and his great desire of destroying the reality. " | namely. as the auditors of Luther and his disciples have been known to do so frequently at their separation. the town-secretary of Ephesus bears witness to his fellow-citizens. 41 BOOK II. when they absconded. without raising disturbances. that St. * Lib. and his saints. I." Accordingly.—Conference of fttarpurg. that they spoke against false deities. after St. of his blessed mother. king of England.J A. people always ready to rise in arms. 3 7 . 113."* Perhaps the ministers may grant us.—Fruitless projects of agreement between Luther and the Zuinglians. Paul's new converts. however hideous they may represent them to have been. in which Luther fully discovered himself. that they overthrew so much as one of them ? On the contrary. [From the year 1520 to 1529. promiscuously flying to the plunder of all ecclesiastics. When did it ever happen that St. Paul's or the apostles' preaching. brief Summary. Yet I can­ not but believe the idols of Jupiter and Venus were full as odious as the images of Jesus Christ. . without distinction of good or bad ? What do I say of idol priests ? The very idols them­ selves were spared. and against Henry VIII. fell to pillaging the houses of these sacrilegious priests. 1 behold them coming out from (heir sermons. f Acts xix. &c.44 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 44 the birth of their beginning. we find " these evangelica. in some measure. When did it happen at Ephesus or Corinth. 2053. that the Jewish and the idol priests gave room for as bitter satires as those of the church of Rome. of which himself and his friends are ashamed.—His Marriage.—The Boors revolt.—Mclancthon is afflicted at it—They unite themselves under the name of Protestants.—The Lutherans take up arms. 24. was that which he composed in 1520. of the captivity of Baby­ lon* In it he loudly exclaimed against the church of Rome.—The Book of the Captivity of Babylon.—C&rlostadius begins the Sacramentarian contest. which our reformers trampled under foot. with fierce looks and threatening countenances like men that just came from hearing bloody invectives and seditious speeches.47. by the Christians. p. or breaking the public peace. on their return from hearing his sermons.—Luther's Sentiments concerning the Eucharist. Paul and his companions did not blaspheme against their god­ dess . T H E first treatise.—Zmngliue and (Ecolamparfius appear.—Luther's variations on Transubstantiation. contrary to all their promisee.—The extremes into which he runs on Free-Will. xix. and equally as good at fighting as disputing.

had he been able. and for the remission of your sins . either by the sublimity of the mystery. and amongst tie dogmas* whose foundations he aimed to destroy. had some good means been afforded him of denying it. H e would most willingly have undermined the real presence. however. however. All those who. where he writes. xL 24 . had given us his proper flesh sacrificed for us. that " it would have been a great pleasure to him. die institution of his sacrament. 2."* But God sets hidden boundaries to the most violent minds. to mix with it something of his own. by an opposite reason. Luther was irrecoverably struck with the force and simplicity of these words—" This is my body. t Matt xxvi 08. £ 501. 19. Accustomed from her infancy to mysteries incomprehensible. U Argcntin. ETC. to consummate his sacrifice and the figures of the old law. ad­ mitted accordingly an effectual change. She judged the same of the blood shed for our sins. this blood shed for you. t vii. and to ineffable tokens of the divine love. For which reason. The church had believed without dif­ ficulty. in spite of whatever sense could oppose. on set purpose. or that simple words were susceptible of such violent figures. and every one knows what he himself declares in his letter to those of Strasburg.—The change of substance attacked by Luther.1 Cor. this blood of the N e w Testament. this is my blood : this body given for you. that they never could be di­ verted from it.] THE VARIATIONS. insomuch. and his gross way of explaining it. Those that maintained the literal sense.I. and all Christian churches. H e was determined. with a real presence. would not be directed • Rp. " | for thus ought these words of our Lord to be translated. Luther. because nothing could have been more agreeable to the design he had in hand of prejudicing the Papacy. or could possibly have any other sense than that which naturally entered into the minds of all Christians in the east and the west. Those that would have the body there in a figure only.30. had come into a belief so just and so simple. 45 A'hich had but just condemned him. had acknowledged they wrought some sort of change in the sacred gifts. in order to give them their full force. nor could Luther ever persuade himself. Luke xxii. had naturally in­ sinuated itself into the minds of men. the reality together with the change of substance. to his time. so that the consecrated bread became the sign of the body. that Jesus Christ. said that our Saviour's words wrought a change which was purely mystical. had well or ril explained the words of Jesus Christ. and permits not innovators to afflict his church equally with their desires. one of the first was transubstantiation. the impenetrable miracles included in the literal sense had not shocked her faith. either that Jesus Christ would have obscured. or the subtleties of Berengarius and Wickliffe.

and under the bread. one of the principal Lutherans. in the Eucharist. This opinion. under the bread. 4. Every one is not learned enough rightly to employ the term hypostatic union: but when it is once explained. which had appeared at the time of Bercngarius. as in the Virgin*** womb a true incarnation. or with this. This is my body.—bnpanation asserted by some Lutherans—rejected by others.X7." ho thought himself obliged to say that these words— This is my body. N o one could conceive how bread. was renewed by Osiander. Bab. and to say as much as he pleased* This bread is God. and this is in no respect the case when personal union can find admittance. that the bread remains . (so he called our di fines. were very gross One time he said the body was with the bread.46 THE HISTORY OF 4 4 [ OOK B 44 bjr such a rule." required something more than placing the body in this. that the bread was made the body of our Lord. how necessary it was that."}* But so strange an opinion required not refutation: it fell of itself by its own ab­ surdity . as wine is in and under the vessel.—a thing unintel­ ligible to man. Hut Luther was very sensible Jiat these words.—Luther's variations on Transttbstantiation—a new way of deciding m met* ters offuiUu Yet what he himself said led the direct way to it. and embar­ rassed with insuperable difficulties 44 9 41 14 44 3. that for bread to be the body of our Lord. a true impanation was made.—this bread is substan­ tially and properly my body. and with the Sophists. nor was it approved by Luther. thai the body was in the bread. and wine his blood. in order to surmount them. and the wine his precious blood. t MeL lib. the body should also be the person. for he went to that excess. and the blood likewise . ."—from this the celebrated proposition*. as the Divine Word was made man: so that. as man is the person. as fire is with red-hot iron." says h e . the suppositum. The bl'jod is still less s o . for the most part. and with the bread. ii. but not itself the person. in sub* cum. with Wickliffe. This is. could be at th* * De Capt."* He explained his doc­ trine in several ways. some of Luther's dis­ ciples maintained. as the Divine Word is man. However." imported. Ep. The human body is part of the person. 1 believe. So Osiander was left to defend alone his impana­ tion and invination. by that kind of union which divines call personal or hy­ postatic. as they speak in schools. importing that the body is in the bread. nor. a thing unheard of. At other times he added these expressions. or under this . remaining bread. which destroys the very principles of reasoning and of language.) I believe the body is there. which. nor the whole. every person must perceive to what it can be applied. Every person saw. t ii. and to ex-* plain.

We shall see whether he will persist hereafter in them. however. that a letter is produced by Hospinian. this hypostatic union rejected by him. E T C . he soon advanced much further. who refuted his Captivity. There was nolhing but atrocious contumelies. to spite the Papists." says he. in another place. even so far as to say one was TH3 other. without admitting. to whom he had written on that subject. and outrageously giving him the lie in every page— H e was a fool. " both one and the other opinion . but now I transubstantiate my opinion . I believe it an error to say the bread does not remain. an idiot. 47 name time the true body of our Lord. that the Lutheranfa tnemselves were ashamed of them. T 1 1 ... the most brutal of all swine and asses. Bnbyl. I am determined to believe that the bread and wine remain. Aug."§ Sometimes he addresses him in this terrible manner: Beginnest thou to blush. it was a matter of no im­ portance whether. t Reap. even in this place. t Conn a Reg. transubstantiation and consiubstantiation were alike indifferent to him. 17*. extract ibid. in the sacrament. Henry 1 ." This is what drew on Cath­ olics the anathema of Luther. § Cout Re. bread remained or not. I say it is an impiety and a blasphemy to hold that the bread is transubstantiated . although this error hath hitherto appeared to me of light importance ."* Such was the decision of this new pope. t. Now his transports of passion against this prince were so violent. King of England. the scruple is the only thing I take away. ad art. but it may not be amiss to observe. and yet united both sub* stances. in which Melancthon accuses his master of allowing transubstantiation to certain churches in Italy. The date of this letter is in 1534. having been upbraided with making the bread remain in the Eucharist." and he carries his condemnation to an anathema. and though he preferred the opinion which retain* the bread. 1 permit.n o longer king. to that which changes it into the body. ."t But in the answer he made to Henry VIII. J The motive which he alleges for this change is remarkable. £ 66. King of England. 1 had taught. twelve years after he had answered the King of England. he spoke but doubtfully of the change of substance. ii. but now that we are too much pressed to admit this error without the authorit} of Scripture. Aug. between both. the matter seemed but trivial to him. But he was resolute in rejecting it." says h e . This is what he writes in his book to the Vaudois: True it is. 3 3 3 . he owns as much: but. but sacrilegious wretch!" His beloved di* 44 44 * De Cap. Such were his sentiments ir 1523. 1 do not con­ demn the contrary opinion . I only say it is not an article of faith. adds h e .ILJ T U E \ARIATION8. 4 4 4 1 4 4 4 4 44 5 —Strange flights ofpassion in the books against Henry VllJ. as he asserted. At first.

You are no stran­ ger to the artifices of the Enemy of mankind. and seems to have no other design than to proceed to still greater intemperance. Erasmus. that the disciples of innovators believe they have a right to in44 44 44 * Eranm. Warned of his excesses. so declared an approbation. But he was complete master in his own party. and at his capricious manner of deciding in controversies in faith. so universal applause of his audience. the credulity of mankind. so great success. 3. I. 6. which makes Protest­ ants give him credit for those facts of which he was witness. Some even of his own disciples were scandalized at the outrageous contempt with which he treated all that the uni­ verse had esteemed most grand. without reflecting that St. ad r BdelancL . ISn. merely in despite of the Papists. cer. Strange ! that he and his party should have looked upon the prodigious number of their followers. the very opposite. was too visibly abusing the authority which was given him. Ep. But it is on other grounds most certain. that Luther. he runs on more headstrong. as we may say. and insulting. 4 4 44 7.—Carlostadixts attacks Luther and the reality.—against such allurements a modest mind would scarce stand uncorrupt. astonished at the extravagance of passion which he nad endeavored in vain to moderate by his advice. and then all on a sudden. You see an Achilles. Paul had foretold of heretics and seducers. &c—Id.—A Letter of Erasmus to Melancthon concerning Luther's transports. T o define one way."^ The rnhappy conquests of Luther were checked by the division whicn broke out among these new reformers. he carries to extremity and excess. vi." adds h e . lib. whose warmth is invincible. that whatever he takes in hand to maintain."J But the same St. and they dazed not disapprove whatever he said. in a letter to his friend Melancthon explains the causes of it:—"What shocks me most in Luther is. xix. ad Luther lib. Eni»L 3. Paul says also.—Division amongst the pretended Gospellers. erring and driving into error. Add to this. lib. 1 know the man's temper as much as if I had lived with him—a fiery and impetuous spirit. xiv. no longer kept himself within bounds. that their progress is limited. so far from moderating them.48 [BOOK THE HISTORY 0 1 cip*e. e'ated with the victory which he thought he had already gained over the power of Rome. By his writings. as they all did. that their speech spreadeth like a can."f that they grow worse and worse." says h e . yet he maintained amid these dis­ putes of religion a particular character. It has been long since said. through the whole tenor of them. Melancthon."* Although Erasmus never left the communion of the church. for a mwk of divine favor. durst not reprove and knew not how to ex* cuse him. they shall proceed no farther.

where Lutheranism began. ad Carlwrtad. he reproached the authors of these enterprises. if we believe the Lutherans. Every plant that my father hath not planted shall be rooted up and again. to speak the simple fact. for. two great contests had already happened between him and Luther. Carlostadius. c." said h e . and in themselves unnecessary. as he then was with his disciples . tha? Carlostadius had despised his authority. void of piety.J THE VARIATIONS. Before he had given this monstrous interpretation. taken away the elevation of the blessed sacrament. ad. Carlostadius. whom Luther had so much commended. and rather a Jew than a Christian. and even low masses. who had put him under the ban of the empire. and whom he called his venerable preceptor in Jesus Christ. that one has a difficulty *o believe it ever entered into the mind of man. t Zuin. Remarkable are the sermons he made on this occasion. was. But without more reflections. Dedic. found himself I ble to oppose him. Ep. without any regard to what he gave." Jesus Christ.—Carlostadius at­ tacked the reality. Luther had attacked the change of substance in the Eucharist. without humanity. and set up communion under both kinds in the church of Wittenberg. CcnHn. But without citing the Lutherans in particular. as he shows plainly in the letter he wrote on the subject. ETC. oppose against them these words of Scrip­ ture. meant no more than to show himself seated at table. and it was not I that sent them. ir Gal.§ and would have set himself up for a new doctor.— Origin of Hit contests between Luther arid Carlostadius. This is my body. could I defend them before the Pope. 4$ novate after the example of their masters . by these words. What will they answer then? They shall be oast down into hell. Matt f Ep. as if his own had been more valid. Carlostadius had thrown down images.* the leaders of rebels meet with rebels as rash as themselves. whilst Luther lay concealed for fear of Charles V. where he maintained that. This is what Melancthon. but I know not how to justify them before the devil. \ Ep. ad Guy* Gustol. Easily. Luther did not so much disapprove of those changes. They did run. For in 1 5 2 1 .—so ridiculous a conceit. a man moderate and naturally sincere.M. that they had acted without mission.—Luther's pride. but rather judged them as done in an improper time. 42. Lufh. 5 . was a brutal. N o more proof of his ignorance is neces­ sary than the exposition he gave of the Eucharistic institution. 1528. his friends as well as enemies are agreed he was the most restless and im­ pertinent of men.f however unworthy he may nave been. says of him. igno­ rant person." 44 44 4 4 * Tert de PrrMcr. without naming Carlostadius. yet artful and turbulent. But what provoked him the most. which Luther had not dared to undertake. J 44 8. when this evil spirit shall at the hour of death.

I have said i t . But people once prejudiced believed every thing. t vii. therefuie. as he him­ self declares. he reproaches him " with having placed Christianity in tnings of no account. you return to the beginning of the volume to see if there be no mistake. Hospin. though he had thoughts of laying aside the elevation of the host. Remember. which the same Carlostadius had introduced by his pri­ vate authority. " to have done things in a tumultuary way. and drank my beer with my dear Melancthon and Amsdorf. I could have put things into such a state that the emperor himself had not been safe in it. he threatens to retreat and re-establish the mass. and say in astonishment. " and lest. Thus spoke Luther whilst he yet lay concealed. taking the sacrament into the hand. that gave the Papacy such a shock as never was given by prince or emperor. £ 188. 273. Carlostadius. and leave you. par Confess. t Luth. Luiier also. and when at Worms. two kinds. " whilst I slept quietly. Had 1 been inclined. if you pretend to continue doing things by these common deliberations. abolishing confession. ** it migh* seem we had earned something from the devil. labored to combat the real presence." proceeds he. on his side.—His extravagances in boast ing of his power.enberg. yet retained it out of spite to Carlostadius. quid Cliristiano prawtandum. . what hurt will the popish mass do you ?" One thinks himself in a dream when he reads these things in the writings of Luther printed at Wit­ tenberg . as much to attack Luther as from any other motive.W 1HK UIS1M17 or [BOOK Ir-Luthcr's sermon. but the *ord alone." said he. and * Serm. port ii. He there undertook to prove that hands ought not to be employed in the reforming of abuses. But com* ing forth from his Patmos (for so he carted the place of his retreat) he made a quite different sermon in the church of Wit* .—communicating under both kinds."* This is what history had not informed us of.—The elevation. and so sensible was Luther of his being master.—\\ hat is this new gospel 1 Could such a one as this pass for a retomiei I Will men never open their eyes ? Is it. all Germany should have swam in blood . f. that he had courage to tell them in full audience. but. I will unsay. without hesitation. after all. held it for a thing quite indifferent." more­ over. I will make my recantation. In tt* letter he wrote on the reformation of Car­ lostadius. all that I have written or taught.—Lather decides in the most important matters fnm *ptte. wherein to spite Carlostadius and those who follneid kirn. Luther. " I t was the word. did not remain quiet."t H e spoke not more moderately of communion under both Irnds. at that time." he proceeds. and. provoked ut being so warmly difficult a thing for man to confess his error ? 10.

Gnstol. that a Christian was not subject to any man. revolting against their lords. and true it is. was obliged t( retire to Orlemond. and to pronounce in general. that to despise the powers supported by the majesty of religion. and would curse those who should take both in virtue of this ordinance. Christ. subject to the Electoi of Saxony. mixed in the tumult of the boors. From this began the rupture. a town of Thuringia."! Behold what was called Chris tian liberty in the new reformation! Such was the modestj and humility of these new Christians ! 44 II. In his way he preached at Jena. Jud . N. These disputes having raised great commotions at Orlemond. another shoot of the doctrine of Luther. in the presence of Carlostadius. 49. it was. though he defended himself by saying. U S 4 . 396. Hosp. whom he called a flatterer of the Pope. Carlostadius being driven from Wittenberg. as it is acknowledged by the Lutherans. and giving dangerous views to their leaders. ETC. If a council did ordain or permit botl kinds. chiefly on account of what little he had preserved of the mass and real presence :§ for the contest was. t Form. 447. Besides their following his doc­ trine. true that he made no distinction between sccularand spiritual powers. as well against the Elector as against Luther. that he meant not to speak of magistrates. 10. and as Protestant historians have delivered it. and depart farthest from its doctrine. Add to this. the memorable account of which I shall relate exactly as it is fom>a in the works of Luther. ad Gasp. Miss. Calixt. till the interpretation came. 11. had taken up arms. T. xviL j L u t h . was.—How the war was declared between Luther and Carlostadius. 11.|| The sermon • Epist. 51 burning images. The boors. Jon. at least Luther accuses him of it. however. whom he failed not to charge with sedition. as he did. who were formed by pushing his maxims to their greatest extent. in spite of the council we would take but one."* And again. he says in the forrnu* lary of the m a s s . t ii. or take nejihei one nor the other. I De Libert. is to leave others destitute of support. murmuring continually with them.J THE VARIATIONS. The Anabaptists.J For. Part. t ii. he held a great intimacy with the Anabaptists. ad an. who should most condemn the church of Rome. lib. § Sleidan. At this time all Germany was in a flame. v. Luther was sent there by the prince to appease the tumult.H. or of civil laws. 384. and implored the aid of Luther. f.2. nour­ ishing the spirit of insubordination in the people. and began to turn their sacrilegious inspirations to mani­ fest rebellion. Carlostadius was infected with these novelties. C M : . it was supposed that his book of Christian liberty had not a little contributed to inspire them with rebellion. in 1523. by that bold manner with which he spoke against laws and legislators.

should they not dispose matters nmic'ibly. f RJefcL lib. f. On the other h:md." Such is the new gospel. a place famous in this his­ tory for giving birth to the Sacramentarian war between the new-reformed. promising each other fair play. he wrote to the lords. Luther drinks to the health of Carlostadius. without pity. Luther. On one hand. A third letter. but.— The share that Luther had in these revolts. he rendered back to sedition those arms which he seemed to have taken from it. Such the acts of the new apostles! u 12. The money is produced.* The entry of Luther had not been less extraor­ dinary . he declares to Luther he could not bear his opinion of the real presence. ought not to endure. and denounced the dreadful judg­ ments of God against them. the twenty-second of August. defies him lo write against him. The anabaptists rose in arms with unheard-of fury. for upon his arrival at Orlemond. and thus was the war declared. that God had forbid sedition. oc­ casion was given of reproaching him with intolerable cjuelty. Here his weakness was blamed. laid the fault on both. " that he was received with great vollies of stones. would not."f By these last words. powerfully armed. German-like. t r i Argent. " May I see thee broken on a wheel!" says o n e . not more dangerous. Carlostadius p. Soon after occurred more bloody battles. The revolted peasants had met together to the number of forty thousand. Carlostadius wei t and visited him af the Black Bear. and to the success of the fine work he was about to publish. The parting of the champions was as re­ markable. amongst other discourses. at the same time. Carlostadius had ordered it so. 1524. called upon by the peasants to pronounce upon the claims they had against their lords. Mayest thou break thy neck before thou leavest town!" says the other. b'lt • Epint Luth. acted a very strange part. Ibid. promising him. H . Luther. "to exterminate. Carlostadius pledges him in a bumper. perhaps. Soon after. with a disdainful air.its it into his pocket. and to spare those only who should voluntarily lay down their arms as if a scducea And vanquished populace we-e not t fit object of compassion. exciting the princes. written in common to both sides. 502. a florin if gold if ho would undertake it. v. and that of the revolted peasants. he wrote to the peasants. They shake hands mu­ tually. those miserable wretches who had not followed his advice. Carlostadius having excused himself in the best manner he was able as to sedition. that they exercised such a tyranny " as the people could not. where he lodged.62 THE HISTORY OP [BOOR yf Luther being over.—The tears of the Anabaptists. He published a fourth letter. t vii. There. and almost smothered with dirt.

he made a book expressly to prove that truly no mercy at all ought to be showed rebels. 44 13. Carlostadius was not as yet at variance with Luther. It was a maxim of the new reformation. not to lose his credit with that prince. The mar­ riage of this old priest was laughed at. even among the party. were surprised at it. in the height of the civil wars of Germany.] THE VARIATIONS. had already introduced a novelty singularly scandalous . Luther. jb. and all this we learn from a cu­ rious letter of Melancthon to his intimate friend. for he was the first priest of any reputa tion that took a wife . nor were even those to be forgiven. he himself was ashamed of it. 53 ought to be treated with as much rigor as the heads that misled them. Sleidan passes lightly over this fact."* Then were seen those famous battles which cost Germany so much blood. contrary to the canons. who called him madman. 5* . p. uttered not a word. under the shelter of religious discipline. He was fallen in love with a nun of quality. 77. and that discipline which had been revered for so many ages. who earnestly desired to do the same. The Elector Frederick suffered Luther to speak after this manner. and singular beauty. but he was no sooner dead than Luther married his nun. the learned Camerarius. Such was its state when tfc? Sacramentarian dispute added new fuel to the flames. lib." says h e . f Sleitf. He nad nothing but contempt for those priests and religious who married. nor were they only Luther's adversaries who blamed his marriage. and when he saw so cruel a sentiment was condemned. ETC. x.—The Marriage of Luther. and thereby gave room for fresh accu* sations from his adversaries. whom he had taken out of her convent. which had been preceded by that of Carlostadiui* Carlostadius. that is. had passed his whole youth blameless in continency. in so advanced an age. and this man. v. and whilst he was hailed throughout the universe as the restorer of the Gospel blushed not to abandon so perfect a state of life."f but he does not disclose the whole secret. but could not bear that he should reduce these opinions to practice. Luther was then forty-five years old . and none of them less obligatory than that of chastity. who. and in the monasteries. and sl&ve of Satan. who began it. This marriage happened in 1525. 44 4 4 * Sleid. 7 7 . incapable of owning himself eve* in the wrong. at which time the Sacramentarian disputes were inflamed to the utmost violence. But Luther would have it so . whom the multitude had drawn by force into any •editious action. and look be* hind him. his disciples. p. the most devoted to him. but Luther. Therefore. married a nun. that vows were a Jewish practice.I. Luther was obliged to have patience during the prince's life . and this example was attended with sur­ prising effects in the sacerdotal order.

always untarnished and rcproachless.ous marriage dejected thorn. In conclusion." This he says on account of a ru »or which had spread of the nun's being with child.*4 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 14. But Melancthon comforts his friend and himself as well as he is able. the scripture allows marriage as honorable. ' They had at first regarded Luther as a man superior to all ordinary weaknesses. he really believes. there is no crime in it. notwithstanding all the respect he had for him. that he has certain mirks of Luther's piety. but holy : and after all. for so they corresponded on secret matters. and how greatly Melancthon wan struck. how much he be* heved Camcrarius would he affected since ho says he was de­ sirous of preventing him. he beholds him full of trouble and vexation for this change. having invited Pomeranus the minister to supper. but on the con­ trary. there being so much danger . as to suffer his reputation to be weakened. he ought not to wonder that Luther's magnanimity should thus be mollified . when good men had so much to suffer." Then he relates to his friend the causes of this marriage: " that he very well knows Luther was no enemy to human nature.v 14 r u 1 . therefore. that all that can be blamed in this action of his. had taken Boren to wife. intimates \kewise.) without the least intimation of it to his friends: but that. seemed so regardless of the miseries that threatened them. at least. and if more than this be laid to Luther's charge. lest through his zeal for the contin­ uation of Luther's glory. one evening. by reason that " there may. He informs him. and ready to lie in wtien Luther married her. he could not command himself so as to compassionate. What he adds in the conclusion. their misfortunes. together with a painter and a lawyer. That which ho evinced by this scanda. and the pleasure he thereby gave his enemies. he had the usual ceremonies performed. Melancthon was there­ fore in the right to justify his master on this head. who only seek to accuse him. and that natural necessity.—A remarkable Letter of Melancthon to Camera-ius on Luther's marriage* It is written all in Greek.. even at a time when Germany stood most in need of his prudence and authority. b* should give himself over to too much trouble and dejection at this surprising news. He adds. (this was the nun's name. was what engaged him in this marriage ." It is plain enough how much Luther was ashamed of and concerned at his marriage. that it was astonishing to see that at so miserable a time. is the unsea­ sonable time in which he did so unexpected a thing. and does what he can to comfort him. that this manner of life is low and common. it is a manifest calumny. perhaps. and some humiliations befalling them may turn to good. that " Luther. when least expected. which proved false. be something in it that is hidden and divine. in the mail.

as the marvellous work of God's hand. we have seen that. Other Imngs happened at the same time. he. and that unfortunate diminution of Luther's glory. the maxim is good . to have given the scripture for so plain and easy. and. T h e dispute about free-will had grown warm between Erasmus and Luther." said they. not only for the ministers of holy things. he brought every thing into question. ETC. HS i. have boasted to us sc much of their ref­ ormation. which gave him great anxiety. " what it is to place the au­ thority o^deciding in the hands of every private person. to understand it.—A notable diminution of Luther's authority. nor. And.II. besides. though he had many enemies on all sides. and after all. 15. without consulting church or antiquity. Luther was not believed innocent of the disturbances of Ger­ many. but swayed by such violent passions. but enkindled in it an endless war. but more especially bore a re­ lation to the Sacramentarian dispute.—jl dispute t Free-Will between Erasmus and Luther. those horrible disasters. however presumptuous. which he is troubled should happen then when most required. At the beginning of these troubles. not only so vulgar. but for all mankind in general. as they originated with those who followed his gospel." Doubtless. that we ought to em­ brace the word of God for its own sake. that. seeing the chief instrument of this wondrous work was a man. that was naturally a man' of discernment. lastly. not for the merits of those wh: preach \ there being nothing more unjust than to blame the doctrine for the faults into which its teachers fall. that the unseasonableness of time at which Melancthon is so much disturbed. at the commencement. The Sacramentarian contest also was esteemed the effect of his doctrine. It may easily be judged from the conjuncture of affairs. which Melancthon well knew would weaken the authority of his master. saw a division rising in the midst of the reformation. Erasmus was held in great esteem throughout all Europe. they experienced to ba so weak . whom.] THE VARIATIONS. indeed. and wrote to him in such respectful . by which Luther foreboded the ruin of Germany . and appeared animated by his writings." All these things grievously troubled Melancthon. and shaking this foundation. which not only rendered t odious.—Melancthon bo* wails the IranspotU jf Luther. he had as much encouraged as restrained these rebel peasants. the greatest saints of antiquity had their failings . lastly. by exciting so great a contempt for church authority. regarded it is true. Catholics re­ proached him that. " See. but they ought not to have laid much stress on personal defects—not built so much on Luther. 55 in devilled stations. Luther used all his efforts to gain him. no more is necessary than to read it.

431. vi." As if a man. inter. with angel. who called himself the reformer of the world. t Ep. 3. by the unchangeable. who thunder-strikes and breaks to pieces all free-wil. But Luther. and inevitable will of God. or any other creature." e 17-—The blasphemies and audaciousness of Luther in his treatise on Man's WUl Enslaved." || And again : * God pleases you when he crowns the unworthy."J Erasmus. The outrageous language of Luther did not constitute his greatest excess in those books he wrote against Erasmus. and the disputes into which he is obliged to enter.426. " condemned. in­ compatible either with man. eternal. Ep. \ I b i d .* At fin>t Erasmu.! ^ daily grow* more violent. iv. 8 9 . 28. yet not to such an extent as to leave the church When he saw the schism manifestly declared. ad Erasm. finding himself treated so rudely by one to whom he had been so mild. " I thought marriage would have tamed him. to fight against a savage beast. old as he was. 11.5* THE HISTORY OF terms as approximated even to meanness. Mel. 429. necessarily. that his pres­ ence and divine providence are the cause of all things falling ou. arb. as well as the good. xviii.) and if God lend not his helping hand. pushed on by his adversaries. pleasantly enough. that the great perfection of faitb consists in believing God to be just. " that he said these things not by way of exam * Ep. published so acrimonious a reply. nor did ho conceal the thing. E 444. Erasm. he abandoned him entirely. (said Melancthon . Luth. he renders us worthy of damnation.'tf.: that the name of free-will is a name which appertains to Goc alone. and wrote against him with great temper. J Lib. and I see that. that God works the evil in us. although. he ought not to displease you when he condemns the innocent :"1T he add* for conclusion. £ 4tt . these disputes will be attended with an unfortunate event. said. so as to seem to take pleasure in the torments of the wretched. instead of imitating him."§ From these principles he was obliged to make God the author of crimes. Ep. as indited Melancthon to say. j P e S e r v . moreover. l. The doctrine itself was horrible. that it is impossible any other should be free but G o d . lib. by his will. a furious wild boar. whatever might be the provocation ! "That torments me strangely. lib. " I wish to God Luther had been silent I had hopes that old age would have rendered hire more mild . ought so soon to forget his character as not to remain master of himself. for he not only concluded that free­ will was totally extinguished in mankind since their fall—a common error in the new reformation—" but. that "free-will is a vain title.favored him. II Ibid." and deplored his fate in seeing himself. Ep. t ii. notwithstanding his meek teirper. saying in express tenns.

Ai g. his scan­ dalous and shameful marriage. Luther. t. who never hum­ bled himself except to induce others to crouch to him. in hopes such sweet­ ness might be serviceable to this prince * with the same view he had formerly written to the Legate Cajetan. for which reason he should not be guilty of the like fault for the future."! Amidst all these excesses. What could Melancthon think.* The king's answer was not such as he expected. ETC. had so far relented as to make excuses to him for his violence at first. that he did it at the request of his friends. having himself said with Luther.—Zuinglius and (Ecolampadius undertake the defence of Carlostadius. and to Erasmus. nothing was more opposed to his character than such opinions. in his own temper the most * Ernst ad Reg. 4y 1. " that God's foreknowledge renders free* wit absolutely impossible . f Ad moled* Reg. to George Duke of S ^ o n y . boasts of his own He saw them redoubled at the same time against the King of England. Paul. " For. 92. ii. he should find that he would conduct himself humbly and meekly to the most infe­ rior persons. 80. \ Ibid. t i i 493. and that God was not less the cause of the treason of Judas. that he meant not to subject them to the decision of any person. but by way of deciding . who had conceived a somewhat good opinion of this prince. but advises the whole world to submit to them. 3r Satan. who was favorable enough to Lutheranism. Reap. and never failed to attack those who did not do so immediately. he even boasted of his extreme meekness." It is not surprising that such excesses troubled the modest mind of Melancthon. he yielded not in pride either to emperor. v p. or prince. when he witnessed the transports of his master. relying on the ever firm support of his learn­ ing. a true sheep in simplicity. . had not approved these prodigies of doctrine. or the whole universe ? but if the king would lay aside his majesty. or king. ination.] THE VARIATIONS. the errors of his doctrine.II. that could believe no evil of any one. Henry VIII reproached him with the levity of his temper. to treat more freely with him. but he found it succeeded badly. not that he himself. so violent a manner. established ir. than of the conversion of St. Kb. answered the king.—Whs Zuinglius was: his doctrine on tlu salvation of heathens. and he knew not where he was. Then Luther. Sloid.'* But besides that he had been drawn into these opinions. Angliae. ** That he was sorry for having treated him so mildly. rather by the authority of Luther than his own choice. "J 19. because of his mistress Anne Boleyn. at the commence­ ment. 18 Neto transports against the King of England—Luther meekness.495.

in a precise. a St. the Catos and Scipios. You will there sec an Abel. than such a sight?"* What man had ever dreamed of thus placing Jesus Christ confusedly with the saints ? And in the train of patriarchs. Peter. were those of Hercules less infamous 1 This is what heaven is composed t f. he had retired to Switzerand. and if such crimes pre* rented him as poets lay to their charge. "both Adams—the redeemed and the Redeemer. the heroes whom they wor­ shipped 1 I cannot conceive why he did not rank amongst them Apollo. where Zuihglius and (Ecolampadius took up liis defence* Zuinglius. who killed himself like a maniac. a Juda. a Moses. more agreeable. 1536. a Josiah.58 THE HISTORY OF (BOO* peaceable of men. whom you will not there behold with God.—in language. even Numa. There. whilst the Sacramentarian contest created him so many formidable ones at home \ And indeed. did any carry them to a greater length. an Abraham. from the be­ ginning of the world. an Isaac. and Jupiter himself. faithful. a John Baptist. S7. a Jacob. an Enoch. but some years after him. not one good man. a St. at this time. uniform. one faithful soul. You will there see Hercules. valiant. Socrates. Antigonus. an Eliseus. Eagerly attacked by Luther. a Joshua. clear and intelligible . or with more presumption. Aristides. nor excelled by any of the pretended reformers. he sent to Francis I. but even the gods. There you will see. the father of Roman idolatry. What more beau­ tiful. and driven from Saxony. " that he must hope to see the assembly of all men that ever have been holy. whose fire surpassed his learning. whom he announced. can be imagined. on account of indulgences. accord* * Christ Fidei dam expos. ' which. prophets. I shall produce a part of the most finished piece of his wholo works: it is the Confession of Faith. an Ezekiahs. had begun to disturb the church. nor. and not only so many worshippers of false divinities. even Cato. apostles. There you will see your predecessors and all your ancestors who have departed this world in the faith. explaining the article of life everlasting. with the Virgin Mother of God. a Noah. Paul. and virtuous. a little before his death. a Gideon." he proceeds. a David. a Phineas. one holy spirit. he says to this prince. As the character of his genius will be better known by his own sentiments than my words. Carlostadius had found such defenders as placed him above the reach of contempt. and our Saviour himself. indeed. what more glorious. or Bacchus. an Isaiah. Ia a word. p. H e was a daring man. Numa. Theseus. and co« herent way of expressing his thoughts. an Elias. minister of Zurich. as well as Luther. Camillus. a Samuel. u 9 . *dien he saw the outrageous pen of Luthei raise up so many enemies abroad. the best pens of the party were directed against him.

not satisfied with continuing to impugn the sacrament. the devil's instrument in founding idolatry among the Romans. this was not one of those mistakes into which a man may be betrayed in the heat of discourse : he was writing a confession of faith. Nebuchad­ nezzar. and Jesus Christ himself. D e c l a r . that there mav have been men out of the number of Israelites. Naaman the Syrian. 2.—The frivolous Answer of those of Zurich in defence if Zuing. ii. Abimelech. are saints and in bliss 1 And what is this else than teaching. and intended to make a simple and brief exposition of the Apostles' Creed . 187. stoic philosophers enrolled amongst the •aints. and the Epi­ cureans. to place with Zuinglius in the number of blessed souls. L u t h H o s p . in G e n . } Luth."* And i s it not astonishing that such as the**. in the number of blessed souls. Paul achnowledges they 4 * Pr*f. born out of the Covenant and race of Abraham. d e P e c . exact doctrine. Nor did they answer him at Zurich in any other way than by a wrotched recrimination. j P a r v . who. Conf. ^ould pass for men sent in an extraordinary manner by God for tht reformation of his church. 20. accusing him also of placing amongst the faithful. For. peripatetic. above all others. and full of faith. O r i g . H o r n ."J But not to defend this " fortuitous mercy of God. but daclared openly that he despaired of his salvation ." which in reality is something strange." Thus we have all the platonic. in short.ius. he had become a heathen by placing impious heathens. the Scriptures. and what BulHnger. as Luther says. . " by a fortuitous mercy of God. required a mature consideration. his succes­ s o r . dedicated by him to the greatest King in Christendom . even Scipio the Epicurean."§ because he had said in his letter to Luciliua "that nothing was hidden from God. For what does bap­ tism avail us—what the other sacraments. in whose heart God had written the faith with his own hand. because. 6. 20. has given us as "the masterpiece and last song of this me­ lodious swan. Luther did not spare him on rnis nead. § O p e r . it is one thing to have said with Luther. ETC. the idolaters. that every man may be saved in his own faith and religion ?"f To answer him was no easy task. another thing. if the impious. were however saved. and many others. Balling. 59 ing to this head of the second party of the Reformation : this 13 what ho wrote in a confession of faith. and if the Zuinglians were right in condemning the excesses and violence of Luther. even Numa.II ] T U P VARIATIONS. who knew God. there was much more reason to con demn this prodigious extravagance of Zuinglius. & w. because St. It was in the same strain he had before spoken of Seneca " as of a most holy man. such as worshipped false divinities. a work that. p. and a settled head.

a vice. that. for he maintains that it is taken away from all men whatever. indeed. it is true. because this proneness to sin would not fail in time to produce it. that nothing is weaker or more distant from the Scripture sense. when he says. Zuinglius was quite a stranger to original sin. H e carries still farther his rashness. according to him.—The Ei '*or of Zuinglius upon original Shu T o teach such extravagances as these. independently of baptism : insomuch that original sin damns no man. though he dares not fix their salvation n the same degree of certainty with that of Christians and the* r children. however. I n conformity to these principles.* and what furnishes this Apostle with reasons to condemn them in his Epistle to the Romans. in the opinion of Zuinglius. original sin is not only a distemper. or of the corruption of our nature* And. however. has justified and sanctified them. visible works of his power . In that confession of faith. makes. H e had done the same in all his other works. a man must nave no notion of Christian justice. like the rest. but also a c r i m e . in his opinion." but not sinners. f Derlar. by taking the penalty of sin for sin itself: and this " proneness to sin. by the grace of Jesus Christ. were it not stopped . M The decision of Zuinglius. than to say. and it is in this sense he acknowledges that all men are damned by the "force of original sin." which cannot be sin. de Pec Orig . "21. on the remedy of this evil. It is no sin." through the weakness of their senses and self-love. is not less strange . and when this omission of an effect so considerable was objected to him. a distemper. he does not so much as speak of its cancelling original sin. the whole evil of our origin. in making men truly sinners. no sin is taken away by baptism." a force which consists not. L which the Pelagians and heathens themselves would not have denied. and explain the effect of baptism in this infant Jige. but a misfortune. he decides that men indeed are born " prone to sin from their self-love. as we have just now seen. 4 . but in making them only " prone to sin. he says. he shows that he did so designedly. as all Chris­ tian churches have decided against Pelagius. he acknowledges that all men would perish. and in four or five treatises which he made expressly to prove the baptism of the little children against anabaptists.00 THE HISTOAi dr' [BOOK had understood the 'nvisible thingu of God by t'. Paul—"where no law it * Rom. In the sequel of his discourse. which he sent to Francis I. which. as long as they a e incapable of the law. except improperly. they are in the state of innocence. alleging this text of St. not even the children of the heathens. were it not for the grace of the Mediator. is allowed by all Christians to be the chief fruit of their baptism. because. As to those.

in reality speaks of all children whatever. of which it is the sign. it must be said. that without the law sin was dead in them. does no more injury to Jesus Christ. by attributing the fine coloring and the beautiful touches of his picture to the pencil he makes use of. 15 \ Rom. as above stated. since the time of Julian there never was a more complete Pelagian than Zuinglius. and gives no grace. Paul. It is more clear than day.— Zuinglius accustomed to wrest the Scripture in every thing.—The error of Zuinglius on Baptism. 8 . with the same St. however. that it remits our sins.II I THE VARIATIONS. he thinks he has fully satisfied by answering. that baptism takes away no sin. And to continue so gross an illusion to the utmost extremity. and ignorant of the law. without exception. neither is there any transgression of the law. It is not surprising that Zuinglius there finds that the Eucharist is not the body. without experience. the source of his error. But the reformation carries its vain reasonings to such excess. and are not le^s without law than St. consequently."* ** Now. he. and. It is plain to what point his proof is directed.f Therefore." proceeds this new doctor. the Pelagians acknowledged. that remits sins. viL 9. (hat he lived without the law once. to destroy the efficacy of these instruments which he employs. though the Scripture has * Rom. St. "J Just so disputed the Pelagians against the church. Such licentious explications make every thing one wishes to be found in Scripture. that baptism could at least give grace. Zuinglius here speaks with greater assurance of the children of Christians than of others. and. hut figures it tt us as already given. but the sign of the body though Christ has s a i d . Paul. 44 6 ." Here an instance may be seen of that perverted zeal the reformatioa had for the glory of Jesus Christ. by consequence. than you offer to a painter. * I lived without the law heretofore. which is the means of taking them away established by Jesus Christ. "it is certain that children are weak. therefore. Zuinglius more rash than they. 9 22. when n hundred passages from the Scriptures were objected to Zuin­ glius. as there is no law for them. And although. that baptism saves us. 44 44 44 S3. when he said. Nay." It is the blood of Jesus Christ. Paul says. J Rom. that to attribute the remis­ sion of sins to baptism. certainly. This is my body . 61 •here is notransgtt jsion.—His contempt for antiquity. vii. as to imagine it gives glory to Jesus Christ." says h e . where it is said. that baptism is here taken for the blood of J esus Christ. no damnation. ceases not to repeat what has been already told of him. it is not baptism." since he is able to find that baptism does not indeed give the remission of sins. but there is no age in which man 's more in this state than his infancy. ETC. iv. and remit the sins of the adult.

1 24. here is an instance how little safety there is in searching the Scriptures." In 1526 he composed this treatise . " This is my body. Erasm. which. was both more moderate. nor go back to the fountain-head. 45. rash in their decisions. Men of talent. which shocked him. the other defender of the figurative sense amongst the Swiss."* But still more strange is the confidence of this author in supporting his new interpretations against original sin. Mean­ while he reformed the church. with a manifest contempt of all antiquity. 42. not to say entirely human. It is no matter of surprise that the same author. but also above the most holy of ages past. CEcolampadius. eludes the force of these words. Hit bold. this long time I have not leisure to consult them. whatever he might say. when a youth. Zuinglius discovered there was no original sin. he wrote to Krasmus. had no part with Jesus Christ. that is to say. whose particular friend he was also. and therefore aimed. when one pretends to understand them. and puffed up with their vain ieatning : men who de­ lighted in extraordinary and particular opinions. and. " The ancients teach another doctrine concerning onginal sin: but in reading them it is easily perceived how obscureandembarrassed. and not deficient in literature. Thus is the church re­ formed. vii. will our Reformers say? And what had he to do with the ancients. without having recourse to anti­ quity. who. indeed. it is easy to arrive at a reformation like that of the Socinians. to­ gether with much wit and politeness. he had no leisure to consult the ancients. rather than divine. t Ep. and the scandal of the cross was made void . to destroy the reality which incommoded him." since to destroy original sin. "by the disobedient ? of one man many were made sinners. and for many years before. and if Zuinglius appeared by his vehemence another Luther. there was no redemption. it is true. not that it figures. Such were the heads of the new reformation." and again. Lib. accord­ ing to this new method. In a letter. For my part. vou observe the marks of a piety equally affectionate and enlightened. . By understanding the Scriptures in such a manner. since he pos­ sessed the Scriptures? but on the contrary. 12. hut gives it to us. as to place amongst the saints those. and pushed his notions to such a length. he was able to evade these words . and more learned . not only to raise themselves above those of their own age. Ep. 19.—The character of CEcolampadius. is all they say on that head.f From the feet of the • Rom. " We have seen. Why not. when men undertake its reformation without concerning themselves about what was the sense of past ages . CEcolampadius more resembled Melancthon.62 THE HI*TORY OF [BOOK said a hundred times.' ' *tays he. v. " all have sinned in one man.

47. + Erastn. xix."J The same Erasmus com­ plains. Ep. and. as Erasmus observes.} he left his monastery. and tired of celibacy. 23. just like comedies. together with the church and monastery.31. at an age. (such is human weakness. 12. although on all hands they were allowed to be replete with ignorance." said he.] THE VARIATIONS. j| yet they were relished by the people already charmed with novelty. where he was pastor. which this minister professed whilst he acted of himself. Erasm. whom this pious image represented so lively to his imagination. in order to attend to God and the Gospel only. instead of can­ dor. p. that there is no reading it without being affected. like the rest of the reformers. SI06. 14. Lib. nnd account them idolatry.—The progress of the Socramentorian doctrine. he wrote such tender things to Erasmus on the ineffable sweetness of Jesus Christ."f he could not but admire these new apostles. married a young girl. 31. nothing but artifice and dissimulation could be found in him. Ep. in other places. and therein lived quite remote from the novelties that were then spreading. with much courage and reflection. xix. However. xiii. Lib. .* We also learn from the letters of Eras­ mus. so great the contagion of novelty. the true apostles of our Saviour. in order to embrace this impious and contemptible reformation. too advanced for any imputation of youthful precipitancy. before which he had been accustomed to pray. After the Sacrarnentarian dispute had been raised in the man* ner we have seen. 19. u 25. Lib. 113. whereas. he was no longer the same man. xviii. who were sure to abandon the solemn profession of celibacy to take wives. Ep. 2057. x. 1 Ep.I. according to the tradition of all the fathers. preached the new reformation at Basil. 113. ** as if the reformation aimed at nothing more than to strip a few monks of their habits. 41. ETC* 63 xucifix. f Lib. k* | Ifcid." said Erasmus. began at that time . " It seems. they choose to mortify themselves . all ends in marriage. " This is the way. Ep. The reformation which came to trouble these devotions. Carlostadius scattered abroad little tracts against the real presence . that he was greatly enamoured with the course of life he had undertaken. Lib. He entered into religion in the first heat of these disturbances. xix. § Lib. ~7. and this great tragedy terminates at last in a conclusion that is entirely comical. and relished God in peace of mind. 59. after he had once entered into the spirit of the party. the other with much learning. since. Zuinglius and (Ecolampadius wrote in defence of this new doctrine : the first with much wit and vehemence. with whose beauty le was enamoured. left their wives to embrace celibacy. Col. and to marry a parcel of priests . for it was in 1517 that he wrote this letter.§ that after his friend (Ecolampadius had abandoned his tender devotion.

and therein consisted the whole mystery. but his promises and truth upheld the simplicity of the faith of the church against human reasoning. They were also named Zuinglians. were never able to calm his turbulent temper. but on more plausible interpretations of our Saviour's words than what he had for­ merly given. I am the door .£ 40. Fid ail Franc. and appeased him by saying that what he had taught upon the Eucharist. had given them the name of the thing itself: that it was and faith in. Bucer and Capito." the other answered. Conf." says Eras­ mus. £ The Scripture was all the difficulty* bit when one side opposed This is iny body.J not in pro 44 44 + Lib. but could never find out what it was. or because his authority prevailed in the minds of the people. It W&. . that. it were capable of se­ ducing even the elect. 18." said Zuingulius. Zuinglius said positively there was no miracle in the Eucharist." body. A little after Carlostadius was reconciled with Luther. a simple spec­ tacle. " is as much as to say. the rock was Chii. 1 am the vine. for as much as the remembrance of." said CEcol­ ampadius. became zealous defenders of the figurative sense. the blood shed: that Jesus Christ. Human reason and sense had nothing to suffer from this explication. 122J." were figurative: Is. et Epist ad car. Zuinglius said. and the wine. agreed on the whole." Their leaders. We must not be surprised that an opinion so favorable to hu man sense became so fashionable. •* and would God have permitted it.. that the Holy Ghost meanwhile sealed in our hearts the remission of sins. signifies . 5. who re­ ceived him a second time. 44 44 44 26. sup­ ported our souls . 9. either because Zuinglius had first supported Carlostadius. Ep.f This man's life was one uninterrupted scene of feuds." H e and CEcolampadius. that the bread broken represented to us the body im­ molated . there was some hidden sense in these divine words. however. these examples came not to the point. nor signs wholly naked. " the good man said well enough."* God put them to this trial. and the Swiss. ** were it possible. who were led away by his vehemence. the body immolated and the blood shed. than deciding.—Zuinglius careful to take from the Eucharist whatever loos raised above the senses. with somewhat different expressions. His doctrine spread more and more. and those who embraced this new party were called Sacxamentarians. at the institution of these sacred signs. 11 Josp. 2 part ad an. This is my body. or any thing incompre­ hensible ." True it is. that these words. The reformation divided itself.64 [BOOl THE HISTORY OF and so sweet a*i eloquence. I Zuing. " i s the sign of the body. was rather by the way of proposing and examining.

11. But. ." by no means signify it was the figure of the passover.—a new institution was in hand. and without any previous preparation. to furnish him with a pos­ tage.—which ought to be made in simple terms. besides that concealing himself. that Jesus Christ said. It is a com­ mon Hebraism. ne sought day and night foi a solution.* who spoke these words: " Coward why answerest thou not what is written in Exodus.• —Of the Spirit which appeared to Zuinglius. xii. who availed him­ self of it. who pressed him closely. howerer. he saw a phantom. the Latin terms will bear this explication. and thus it was conceived by Zuinglius. Twelve days after. so as not to discover what he was. when he said he knew not who suggested this thought. that should much comfort the ^nind of Zuinglius. that it was an unknown person. p. but the sacrifice of the passover. " The Lamb is the passover. carried their full meaning in themselves. 11.J THE VARIATIONS. 65 posing a parable. This argument tormented Zuinglius. entirely detached from the context. H e awoke. as we shall see in due time . he meant only.y. where the sign of the institntiot received imwtd'atcly the name of the thing instituted. 6* f Exod. that imagining he was disputing against the town-secreta. where the sign of the institution received the name of the thing itself the moment it was instituted.—* The Lamb is the passover. Exod. Other examples were afterwards produced. appear before him. Zuinglius had this dream." These words. whito or black. ETC. who dis­ puted powerfully for the Catholic doctrine and the real presence. or that showed him the sign at the very institution received the name of the thing. " T h i s is my body. where the word sacrifice is understood . 26. and yet no place in Scripture had been found. In the meantime. in opposition to all the exertions of the town-secretary. mass was abolished. not that the Lamb is the passover. which the Scripture itself explains a little farther on. but this was the first. In it he tells us. as we see. however. at this new explication of his unknown friend. whether he was white or black. where it says at full length. and true it id. xii. with which he and his disciples have been so much upbraided. 25. V . and in the very institution of the sign . or explaining an allegory.'J—intimating it was the sign ?" This is the celebrated passage so often repeated in the writings of the Sacramentarians. His disciples will contend. on a sudden. There was nothing in it. This most ce: mainly vras the sense of that place in Exodus. is the natural character of an evil spirit. in which they thought to have found the name of the thing given to the sign. and barely passover is ihe sacri fice of the passover. Zuinglius was also mani­ festly in error:—these words. so sin merely is the sacrifice for sin .I1. ii. this is my blood. read * Honp.

that none under the gospel were obliged to aestroy images by force. This book consisted of two parts. By this reasoning he justified us from all those accusations of idolatry. fie. nor so well explained. that the images of crosses and of saints were not comprehended in this prohibition." In cons elusion. 2^2. but I will marcl out alone against them all. But CEcolampadius he treated with modera­ tion at the commencement. In the same year he composed his book " against the heavenly prophets. he declares. U ii. In the second part he attacked the Sacramentarians. We rnayjudgr fiom these words. now rise up against him. for the same reason they ought not to weaken ours. that for these thousand years the Scripture has never been so thoroughly purged. whom he accused of favoring the visions of the Anabaptists. 1 . p. " that he durst assume to himself the glory of first preach mg Jesus Christ.x. but the images of God . either he or they must be the ministers of Satan. with which we were unreason­ ably charged on this head. Bi!»l. nor better understood." And a little after. " there is no medium. ii." thereby ridiculing Carlostadius. whilst these men disturb our churches and impugn our author­ ity ? If they are unwilling to suffer their own to be weakened . " to be silent. which Luther arrogated t( himself. I wil trample them under my feet. the reforma­ tion in Switzerland—ever since the year 1516 . J '^ emst. a little after the contest had commenced. and why he treated more severely than the rest." proceeds he. and those who destroyed them were doctors of the law. t Z u ig. Rutr. yet he attacked Zuinglius with vio­ lence. because that was contrary to gospelliberty . and went to preach what he had discovered in his dream. that in the law of Moses nothing was prohibited as the object of adoration. artic. than at this time it is by me. the miste which still remained on their minds were dissipated. Cali. This doctor had written.—" I have the Pope in front. and the Swist gave him the glory of this beginning. IS Gcs. 28.*f Offended at these words he wrote to those of Stras D u r g . ii t T . I will defy them to battle . 53. Zuingliw It provoked Luther to see. but whole churches of the new reformation. A n g . and not of the gospel. 9 8 . not only individuals. I have th< Sacramentarians and Anabaptists in my rear. But he abated nothing of his accustomed pride. but that Zuinglius wished to deprive him ot that glory. Men were too well prepared not to believe him. he had preached the gospel.—that is. that before the name of Luther was known. In the first he maintained the impropriety of breaking down images .G6 THE HISTORY 0 7 ^BOO* the place of Exodus. Judic. in explan."J 4 * A'l MjiI'mI. How is it possible."* H e wrote these words in 1525.—Luther writes against the Sacramentarians.—" I will saj it without vanity.

so great is human •veaknesj. here makes this reflection :— * Those who despise all things. but an eat ing by the mouth . under pretext that there were figurative expressions in other places of the Scripture. was not a mystical eating. Paul. so flattering are its charms. defen. and the most celebrated of those that have written in our days. of which Jesus Christ there spoke. p.f nor could it be believed that Jesus Chri gave us nothing that was particular by such emphatic words that it is evident his intention was to render certain his gift. 381 t Serm. This is my body. in reality. that the victim became ours. excluded not his presence. 277. by manducation . In the midst of these strange transports. dc Corp. without attending to human reasoning. or the laws of nature. either of faith or the Holy Spirit. Both the Scripture. indeed. de Sac. therefore. the eating. with which we receive the other mysteries. Judic. An ingenious Lutheran. Ccenie." 4 SO —Luther's strong arguments for the real presence . confirmed the faith of the real presence. by powerful arguments. so precise words of our Saviour to a figurative sense. Concord." and not that faith would make you partake of it. and ancient tradition." he condemned so severely those who discerned not the body of the Lord. and koto he boasts of them. that to convert so simple. alt. supported him in this cause. in the institution. there needed but to consider the communion of the unworthy. Christ. even without faith. t. . that the same submission was. 53. but obliged us to receive this body and this blood as a victim immolated for us . Mag.* It should not be. if a man of Luther's magnanimity wrote those things to those of Strasbuig. and who rendered themselves guilty of his 44 44 44 + Calix. This is my body. which he believes due to him self. bui to show that. faith ought then to intervene. vii. n. and all the myste­ ries of our religion. in order to make it profit­ able to u s . 551. the word of Jesus Christ had its effect. but to Jesus Christ and his words only . but their lives. but said. often are not able to raise themselves above gf^ry. Luther. ETC. ct Sang.—Tlte words of a celebrated Lutheran on the jealousy of Luther against Zuinglius. that the union of faith was consummated on of the sacrament . that.THE VARIATIONS. after relating these words. that our Saviour spoke not. 29. Verbi \ Cat. required here. and expose not only their for­ tunes. was to open a way by which the whole Scripture. would be turned to figures. therefore. the higher a man's courage is ebvated the more does he covet praises—1he more concerned to see those bestowed on others. H e urged here forcibly the words of St. He demonstrated. On the contrary. that the remembrance he recommended to us of his death. wherefore. a matter of surprise. when. by giving us his person .

say they T 7 * 1 Cor. H e asked of those who objected to him. that the flesh of Jesus Christ profiteth nothing. of the flesh taken after the manner in which the Capharnaitos understood it. or who compre hended it? N o w who sees him ait the right hand of his Fathei from whence he exerts his omnipotence over the whole universe' Is this what obliges them to wrest. was in demol­ ishing the objections which were raised against these heavenly truths. or. how God preserved his unity in the trinity of persons? how. at most. 24. X Serm. had not the ange announced the divine secret to hei ? But when the divinit) dwelt corporeally in Christ Jesus. xi. " flesh profit«'th nothing. but by this means? Are they acquainted with all God's se­ crets.C8 TH 2 HISTORY OF [BOOK body and blood. the greatest miracle of all. and apply to this lifegiving flesh what Jesus Christ said of the carnal sense. he again asked of these proud opponents. not in his gifts. they opposed against him human reasons. he had no other way by which to save man And who arc they. to whom was this. quod verba stent ibid . but immediately in his person. nor mankind redeemed. t from his expressions. whole and entire. that St. at last. t John vi. not uniting themselves thereto by faith. What did it avail that the Word was made flesh ? Could not truth have been announced. therefore. become sensible ? Could Mary have known what it was she bore in her wauib. nor receiving at that same time that spirit and life with which it abounds? When they presumed to ask him. in figure. Paul meant to speak throughout of the "true body. 63. that he condemned those impious persons of insulting Jesus Christ."! with what assurance they durst say. or evil Christians received it. 29. which he blasted with a breath ? They say that all the miracles of Jesus Christ are Hcnsiblo. in so small a space ? H e destroyed all these engines levelled against God. by asking. he had cre­ ated heaven and earth ? how he had clothed his Son in a human body ? how he made him be born of a virgin? how he delivered him up to death? and how he was to raise up all the faithful on the last day ? What did human reason pretend by opposing these vain difficulties against God. to break to pieces. What. who saw it. of nothing. how a body could be in so many places at once—a human body." and not of the bod."* H e added. thus to set laws to their Creator. to cruciij die words of theii Master? I do not comprehend. an& prescribe to him the means by which he would apply his grace to them ? If.J " But who has told them that Jesus Christ did re­ solve never to work any other? When he was conceived by the Holy Ghost in the womb of a virgin. 28. to say unto him. But where he manifested his greatest strength. did this flesh avail taken by the mouth of the body. and that it was evide.

when he sets forth the ancient doctrines he had learned in the bosom of the Church ." Lastly: when it was said to him. or what human reason can comprehend. J 534. that Jesus Christ has not said. I am assured. or my body is under this. ETC. And. 69 how ho can execute them literally. This is what Zuinglius. ad Ho#p. but I never knew be­ fore that nothing was to be believed but what we discovered by opening our eyes. and under the yoke of a legitimate authority. Had Luther continued obedient to that yoke. proved most clearly. They prove to me very well. I allow it. but pride closely pursued his victories. that this matter was not of consequence."* 31. he wanted nothing but the rule. those buffooneries. he had a great strength of genius . " Mv body is here." Thus. I agree with them . or of sufficient importance for breaking peace :— 'who then obliged Carlostadius to begin this quarrel! What forced Zuinglius and CEcolampadius to write ? May that peace for ever be accursed. for although he fully proved that the litetai ser. It must be acknowledged. that human sense agrees not with God's wisdom . and the supporters of the figurative sense demonstrated to him.] THE VARIATIONS. that if the literal sense were to be follow. what he is to give the faithful. that is . £ 132. It is for this reason we see him still invincible." said he. or rather extravagances. ad An. They observe. oi which accompanies it. he might have kept his writing free from those transports. which can be had no where but in the was to be maintained. He was mistaken . is not a substance whr:h contains hia body. . or this contains my body. were they all melted down into •>ne mass. 2 Part. so necessary for the regulation of all minds. he knew not how to understand it in all its simplicity . So much was this man captivated with himself for having fought so strenu­ ously for the proper and literal sense of our Saviour's words.II. would not have contributed to seduction. that he could not refrain from boasting of it. This is my body. by this reason. d. in reality. but especially for fiery and impetuous minds like his. in general. those ex­ cesses. but his body. " are obliged to allow me the praise of having defended the doctrine of the literal sense much better than they. but only.—The Zuinglians prove against Luther that Catholics understand the literal sense better than he. " The Papists them­ selves. they never would be able to maintain it with the strength that I do. and with this. that brutal arrogance. transubstantiation would carry it. and the force with which he treated some truths. and all the defenders of the figurative sense.made to the prejudice of truth !" By such arguments he often silenced the Zuinglians. " without any other * Epi*L Luth.

this bread is my body. it is not less evi­ dent. or the change in substance* T i u s . sense that St." by an indefinite term. that which before was bread."J This reason is plain and intelligible.''* Neither has he s a i d . which is the body. it is become so in effect. becomes immediately the body itself of Jesus Christ. 44 44 32. with. 15S7. together with them. It is for this reason that Beza. 1527. t Coat de Mont. John has said. or a change of substance.' do signify my body is essentially in. ihis proposition may be make it something.' Whereas the exposition of the consubstantiators. and what that is. * This is my body. in effect. saying. must have declared to us what kind of something he did intend to make it.—Beza proves the same truth. but his body. hav­ ing changed its substance. in the s&. " It is that of the Catholics which departs least from the words of the institution of the Lord's Supper. but that true bread. In the same manner may it be said. by this means."f at the marriage-feast in Cana of Galilee. as Luther maintained. that what is bread in appearance. and there is no way to avoid admit­ ting cither the change in figure. is. N o w these words show he intended to make it his body. the water was made wine. maintains against the Lutherans." that is. f John i i 9. together with the Papists. this bread is not become his body in figure. whatever that is understood. 52. £ 49. that bread becomes the body. by the change of one into the other. were they to be expounded word for word." H e proves it by this reason : because "the Transubstantiators say. ad an. should be at the same time the true body of our Lord. 4 Gen. p. therefore . declares not what is become of the bread. This bread is my body. *' This is my body. or under this bread. to show that the substance he gives is no longer bread." which is atiotier of Luther's explications. that the hrnad became that which the Almighty did intend to make it. namely. This my body. that of the two expli­ cations which adhere to the literal sense—namely. For we may vtry well say with the Church. . contrary to his in­ tentions. at the Conference of Montbeliart. but only where it is." If. that of the Catholics. to the end that. that by virtue of these divine words. and concluded that he ought either to admit a moral change only. the body of our Lord . but he hat said. For it is clear. This is my body. the defenders of the figurative sense proved to him. that these words. And when Luther explained This is my body. since he s a i d . realty and without figure. and that of the Lutherans.70 THE [BOOS HISTORY OP 44 foreign substance. as did the Catholics. remaining such. having taken bread in ordei. he destroyed his own doctrine. if we only understand simply the words of Jesus Christ* 4 44 1 * Hosp. that it was a reasoning void of sense. that Jesus Christ.

" t It was good sense that dictated this decision. " Thy son liveth. and by an effect as real as it is surprising. than the wand remaining a wand. in effect.THE VARIATIONS. therefore. what was bread becomes the body of our Lord. we must not onJj believe that the body of Jesus Christ is in the mystery. the substance of the Dread and of the wine is changed into the sub­ stance of the body and the bleod. a Gen. shows " that the Lutheran Consubstantiation is untenable. 34. with­ out a change. after having rejected Papistical Transubstantiation. as to thf manner of speaking. which regard only acci­ dental things. who boasted that he alone had defended the literal sense better than all the Catholic divines. ant Beza is cor­ rect in stating. or it becomes so. 51. Here. can be no more the body of our Lord. This is my body. \% . Czeng. and the water in Egypt was not blood. or wine at the marriage of Cana.—A whole Synod of Zuinglians in Poland es Jjlishes the same truth. foy Jesus Christ s a i d . Consequently when we fol­ low the literal sense. the bread remaining bread. This synod. t 3ohn iv. either it becomes so in figure by a mystical change." Thus. nor. f Syn. could be a serpent.* Calvin frequently con­ firms the same truth. that it is attended with less difficulties. 51. a town in Poland. " This is my body. he does what he says : nature obeys . things are changed. Imp. that is to say it is more agreeable to the literal sense. and the sick person becomes sound. by losing the form and substance of bread." the change is substantial. not to dwell on the sense of individutls. published in the Collection of Geneva. wine. if it be not changed into his flesh. since he did not even comprehend the true ground which holds us to this sense. If. but also that it nakes the whole substance of it. was greatly mis­ taken . 50. Jesus Christ says to that man. " Thou art loosed from thine infirmity. could be blood in Egypt. This is my blood. " as the wand of Moses was not a serpent but by transubstantiation. and. and this is what the words themselves lead us 14 • Con£ de Mont." J Jesus Christ says to that woman.—Luther understood not the force of these words. tit de Ccenfc m S y n t Gen. a whole Synod of Zuinglians have acknowledged it. 33. ETC 71 ihe doctrine of the Church must be embraced. than that of the Lutherans. or than the waier remaining water."§ In speaking. p. operate only accidental changes. It is the Synod of Czenger. according to Zuinglius's doctrine. But words. as is maintained by Catholics. Luther. 1587. by a real change." because. as health and sickness. \ Luke xiii. nor understand the nature of those prop­ ositions which operate what they express. part 1. at the marriage of Cana. In fact. where a substance is concerned. so the bread of the supper cannot be the body of Christ substantially.

And in the same manner as if he hid said. this bread con­ tains my body. not only the Church remained firm. when he changed the water into wine. justly established the literal sense. but this. in this expression.72 THE HISTORV OK [BOOft to. . why will you prevent us from admitting in them that figure which substitutes the thing for the sign ? Figure for figure. or this bread is joined with my body . When it was contested. Here was perceived the difference between the doctrines in­ troduced anew by particular authors.lesus (Jlnm not having said. but abw * "/id. According to him. and men labored to wrest the literal sense with which it had spread over the whole earth." imported. neither were those who believed it. my body is here. These gentlemen were humanists and grammarians. " This is my body. Ho«p. and. . 161. but this is my body . and thos which come in thoir natural channel. this great defender of the literal sense fell necessarily into a kind of figurative sense.* Then they pressed him in this way : if it be lawful for you to . it was necessary for Protestants to engage on one side or other of these two figures of rhetoric . and doctrine received by tradition. and this it is which Luther could never understand. as the Zuinglians themselves acknowl­ edge.idmit in the words of the institution. . that figure which puts the part for the whole. that none but the Catholics. that grammatical figure which substitutes that which <*ontaineth for that which is contained. 35 47. T o this the literal sense leads us. and he would not even say this bread is my lody.—The Sacramentarians proved to Luther that he admitted a kind of figurative sense. equally distant from one and the other. On account of not understanding it. the rnetonomy which we aknowledge is worth full as much as the synecdoche which you receive.*6. bare sign. but that he had changed the water into wine. so when he de­ clares. 61. 2 Part 12. &c. indefinitely. and admitting in the Eucharist neither bread noi a. the Zuinglians forced him to acknowledge. and the inotonomy of Zuinglius. it ought not in any way to be understood that he mixe» his body with the bread.—The difference between doctrine invented. ever marked by the Church as innovators. entering into all minds together with the words of our Lord. All their books were soon filled with the synecdoche of Luther. by this means. but that he effectually changes the bread into his body. The change of substai ce had of itself spread over both the east and the west. 01 this con tains my body. that what he presents "s his body. without ever causing any disturbance . that which you are going to drink is wine. 35. 76. or the part for the whole. it ought not to be understood that he had preserved together both water and wine. and it appeared manifest.

in order that the Eucharist might specify to us that Jesus Chirst was our bread and our drink. it was sufficient that the characters and ordinary effects of these aliments were preserved: m a word. and seven ears of real conv » notify to him the fertility and the famine of seven years. and that chaste love with all its sweet ness. agrees. in order that the dove should represent the Holy Ghost. that the Church.] THE VARIATIONS.—Question: whether the Sacrament be destroyed in Transubstantiation ? Afterwards. it was sufficient it had the whole exterior. as we do the substance of bread and wine. The image that was formed in his mind was quite suf­ ficient for that purpose. a sign. Hence. 37. ETC. and in spite of the Church. not in the interior or substance of the thing. that it could not be retained without the change of substance : thus they agieed in this only. In the signs of the institution. that the interpretation of Catholics. confirmed themselves therein with this argument. who impugn it by dif­ ferent ways. it clearly follows. by saying over the bread. the Lutherans. is the most natural and the most simple. it was enougn. it was not at all neces sary that it should be a real dove which descended visibly upoti Jesus Christ. 79 he* very adversaries were seen to combat for her. gained the victory.—The Catholic sense is visibly the most natural sense. indeed. which thsy had abandoned. which he inspires into holy souls. there was nothing changed with regard to the senses. whilst they combated aganst eath other. retained something of it. one of them. all those who aban­ doned her. in the same manner. 38. the change of substance must be received also with the Catholics. both because it is followed by the greatest numbei of Christians. who admit the change of substance. Zuinglius. undertook to oppose it purely out of a spirit of contradiction. established with no less force. that is Zuinglius. now. once engaged in error. to prove against each other. consists in that which appears.II. Luther and his followers proved invincibly that the literal sense ought to be retained. it is two weak and two far-fetched to occur immediately to the mind. to take from it. and the other. that if with Luther the literal sense is to be received. that is Luther. " This is my 4 . and the Church which kept the whdle. It was not necessary to show Pharaoh seven real kine. that is. and if we must come to things with which the eyes have been affected. with his party. I am obliged to acknowledge I have not found this reason in any of the writings of Luther. for it is known that a sacrament. had more reason on her side than any of them : by I know not what force of truth. that which denotes their force is the intention declared by the words of the institutor. and. and because of fhese two. that it is destroying the sacrament.

in pre­ cise terms. of the sacred sign. to the reality of the sacrament. because it so appears. without any alteration of the exterior. he ought to be most really. . By the rule of appearances. inasmuch as this change. in which the Eucharist is called bread. in the Old and N e w Testament. and the water become blood. by the rule of changes.18. and men.74 THE HISTORY OF [BOOR body. then. where the change will be specified. ant. by consecration. is called a wand. even after consecration. as in Exodus. and where things are expressed. both the thing which was made. 39. at the same time. by virtue of these divine words. because they appear so . B y the rule of changes. such as they are. and this difficulty is manifestly solved. so the Eucharis' will be both called the body. And no difficulty should be imagined of discerning truth amidst these different expressions. and bread. are called.—How the names of bread and wine may remain in the rules drawn from Scripture. The change that is made in the interior. is called bread. that he is truly a nourishment. makes also one part of the sacra­ ment—namely. changed inwardly. the wand become a serpent. true bread and true wine be necessary. for. become sensible by the words. Eucharist—Two Thereby those passages are explained.* because they are so. actually invested with all the ap­ pearances of bread and wine." and seeming. though in a different manner. are made the true body and true blood of oui Redeemer. makes us see that by the words of Jesus Christ operating in a Christian. by which we are to judge of the Eucharist. if it be not that of die institution. one of these two reasons is sufficient to preserve to it the name of bread without prejudicing the change. there is always a principal place. angels. to prevent all ambiguity. which. and it is by that the thing should be defined. he shows clearly enough. These expressions are made use of to show at once. to which the rest are to be re duced." and over the wine. who has taken on him the resemblance of it. If. If. the concurrence of both will be much stronger. retain­ ing only the exterior of other men. the bread become the body. it is like­ wise true bread and true wine that are consecrated . What if this blood and this serpent be called watei and wand 1 you will find the principal place. in the same manner that. because it is so. is called water. when the Holy Scripture explains the same thing by different expressions. and the rule of ap­ pearances. the angels who appeared under human shape. and under that form appears to us. " T h i s is my blood. and the material employed to make it of. where Jesus * EwxL vii 12. What will be the principal place. What if these angels be called men in some places? there will be a place where it will be clearly seen that they are angels.

another. 82. and both of you. greater enemies to the truth and the members of Jesus Christ. the authority which Luther was desirous of maintaining in the new Reformation. In effect. " Luther." which to them was saying everything. by the long complaints he makes to me of his afflictions. and reduces all the passages where the Eucharist is mentioned. departing from the rule. 44. do. for nothing is more true than the sentence which says. 76. Maj. through much disputing. The concern he felt communicated itself to Melancthon. ETC. ad Camer. those who called themselves Reformed. thnn you do from the Church which you chiefly aimed to oppose. IV. on the contrary. which he showed exteriorly.] THE VARIATIONS. 75 Chr'ist made it to be what it is ? So. holds the true key of the mystery. his dejection deplored by Melancthon. notwithstanding their common in­ terest. ibidem. than the Pope himself. during these Sacramentarian disputes. And it is by this it ought to be defined. In the meantime. 40. The Church. waged a more cruel war against each other than against the Church itself. but also over the one by the other. Conf. it will have no other name than that of body and blood. that had arisen under his standard. I find myself afflicted to the utmost extremity." says he. writings.II. Hosp. which follows the natural order. ad Luth. which at times united them in appearance. Praep. maniacs. ad Jac. and triumphs not only ove • both one and the other. . "causes in me great troubles. and what it appears. Both of you. do sepa­ rate still to a greater distance from one . truth escapes from us. was becoming contemptible. we may call it bread and wine .—Luther dismayed at these disputes . of whom he wished to be the sole leader. Hosp. the more haughty he was."* * Luth. the more insupportable if. Lib. contrary to nature. was to him to be despised by a party. I should apprehend the utter destruction of religion from these dissensions. have quite dejected and disfigured him . could not support him under that dejection of mind which he felt interiorly . is the principal and foundation of all the others. for the calamities of the Church. Luth. when w^ would ramo it with relation to what it was. and had not Jesus Christ promised to be with ui even to the consummation of ages. He was overwhelmed with grief. but when we would name it with respect to what it is in itself. slaves of Satan. to that which. judged not contemptible. Ep. mutually calling each other " furies. Zuin£ Reap. as well Lutherans as Zuinglians. and that haughtiness. B*'em. since it can never be any thing else than what it is made by the all-powerful words which gave it being. explain the principt text by other places. be­ yond dispute. The doubtful vulgar divide them* selves into contrary sentiments. through the compassion I have lor him.

the humanity. is seated at the right hand of God." This was the new language. that is what he taught in a book already mentioned. " A carnal oread and a bloody wine—-pants carneiis et vinitm sanguineum. eL Mfi . N . Melancthon was right in thinking. as man. whether the biead be admitted in the Eucharist or not. But how can they advance claims to this promise in the new Reforma­ tion. and now sees her ready to fall by the very means taken for her re-establishment! What com­ fort could he find in the promises made to us by Jesus Christ* of being always with us? It is for Catholics to nourish them­ selves with this faith. The Zuin­ glians fell into a worse extreme. J e a Calix. H e says. who hoped to see the 1528* ^ u r c h ^paired. that by much disputation individuals fell into error. which he wrote in 1527. It made him embrace that monstrous opinion of ubiquity. Jud. by saying that God had it not 3 v e n in his power to put the body of Jesus Christ in several places. when they separated from the Church. Luther runs into another excess. have ever found her to be invincible.—Luther teaches Ubiquity." which he published in 1528. and what he ventured to insert in " Confession of Faith. and who. but that it was raorc reasonable to acknowledge therein. though it is true that truth remains always in the Church. t iv. ConC Maj. as well as the other. is every where: Jesus Christ. however violent the assault. 4 0 . whose first foundation.—Luther declares anew that it imports little whether the substance of bread be admitted or taken away . These are the arguments on which he grounded this strange notion. in fact. as to let her fall into idolatry! Moreover. at which Mtlancthon is scandalized. 1527 Strange agitations of a man."* 42. for them. who believe the Church can never be overcome by error. as man. into which the heat of dispute had not im­ pelled the passionate mind of Luther. As man. and often such fell from him. he was in heaven before he had ascended into it. But. therefore. under the title of " T h e Great Confession of Faith. therefore. and maintains that this body was necessarily in every place . and becomes the more purified in propor­ tion as it is attacked. was that Jesus Christ had so forsaken her.THE HISTORY 0* [BOOR 41. in tnis last book. the gross divinity of this Doctor. H e was in the monument when the angels said he was not there. which had a further tendency than he meant. by which he expressed that new union he placed between the bread and the body. The humanity of our Lord is united to his divinity . Jesus Christ. These words s e e m e d to aim at impanation. in ordei to defend the literal sense. is every where. the right hand of God is every where. that it *s of little importance. qaodverba stent t UL Jen. they pro*S«nn. There was no error so monstrous. at least.

p.1528. which appears a strange paradox to many people. which appeared very gross. 9109 t Calvin. Luther discovered that nothing was more impious and daring than to deny the literal sense. They believed they could terminate all disputes by the Scripture alone. said the same to them that all Catholics did : — You all appeal to the pure word of God. and. 145." J w u 1 44. j Lib. that he would alter nothing in i t . that the least suspicion of the divis­ ions. had foreseen this disorder."* Which is as much as to say. we should so little agree amongst ourselves ever since the beginning o f our reformation. who owns that he is in the wrong. Ep.— " It is of great importance. xviii. and from the beginning of the rup­ ture endeavored to effect a reconciliation. and Zuinglius found nothing more gross and absurd than to follow it. and would have no other judge than that. " to Luther.iff J THE VARIATIONS. all thought the same that Calvin wrote to his friend Melancthon.The Sacramentarian contest upset the foundations of the Reformation. Philip. of wine and blood. All is clear." By this evidence of Scripture. I do not think it proper to meddle any more in this affair. xix. a id. 3. than which none ought to be more clear. epist ad Mel. The maxims laid down by Luther for the f o u n d a t K * • Lib.— Calvin s words. the excesses into which they fell on both sides of the new reformation. 7* .—The L Uherans take up arms under the Landgrave' s command. 43. and nothing more is necessaiy than to open your eyes.113. pass not to future a g e s . they were quite ashamed that they could not agree. for my part. there was no end to their disputes on Scripture. yet dared not tc contradict him. This dispute alone destroyed the common foundation of each party. As soon as he saw the party sufficiently strong. and believe yourselves its true interpreters. even on one passage of it. concerning this mixture of the bread and the body. 1 Meanwhile. threatened by the emperor and the Catholics. discredited it with men of good sense. H e answered me peremptorily. 76.. since it regarded a last will and testament. for it is ridiculous beyond any thing that can be imagined. and was nsupporfable to Melanc­ thon—" I have spoken. Erasmus. and the whole world was witness. p. moreover. x x x l 59." says he. Agree. very zealous for the new g o s p e ."f Whatever excuse they invented. after we have broken off from the whole world. and in the bottom of their hearts. whom both were desirous of gaining. 3. Landgrave of Hesse. he was n o t o f Luther's mind. then. which are amongst us. ETC 7T posed a certain mixture of bread and flesh. before you set laws to all mankind. amongst yourselves. he began t o form designs o f a con­ federacy. They exclaimed one to the other. w.

Lync. Luther wished to believe it true. . a proud Moab. 70. and it is plain that it was not his faull that his prophesies were not fulfilled with the edge of the sword n a ( * Sleid. ibid. without making war and shedding blood. Epist. found no other excuse for the Landgrave. which he himself acknowledged he had done on false reports. that he would pray to God against him : then that he would give notice to the princes to exterminate such people. so insulted by Luther. Chyt in Saxon. who wished to see all Germany in blood :"** that is to say. Slcid.Chyt. " of all fools. and that on a false re­ port. & Lib. 72. lest the Lutherans themselves should be placed in that condition. iv. ** Luth. § Accordingly he adds.* The matter indeed was adjuster : the Landgrave was satisfied with the great sums of money. Lib. 16. and the other Catholic princes. They rose in armi* under pretext of an imaginary treaty. Ep. and begin by exteiminating such princes as were opposed to their designs. ad an 1528." adding.\ prove of this conduct. and wrote several letters and libels. to exterminate the Lutherans. Lib. They had boasted among themselves that the Papacy should be destroyed. that those who had labored so much to convince the world of their pacific principles. Previous to the time of the Landgrave's tumult. in Sax. Ernst. as his kinsman the Elector was favorable to them* Luther prophesied against him with all his strength. p. who always undertook what was above his strength. U vii. Mel. Ep. but the reluctance he felt to let it appear that he had been deceived. t Ibid. the greatest fool. But other thoughts gave him much more uneasiness. were the first to run to arms. Melancthon had written to the Landgrave him­ self. ibid. vi. to indemnify him for raising forces. said to have been made between George. Ibid. Melancthon. Dav. and had nothing more to say in his defence. "|| Luther was far from these sentiments : though in Germany it was known as certain. iv. and a little after the revolt of the peasants. Duke of Saxony. to seek no support from arms. was as much opposed to the Lutherans. which some ecclesiastical princes were obliged to pay down. " When I see what a scandal the good cause is liable to. 70. y. || Ibid % Mul. 72. as Melancthon himself acknowledges. SIS et 98*. regardless that he was of the sane family with his Lord and master.78 THE HISTORY Or [BOOK of his reformation. I am almost overwhelmed with this concern. " That it was better to suffer every thing than to take up arms in the gospel cause and now it happened. 312. 92. were soon for­ gotten. who did not B. ml Wnecs. Duke of Saxony. and Protestant authors have acknowledged it»1T that this pretended treaty of George of Saxony was a mere illusion. even as to call him. I Mel.«t »p. Lib. This George. iii. in which he is so transported against that prince. than that an " evil shame''! * influenced him.

for the Lutherans. et ap Luth."{ Those of Strasburg. where the LaneU grave labors in vain to reconcile both parties of Protestants. during this conference. per­ ceived that the diversity of sentiments would be an everlasting obstacle to that perfect union. They agreed. Zuinglius. but the Landgrave. Due. on the other.—" We discovered."f that is. to the fu­ ture general council. ad Elert. published against them the year following in the Diet of Spires. that the) judged themselves in a condition to protest oponly against the decree. although they endeavored to imitate his language . which in 1523 made all Germany tremble. for it is clear from two letters. The truth of the thing is. et ad Hen. nor of his imputed justice. on all articles. Zuinglius and his companions were somewhat troubled about these matters. long before this. Sax. This armament of the Lutherans.—1529. and a presence by faith." says he. namely. Osiander. and to appeal from it to the emperor. It was on this occasion they re-united themselves undtv the name of Protestants. Lib. On both sides it was understood. and in words. though m rereality they understood not each other. on one side. in reality. Jen. and denied on the other. * that our adversaries understood very little of Luther's doctrine. more capacity.—The name of Protestants. and in met­ aphor. iv. had raised their pride to such a height. was not a true presence of Jesus Christ. 88. u» we shall soon perceive. that. that a presence in figure. which. but a moral presence—a presence improperly so called. and Melancthon frankly acknowledges that he and his companions were but "mute figures. were silent when Luther was present. as they meant i t not Lutheran enough on this head. ETC* 7t 45. and more valor than any of them. t Ibid. were also accused of not having good sentiments. who had more sagacity.J THE VARIATIONS. and the truth is. he procured the conference of Marpurg. where he caused all the leaders of the new reformation to meet.II.—The conference of Marpurg. and • M e l . and Melancthon. Luther and Zuinglius were the only speakejs. I say in appearance. that is. they very little understood each other's meaning. { Mat . therefore. (Ecolam­ padius. Ep. Ep. they agreed through complaisance. which he desired to form amongst them. Zuin­ glius had never comprehended any thing of Luther's doctrine on the sacraments. in appearance. the same year that the decree passed at Spires. or to that which should be held in Ger­ many. Luther. and Bucer."* They thought not then of amusing each other with equivocal explications. to pass over those less distin­ guished. T. except the Eucharist. Melancthon wrote to his princes to give them an account of it. iv. with Bucer their minister. The true presence of the body and blood was plainly maintained on one side. and so it afterwards appeared. as they did afterwards.

which Charles V had * Hosp. they entreated him at least to hold them for brethren.—A demonstration.80 [BOOR THE HISTORY OF spoke whatever might please Luther. Bremen s. Ep. and Mass." This agreement. " What fraternity do you ask of me. As to the manner of treating things. however to write no more against each other. —Zuinglius alone plainly asserts the figurative sense. Zuinglius showed much ignorance. with many other Articles." continued Luther. fLuth. spoke with haughtiness.—That of Zuinglius. and well comprehend their own doctrine.—The Confession* of Faith of both parties of Protestants —That of Augsburg composed by Melancthon.—The ambiguity of that of Strasburg. IN the midst of all these differences. When Zuinglius and his com­ panions saw they could not prevail on Luther to admit their figurative sense. and not such as is allowed to those of the same communion.—The Apology of the Augsburg Confession penned by Melancthon. chiefly in that of Justification. Ep." said h e . so far as to ask several times. since you desire to be their brethren who reject it. continued but a short time.—The term sub­ stance. Luther. They were indignant. Confession. Ibid. did they but lay aside their calumnies. and he said. where the Confessions of Faith are presented to Charles V.—1 he Church calumniated in almost every point. preparations were mak­ ing for the famous Diet of Augsburg. " How a wicked priest could perform a sacred thing ?"* Luther pressed him closely. as usual. "to come to themselves. Ibid. such as it was." They agreed. But it was only to give time."*|" Thus ended the conference. ad Jen. Operation of the Sacraments. f 1. ad Jen . tr see themselves treated like heretics.—That of Strasburg. Luther interpreted this charity such as we owe to enemies."J 44 44 4 4 44 41 BOOK III. However. that Satan so reigned in them that they had it no longer in their power to advance any thing but lies. but were sharply repulsed. [From the year 1529 to the year 1530. and made him see from the example of baptism that he knew not what he said. Prop.—Variations in that of Augsburg concerning the Eucharist. f Luth. why applied to expL n the reality. by Bucor. on the contrary. Monastic vows." replied Luther. by the different accounts that were given of this conference. or of the Four Towns.—The famous Diet of Augsburg. their minds wore more exasperated than before* The proposal of fraternity made by the Zuinglians was consid­ ered by Luther a stratagem.] A brief summary. they promised mutual charity.—The merit of good works acknowledged on both sides. having nothing in their thoughts but the real presence. if you persist in your belief? It is a sign you doubt of it. from the Augsburg Confawon and Apology) that the Lutherans would return to us. also Sacramental Absolution.—The Cluirch of Rome many ways acknowledged in he Confes­ sion of Augsburg.

—The Confession of Augsburg digested by Melancthon. and at the same time the most moderate of all the disciples of Luther.III. the most eloquent. for on the death of his first wife he proceeded to a second. Lindau. or of the Fow Towns. Those of Strasburg. 1530. Landgrave of Hesse. He was a man of sufficient learning. for the first time. the most polite. This was called the Confession of Strasburg. but the ad­ vantage of his figure and sound of voice gained upon his hear­ ers.J THE VARIATIONS. offered to subscribe it. and agreed that no copy of it should be spread abroad. They were not admitted on those terms. defenders of the literal sense. who was not inclined to be silent on so solemn an occasion. and by the towns of N u ­ remberg and lleutlingen. by six other princes.* Many editions of it have been since made. appeared in form. and was married like the rest and even. and Constance. He had been a Dominican. excepting only the article of the Lord's Supper.—Of the Confession of Strasburg. Melancthon. the 25th of June. which defended the figurative sense. 3. his style something heavy. Meiningen. 1530. in presence of the emperor. presented to Charles V the Confession of Faith. the 15th of June. but by his orders. published under the name of each party. of a pliant mind. and more fruitful in distinctions than the most refined scholastics. more so than the others. and yet it has been received by the whole party. subscribed by John. 3. This period is remarkable . He came to Augsburg. or of the four towns. called the Confession of Augsburg. cither printed or written. This Confession was presented to the emperor in Latin and in German. and of Bucer who formed it. drew up the Augsburg Confession in concert with his master. which was drawr into form by Bucer. Strasburg. to which four other towns associated themselves. for then it was. It was read publicly in the diet. Aug. that die Confessions of Faith. with their associate defenders of the figurative sense. an agreeable preacher. . and Zuinglius. also sent to the emperor his Confession of Faith. Elector of Saxony. as I may say. gave in their Confessions of Faith separately to the same prince. and so to a * Chyt. so thny compiled their own particular confession. ETC. The Lutherans. 8l called in order to pacify the troubles which this new gospel had raised in Germany. of whom one of the chief was Philip. as well in the German as in the Latin language. H i s t Confess. although he was not of the body of the empire. on whom they had prevailed to approach near the place of the diet. The four towns of the empire. all materially differing . and presented to the emperor.

Besides that it was first presented and subscribed by a greater body. Apol. it has also this advantage. —The tenth article of the Confession of Augsburg. that it was considered afterwards. in Lit). in 1537. since it was presented to the Emperor in the name of the whole party who laid before him the Confession of Augs­ burg. in which the Confession of Augsburg and Apology wsre not placed by them upon equal authority. and the Lutherans have held no assembly since that time to declare their belief. they wished by these daring ex­ amples to confound t' . as a work common to the Reformation. and. not only by Bucer. but. the intention of the Confession of Augsburg was to establish the real presence of the body and blood . Melancthon made its Apology.—The Variation of the two first.i. as will appear from what follows. After they had been drawn up. the authority of these two pieces throughout the whole party. Bucer. as ap­ pears froir the acts of the assembly of Smalkald. This Apology. and it was time. to hold themselves steady. ibid.82 THE HISTORY OF [BOOR third marriage. 571. This circumstance rec­ ommended him to tlw party. ihi. It does not appear that Bucer had concerted any thing with Zuinglius . who. which he enlarged a short time after. Solid R6pet. Yet neither he nor his party could at that time unite themselves with the Luther­ ans. as the Lutherans say in the Book of Concord. A c t Smal. and received with more ceremony. these Churches seemed to have assumed their last form. but also by the whole party of the figurative sense assembled in a body. The Emperor had caused some Catholic divines to refute it. 356. however. Concord. p. and from others. Epitomt . whilst a layman. 4. the latter with the Swiss spoke plainly and openly. It »s certain. and the new reformation made two bodies visibly separated by two different confessions of faith. at the same time. at least at that juncture. both a priest and a religious. \ c L ib. here it was they betrayed most their variations. on the contrary. expressed four different ways. The holy fathers received not to priesthood any person who.e superstitious observances of the ancient Church. " It was then expressly designed to reject the error of the Sacramenturians. had been twice married. and never was man so fertile in equivocations.* 5. and its Apology. during his new ministry married three times without scruple. which relates to the Lord's Supper.—Of the Confession of Augsburg. 726. presented their own particular Confession of Augs• Pnef. must not be regarded as a par­ ticular work. 48. and by Calvin himself in particular. The Augsburg Confession is the most considerable of all in every respect. Bucer's thoughts were wholly intent on compounding matters.

stopped not there.§ 6. at Wittenberg. " They (the Protestant churches) believe that the body and blood are truly distributed to those who eat. Aug. we gee at first sigh the tenth article of their confession. p. the Apology of the Augsburg Confession will be found in this book. 728. where the Confession of Augsburg is delivered to us as it was printed in 1540. on the contrary. "J Here is a variation at the first step of sufficient importance."* But the Lutherans were so far from speaking in a uniform manner on this subject. Conf! Aug. however. We there read the article of the last supper two different ways. J Conf. art 10. transcribes the article in these terms: " In the Lord's Supper the body and blood of Jesus Christ are truly and substantially present. that." In fine. which appear in the Geneva Collection. that " with the bread and wine. ETC. they have followed the last in their Book of Concord. in Lib. Aug. and defends it. In the first. that is. of the two ways of expressing the tenth article.HI. 10. 15. I say. it is said."|| And it is in this manner also that the tenth article is delivered in w * Concord. under the species of bread and wine. t Con£ Aug. . we also find these words in the same Book of Con­ cord : The article of the supper is thus taught from tho word of God in the Augsburg Confession : that the true body and the true blood of Jesus Christ are truly present. and although."| The second speaks not of bread and wine. we behold. art 10. where the same Melancthon who had drawn it up. p. the birthplace of Lutheranism.—Two other ways in which the same Article is couched. and are truly given together with the things that are seen. || Apol. and is expressed in these terms . art. at the place where the Augsburg Confession is there inserted. Gen. Of these four ways we see two in the Geneva Collection. 157. this same tenth article is seen two other ways expressed in the same book. Concord. Cone p. and disapprove of those who teach the contrary. and those are disapproved of who teach the contrary. 85 burg. however. distributed and re­ ceived in the holy supper. in the presence of Luther and Melancthon. to those who receive the sacrament. with the bread and wine. And truly. which is that in which they design to establish the reality. since the last of these expressions agrees with the doctrine of the change of substance. 2 part. § Conf. the body and blood of Jesus Christ are truly given to tho . which is that of the Wittenberg edition. 13. and their differences. Syntagm.] THE VARIATIONS. being scarcely able to discern which is the most authentic. p. and the other seems calculated to oppose it The Lutherans. this tenth article couched in four different forms. since they all ap­ peared in editions which had the marks of public authority.e who partake of the supper.

but under the species of bread and wine.§ But. Con. printed at Frankfort. but not the positive fact.173. Apol. ad. as well as from Celcstin and Chytraeus. If it be asked. f Ilospin. upon nore exact inquiry. they found that theirs was wholly and through­ out of the same sense with the Latin or German originals which shows the pretension of agreeing in substance with the other editions. which is the very expression made use of by Catholics. and in those of the empire. as we observed t ^fore. that is. H i s t Conf. seem to affirm in the preface that they transcribed the Augsburg Confession. it is strange there should 44 + Solid. Chytr. 94. otherwise. as the Confession of Augsburg could be presen ed to the emperor but in oneway. in their histories of the Confession of Augsburg. . that Catholics might subscribe i t 7. Ccalcst H i s t ConfL Aug \ Prasf. Be that as it may. because it too openly favored transuhstantiation. not with the substance. J Of these four ways. in 1 6 7 3 . such different ones would not be found in another part of the same book. signifying the body and Mood to be truly received. which they there made by the order of the Emperor. \ Slcid.—Which of thest ways is the original one. this will be found inconclusive. and it might seem that this was the most authentic. Aug. since the authors of this preface only say. Re>tH. that the Catholics con­ tradicted not this article in the refutation of the Augsburg Con­ fession. Conf. that the words are throughout the same . there kS nc person who docs net see that this of the Apology expresses it in stronger words than did the two preceding ones from the collection of Geneva. because the princes and states who subscribed this book. Aug. as it is still to be found in the archives of their predecessors. p. on the contrary. Art 10. * If these two ways of expressing the reality be compared. because it is that which appears in the impression which was made in the year 1 5 3 0 . the abode of Luther and Melancthon. that is in the seat of Lutheranism. but at the same time departs farther from transuhstantiation. accom­ modates itself to the expressions which the Church makes use of. the thing admits of no small doubt.132. | He adds the cause why this article was changed. the second was that which was inserted in the Book of Concord. and that the last. Hospinian maintains the last to be the original. which of these four different ways is the origi­ nal one presented to Charles V. that having compared their copies with the archives. And this is the very thing which enforces the belief that die article was thus expressed at first.84 THE IIISTORV OF [BOOR the French version of the Confession of Augsburg. at Wittenberg. part 2. since it is certain from Sleidan and Melancthon.

Such were the uncertainties into which the Lutherans fell at their commencement. as we have just seen. vere afterwards mutilated in some editions by the enemies of transubstantiation. and altogether us au­ thentic." but also of the " Greek Church. 157. 10. by the whole party." and that this was the " ancient and common" sentiment. so natural a connexion is there between them. drawn up at their order by Melancthon. Melancthon being careful to express in formal terms the literal sense. he cites the canon of the Greek mass. Far from condemning any thing in this prayer. that of three authorities which he adduces to con­ firm the doctrine of the real presence. for in order to prove his doctrine of the " corporeal presence.—The evasion of the Lutherans. Confcis. by a confession of faith. no sooner did they undertake to give a settled form to their church. In this Apology. he makes use of it as a record whose au­ thority he owns. archbishop of Bulgaria."* 9. not only of the " Church of Rome. tends at the same time to establish the Change of Substance." from the sentiment of the eastern church. who affirms that the oread is not the figure only. which appeared at the first publication. so necessarily do these two truths fol­ low each othe^. in the Apology for their Confession of Faith. f ApoL Aug. adding. ETC. But they stopped not in so fine a way. f It so happens. yet his dislike to it is not so great. but is truly changed into flesh. 3.— The manner in which the Reality is explained by the Apology. was not content to have already acknowledged a true and substantial presence. it was because they were displeased that they could not establish the reality. but immediately aftei the Confession of Augsburg. that the proper body of Jesus Christ be made in the change of bread. or by the change of bread. when the priest prays expressly. two there are which asseit the change of substance . And although this author but little favors the change of sub­ stance even in this book. but that he makes honorable mention of the authorities which es­ tablish it. which they had been determined to deny. p. and with the same judgment produces the words of Theophylast. as has been seen. approved. which they approved. When these passages. 8d appear three others so different from that. 10. Aug. says he. with regard to these Variations. without admitting transubstantiation at the same time. than they were so irresolute. that they immediately published an articls * Apol. that Christ was " corporeally given to us.] THE VARIATIONS.ill. and that so solemn an act should be so many times altered by its authors in an article so essential. Coo£ 8 .—The Fifth way in which this same Tenth Article is expressed in the Apology of the Coyifession of Augsburg. in Art. they gave to the emperor a fifth explication of the article of the supper.

" where tne confessions of faith commence. but in our present case. In course of time they were not less fruitful in different confessions of faith than the Lutherans.*6 THE HISTORY OT [BOOR if such importance as that of the Eucharist. This was the cause which introduced those equivocations. for.• and w e shall soon see the diversity of them. that the c o u n c i l of Constantinople added something to that of Nice. let them not flatter them­ selves with this persuasion. they mingle so many expressions which savor of the reality . the great architect of all these subtleties. in the other articles: and what they commonly answer. that. in the defence of the figurative. than the others in that of the literal sense. Bucer. which d e n i e d the divinity of the Holy Ghost.—The Sacramentarians are not more steady in explaining their Faith. in five or a x differ­ ent forms. we must not be surprised. no less uncertain. for the truih is. 44 13. -per. This is what may justly surprise us . could not divest themselves of this entirely. which all the refined subtleties of the figurative sense are not able to destroy. on the other hand. as jhall be seen. that their party fell not into similar inconsistencies. with their figurative interpretations. They were not more unchangeable. Avails them nothing. As. In the Diet of Augsburg. were desirous to please the Lutherans. therefore. Thus he speaks. and have appeared no less embarrassed. he affects to say nothing that might oe expressly contrary to it. and. wo shall s e e . gave a slight specimen of them in the Strasburg Confession. though unwilling to make use of the same terms as the Lutherans to. a new heresy rising up. ! II. it wa* Usihing but want of steadiness which introduced amony the Lutherans fne variations we n a r e seen. it has been demonstrated that the Sacramentarians at first produced two different ones . for it would seem that a doctrine so easy to be understood. who retained it. as is that of the Sacramentarians. If the defenders of the figurative sense reply. according to human reason. or .—The indefinite and ambiguous expressions of the Confession of Strasburg^ on the article of the LonVs Su. where nothing new occurred. dier the council of Nice. into their Catechisms and Confessions of Faith. the greatest part of those who opposed it. having left the true idea of the real presence taught them by the Church. in order to retain some image of it. But it is because the words of Jesus Christ naturally make an impression of reality on the mind. and expresses himself in words ambiguous enough to bear that sense. explain the real presence. it was necessary to add some words for its condemnation. nor that. they were so pressed to please themselves with the terms they had chosen. should afford no embarrass­ ment to those who undertook to explain it.

as well as the ordinary ones. At least. de Coana. indeed. ind to obviate the objection. as Bucer said. which a Lutheran. was to be the pledge and seal. T o speak therefore of the spiritual union was. for the food of souls. was to unite minds by uniting bodies. In the same manner. yet his body which ne gave to us in the Eucharist. He was fully sensible he should be reproved for his silence . but to that intent. that they are truly and substantially given . that the true body and true blood of our Lord are given to us to eat and drink truly. as well as the other mysteries of our salvation." ami yet l e s s . on which the other was grounded. We were to be united spiritually to the heavenly spouse . had not proceeded so far. that which was accom­ plished in the body for its foundation. ought not to have been forgotten. which. by the Sacraments. in reality. Bynt Gen. We all consenting to this. but he says nothing contrary to it.— The progress of these same ambiguities. they ought. 195.—Jesus Christ was to be horn. and even when it says. his true body and blood to eat and drink truly.III."* In reality. but.—a course which Bucer had not sufficient resolution to pursue. like the other mysteries. So this confession kept itself within general expressions . ETC. to explain the last end of this mystery . 81 rather makes those of Strasburg and the others to speak: " When Christians repeat the supper. That 44 * Con£ Arc. in order to a mutual possession of ours. xviii. it had. since it was thai which separated the Churches. to be spiritually risen again in the faithful. yet he was also to be born. to have spoken distinctly for or against it." Bucer." not for the food of bodies. For although the Eucharist.] THE VARIATIONS. though in a far different way. and the remarkable effect they had on those towns that subscribed to them. which Jesus Christ made before his death. what to Christians was so great a novelty." it seems to exclude eating and drinking by faith. part. and to eat of it indeed. as yet. and nothing. to die. and according to the flesh. and of inserting into a confession of faith. had a spiritual effect for its end. and to rise again really. p. and this blood. and this divine marriage. yet also we were corporally to receive the flesh of this victim. we were to partake spirit­ ually of his sacrifice . in fact. is no more than a metaphorical eating and drinking : so much were they afraid of acknowledging that the body and blood are only spiritually given. as well as the foundation of this spiritual union. in the manner that he instituted it. We truly eat and drink the true body and true blood of our Lord. after having said in general. Gent c. That this body. they say not with the Lutherans. in a confession of faith. and even a Catholic might not approve. to be the food and drink of souls. i. 44 44 44 44 13. are truly given with the bread and wine . . the corporal union. to die. he gives to them.

human inventions. Synt Gen. that whilst cor fessions of faitn are generally made to explain our thoughts on the dis­ putes which disturb the peace of the Churc h. at that time. and by adhering closely to the sense of the words. which the Lutherans. for. were we to judge of Bucer's sentiments. they conclude. namely. and all curious and superfluous inquiry. and those of his brethren. and all human inventions. and had all embraced. by receiving the sacraments for the food of their souls. and knew not from other sources that they were not favorable to the Real and Substantial Presence. and what were those false glosses which were to be rejected." he makes those of Strasburg say " that keeping themselves at a distance froi. without doing them an injustice. granted to be the means. these." Who condemns not.i all dispute. and which by our Saviour was alone regarded. by rejecting all false com­ ments. de Ca»na. and mutilating them by human inter­ pretations. we may live in him. on the con trary. on the contrary. 195. which is rejected by all parties 1 and who sees not. for the food of our souls. or of despising the Lord's Supper. p. they ought to have determined what it was. sentiments contrary * Conf. Having declared these things. in a word. 18. we exhort the faithful to give ear to the words of the Lord with a simple faith. or of administering nothing in their supper but mere bread and wine. as well as Catholics. at least. we may say.88 THE HISTORY OF [BOOR we truly eat and drink the true body and true blocd of our Lord. feeding on him. with them. that a confession of faith requires decisions more clear and more precise ? Certainly. by this Confession of Faith only. far from it. part 1. without speaking one way or the other of the Real Presence. they call back the mind to that only which profits. without hesitating in any way . finally. and by him as if explaining the pnnciple end proposed by our Saviour were sufficient. They have terms to flatter those who be­ lieve it. 44 44 . false comments on the words of our Lord ? What Christian does not profess to adhere closely to the sense of these divine words ? But since this sense had been the subject of disputation for six whole years. we might believe they were not. and so many conferences had been held to settle it. What advantage is it to condemn that in general. discovered the secret of saying nothing distinctly on the subject of discussion." they s a y . superfluous refinements. From thence an odd effect followed: namely. by protesting that they are calumniated when they are accused of changing the words of Jesus Christ. that. that of the foui towns which had united themselves by this common confession of faith. Argent e. and by indefi­ nite terms. others by which to escape if pressed. by lengthened discourses and tedous circumlocution.

wherewitn he hath espoused me. he wrote a letter to the Emperor and the Protestant Princes. 0 Lord Jesus Christ must not be eaten in this carnal and gross wav: a faithful and religious soul eats his true body sacramentally and spiritually. a short time afterwards. ad Franc L 8* . Zmng. showing amongst her jewels her nuptial ring. he directs to Francis the First. Nay." As to the manducation. 1530 j 101." says he. and which received the approbation of all the Swiss. Meningen. sc that they could easily turn to any side. he declared plainly. that is to say.III." of a symbolical."| He is uniform in the use of the same language .] THE VARIATIONS. but it was not easy for Zuinglius to find. In the Confession of Faith which he sent to Augsburg. Hoep. says read­ ily. and in another Con­ fession of Faith. of a body by denomination and signification." "in the same manner. as it were."* To defend this doctrine. that they assist the con­ templation of faith . it was. that these would have " a natural and substantial body. three. et ap.' "J I know not of any queen that ever used such an odd phrase . at the same time. ETC. and he a sacramental body. that truly. without scruple. int Oper. or by its essence. in sign . he explains. and not really. mystical. depart from me. this is the ring of the king my husband. namely. " That the body of Jesus Christ. that is. and make thern concur better with the thoughts. which makes St. et Princ Prot ibid. nay. could be no where else . it ought to cause the like horror a father would feel who had his son given him to eat." In general." according to h i m . after his ascension. Strasburg. J Conf. in the supper. was no where else but in Heaven.—The Confession of Faith of Zuinglius very clear and freefrom all equivocation. spiritually. 89 to the Lutherans." Sacramentally. * This is my king. such a mode of speaking as he would ascribe to our Saviour. which represents to us Jesus Christ suffering. Z linglius dealt more frankly. Zuing. which he calls Sacramental and Spiritual. by the contemplation of faith. and yhow3 us he is wholly ours. where he establishes this difference be­ tween him and his adversaries. which the Jews understood in the same sense with the Papists. in ordinary language. that is. and Lindau. and sacramental body. " a s a queen. that they serve for a bridle to the senses. faith has a horror of a visible and corporal pres­ ence. which." He always places the force of the sacraments in this. This is my body. present by the contemplation of faith. 14. went over to the doctrine of the Real Presence : so well had Bucer succeeded by his ambiguous discourses in rendering their minds pliant. ad an. Peter s a y . he ac­ knowledges no more in the Eucharist than a moral presence. • Epist ad Caes. et »eq. 44 44 44 44 44 44 44 4 * Conf.






15.—The stale of the question appears clearly in the Confession of Zuinglius.

It is not our business here to complain, that he calls our man­
ducation gross and carnal, though so much elevated above the
senses ; nor that he would raise a horror of it, as a cruel and
bloody object. These are the usual reproaches which those of
his party have ever made to us and the Lutherans. We shall
see, by what follows, how those who now reproach will justif'j
us; it is enough that we here observe, that Zuinglius speak*
plainly. From these two Confessions of Faith we learn in what
(he difficulty precisely consists; on one side, a presence in
sign, and by faith; on the other, a real and substantial presence;
and this it is which separated the Sacramentarians from Catho­
lics and Lutherans.
16.— What reason there was for making use of the word Substance in the E u charist; that it is the same which made it necessary in the Trinity.

It will now be easy to comprehend what was the reason why
die defenders of the literal sense, both Catholics and Lutherans,
used so much the words " true body, real body, substance,
proper substance," and others of a similar nature. They made
use of the words " real and true," to signify that the Eucharist was
not a mere sign of the body and blood, but the very thing itself
For this reason, also, they employed the word substance; and
if we trace it up to its origin, we shall find, that what introduced
this word into the mystery of the Trinity, rendered it likewise
necessary in the mystery of the Eucharist. Before the subtleties
of heretics had confounded the true sense of these words of our
Saviour, " I and my father are one,"* the perfect unity of the
Father and Son was believed to be sufficiently expressed by
this text of Scripture, without the necessity of always saying
they were one in substance ; but ever since the time that here­
tics would persuade the faithful the unity of the Father and Son
was only a unity of concord, of thought, of affection, it was
deemed expedient to banish these pernicious equivocal terms,
by establishing consubstantiality—namely, the unity of sub­
stance. This term, which was not in Scripture, was judged
necessary to the right understanding of it, and keeping at a dis­
tance the dangerous interpretations of those who adulterated the
simplicity of (rod's word.
By adding these expressions to Scripture, it was not pretended
i» explained itself, in respect of that mystery, obscurely or am­
biguously ; but it grew out of the necessity which existed of
opposing by these express words the evil interpretations of her­
etics, and of preserving that natural and primitive Scripture
sense, which would immediately have made impression on the
'tiind, were not the ideas confused by prejudice or false subtleties
* John x 30.




It is easy to apply this to the subject of the Eucharist. Had
the natural and just sense, without refinement, been preserved
of these words, " This is my body, this is my blood," we should
have thought we had sufficiently explained a real presence of
Jesus Christ in the Eucharist, by saying, that what he there
gives is his body and blood; but since it has been said that
Jesus Christ was then present in figure only, or by his spir t, or
by his virtue, or by faith, then, to remove all ambiguity, it was
believed necessary to say, that the body of our Lord was given
to us in its proper and true substance, or what comes to the
same, that he was really and substantially present. It is this
which gave rise to the term Transuhstantiation, just as natural
to express a change of substance, as that of consubstantial was
to express a unity of substance.
17.—The Lutherans had the same reason as we to make use of the word Sub'
stance ; Zuinglius never used it, nor Bucer at the commencement.

For the same reason, the Lutherans, who acknowledge the
reality without the change of substance, when they rejected the
term Transuhstantiation, retained that of " the true and substan­
tial presence," as we have seen in the Apology of the Augsburg
Confession; and these terms were chosen to fix the natural
sense of these words, " This is my body," as the word consub­
stantial was chosen by the fathers of Nice to fix the literal
sense on these words, I and my Father are one," and these
other, the "Word was God."
Accordingly, we do not find that Zuinglius, who first reduced
to form the opinion of the figurative sense, and explained it in
the frankest manner, ever employed the word substance. On
the contrary, he perpetually excluded ** the manducation," as
well as the substantial " presence," in order that he might leave
nothing but a figurative manducation, that is. " In spirit and by
Bucer, although more inclined to ambiguous expressions, did
not, at the beginning, make use of the word substance, or com­
munion and substantial presence, but was content not to con­
demn these terms, and confined himself only to the general ex­
pressions which we have seen. Such was the first state of the
Sacramentarian controversy, into which Bncer's subtleties intro­
duced afterwards such a number of unseasonable variations as
WP- shall be obliged to relate in the sequel. For the present it
is sufficient to have pointed at the cause.

1 8 . - 0 / tlte doctrine of Justification ; that there is no difficulty in it after what
has been said on it in the Confession of Augsburg and in the Apology.

The question of justification, in which that of free-will wai
contained, seemed to Protestants of a far different importance,
* Ep. ad C*§. et Pnnc YttJL




for which reason they twice demand of the emperor, in th*
Apology, a particular attention to this subject, as being the most
important 01 the whole gospel, and that also on which they have
labored most.* But I hope it will soon be discovered they have
labored in vain, to say nothing more, and that in this dispute
there is much more of misunderstanding than real difficulty.
19.— That the doctrine of Luther on Free- Will is retracted in the Confession of

And first, we must remove from this dispute the question of
free-will. Luther had returned from that excess, which induced
him to say, that God's prescience wholly destroyed free-will in
all creatures; and had consented to have this article placed in
the Augsburg Confession:—" That free-will is to be acknowl­
edged in all men that have the use of reason, not for the things
of God, which men cannot commence or at least finish without
him, but only with regard to the works of (his present life and
the duties of civil society.t" Melancthon added to it in the
Apology, " with respect to the exterior works of God's law."J
These are two truths already which admit of no discussion;
one, that there is a free-will; and the other, that of itself it can
do nothing in works that are truly Christian.
20.—A \oord in the Augsburg Confession which tended to Semi-Pelagianism.

There was, moreover, a word, in that passage we have just
seen of the Augsburg Confession, which, from men who would
attribute all to grace, was not near so correct as we speak in the
Catholic Church. It is in that place where it is said, that of
itself "free-will cannot commence, or at least finish the things
of God." a restriction which seems to insinuate it can at "least
commence" them by its proper strength—a Semi-Pelagian error,
from which we shall hereafter see the Lutherans at present are
not far removed.
The following article§ explained how " the will of the wicked
was the cause of sin ;" where, although it be not distinctly
enough said that God is not the author of it, as much at least
was insinuated, in opposition to the first maxims of Luther.
21.—AH the reproaches made to Catholics founded on calumnies; the first
calumny on gratuitous Justification.

Bu< what is most remarkable, with respect to the other points
of Christian grace in the Confession of Augsburg is this, thai
it e^Sry where supposes errors in the Catholic Church, which
errois were always detested by her; so that they seemed rather
to have sought a subject for quarrelling than reforming, and the
thing will appear manifest Upon expounding historically the
belief of the one and the other.
• Ad Art iv. de Justif. p. 60. de pcen. p. 161.
f Conf. Aug. Art. xriii
Apol. ad eund. Art

J Apol. ad eund. Art

§ Art xix. ibid.




In the Confession of Augsburg and in th« Apology, they
grounded themselves much on the remission of sins being
purely the result of generosity, which ought not to be attributed
to the merit and worth of precedent actions. Strange! the
Lutherans every where ascribed to themselves the honor of this
doctrine, as if they had brought it back again into the Church,
and reproached Catholics, that they believed they obtained the
forgiveness of their sins by their own works ; that they believed
they could merit it by doing, on their side, what they were able,
and even by their own strength; that all they attributed to Jesus
Christ was the having merited for us a certain habitual grace,
whereby we may more easily love G o d ; and although the will
had it in its power to love him, it did it more willingly from this
habit; that they taught no other justice than that of reason; that
we could draw near to God by our proper works, independently
of the propitiation of Jesus Christ, and that we had dreamt of a
justification without speaking one word of him ;* which they
repeat incessantly, to conclude as often, That we had buried
Jesus Christ."


83.—They attributed to Catholics two propositions that were
" ex opere operate-," what it means.


But whilst they reproached Catholics with so gross an srror,
they, on the other hand, imputed to them the opposite sentiment,
accusing them of " believing themselves justified by the sole use
of the sacrament, ex opere operatof as they speak in schools,
without any good disposition."! How could the Lutherans
imagine, that amongst us so much was given to man, and at the
same time so little ? But both one and the other are very dis­
tant from our doctrine, inasmuch as the Council of Trent is quite
full, on the one side, of the good sentiments by which we ought
to dispose ourselves for baptism, for penance, and for communion,
declaring even in express terms, ** that the reception of grace is
v o l u n t a r y a n d , on the other side, it teaches, that the forgive­
ness of sins is purely gratuitous; and that all which prepares
us for it, either proximately or remotely, from the beginning of
the vocation and the first horrors of a conscience shaken by
fear, even to the most perfect act of charity, is the gift of God."t

83.—According to the Lutheran doctrine, the Sacraments operate " ez opore

True it is, we say with regard to infants, that by his infinite
mercy baptism sanctifies them, though th«;y co-operate not by
any good motives to this great work; but besides, that in this
* Conf. Art xx. Apol. Cap. dc Justif. Cone p. 61. ibid. pp. 62,74,102,103.
t Conf. Aug. Art xiiL e t c
t Seas. 6. cap. v. vi. 14. Sees. xui. 7. SeM.xiv.4. Ibid. cap. nii. i b i i
otp. v. v l Can. I, 2, 3. S e n . xiv. 4.




the merit of Jesus Christ, together with the efficacy of his blood,
displays itself, the Lutherans themselves say as much; they
themselves confessing that little children ought to be baptized;
that baptism is necessary for their salvation; and that by this
sacrament they are made the children of God."* Is not this an
acknowledgment of the force of the sacrament, of itself and by
its own action effectual, ex opere operator in children? For
I do not find that the Lutherans consider themselves bound to
maintain with Luther, that children brought to baptism, produce
therein an act of faith. They must then necessarily say with
us, that the sacrament, by which they become regenerated, ope­
rates by its own proper virtue.
If it be objected, that amongst us the sacrament has the same
efficacy in the adult, and operates in them ex opere operato"
it is easy to comprehend that this is not admitted to exclude the
necessary good dispositions in them, but only to show that what
God works in us, when he sanctifies us by the sacrament, is
above all our merits, all our works, all our foregoing dispositions;
in a word, the pure effect of his grace, and of the infinite merits
of Jesus Christ.



24.—That according to the Council of Trent, the remission of sins is purely

There is no merit therefore of ours that obtains the remission
of sins; and the Confession of Augsburg ought not to have
assumed the glory of this doctrine, as if it were peculiar to itself;
since the Council of Trent equally acknowledged, that we are
said to be justified gratuitously, because all that precedes justi­
fication, whether faith or works, cannot merit this grace ;" con­
formably to what the Apostle says, if it be grace, it is not
therefore works, otherwise grace is no longer grace."f
Heie then is the remission of sins, and justification gratuiuusly and without merit, established in as express terms in the
Catholic Church as it could possibly have been done in the
Confession of Augsburg.


25.—Tlu second calumny on the Merit of Works; that it is acknowledged in the
Augsburg Confession, and by Luther, in the same sense as it is in the Church.

If after the remission of sins, when the Holy Ghost dwells,
MiJ charity reigns in us, and the soul is rendered agreeable by
I gratuitous bounty, we acknowledge merit in our good works,
—the Confession of Augsburg agrees with us in *%his, seeing that
m the Geneva edition, printed after that of Wutenberg, which
was made under the inspection of Luther and Melancthon, we
read that the new obedience is reputed a justice, AND M E R I T S
reward." And yet more expressly, that although far distant
from the perfection of the law, it is a justice, AND M E R I T S re44


* Art it.

f Cone. Trid. Scwt vi cap. &.



ward." And a little after, that ** good works are worthy of
great praises, that they are necessary, and that THEY MERIT
Afterwards, explaining these words of the Gospel, " Whoso­
ever hath, to him shall be given," it says, '* that our action must
be joined to God's gifts, which it preserves in u s ; and that IT
MERITS their increase ;"f and praises this saying of St. Austin*
"that charity, when it is exercised, MERITS the increase of
charity." Here then is our co-operation necessary in express
terms, and its merit confirmed by the Confession of Augsburg.
Therefore they thus conclude this article: " thereby good men
may understand what true good works are, and how they please
God, and how THEY ARE MERITORIOTJS."J Merit cannot be
better established, nor more inculcated; nor does the Council
of Trent insist further on this matter.
All this was taken from Luther, and from the grounds of his
sentiments; for in his commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians, he writes, that " where he speaks of justifying faith, he
means that which works by charity; for," says h e , " faith MERITS
that the Holy Ghost be given us."§ He had just said, that with
this Holy Ghost all virtues are given us, and it was thus he ex­
plained justification in that famous commentary: it was printed
at Wittenberg, in 1553 ( so that twenty years after Luther had
commenced the Reformation, nothing as yet was found in merit
iiat deserved correction.
26.—The Apology asserts the Merit of Works.

It must not then be a matter of surprise, if in the Apology of
the Augsburg Confession, this opinion be found so strongly
grounded. There Melancthon makes new efforts to explain die
subject of justification, as his letters testify, where he thus
teaches, " that there are rewards proposed and promised to the
uod works of the faithful, and that they are MERITORIOUS, not
of forgiveness of sins or of justification, (which we have not
otherwise than by faith,) but of other corporal and spiritual re­
wards in this life, and that to c o m e ; " according to what St.
Paul saith, that each one shall receive his reward according to
his works. "|| And .ttelancthon is so full of this truth, that he
confirms it anew in the answer to the objections by these words:
We confess, as we have often done already, that although jus­
tification and life eternal appertain to faith, good works, how­
ever, MERIT other corporal and spiritual rewards, and different
degrees of rewards, according to what St. Paul says, * that each
one shall be rewarded according to his l a b o r f o r gospel justice



* Art vi. S y n t Gen. p. 12. Ibid. p. 20. cap. dcBon. Opcr.
11bid. p. S i
t Page 22.
§ Comment, in Ep. ad Gal. t. v. 243.
| ApoI.Conf! Aug. a<l Ari. iv. v. vi. Reap, ad Ol/ftwU Concord, p. 96.




being occupied about the promise of grace, gratuitously receive!
justification and life; but the fulfilling of the law, which pro­
ceeds as the result of faith, is occupied about the law itself; and
then the recompense, continues he, is "FFERBD not GRATUI­
TOUSLY, but according to works, AND IT IS DUE ; and accord­
ing those WHO MERIT this reward are justified before they fulfil
the law."*
Thus the merit of works is constantly recognized by thoss
of the Augsburg Confession as a thing comprised in the notion
of a reward, there being nothing indeed more naturally united
than merit on one side, when reward is promised and proposed
on the other*
And verily, what they reprehend in Catholics is not their ad­
mission of merit, which is also asserted by them, but is, says
the Apology, " that, as often as merit is spoken of, they transfer
it from other rewards to justification."! If, then, we acknowl­
edge no merit but what follows and not precedes justification,
the difficulty will be removed ; and it is the very thing that was
done at Trent by this decision, " that we are said to be gratu­
itously justified, because not any of those things, whether faith,
or works, which precedo justification, can merit it. " J
again, " that our sins are gratuitously forgiven us, by the divine
mercy, for the sake of Jesus Christ."§ Whence it follows,
also, that the Council admits no merit, but in regard to the
augmentation of grace, and life eternal. "||

27*—Melanctlwn is inconsistent with himself in the Apology, wken he there
denies that good works merit eternal life.

As to the augmentation of grace, it was agreed to at Augs­
burg, as already s e e n ; and for life eternal, true it is, Melanc­
thon would not acknowledge it was merited by good works,
since, according to him, they merited other recompenses only,
which are promised to them in this life and the next
But when
Melancthon spoke thus, he did not reflect what he had said in
this same place, that it is eternal glory which is due to those
who are justified," according to this saying of St. Paul, Those
rtdiom he hath justified, he hath glorified also."!T Again, he
reflected not that eternal life is the true recompense promised
by Jesus Christ to good works, conformably to that text of the
Gospel cited by him in another place in support of merit, that
hose who shall obey the Gospel shall receive a hundred fold,
in this world, and life everlasting in the next ;"** where is seen,
besides the hundred fold which shall be our recompense in this
life, that life eternal is promised as our reward in the life to
come: so that if merit is grounded on the promise of a rcjom44



* Resp. ad Object. Coin. p. 137.
f Apol. Conf. Aug. p. 137.
JSess. vi. cap. 8.
§ J bid. cap. 9.
|| I bid. cap. 10. etCan. 32,
T Aool. Conf. Aug. 137, ** In LocUCoinm. cap. de Jualif. Mat. xix. Stt

but to make us remark the force and impor­ tance of them? But to what purpose is it to erase the merit of good works in the Confession of Augsburg. Life eternal is due to the merits of good works. 13. in a n o . and with all the passages we have cited? What other effect does the erasure of them produce. it is not to be doubted but the merit of works is agreeable to the spirit of Lutheranism. which prevents not. and it is unjustly that the Lutherans disturb the Church of Rome on this head. De Comp. but the mer­ its unto which it is due are gratuitously given us by our Lord Jesus Christ. 105. What does it avail the Lutnerans to have altered this Confes­ sion. I foresee. N. 41. as Melancthon asserts.—The fxdfdling of the law ac­ knowledged in the Apology in the same sense as in the Church. t o respect. cp. and other editions. it was presented. with no contradiction from any of the party. in which the Protestant princes and states declare their faith.—Three other calumnies against the Church. annexed to grace. is. Therefore. num. those passages which sanction merit? Can they. nothing more gratuitous. 48.HI. Apol. ETC. that what prevents Melancthon from absolutely holding eternal life as a recompense promised to good works. prevent this confession of faith from having been print­ ed at Wittenberg. without theii having had time to act afterwards. V3X 9 . as they have caused it to be printed in their Book of Concord ? Is it not certain the Apology was presented to Charles V by the same princes and in the sume diet as the Confession of Augsburg ? | But what is still more remarkable. in a certain manner.) THE VARIATIONS. under the eyes of Luther and Melancthon. 30. as the Lutherans confess. according to that excellent doctrine of St. " in order to preserve its true and proper s e n s e J for so it is worded in an authentic writing. by this act. p. and of the Confession of Augsburg. however. from Leing prom­ ised as a reward to good works. f Solid. and would be given to the adult in case they were even surprised by death the very moment they were justified.—That there is something in eternal life which falls not under merit Ii is also true. it is without works given to little children. 194. ui the sense expressed by the Augsburg Confession. N . and also from being merited. the eternal kingdom. Cone. id —Variations of the Lutherans in that which they curtailed in the Confession of Augsburg. that eternal life being always. Augustin. ct Grat cap. eternal glory. repet Cone. eternal life. and to have erased in their Book of Concord. in other respects."* 14 28. 97 pense. 19. though. whilst they them­ selves leave it as entire in the Apology. nothing is more merited than eternal life. it may be said they have not approved the * Aug. f Praef. and with truth.

10. post Conf. Here. t Apol. besides that t) e Council of Trent has not made use of this term. J Seen. and charity reigns in him. But further. 83. " Forgive us our trespasscs*"J So that.—The merit of Condignity. and cannot be called in question. we are taught by the Council of Trent that we are daily under the necessity of saying. except by as many misrepresentations of our belief: for. that the just man can and ought to fulfil the law.98 THE HIST0R1 OP |_300* merit of works m the same sense as we do. he satisfies the law of God in full rigor. as appears from the histoiy of David Chytraeus. and that all Catholics confess ou: 44 44 * Rom. if we say we ought to satisfy the law. that is. since all agree we ought to love. iii. Aug. J Chyt. after one is justified. But these three characters subsist not. it is agreed upon. because for this very renson they do not admit that merit which is called of condignity.""f And we have just seen in it. on the contrary. which they will not allow that we admit. vi. because they teach that the good works of man justified stand in need of the gratuitous acceptation of God in order to obtain for us eternal life. the Scripture at­ tributes to him a kind of dignity : They shall walk with me in white. c. Aug. As to the merit of condignity. whereof all our books are full. xiii. Conf. Hist. when they declare. and the Holy Ghost dwells. since. in the first place. renews by his holy spirit. and the ivnpture pronounces that " love or charity is the fulfilling of thv law. since. at the bottom. p. t ft . that the fulfilling of the law proceeds as the result of justification and this is there repeated in a hun­ dred places. lb. because they do not acknowledge with us. it will be said. however perfect our justice may be. both Lutheran authors. and from that of George Ctelestin. for three reasons first. the whole world agrees in it. supplies by his bounty* 41 44 31. and without the grace of God. it is not true that we pretend. 137. thirdly. are three characters by which the doctrine of the Confes­ sion of Augsburg and of the Apology will stand separated eter­ nally from ours. there is always something God amends in it by his grace. and the Catholics have declared it to the Lutherans ever since the time of the Augsburg Confession. because they are worthy. || Both these historians give an account of the confutation of the Augsburg Coniession made by the Catholics at the Emperor's command. that man cannot merit eternal life by his own proper strength."§ But the Council of Trent has clearly explained that all this worthiness proceeds from grace. 11.'** There is even an express chapter in the Apology which bears this title : Of love and the fulfilling of the Law. George C*L H i s t Coni Aug. that after justifi­ cation. the thing bears no diffi­ culty. secondly. § Apoc. after the person has become agreeable.

III.—The Mediation of Jesus Christ always necessary. all-powerful."§ But who pretends otherwise? Who has ever said that good works. one merits forgiveness. ex opere operato. without which. but a merit improperly so called. and therein complete his own work. which may be attributed to man even before he is justified. Paul says. is net. on the contrary. not be­ cause we are worthy he should have c regard to them in order to justify us. and an enemy—in this state he is incapable of any true merit. or by forgiving. x i l . it is not used in the {Council of Trent. at bottom. and effectual of itself. 8. and the merit of congruity or seemliness which divines allow in him. iv.* Dan. could suppose that in Catholic doctrine. in their opinion. or gross ignorance. " it is impossible to please God?"|| Or who ever thought that these good works. in virtue of this action. and the faith which produces them. 99 works of themselves are not of any merit. after this manner.* and to that " charity which covereth the multitude of sins. It was employed to show that their action was divine. Peter . With regard to the good works we perform before we are justified—because the person then is neither agreeable nor just. \ Luke vi. but that the grace of God renders them worthy of life eternal. and nothing but a calumny. merited forgiveness of sins ex opere operato^ and were capable of operating it of themselves? None so much as ever thought of employing this expression. in the good works of the faithful. as St. The thing. 37." according to the advice of Daniel . is indisputa­ ble . The same must be answered with regard to alms which a sinner bestows to " redeem his sins. f 1 Peter. but because it is worthy of him to look down with pity on humble hearts. must not be done according to the spirit of faith. | and forgiveness promised by Jesus Christ himself to "those who forgive their brethren."! The Apology answers here. which has no further signification. ad Arg.] THE VARIATIONS. and justifying grace. who inspires them. it was applied only to the Sacraments. || Heb. § Reap. But although God looks with another eye on sinners already .—The merit of Congruity. good works wrought. but in virtue of faith. God. which are nothing but instruments of God. 33. ETC. ex opere operato. of his bounty for the sake of Jesus Christ." according to St. the forgiveness of sins. that Jesus Christ does not add " By doing alms. has regard thereunto. if the term displeases. any true merit. than that it is suitable to the Divine Goodness to have a regard to the sighs and tears which he himself has inspired into the sinner who begins to be converted." 32. iv. which please God. even by the Church herself. is accounted still as in sin. Such is the merit of congruity. and truly.

In a word.-"-Justification. we stand in need of God's incessantly havinga regard to that promise which he of his sole mercy. has made unto us in the new covenant. Who amongst us has not ever believed and taught that Jesus Christ superabundantly satisfied for men. with sufficient fulness. t Scss. whatever the Lutheran doctrine has that is good. 16. nor should they have disturbed the whole world. and rendered his merita ours. that (rod • < Jonc Tri<l.—How the merits of Jesus Christ appertain to us ." and withou it none can be justified. inasmuch as all false ideas were clearly re­ moved from it. The Council of Trent did acknowledge. c. and how they are imputed to us. for so known and so avowed a doctrine. we cannot bo more visibly calumniated.! it is every where objected against us. What Catholics. ad Arg. "for the sake of Jesus Christ. Srss. who had perfectly satisfied for us. had not only been entire in the Church." Yet the Scholastics. that a voluntary acceptation of them is not requisite on God's part.^ 44 44 35. without which we could not promise ourselves so high a recompense. and the Apology. that after justification we be­ lieve we have no further need of Jesus Christ's mediation. not satisfied with the simple imputation of the merits of Jesus Christ. how in substanee they are ail the same grace. p. gratuitously. since. t Apvl Ileep. besides that it is through Jesus Christ alone we preserve the grace received. when they said. and that the Eternal Father. " God imputed to us the justice of Jesus Christ. and the works which he then produces by his spirit dwelling in them tend more linmecLitcly to eternal life. The Lutherans imagined they had discovered something wonderful and peculiar to them­ selves. . but also had been much better explained. nor *akcn on themselves the title of reformers. together with this council. contented with this satisfaction of his Son. sanctification. Thus. ." that is. renovation. it is not (rue. they permit not thi/t alone to be relied on. is. vi. that by it they are communicated to us. regeneration. c. when the justice of Jesus Christ is said to be imputed to us.100 THE HISTORY OF [BOOR justified. because all is here grounded. The truth of this assertion appears principally in the doctrine of imputed justice. 127." were rendered ours by jusimcation. that the merits of Jesus Christ. and by the blood of the Mediator. on the promise which " God has made to us mercifully. so much censured by them. and of his passion.34. when. dealt with us as favorably as if we ourselves had sat­ isfied his justice ? If this be all that is understood. when in the Confession of Augsburg."* of giving eternal life to our good works. understand. 3—7. it is what no one doubted. were full of this doctrine. since it repeats MO often. as says the Council of Trent. according to us. vi.

and which God approves. €86."^ By this. for not only St. 99. Epit. 72. and since the Confession of Augsburg. And as to the Apology. and the austerities of a religious life . God himself. and to be regenerated is to be declared and reputed j u s t w h i c h shows that these two things concur together. and since the Holy Ghost. he at the same time regenerates us. de Juatif." say they. and brings to us the Holy Spirit" And a little after. but also of these fatter days. f Pra£ in Epist ad Rom. therefore. 4s DilecL 83. Francis. pp. " it prevented them not from be­ lieving themselves justified by faith for the love of Jesus Christ. ren­ ovates us. diffuses his holy spirit into us. in reality. and there is nobody but perceives how well those ideas which the Luther­ ans then had coincide with ours. And this faith is that true justice which St.98. and St. .—Satisfactory works acknotcledged in ihe Apology. Cap. p. they do not condemn them so severely as one might at first be induced to think . .III. Luther. it is n o imputation out of us> as Protestants will now have it. as contrary to the doctrine of gratuitous justification. It seems as if they had separated farther on satisfactory woiks. far from being censured. St.74. Bernard. so authentic a work of the whole party. by which we are renovated. Melancthon repeats there in every page. But. Their mode of life. The Lutherans now acknowledge that these things were confounded by Luther and Melancthon. ETC. but a work within us. are numbered amongst the holy fathers in the Apology. even in the Apology. and the monks of the first ages."§ A sentiment far removed from the excesses which we at this day * Solid. ad Ars.73. interposes in this work. and brings forth a new life. more clearly: " T o be justified. act­ ing in us. for they reject them fre­ quently. Paul calls the justice of God. Dominic. we are both justified and regenerated at the same time. Cone. is of unjust to be made just. 101 himself is not satisfied with that only. is judged worthy of the saints. artie. but in order to apply those merits to us. $ ApoL Resp. and Monks reckoned among the Saints. Anthony. thus defines justifying faith: " True faith is the work of God in us. " J And again. Cap. 185. Ibid. 97. 71. " because. were born after them. that faith justifies and regenerates us.82. R6p4t Cone. u 36. and by that means does sanctity us : and all this to­ gether in our doctrine makes up the justification of a sinner. men of frightful austerity. Not the least appearance of the con­ trary is to be found in the Confession of Augsburg. vivifies us. vi. f. t v. and born again of God and the Holy Ghost. that is. in which at present the whole nicety of the Prot­ estant doctrine is placed. which is the spirit of holiness. indeed.] THE ^ kRIATIONS. that " it regenerates hearts. St. De V o t Monaat 2ft t. This also was the doctrine of Luther and Melancthon. 68.* Those subtle distinctions between justification and regeneration or sanctification.

what is a consequence of this. True it is. that they do not M E R I T justification. and have neither the Holy Ghost. and that they con­ demn the Anabaptists who assert children may be saved witl out tiptism. nor faith. that those who. Reap. to­ gether with the Catholic Church and the Council of Trent. de boa. where they blush not to con­ demn St. One will be astonished to see so many articles of importance * Arxrt. 136 Art ix. And that it may not be supposed the merit which we attribute to these works of penance was then disapproved of by the de­ fenders of the Augsburg Confession. that wc ought to resist evil inclination^.—The necessity of baptism. but other recompense. and the amissibUity of justice taught in the Con­ fession of Augsburg. as we shall see. and justice. 12. and out of the Church of Jesus Christ.—The inconsistencies of certainty. Calvinists have departed from the true ideas of justification. are not removed by the Augsburg Confession. by saying. upon the pretence t h a t they believed they merited the forgiveness of sins. and given through the merits of Jesus Christ alone. since tile religious now-a-days still believe. and of alms in particular. that it is prese ved even in crime. that the forgiveness of sins is purely gratuitous. after having placed these great men in the number of the holy fathers. are unjust. and act contrary to their conscience. 44 u 37.""f What prevents their saying as much of fasting and other mortifications? And all this. vi. well understood. that justice once received is never lost. the Apology condemns the monks who followed them. when they are done in the state of grace. MonasL 281. that they M E R I T many benefits from God . But the Lutherans. 99. o f works and afflictions. grace. and did not receive it gratuitously. Cap. j Ibid. in general. contrary to God's commandment. 13. nor con­ fidence in the divine mercy. by these works. that baptism is not necessary for little children.108 THE HISTORY O F BOO* witness in the new ref >i\» sition. ad Aug. but what is taught by all Catholics. "|| 44 44 44 38. when Lhey saw these errors spring up among the Anabaptist sects. || Art. Bernard. p 12. p. "§ That those who fall into mortal sin are not just. obey them. vi. and. T H A T T H E Y M I T I G A T E PAINS . is nothing in substance."* But the calumny is manifest. p. as did those of old. and of special faith. condemned them by these three articles of the Confession of Augsburg : That baptism is necessary to salvatkn. 21 9 . $ Art xi. who deny the Holy Ghost may be lost aftev a man is once justified. they teach. that they M E R I T that we should be assisted against the perils of sin and death. Francis in the list of fools. Do Vot. p. Open p.and r a n k St."J That they condemn the same Anabaptists.

and the infallible certainty of the forgiveness of sins which they will have it to produce in consciences. } Apol. Book I. it may be said in the same manner. therefore. that is. I can never be assured whether I have or have it not. In effect. " Who oves God sufficiently ? Who fears him sufficiently I Who suffers with sufficient patience ?" Now. it concerns me not. or in a word what you please. f Sup. it must be had." It is what the Lutherans have now just taught. sincerely af­ flicted for their sins. they ex­ claim in the Apology. For it is from this springs all the dif­ ficulty. N o w I am not assured that I have not mortal sin : it is what we have proved by the doctrine of Luther :f I am not."* now I have faith. W ho believes as he ought? Who believes sufficiently to be justified before God? And what follows in the Apology confirms this doubt. since it ought to be said on the contrary. or disposition and preparation. 9 1 .—in being assured of the forgiveness of sin. And.III. it is certain that Jesus Christ imputes his justice to none but those who are penitent. the masterpiece of his reformation. Let this sincere re­ pentance have in itself whatever of worth. But. reign not there more securely than ever. no remedy was discovered against that terrible difficulty we at first observed. according to him. that is particular. sincerely converted. and truly. " Faith is incompatible with mortal sin. de Justi£ 71—81. " Who doubts not frequently whether it be God or chance that governs the world? Who doubts not frequently whether he shall be heard of God?"J Therefore? you doubt frequently of your own proper faith. the vain conceit of my own self-love. ETC. indeed. there may be. for it proceeds. as it escapes my sight. or there is no forgiveness. are you asT • Apol. I can never know whether my repentance bo not an illusion. 108 decided in the Augsburg Confession conformably to our senti­ ments . perfection. since. Let it be either condition. it must be acknowl­ edged this is what they give us as the capital point of Luther's doctrine. or let it not. and the strongest foundation of piety and comfort to the faithful.] THE VARIATIONS. For after all. since. ac­ cording to the principles of Luther. certain that I have faith. " that faith is incompatible with mortal sin . sincerely contrite. However. without ever being able to be certain of the sincerity of repentance. and sincerely penitent. de Justif. then. It is to no purpose to say with the Apology. I have not mortal sin. I have sufficiently explained myself before on the subject. How. whatever it may be. I see nothing but tha special faith of which we spoke at the commencement of this work. and shall add no more upon this occasion. nor whether the sin I believe rooted out of my heart. when I consider what it is which they have discovered. merit. therefore. Cap. let imputation be what it may. Cap.

pp. that by the uncertainty.13. and. or even into despair. the uncertainty acknowledged by the Catholics should give no trouble. is the whole doctrine of justification. 39. 11. but also to us in particular. they condemn those who say. one is never certain of not losing this right. is not true . Therefore. life eternal. you are assured of it without being assured of the sincerity of your faith. and who. you have it without being assured you have it: or. and so the forgiveness of sins becomes independent of both one and the other. 40. 1 acknowledge. or else. Here. de Bon. Cap. namely. Aug. to the dogma of Luther. as a justified person. they dare not abso­ lutely assure themselves of their perseverance. for this blessed inheritance. vi. for this reason—because. it is to believe. however. in a few words. however they may boast of the assurance they have of their justification. In this sweet hope he lives happy. On the contrary.""f* Therefore. Art. But that we have no impediment. or of that of you: repentance . read­ ily. Now what they oppose to us. with respect to God all things are made sure to u s . the terrible example of those who persevere not to the end. nothing to fear on our side. therefore. so that our repose in this • Conf. Yet he hopes. wherein we leave afflicted consciences. Hence is seen what must be done in order to the acceptance of the promise. that the grace of Christian justice. to nourish humility in our hearts. Paul. and the application of it. Although. we are always in fear as far as regards ourselves. to eternal inheritance. this fundamental dogma of Lutheranism. 21. were not less justi­ fied than the elect themselves. and what certainty is received therein.—That. and not only to us in general. then. xiL I i . which prohibits all kind of doubt. according to St. On the part of God. nor consequently of their eternal happiness. belong to us in Jesus Christ. according to the Lutherans. which is the height of blindness. and to this the Lutherans must agree. one may enjoy as much repose as the state of this life permits. t Rom. on which is wholly built the Confession of Augsburg. justice once received can neve be lost.* But by this loss. since he is not certain that he shall never lose that justice to which it is annexed. consequently. 12.—What is the true repose of Conscience in Justification. nor disturb the repose of conscience. Operib. evidently establishes the con­ trary.104 TIIK HIS JRV OF [BOUh surcd of the forgiveness of your sins? You have not. ihis forgiveness . we cast them into trouble. " rejoicing in hope. there is no impediment to this ready and firm be­ lief: heaven and earth shall pass away sooner than his promised fail us. See to what this certainty conducts us—this ground­ work. ex­ clusive of this last assurance. one forfeits all right he had. conformably to eke principles of Lutherans themselves. contrary.

not.HI. to accuse those of Strasburg. t Disp. Paul . and fruitful in good works. foi the practising of which God has created u s . we shall see how much reason there was. indeed. " J This is what Bucer wrote in 1 5 3 9 . But. and the covenaut made with him.] THE VARIATIONS. however. and which he himself operates in his servants. where he expressed his sentiments in these terms —" Whereas."* without giving us any other idea of it." N o Catholic ever spoke nore strongly of the accomplishment of the law than this Con­ fession. or of the required certainty thereof* On the contrary. and in a perfect resignation to his high and incomprehensible will. As to the Confession of Strasburg. and the Sacramentarians in general. that it may not be supposed • See before. that heaven and earth shall sooner pass away than an abatement be made in the least tittle cf the law. with the Confession of Augsburg. though. at the Conference of Marpurg. and of wicked good and upright. Argent cap.—Of Merit. Lips. 105 life consists m a firm confidence in his paternal goodness. and that it is so necessary the Jaw should be fulfilled.—The Confession of Strasburg explains Justification like the Church of Rome. of understanding nothing of the justification as ex­ pounded by Luther and the Lutherans : for this confession of faith says not a word either of justice by imputation. and attributes it to faith. do merit eternal life . ETC. et iv. in the dispute of Leipsic. elsewhere. an. in another respect. asserting " that no one can be completely saved. 41. it may not be unnecessary to consider what were the opinions of this Doctor. Thus it says. " | yet explains more strongly than Melancthon had done. to which a recompense is given. which. 42. how necessarily the Jaw ought to be fulfilled. t Conf. are the gifts of G o d . together with a profound adoration of this his impenetrable secret. in a solem \ conference. although this be the foundation of merit. is a favor. iii. he makes no difficulty of acknowledging it in the sense of St. that it is gratuitous. if we consider its doctrine. because these good works. Augustm. It adds. conformably to the doctrine of St. but to faith joined with charity. according to Bucer. God will judge each one according to his works we must not deny that good works performed by the grace of Jesus Christ. one of the chief leaders of the second party of the new Reformation. . BOOK II. but from the acceptation and promise of God. " o f unjust we become just. Bucer spoke not a word of it there. from their intrinsic worth. Whilst we are on this subject. " that charity is the fulfilling of the whole law. it defines justifica­ tion to be that by which. which is that of the Church. for it is to such works the Scripture promises the reward of eternal life. if he be not so guided by the spirit of Jesus Christ as not to fail in any of those good works. or in one single iota.

where mention is made of the prayers and merits of the Saints. not in themselves for reflection. ad Abrinc. called Collects. in another place. and. 44. of its works. James teaches. it was from this cause alone. since he has promised he will do good to those who love him.106 THE HISTORY OF [BOOR thrse things wore written at the beginning of the Reformation. and even with respect to eternal life. and in the most enlightened ages . and assisted by their prayers. acknowledge that all the merits of the Saints are gifts of God gratuitously granted.—** The question is not OF MERITS: we reject them not in any way. since God wilt render to each man according to his works. whatever is entreated in that way." And he proceeds. that the merits of the Saints were useful to us. in these same prayers. or at most. that God rewards the good works of his servants. moreover. moreover. . he justified it by these words:—*• With re­ gard to the public prayers of the Church. but in those also for whom they pray. the same Bucer decides. at that time made none at all. is en­ treated of God and not of the Saints. The merits which every one may acquire for himself. llatisb. cannot be more cleariyacknowledged. in the Ref­ ormation. these prayers were made by the greatest men of the Church. shall have a hundred folc in this life. and shows in what sense the merits of the Saints profit us. and. however great an enemy he was to presump­ tuous merit. let what may be said. acknowledged. but for others also."J Thus. and. Faust Munich. f Disp. in 1546. the doctrine of Chris­ tian justice. hereafter. that it must not be denied but " one may be justified by works. and what has since raised so much difficulty. t Lib. to a thousand generations. indeed. men were swayed by the spirit of contradiction. life everlasting. " one of the reasons for cele­ brating in the Church the memory of martyrs. whereas. cof.—Strange doctrine of the Confession of Augsburg on the Love of God. and even acknowledge that eternal life is MERITED according to this saying of our Saviour. I cannot hore omit an odd doctrine of the Augsburg Confes* Resp.—that frequently. whereas the Church was accused of attributing merits to Saints. if it did. and its merits. as St." And. was in order that we might be associated to their merits. a little after. " For we."! Thus Bucer disputed for the Catholic Church. however. and.* "* i 43. and St. not only for themselves. when he said.—Bucer undertakes to defend the Prayers of the Church. He tha i&iall leave off all for the love of mo. is entreated through Jesus Christ.tra. Augustin himself. before they had ti. Conformably to this same principle. at the Conference of Ratisbon. xx. do confess and preach with joy. But Bucer advanced still farther. by this all those who make this prayer. was acknowledged by both parties of the new Reformation.

" It is impossible to love God. is one of the niceties of Luther's justification: for the whole tenor of the Apology is not only to establish that one is justified before he loves. and he begins to love him as the author of all justice. by faith. Luther had told us as much before. This love." says this Council. Oper. and hav­ ing commenced to love God when he offered to him his grace. which raises up his hope I N T H E C O N F I D E N C E HE HAS T H A T 44 44 44 GOD WILL B E P R O P I T I O U S TO H I M THROUGH JESUS CHRIST."* That we are justified. but a troubled conscience perceives the vanity of these philosophical speculations. that the impious man is justified by the grace. de . previously." From this he concludes every where—" That it is impossible to love God. that it is impossible to love unless he be justified previously ."! namely. 20. and all he has promised . It is an easy matter for idle contemplatives to imagine these dreams of the love of God. Paul. if. de bm. but. also. then. he receives the sacrament—he is justified. but Melancthon explains it at length in the Apology. therefore. human nature cannot so far ele­ vate itself as to love him in his wrath. Gen. that a man guilty of mortal sin may love him above all things. is. he loves him still more when he has received it. vi.] THE VARIATIONS. to himself. But here is a new finesse of the Lutheran justification. the forgive­ ness of sins . after St. cap. Con­ scious. ApoL cap. because they are not sensible what the wrath and judgment of God are . ETC. but necessarily supposes it already accom­ plished. so happily commenced. previously. by the redemption which is in Christ Jesus. t Sess. for a heart that has a true feeling of an incensed Deity cannot love him—it must see him appeased . before we have the least spark of divine love. insomuch that pardon offered with so great bounty can gain nothing on our hearts— we must have received it already to be capable of loving God. whilst he condemns. 8 1 . v. that he is a sinner. Synt. 107 won on justification . and this he believes before all things. one has not. that not only the love of God was not necessary fur it. whereas. ii. he turns himself towards the Divine mercy. 45.III. establishes. if. that one of the difference* of Christian justice from that of the law. Chria+ Art. moves him to detest his crimes . Charity is gratuitously diffused into his heart by the Holy Ghost. Not so speaks the Church in the Council of Trent:— Man excited and assisted by grace. 2d part Justi£ p. as the gracious being who gratuitously justifies the impious. St* Augustin. believes all that God has revealed. namely. that the justice of tho law is built on the spirit of fear and terror. one be not assured of forgiveness obtained. 6. cap. whilst he threatens.—Another error in the Lutheran Justification." says h e . from that justice by which he is alarmed.

with the necessity of Enumerating Sins. is there throughout repre­ sented as the justice of works. as this exposition has fully discovered that in an article which is considered by the Lutherans as the masterpiece of their Reformation. " the enumeration of sins ought not to be exacted in it." I believe the reader is already tired with hearing a calumny already refuted so frequently. As to what is taught in the same place. 21. according to these words. de Pconit p. that we maintain a justice which has faith for its foundation. xii. and. to justify us in others. not only in the sight of the Church. 47. a legal justice. but also in the sight of God.Confession. 167. whereas it appears clearly from the Council of Trent. p. 800.—The Lutherans acknowledge the Sacrament of Penance. justice through its own proper merits . is a Phari­ saical justice. de Conf . of the highest importance : for example. as the justice of the law. that to reject it is an error of the Novatians. 46. and even in those. a justice through works . Who is there that knoweth his sins V "f For sins that are no! * Art xi. because. when some dispute may still remain. because the thing is impossible. But the Apology expounds it in a different way . that confession being retained. Besides this principal article. is a justice of reason. I believe it now appears how necessary it was to give a clear idea of the Lutheran justification from the Confession of Augs­ burg and Apology.(OR THE HISTORY OF . the justice of reason. with which Christianity was as yet unacquainted : a justice which the Holy Ghost infuses into our hearts. and that justice. in a word. and Sacramental Absolution. the Holy Ghost for its author from its very beginning."* As to their reproaching us with maintaining that " this sacrament conferred grace without any good motive on the part of him who receives it. cap. to which the love of God is judged necessary. t Con£ Aug. xxii. Gen. evidently to leave us the advantage. and properly so called. and a condemned error : that this absolution is a true sacrament. a Pharisaical justice. in which consists its purity and truth. that the power of the keys remits sins. grace for its principal cause. there are others in the Augsburg Confession or Apology. which cleanses but the exterior: a justice infused gratuitously into our hearts for the sake of Jesus Christ. by infusing charity. art xi. finally. ailer all nothing has been done except to calumniate us in some points. into which it enters. they accuse us of maintaining a justice by its own proper powers. that" particular absolution ought to be retained in confession. These were new ideas.BOOR tian justice is inspired by the spirit of affection and love.-. even to the last perfection to which it can arrive in this life. Apol.

perhaps. f Ibid. p. w e must confess those only which Are known to us. since. with­ out the least testimony of antiquity. b y taking it for the ministry of the word. § James v.1T or that one of the fruits of Christian matrimony were not to provide that the children born in it be named saints. de Num. Here is a fourth. in the same place. since " N o difficulty ought to be made of ad­ mitting Orders into this rank. what can be the meaning of these words of St. truly. Sao || De C. the Supper. and to save one's own soul in thus taking care of them . 380. 18. and Absolution are three true sacraments. Babyl. and which w e feel within our hearts. cap. its promises too.] THE VARIATIONS. 200. ETC. Concord. have not an express promise of grace. which is unanimously re­ ceived by the whole party. that Luther had no opinion of this epistle. though the Church had never called it in ques­ tion. this was indeed a good excuse. as the same Luther. 1& 10 \ Apol. after con­ fession. Confirmation and Extreme Unction are specified as "ceremonies received b y the fathers. and has great prom­ ises. t xi. ii. as des­ tined to sanctity." replies the confessor. vii. 1 4 .". the confessor gives the penitent. And. p. nor worthy of the apostolic spirit"|| As for Marriage. we find these words :—" In the sight of God we must hold ourselves guilty of our hidden sins. those of the Augsburg Confession acknowl­ edge its divine institution. " b y the orders of our Lord Jesus Christ.flT. 378.—The Seven Sacraments. as if it were a temporal concern to bring up in the Church the chil­ dren of God. et seq. forgive you your sins. " And I. but no sufficient reason for not subjecting to the keys of the Church those that are known. For the number of sacraments. it will not be irrelevant to conwrier the absolution. the better to discover the Lutheran conformity with us in the ad ministration of this sacrament." which. James's epistle concern­ ing the unction of the sick: " If he be in sin. I know not."* And. 8& ** 1 Cor. This daring Reformer cut off from the canon of Scriptures whatever did not accord with his opinions .}. in Luther's little Catechism."§ but the thing was. however. because it is commanded of God. which. but. sets its down. in his Captivity of B a l l o n . and of the Holy G h o s t " ! 48. V 1 Tim. the Apology teaches us that Baptism. in these terms:—** D o you not believe that m y forgive­ ness is that of God?" " Yes!" answers the penitent.** * Cat Min. it must b e candidly acknowledged. then. in the name of the Father. and it is on account of this Unction that he writes. p." that this epistle seems not to be S t James's. 109 known. and of the Son. id art 13. yet temporal. neither Luther nor the Lutherans differ in sentiments from us on this subject. with respect to the Minister. it shall be forgiven him .

unless it were that this saint was a *Apol. de V o t Mon.278.250. even to say on that of Continency. so that the Church which brought them forth and nourished them at her breast. not St. and ax "mated with a wonderful fervor of spirit. § Thess." it says. this sentiment. in the Counci. Franris.110 THE HISTORY OF [BOOS But the A polony. that the sacraments ope­ rate grace without any good motion of him that receives them. scarcely any d'fficultv would remain about it. at bottom. u 49.adVol. 1522. and to see how he delivers himself on the impos­ sibility of continence. Thomas ofAquin. primo. but also St. It is there they place the whole stress of the question. and to the forty-fifth year of his age. and others of the thirteenth century."§ Thus the Church of Rome was still the mother of saints in the fifteenth century. since not only St. DoVotMon. after their example. Francis. There is but St. Francis. I know not what will become of that life he says he led without reproach. all is softened in the Apology. Bonavrnture placed by Lvthcr amongst the Saints. adv. (stop your ears. Be this as it may. 281. 258. For my own part. chaste souls !) that " it was as impossible for one to keep it as to divest himself of his sex. Anthony and St. Paris Theoto^asL t. Dominic and St. above all. and thai of Continency. is acknowledged for the True Church. Bernard only. makes use of on this subject. arc there numbered among the saints. seemed to him an admirable man.tvii. Francis. Miss. were it not for the false ideas of our adversaries. had condemned Wickliffe and John Huss.5fl!». p.203. Thomas of Aquin of whom Luther would doubt. "J Modesty would be offended should I repeat the words he. 377.Li. ii. during the whole time of his celibacy."* For they are never tired with making us this unjust reproach.—St. St. they seek the forgiveness of their sins from the gratuitous bounty of God. p. his strange doubt regarding the Salvation of St.p. de abrog. that. but also St. . 103. of Constance. in many places. He carries dowq his praises as far as Gcrson. J 10. Bernard. be rejected.—Monastic Votes. St. T r a c t Ibid. p. Bonaventure. which the Church has too well provided for to fear any reproach on that head. that is. and all that is required from their disciples is. the same that. { A p o l rosp. those of the latter ages being there placed on the list of saints. y This place of the Apology merits attention. Luther had expressed himself in a revolting manner against monastic vows. Ibid 271. l i e enumerates every where among the saints.p. "provided. and calls him " a great man in every respect. ad Ar^-p* 90. seems not much to oppose out doctrine concerning the number of the sacraments.priv. St. for what reason I know not. Luther could not refuse this glorious title to these great men. Bernard. which predominates throughout the whole Pontifical kingdom. tEp. St.

f Ibid* . the Collect. Luther reformed the mass. adv."—"It is celebrated. " which were abolished.] THE VARIATIONS.—The Lutheran Mass. the Preface. it is insinuated in this passage cited from the tripartite history:— " In the city of Alexandria they assemble together on Wednes­ day and Friday. the Epistle. those words. the Words of Consecration. the Sanctus. ]| Conf. do Miw. that it can scarcely be perceived that Protestants designed any change in it They commence by complaining of the " unjust reproach against them of abolishing the mass.ibid."! In reality.^ scarcely any thing was altered by him that struck the eyes of the people. and even in Latin : and this is what was said of it in the Confession of Augsburg. cap. and great care was taken to retain them. Miss. and drew up his formula. as appeared from their practice. for the instruction of the people. T o judge by the Augsburg Confession alone. " because they were scarcely ever celebrated but for lucre . on con­ sidering merely the terms of the Confession."TT so that. Ill could not forget the sharp disputes ha Whatever it might b e . with the wax candles and incense. The Introit was there retained. the Agnus Dei. were cut off from * Prcef. T o return to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. except the solemn oblation. Aug. " amongst us with extreme reverence. nothing was said in the Augsburg Confession against the oblation. moreover. the Kyrie. and in it are preserved almost all the ordinary ceremonies. the Gospel. Such is the order of the Lutheran mass. on the contrary. Ibid. and Luther had held with that orderso he says. and the whole service is then performed. in which there is mention of the oblation made to God of the proposed gills." *ay they.—The Oblation. Meanwhile. in 1523. " he knows not. f Cap. which exteriorly appeared little different from ours. J Form. one would have laid that nothing except the abuse was the object of attack. were objected to. t i i § Chyt Hiat Conf. the Lord's Prayer. 51. Dominican." be damned or saved :"* though. Latom. without communicants. doubt­ kind of vows than the other religious. In this mass we see the altar ornaments and sacerdotal garments. de Miss. the Ele­ vation. ETC. they were unwilling to discover to the people that they had made any alteration in the public service. when. the Credo. he made no other had said no other mass. " if Thomas less. are mingled prayers in die German tongue. the Prayers. the Preaching."§ What is still more." said they. and the confer­ ences then held." || The reason was. if they pleased. the singing was retained. 52. the Communion. even the article of the Mass is passed over there so lightly. Aug. and had taught no other faith. 243. it might seem that masses only. the Thanksgiving.—** Together with the chanting in Latin. how taken aioay.III.

cnp. which was made to God of the proposed gifts before they were distributed. and this is what they changed in practice. on hearing this reproach.-The Prayer and Oblation for the Dead.etSacriC et de Vocnb. Chyt Hist Aug. in tl Cone. I Con£ Aug. Apol. " not for original sin only. 25. as Lutherans themselves relate. had the oblation made for the dead deeply impressed upon their minds. 64 53. by way of a necessary elucidation. that of Milan from that of Rome. cap. and they omitted not in the Apology to inculcate the same—insinuating that Catholics admitted the mass for no other reson than to extinguish piety. and in the Apology spoke of it in these terms—"With regard to what is objected against us concerning oblation for the dead having been practised by the Fathers. that the canon of the Greeks differed from that of the Latins— and even among the Latins. npud. as if with one common voice. wc acknowledge thai * Consult Lut."§ But the people were to be made believe that these wretched Papists were even igno­ rant of the first elements of Christianity. attended not to it at the commencement. the Protestants would not seem to be ignorant of. cried out against it. But the people. In the Confession of Augsburg they even attribute to the Catholics this strange doctrine. in order to render this oblation odious."J a truth of which none ever doubted.. de. deCanonc. 269. but for all others too.p. at all times. whereas the faithful. Gr-n. f Conf Auir. that all the liturgies agreed unanimously as to the oblation. without daring to acknowledge as much in the public Confession. but they did not think proper to acquaint them that these canons or liturgies had none other than accidental differences . and to render. and. § Chyt. that Jesus Christ had offered himself to bear the cross. however. It is not a matter of surprise that the Catholics. p. " That Jesus Christ had satis­ fied for original sin in his passion. all."f as if Jesus Christ had not equally satisfied for all sins . and had instituted the mass for mortal and venial sins.i\liss. always struck exteriorly with the same objects. they would pre­ tend to make the Church believe she attributed to it " a merit of remitting sins. without the necessity of bringing to it either faith or any good motive . 54. saying : " That never had such a thing been heard among them. which were committed every day . de Miss. Miss."* This was done to amuse the ignorant. Conf. it was insinuated that the canon was not the same in all churches. H i s t ConC .THE HISTORY CjF U S [BOOt the canon of the mass. this change supportable to them. or conceal a thing so well known. tit.—What was invented in order to render the Oblation in the Mass odious.cnp." which was repeated three times in the Confession of Augsburg. Now. they added. But. edit. de Sacram.

St. If they reject Aerius. 53. ETC. and merits for the wicked to whom it is applied. Epiphanius. provided they put no obstacle to it. say they. AND WE PREVENT NONE FROM NOW DOING IT . that the mass justifies men in virtue of the action. Lib.111. did not assert as you do."f Thus is an imposition practised upon the ignorant. but dispute against you—who say. ex opere operafo. 10* . by condemning Aerius. f Ibid. p.—The Lutherans reject the doctrine of Aerius. and merits the forgiveness for sinners. not only prayer." T o hear them speak.—How the Oblation of the Eucharist is profitable to the whole world. \ Aug. 0 0 convincing a proof «nat the Eucharist was profitable even to those who received not the communion. " That the mass justifies men in virtue of the action. which this Arian heretic had added to the Arian heresy—" That we ought not to pray or offer up oblations for the dead?"J This is what St. without their so much as thinking of it. Epiphanius declares. even to those who * \)tol c de Voc. that Aerius taught that prayers for the dead were unprofitable. We support not Aerius. provided diey put no obstacle thereto. If it were not the in­ tention of the Lutherans to maintain Aerius. of the Apostles and Fathers. because that was .] THjB ARIATIONS. to whom it is applied. 75. 274. But whore is the advantage of thus deceiving men ? The manner. if they dare not support a heretic condemned by the holy Fathers. why do they main­ tain this particular dogma. in the first place. contrary to prayer for the Dea*. not daring to let the peoole see that antiquity had offered for the dead. but also the oblation for the dead. whom they will have condemned for denying that the mass was to be offered for the living and the dead. Secondly. and to compare our doctrine with theirs. ex opere operate"* Here every thing abounds with artifice : for. Miss. 55. but we do not approve of the application of the Lord's Supper for the dead. they had it cut off from the canon. one would say. that St. de Haer. whilst they say they do not prevent this prayer. they ought to replace in the Liturgy. the objection spoke of the oblation. the forgiveness of the guilt and the pain. Ep. H»r. of the guilt and pain. that the mass of itself was to justify all kind of sinners for whom it is said. say we. But the following words of the Apology are remarkable: ** Unjustly do our adversaries reproach us with the condemna­ tion of Aerius. 118 they prayed lor the dead. But here is the great subject of complaint in the Apology: namely. and their answer is concerning prayer. in virtue of the action. by which the mass is profitable. This is their custom—to oppose the ancient heretics against us. con­ trary to the doctrine of the Prophets. Epiphanius. Augustin relates of Aerius after St. of whom he had given an epit­ ome. 56. and by so doing defaced a practice as ancient as the Church.

they see in us the hidden thoughtsf of our hearts. What could be offensive in this manner of explaining the ef feet of the muss ? As for those who converted so pure a doc­ trine to sordid gain. on the contrary. how ever. but also the M E D I A T O R S OF R E D E M F T I O N . . and particularly that of prayer to the saints. it is not the fault of the Church. It is profitable to them like prayer. t Ad Art xxi. and even sinners themselves.) and that too without any good motive. or seeing them otherwise than by that light he imparts to them. if they did not resist it. in accusing Cath­ olics of the grossest errors—even so as to make them say." said they. because. They devised that Jesus Christ was more difficult. Protestants know very well the Church did not approve of them. concerning the mass. " since. and for masses without communicants. Cath. p. without apprising the people of the alteration. c 6."* so that the Church resembles a rich benefactor. Trid. in changing the interior. Ccnc. car rus with it a most powerful manner of intercession." says the Apology. They were not less industrious in disfiguring the other parts of our doctrine. c. as. and which often obtains it so abundantly as to prevent their resistance. even what was most ancient. 57. It is thus the oblation of the Eucharist is profitable to the ubsent." 'a thing always reserved to the Sacraments of Baptism and Penance. that" the mass justified the sinner. The whole artifice of the Augsburg Confession. contains no difficulty at all. grounded on Prayers matle to Saints.114 THE H1STOR1 OF [BOOR think not of it. is now s e e n : it consists in scarcely touching the ex­ terior . which. did we not suppose it could obtain of God that grace which would over­ come their obduracy of heart. she wished the assistants would communicate at the mass they hear . in reality. what since has been confirmed at Trent. SS. 22. and the saints more easy. " not only intercessors. sinful men too often render useless by the impediment which they oppose to its efficacy. when he pleased. placing before the eyes of God so agreeable an object as the Body and Blood of his Son. he did to the Prophets ? " They make the saints. the consecration of the Eucharist. who always keeps an open table. " who attribute down­ right divinity to the saints. in order to make the Church and her Liturgy more odious. con­ trary to their own principles. de Miss. Sess. which certainly we should never offer for the most obdurate sinners. that. 225. c de Invoc. although the guests come not to it. by saying. the dead. if none communicate at it. to be ap+ Chyt H i s t Conf. " There are those. and ready served. who attrib­ ute to saints the-seeing of the hidden secrets of hearts like to God. the Catholics told them ever since that time.—Jl horrible calumny." Where are those divines. even the most wicked.

—Calumnies regarding Images. 1 IS peased. in a word.J THE VARIATIONS. in the new idolatry. Mida in Comment ap." added they. But now it assumed boldness. and of which nothing had been seen before St. " We speak not now." After imputing such excesses to us. they say gravely. || 1 * Ad Art xxi. Particular care. de Prop. T o satisfy the party. Basil. ETC. do Invoc f Ibid. with the invocation of saints. . and Bucer himself. Acc. that the Confession of Augsburg proceeded not to this extremity . an unsuspected author. I DaJ'."J Thus they excited the public hatred. that they might pray for us. as the magicians make us believe there is in the images of the constellations when they are made at a certain time. Ambrose. and a gross imposture with respect to Invocation of Saints. all the Fathers of this so venerable an AGE. Angus* tin. they further add. before the seventh cen­ tury. they seek the saints. Joscp. Gregory. as if we were reputed just by reason of their merits. they state in the indulgences' that the merits of the saints are applied to us."*j" A little equity would have enabled them to see in what manner the merits of the saints are useful to u s . do Cult Satin. They honored them." And a little after. But their object was to exasperate and irritate the minds of men. " they exhort to confide more in the mercy of the saints than in that of Jesus Christ. and believed there was a certain virtue in them. Jur. They enjoin to trust in the merits of the saints. and that these images were not so much as mentioned in it. and knew not how to blush . and. however.'^ The people were not yet accustomed to despise the authority of the ancient Church. and are not ashamed to assure us that St. were common in the ancient Church. therefore. as yet timorous. St."* It is unnecessary to justify the Church from these abominable excesses. § Ibid. have. reverenced the great names of the Fathers. 229. and. 58. It must be acknowledged. " From the invocation of saints they proceed to images. cap. has sufficiently vindicated us from the reproach which they objected to us on that head. insomuch tha they have conceded to us the fourth century. however. FLYING FROM JESUS CHRIST. the reign of Antichrist. as we are reputed just by reason of the merits of Jesus Christ. " of popular abuses . we speak of the opinion of doctors. On die contrary. something more severe must be said in the Apology. the} confide more in the mercy of the saints.III. addressed to the saints. introduced without the testimony of the Fathers. they spoke of it as " a new custom. and the Reformation. St. than in that of Jesus Christ. was taken not to let the people see that these prayers. that is. " We invent nothing. set up. But to remove all doubt that this was literally Catholic doctrine. { Ibid.

but thus concluded the exposition of their doctrine. *• Such is the abridgment of our faith. f ApoL Rrsp. nor even TO T H E CHURCH OF R O M E .-The Lutherans durst not reject the authority of the Church of Rome.flf THE HISTORY OF [BOOR 59. edit. a s far as she can be known from her writers. still believed they followed in every thing the sentiments of the Fathers. and four years after the Confession of Augsburg. 22. G(. p. nor Avill we main tain the impious and seditious opinions she has condemned. therefore. Even Luther him­ self. 14' . which he had formerly entertained for the Church. and though there should be some difference. Art. so many years since his •uvolt. p. the Apos ties. since it is not necessary that Church rites should be every where the same. considered without comparison the most important they s a i d . was not to be taken for the doctrine of the Church of Rome :"§ whereby particular opin­ ions were manifestly distinguished from the received and con­ stant doctrine. was not wholly extinguished. Ambrose. divines.—Memorable words of Luther. bishops."J Also in the Apology. was * Conf.* The matter which is the subject of dispute regards some few abuses. some cardinals. that they had on their side the holy Fathers. The people. in order to increase the glory of God. chiefly in the article of justification.. it ought to be tolerated. ana the greatest part of the other Fathers. p. St. and of the whole Church. the Protestants boasted. ad Arg. &c t Edit. 141. which. or monks. and provide for the advantage of pious souls in the Universal Church. that the ancient veneration. Then. 22. that has moved us to embrace this doctrine. p. and author of justification. without any certain authority."! 44 In another edition are read these words : WE D E S P I S E N O I T H E C O N S E N T OF T H E CATHOLIC C H U R C H . and even that of the Church of Rome. and manifested plainly. have been introduced into the Churches. xxi. and O F T H E A N C I E N T C H U R C H . and during the time o f the Augsburg Confession. which they esteemed most essential. Augustin. and the Holy Fathers. \ ApoL Heap. Art xxi. and they not only pretended the ancient Church was for them. the authority of the Catholic Church. returned at times to his good sense. with which they professed not to interfere. ad Arg. fot it is not irregular passions.«n. That it was the doctrine of the Prophets. Aug. nor to the Catholic Church. however arrogant and rebellious. but the authority of God's word. 44 60. and that all which was approved by the Pope. after the exposition o f the article of Jus tification. About the year 1534. who acknowledged Jesus Christ for propitiator. Gen. acknowledging the true Church in the Communion of Rome. a veneration for which was deeply imprinted upon all minds. o f St. where nothing will be seen contrary to Scripture.

the image of the crucifix. and yet I ex44 44 * Tr. without doubt. and still is. though so much incensed agaiist the Catholic Church. in the frontispiece of all the volumes of his works. he is represented. 117 published his treatise for abolishing the Private Mass. and three or four times a year. 235. and a wholesome admonition. the Decalogue. there the saints have dwelt. " That she was the true Church." continued he.—Both kinds. ct seq. but we excuse not the authors of this prohibition/ \ T o comprehend the mystery of this part of the Apology. 61. As to what he says of taking away one kind. Its author. has suffered this injury. and many pious canticles in Latin and German. In this Church. the pillar and ground of truth. " God miracu­ lously preserves baptism. the Symbol. As yet. t.HI. he concluded. the vocation and ordination of pastors. Lord's Prayer. comfort in the agony of death. and at the same time the remembrance of the death and passion of Jesus Christ: the Psalter. " Eckius believed. p. consulting him on this subject. the Reformation found itself very much embarrassed about this article. the revolt had not extinguished in his heart those good remnants of the piety and doctrine of the Church. with the Elector his master. and the true faith in his elect. Which I would not allow. but few words are necessary. holds it for a monument of piety. there. de Missa. Melancthon. kneeling before a crucifix. For which reason it is certain. has been. Jesus Christ has been there present. not being able to receive both kinds. even so far as to hold it for the seat of Anti­ christ and abomination. It is the same in which he relates his famous conference with the prince of darkness. ETC." Far from looking on the cross put into the hands of dying persons as an object of idolatry. excepting one kind that has been forci­ bly taken away. vii. that communion under one or both kinds should be aeld for indifferent. f Cap. and the most holy place. on that account." And a little after :— " Where the true relics of saints are to be found. though one kind has been taken away from the people. whilst the Catholics and Protestants were disputing it at Augsburg. do utriusque Specie p. and this is what was said of it in the Apology : We excuse the Church. the text of the Gospel in all languages.* There. . the Holy Church of Jesus Christ. which. so far from taking from it the title of Church. he.J THE VARIATIONS. that recalled to our minds the death and passion of Jesus Christ." said he. the remission of sins. on the contrary. 236. nor am I surprised that. the Sacrament of the altar towards Easter. on the contrary. and his Holy Spirit there does preserve his true knowledge. for the institutions and sacraments of Jesus Christ are there. writes to Luther. and absolution as well in Confession as ir public.

15. All this but little coincided with the seventh article of the Augsburg Confession. Aug. p. but the sacraments also were to be well administered by the pastors. when shehad it not in her power. Art viL f Reap. The difficulty in condemning the doctrine of the Church was * MeL lib. though externally under control as to its observances. which communicated under one kind only." answers Lu­ ther. for certainly those who de­ tained the synagogue captive were not of her body. and the whole party subscribed to thi* answer of the Apolgy."! T o salve this idea of •he Church. " But. for they exclaimed.t more could those who condemn her say. 44 S2. the synagogue. N o w the Church is the assembly of the Saints. through error. Sleid. "f The example was unhappily cited . as we excuse the synagogue in not having observed all the ceremonies of the law during the captivity of Babylon. lib vii. was not on that account drawn into error. which led Melancthon to this p»*re expedient of excusing the Church in an error. t ii. we say that the Church being oppressed and deprived by violence of one kind.—The body of the Lutherans submit themselves in the Augsburg Confession to the judgment of the General Council. had received but one. and ike injury which had been done her. since the error here meunt. not only the people were to be excused. ought to be excused. as the pastors t>f the Church. as Melancthon maintained the Church had been. in being deprived of one kind : but. J Conf. whom they here represented as her oppressors. is sup­ posed to be an error in faith. as to the error she had been in. The words of Luther in reply to Melancthon merit observa­ tion : " T h e y cry out. Lest they should condemn the Church. and if that of the Eucharist did not subsist under one kind alone* no longer could the Church herself be made to subsist."* They durst not then condemn the whole Church: they ab­ horred the very thought. Again.118 THE HISTORY OF cused those who hitherto. Whr. to the error into which she was led: thus she was admirably excused. where the Gospel is taught. it was agreed to excuse her. " That there is one Holy Church. in short. were of the body of the Church. 112. and the sacraments rightly administered. Luth. ad Mel. and an error tending even to the entire subversion of so great a sacrament as that of the Eucha­ rist 1 But no other method was to be found : Luther approved it. where it is declared. i. and by this method the promises of Jesus Christ never to abandon her were excellently well preserved. he joined the violence she suffered from her pastors in that point. that we condemn the whole Church*' The whole world was astonished at this. we condemned the whole Church. Ep. the article passed. . and the better to excuse the Church. which shall remain for ever.

that they were not distinguished but by certain rites and some slight observances. So solemn a declaration will remain for ever upon record in the most authentic act the Lutherans have ever made. 119 not less pressing. and perhaps even deceived themselves. be* * Pnef. alt they had said of her holy authority vanished like a dream. And. we offer in all obedience to your imperial majesty. and Christian coun­ cil. moreover. You repeated tno same declaration in the last year in the last diet held at Spire. " It is to this general council. They involved themselves still further. that you could determine nothing in this affair. All then submitted to it. and to your imperial majesty conjointly. but would have recourse to the Pope. After they had been accustomed to it. Concord. they openly submitted to her council. With this spe­ cious appearance they retained the people. ET4 . This appears in the Preface of the Confession of Augsburg." u?«d by them. they also named the emperor in their appeal as the person who was to procure the convocation of this holy assembly. and the Protes­ tants submitted themselves to it in these terms : " If matters of religion cannot be amicably arranged with our parties." By this it is seen what council it was. of which there was question. p. and in the very front of the Augsburg Confession.] THE VARIATIONS. finally. and we adhere to this appeal. and in acknowledgment of the inviolable authority of the Church. in testimony against them. the Church was forgotten. They endeavored to have it believed. tddressed to Charles V. Conf. and the horror they had for schism diminished daily. and whatever might be done before her decision arrived. free. to be assembled by the Pope. and the title ** of a free and Christian Council. was all provisional.III. that we have and do appeal. and manifested that you persisted in the resolution of procuring this assembly of a general council: adding that the affairs be­ tween you and the Pope being concluded. however. it was not their intention to give the emperor authority to pro­ nounce on the articles of faith: but upon appealing to the coun­ cil. It was a general council. to pro­ cure the convention of an universal council. and whom they solicited to retain in the meantime all things in sus­ pense. Aug. to appear and plead our own cause before such a general. to show they always pretended to make one body with her. you believed he might easily oe induced to call a general council. and the party had gained strength by treaties and leagues. & ." And. " Your imperial majesty has declared. as we have just seen. and this was the reason lhat the Proti stains durst not acknowledge. wherein religion was concerned. that their confession of faith was oppo­ site to the Church of Rome."* When they spoke in this manner. or that they had withdrawn themselves from her.

as he acknowledges himself. as will be scon hereafter. t hih. for which reason Melancthon. and whilst he was laboring at the Confession of Augsburg. he. every day. This is the history of the Augsburg Confession and of its Apol­ ogy.THE HISTORY OF came a pretext to render their calling for a council illusory. they would have drawn still nearer to Catholics. " They must. and almost all. \. should they only take the trouble to lay aside the calumnies with which they there charge us. as he explained it every whore. thoy returned without an answer. fl." says he.\h t \. and insup­ portable regrcts. . that he knew not how to assuage this proud spirit. I dare say."J Luther held him under greater restraints than all the rest together. they are concerned at nothing. wrote the Confession of Augsburg. endless cares." proceeded h e . "§ Express messengers were sent to him in vain. and com­ prehend fully the dogmas in which they are so visibly conform­ able to our doctrine. himself. 63."* Thus did they patch up this famous Confession of Faith. iv. I. they thought of nothing but carrying all to extremities. 44 44 44 44 4 4 44 44 * Lib. a."f But. that he even refused to read his letter. We see. be often changed. that. was always oppressed with cruel anxieties. for he spoke not all he wished . Melancthon was not permitted to soften mat­ ters as he wished :— I changed something. and thus were the dogmas therein treated. always wcepiug and sighing. who did all he could to check the impetuosity of his master. Ep. If they had been advised by Melancthon. writing to Luther. which he entreated him to revise. and should have changed much more if our companions would have suffered me." the meaning was. which is the foun­ dation of the Protestant religion. and fitted to the occasion. E p ." says he. 115. in the letters which he wrote to him. E p . concerning the Articles of Faith. without foreseeing what might happen. and changed again. and of the party. some­ times he was carried against Melancthon into such a passion. \ ltii<l. and under these restraints the unfortunate Melaucthon.—The Conclusion of this matter: how useful it ought to be in reclaiming the Lutherans. We see the Lutherans would relinquish many things.

3.THE VARIATIONS. { Sleid.] 4 brief nummary. ii. on their part. Luther declared.—The Leagues of the Protestants after the Decree of the Diet of Augsburg. 3. f Lib. Immediately after the Diet. the great negotiator of those times in matters of religion.—Melancthon's embarrassment upon these new projects so contrary to the first plans. who. however subscribes every thing required by Luther. . [From the year 1530 to 1537. Melancthon begins to doubt of it.— Bucer at length deceives Luther. persisted in the resolution of mak­ ing no league with them: in order.—Melanctlion's limitation of the Article which regards the Pope. was a perpetual obstacle to the reunion of the whole party. but he could not adhere to it long.*)* The Lutherans agree. to whose maxims he was a stranger when he wrote his first works : more over. and the resolution of taking vp arms warranted by Luther. that the Gospel was not contrary to political laws . and ir 4 R K M I Arg. ETC. resolved more than ever to unite among themselves. had an inter­ view with Zuinglius and Luther. the Landgrave despatched Bucer. and the resolution of taking up arms approved by Luthsr* RIGOROUS was the decree of the Diet of Augsburg against Protestants. L n. the Protestants. John Frederick. viL vtf. and Strasburg. 9. BOOK Ill IV. by acknowledging that the unworthy do receive the Truth of the Body. Zurich.—Bucer displays his Equivocations. therefore.—The Articles of Smalkald. at present he referred to the lawyers. to settle this matter.—Whilst they are returning to the opinion of Luther. and he then maintained strongly that arms ought not to be employed in the cause of the Gospel. But the division regarding the Lord's Supper. not even to de­ fend themselves against oppression. But Luther would not hear it mentioned. made his treaty with those of Basil.}. "it was not allowable to resist lawful prwers. in no way scrupulous. which had broken out so openly at the Diet.—The Protestant Leagues. Lib. 1. We have seen that the great success of his doctrine had made him believe that the Church of Rome was going to fall of itself.—The Agreement ofWittenburg concluded on that foundation. in order to unite the whole Protestant party and the Sacramentarians with ths Lutherans. and while Protestants were labor­ ing to form the league of Smalkald. and the Elector. that although he had constantly taught hitherto. Sleid. by his orders.—Tney are equally rejected by Zuinglius and Luther. vii. that nothing was more inculcated in his writings than this maximHe was desirous of giving his new church this beautiful char­ acter of primitive Christianity. As the Emperor then set up a kind of defensive league with all the Catholic states against the new religion. Lib. The Landgrave.* At this time a little pamphlet of Luther's put all Germany in a ferment. and Luther's new explication of the Real Presence.

Duke of Sax­ ony^ had already given a full evidence that the evangelical patience. that Luther was expressly consulted. so boasted of in their first writings. and Luther's blast was too weak to cast down this so much detested Papacy. to which he had been conducted by his Prince." says he. the aflTair was somewhat palliated to him. by which Luther authorized those who took up arms against their prince. when not only the civil law. which Luther had written against George. but that was a letter written to a private in­ dividual only. Lib. but not without extreme reluctance : nay. was considered by them as at an end .122 [BOOK THE HISTORY OF such bad times one might be brought to extremity. as far as he was able. and this writing came forth without his knowledge. even against the Emperor. || Lib. that all good men ought to oppose these leagues :"1T but in such a party these fine senti­ ments could not be supported. n. It is my opinion. they permitted themselves to be carried away by the most violent measures. Lib. from Sleidan. or all was not dis­ covered to Melancthon. It is certain. ii. f Sleid. is a public writing. iil Ep. Melancthon complained of it. So great is the malic*. the Elector of Saxony. " That it was better to suffer every thing than to take up arms in the cause of the Gospel. Luther had not been consulted par­ ticularly about the leagues . J t. nor is it found that his writing was published by any but himself. would oolige the Faithful to take up arms. 42. iv. 85. At length Melancthon hesitated." said h e .ib. was the circulation of this writing through­ out all Germany? Ought the alarm to have thus been sounded to excite all the towns to make confederacies ?"§ It was with difficulty he was brought to renounce that beautiful idea of ref­ ormation Luther had instilled into him. 117. When it was seen that proph­ ecies went on too slowly. however. and which he had so well maintained. { Lib.. Ib. and which he had endeavored to prevent. Lib. when he wrote to the Landgrave. instead of entering into themselves. Here. vii. Ep." || H e had said as much about the leagues the Protestants were treating about. 117. t Lib. and associate themselves against all those who should make war upon them. that should they find us defenceless. 3. Ep. and truly who would have dared to do it without his orders ? J This writing set all Germany in a flame. 2."* The letter. Ep. but in vain. ft* . Ep. vii. T o what purpose. the agitation he showed while these confederacies were forming excites compassion: he writes to his friend Camerarius.of some. 3. at the time of the Diet of Spire. • If we credit Melancthon. but conscience also. But either Melancthon spoke not all he knew. they would 44 44 44 4 4 44 • Slek. We are no longer consulted about the question—whether or not it be lawful to defend ourselves by making war : there may be just reasons for it.—Melancthon?s concern at these new resolutions of war. iv. iv. 3. 16.

IT. which we shall well know how to pro­ vide against. neither do I believe the pre­ cautions of our people ought to be blamed. my dear Camerarius. he acquaints the same Camerarius. Ep. for your heavenly Father knoweth what is needful for you. and. iv. So let us again pray to God. Above all.] THE VARIATIONS. was not what he imagined i *o be until then. " how well did I foresee. such is the present conjuncture. That Luther had written extremely moderately. A few days after the above letter. This caused him to sigh.' Man believes not himself secure un­ less he has good and secure supports* In this weakness of minds orr theological maxims could never make themselves be heard. 123 be capable of any enterprise. and seen that the new Reformation. "concerned at nothing. and after he was unable to frustrate their resoluions to a war. "this thesis is wholly singular. and their ignorance extreme ! None are touched with this Baying—* Be not solicitous. f Lib. said he. incapable of maintaining the maxims of die Gospel. for which reason we must pray to God. But. His grief increased when he saw 3d many projects of leagues war­ ranted by Luther himself. how to set bounds to the ambi­ tion of princes. I believe."* Then he ought to have opened his eyes. with all the letters he wrote. we ought to give ourselves no more concern about these same leagues. 44 44 . when we do not oppose such * Lib."'J Very right. and were. could he hope to prevent crimes during the course of this war ? But he durst not admit his party to be in the wrong. ETC. Oh !" says he. in his heart. we ought not to condemn them. he found himself under the obligation of support­ ing them by arguments. condemn any person . truly. Alas! if this war itself was a crime. But let us attend to the following part of the letter : " I will not." says he. who pushed all to extremities. Strange are the aberrations of men."f 44 44 His friend Camerarius. in my opinion. J Ibid." For this he wept incessantly." thus he finishes his letter. and Melancthon did always what he could to support him. but God holds in derision prayers made to him in deprecation of public calamities. " in conclusion. provided that they do nothing that is criminal. after they have engaged them in a civil war. at Augsburg. all these com­ motions !" It was then he so bitterly lamented the transports of nis friends. approved no more than i e of these warlike preparations . Luther was to be excused. give him relief. In my opinion. that. according to the maxims he had always maintained. in. nor could Luther. iv. and it was with great difficulty they had extorted his determination from him." N o doubt these Doctors knew perfectly well how to withhold armed soldiers. and may be considered several ways." says he. you see com­ pletely we are not in error. Ep. UO.

—The death of Zuinglius in battle. it was certain that he had ad­ vanced far into the hottest of the engagement. with Melancthon. I have no ease but from your letters. The party found it difficult to defend. as well for what he himself. John Frederick. rather than that of a soldier . t vii. though stronger. in a pastor of souls. and the excuse was. T o persuade either party was deemed im­ possible. was a point determined in the new Reformation. ad sin. 1531. that this would be injurious to the truth. this unbecoming bravery. by all possible ways. but the nego­ tiation was interrupted by the war that intervened between the Catholic and Protestant cantons. H e sets off immediately to obtain the adhesion of Zuinglius." thus he speaks. who persisted to say. from a desire to form a strong league. pursued his object. and already fruitlessly attempted at Marpurg. that he died of grief. as what others did.—Bucer a negotiations. that however warm a disputant. At this period Bucer entered upon his negotiations with Luther. p. but the Zuinglians were not included in this agreement. This. and whether it was that he found him inclined to peace with the Zuinglians. that he followed the Protestant army in the capacity of a minister. either by Catholics or Lutherans . 130L . The latter. entreats his friend to comfort and support him. the peace of Nuremberg moderated the rigors of the decree of the Diet of Augsburg. and to acknowledge the substantial presence so a* to leave himself a way of escaping. Bucer.and manifested. and necessary to join in leagues. and troubled. which he defended. but to have recourse to equivocation. that it was lawful to take up arms." u 9 3. In Germany. obstinately refused to admit them into the league until they should have agreed with Luther in the article of the Real Pres ence. de *brog. " Write to me often. he was no less bold a combat­ ant. or that by some other means he was able to meet him in good humor. and the Elector. A mutual toleration. though with reluctance. and. Luther says he was beaten to death by the devil. Zuinglius was killed in battle. and died sword in hand. were vanquished. t Tr.* but. then. after all.*f and others. being unable to support the anguish which so many troubles brought upon him. he obtained from him fair words. Miss. Melancthon was sensible of this . each one retaining his own sentiments. What do I say ? When we approve. whose assault he was unable to resist . N o other method was left for Bucer. labored to surmount this only obstacle to the re­ union of the party. His death was followed by that of (Ecolampadius. * Hosp. not desponding. when we subscribe to them.134 THE HISTORY OP [BOOK proceedings as bring them on us. had been re­ jected there by Luther with contempt.

was nothing but a dispute on words. some promise of grace annexed to the sacraments was sufficient. apud MoHp. without admitting any thing new.—The agreement Bucer proposes is only in words. since. Hoap. Zuinglius himself had made no dif­ ficulty of acknowledging something more in them. which had caused so much excitation. and is not with the bread. It was said. T o receive it. was afterwards softened by him. they were re­ ceived by faith: the true body was therefore received. . But. was a thing incomprehensible. which Bucer admits. therefore. with­ out it being present. they never had understood each other. by habituating himself to speak like Luther. ETC. it was necessary the body and blood should be received in it. they acknowl­ edged the proper substance was received. Thus did Bucer. was as distant from the Eucharist as heaven is from earth. There was no further occasion for speaking of faith.* on account of their equivoca­ tions . It was an ordinary discourse with the Sacra­ mentarians. and that this long discussion. When they had come so far as to say the true body of Jesus Christ was received by faith. it is not to be found in the Eucharist but * Luth. ad Sen. and said. and." says the latter. nor in the bread. that they ought to be cautious not to place simple signs in the sacraments. absolutely and without re­ striction. it was sufficient to understand it. and. The first called the Sacramen­ tarians a double-tongued faction. 1530.128. Jesus Christ substantially present. but. to verify his words. Mel. and was no more received by the faithful than the substance of the sun is received by the eye. this substance. The example of baptism sufficiently proved this. and not that of their virtue. Francof. for Jesus Christ had not two. This is what Luther and Melancthon said. He had spoken more justly. 5. But it is the presence of the body and blood. and a presence of virtue. 110. however. whereas the Eucharist was not only instituted as a sign of grace. he changed his whole language .—if. which was said to be present. VARIATIC NS. 125 9 The grounds tf Bucer 8 equivocations. Behold. then. which we require. In this manner. in order to reconcile partita The plan he adopted to effect BO considerable a concession is surprising. which. If this body of Jesus Christ be no where else but in heaven. after all. Ep.THE 4. f Ep. had he said their agreement was in words only. " They made a devilish game with the words of our Lord. was called the body and blood.— not to be a simple sign. ad 1533. began at length to say. acknowledge the real and substantial presence of our Lord's body and blood in the Eucharist. ** is but a presence in word. moreover. finally. said Bucer. although they were only in heaven."! " The presence.

but in a divine.— This is my body.—The presence of the body. in the Eucharist. have Jesus Christ corporeally present. be called real and substantial." said Bucer. which the «en£6a could not reach. without fallacy. by faith. indeed. said Bucer. p. . might bo so called. is it not real also ? and is there nothing real in baptism. placed after so incomprehensible a manner in the Eucharist. The Lutherans agreed that the presence of the body and blood.186 THE HISTORY Of [BOOB by the contemplation of faith. Whereas Bucer would not have him present. St. if not a body absent in reality. such as Grace and the Holy Ghost. are as present as they can be. and above the reach of the senses : with much more reason." 44 44 7. as if faith were nothing but a simple imagination. spiritual. how spiritual. all they said of the mind being elevated on high. t 1 Cor. and of a nature not to be perceived but by the mind and by faith. $*—Ifthe presence of the body be only spiritual."f oo account of the qualities with which it was invested. 46. the words of the institution art nugatory. could know it. where the mind. however. that Jesus Christ should be present.—Equivocation on spiritual presence and real presi nee. But what is a body present in spirit only. the body of our Saviour. the body of Jesus Christ was present. that Jesus Christ is present to the pure spirit and to the soul elevated on high?"* There was much equivocation in these words. to • Ep. incomprehensible manner. in the sacrament. with his companions. elsewhere than in heaven. rv. Mel. nothing that answered to the idea given by these sacred words. because there is nothing in it that is corporeal ? Another equivocation. provided it were granted to them. and present only in thought? a presence which cannot. it is nothing but an imaginary presence. divine. but required. this is my blood. and do not yourselves ac­ knowledge the presence of his body in the Eucharist to be spir­ itual 1 Neither Luther. supernatural. 44. when they are spiritually present. which had nothing in it that wa*> real. Bucer and his companions were displeased that what was done by faith was here called imaginary. " a spiritual body. sought him. inasmuch as the mind alone. denied that the presence of Jesus Christ in the Eu­ charist was spiritual as to the manner. But that which is spiritual. 3. that it was corporeal as to the substance : that is. and ihat its end was entirely celestial. was above the senses. no more than the Catholics. supernatural. then. in more plain words. Again. " Is it not enough. Paul had justly called the human body." 6. subject to faith. But would you. raised from the dead.—Spiritual things. in his proper substance.

under pre­ text that. which our Saviour still gave us in the Eucharist. as in a place to which it was com­ mensurate. and Bucer strongly insisted on the exclusion of local presence. to certify to us that the victim and immo­ lation of it were wholly ours. because it was not known to him otherwise than by the word alone of Jesus Christ.—Whether a local presence were to be admitted. offered on the ci^ss. one in the word local. nor was there any more a true and sub­ stantial union between the faithful and the body of the Lord." Let us suppose these words had never been uttered by him at all. hnd been a thing unworthy of a Christian . whose immolation and effusion have saved us on the cross. and little wor­ thy of the spirit of Christianity . of our Lord was contained in the Eucharist. provided it were granted to him it was substantial. and never mortal man have dreamt of calling it substantial. in a mystery of faith. believing he had weakened as much by this as he had been forced to allow of the substantial presence.] THE VARIATIONS. 9. Accordingly. Two fruitful sources of cavilling and equivocation remained for Bucer. " This is my body. than if there never had been a Eucharist. He conceived it to be not only useless. but even gross. would still subsist in a manner entirely similar. or. they believed nothing to be in the flesh of our Lord which was distributed to them at the holy table. more than this. things so far distant from tht> spirit of Christianity. the presence. by the mind and by faith. 127 •eek Jesus Christ at the right hand of his Father. that a Christian was not touched with this inestimable token of divine love. that the grossness . on the contrary. and the other in the word sacrament or mystery. Now. it is because they grant us what would not have been given without them. carnal.IT. together with the grace and life with which it abounded. and in which it was comprehended after the ordinary manner of bodies . He even made use of this artifice to ex­ clude the oral manducation of our Lord's body. since this body and blood remained only in heaven. as if this sacred pledge of the flesh and blood. the proper body and the proper blood. lastly. namely. re­ mained only on earth . as the soul. if the words of Jesus Christ oblige us to more strong expres­ sions. but the simple and pure substance. was no more than a metaphor. nay. Luther easily granted to Bucer that the presence under debate was not local. not at all capable of representing a substan­ tial reception of the body and blood. God had not designed to make it sensible . united to its body. and Jesus Christ had never said. divested of all sensible qualities and modes of existence with which we are acquainted. Luther and the defenders of the real presence never had pretended that the body. or that this presence ceased to be true. ETC.

and a sacred sign. The Greeks have no other word to express sacrament than that of mystery. Bucer and his followers thought they had gained their point. Sacrament. to this sacrament. the defenders of the Real Presence. and impene­ trable thing. the defenders of the literal sense spoke nothing incredible. The incarnation of Jesus Christ . when they said the Eucharist was a mystery. under this appearance. on the contrary. that the presence acknowledged in it. were they from denying that the Eucharist was a mystery in the same sense as the Trinity and Incarnation. that do. and properly so called. secret. and it was for all these reasons that they called it sacramental. The external acts of religion are intended to mani­ fest. When it is said. This also is the signification of the word mystery. therefore.—Equivocation on the tcord Sacrament and Mystery. is both together a mystery. in the ordinary acceptation.128 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK of their minds is inconceivable. It must be acknowledged still further. and so of the rest.>n." denote to us Jesus Christ present. in a word. means a sacred sign: but in the Latin language. from which this word is taken. the meaning is. namely. which represented them to us. and the union then effected with Jesus Christ. substantial. look on others. but hidden. and the Latin Fathers frequently call the mystery of the Incamati . 11. accom­ panied with these words. and altogether incom­ prehensible to the mind of man. not able to relish them. from these signs it is seen that the soul is still present in its proper and true substance. Far. that truly we have religion in our hearts. proper. mysterious. this is my blood. a sick person has given signs of life. This is my body. secret. the sacrament ofthe Incarnation.—The Eucharist is a sign. and spiritual in its end. was a sacramental presence and union. and when the angels appeared in human shape. there are signs of such a nature as denote the thing present. who. they were in person present. that what is most true tn the Christian religion. a thing high as well as secret. 44 12. and that the sign is most closely and inseparably united to the thing.—Jill the Mysteries of Jesus Christ are signs in certain respects. The other source of equivocation was in the words Sacrament and Mystery. and hoxo ? Nor did they even deny that it was a sacred sign of the body and blood of our Lord. real. supernatural in its manner. 10. Thus. sacrament often signifies a high. as gross minded. understood it to be a presence and union. on the contrary. for they knew that the sign does not always exclude the presence. both Catholics and Lutherans. when they taught that the sacred symbols of the Eucharist. and. if I may so speak. or a sacrament of the body and blood : or.

every truth will be to us the figure of a truth more intimate : we shall not taste Jesus Christ all pure and in his proper form. the maj­ esty and power of a God are hidden from u s .—Bucer plays with words. This is a great Sacrament and great Mystery. in the body of a man. but that Jesus . after all. in the mystery of the Eu­ charist. he believed he saved all. and en­ tirely disengaged from figure. was only a presence by faith. nor a simple figure. and our bodies asso­ ciated to the resurrection by the Holy Ghost: that we thus re­ ceived the true body. His birth and death are the figure of our spiritual birth and death. ETC* 129 figures to us that perfect union we ought to have with the Di­ vinity in grace and glory. if in the Eucharist he is given to us in substance and in truth. an effectual promisi of the remission of sins. for so frivolous a dispute." (he took good care not to say that we received it substantially. though he did not always express that he understood it by faith. in which. in which. had written to him. he condescends to approach our bodies in his own proper flesh and blood. until we have arrived to the full and manifest truth. in the ful­ ness of his glory. which. What latitude for the equivocations of Bucer. G5colampadius had observed how much he had confused the subject by this his substantial presence of the body and blood. CEcolampadius had warned Bucer of the fallacy there was in his equivocations. and how strange it was they should disturb the Church. they disputed only on words. which each one wrested to serve his own purpose ! If he granted a real and substantial presence and union-. he exclaimed. thereby he invites us to the union of minds and figures it unto us. that our souls were nourished therewith. by the body given. and a little before he died. in which such great things are performed after a manner impenetrable to human senses. until we shall see him. in the Eucharist there was only for those " Who believed. If. at the right hand of his Father: for which reason. which will render us for ever happy.) * that in truth the wicked received but a figure .THE VARIATIONS. N o person would credit him in this. by adding to expressions the word Sacramental. in these several significations of the word Sacrament and mystery! And how many evasions might not be prepared from terms. Not only Luther and the Lutherans laughed at his pretence. and prevent the progress of the Reformation. and the blood shed.—even those of his own party told him plainly he imposed on the world by his substantia) presence. it is under a foreign species. and not bread only. this done. that. is hidden from us a true body. under the form of bread. In a word. that the whole Eucharistic dispute was only a dispute on words. 13.

Our souls are nourished with the body and blood of Jesus Christ. so the bread and wine remain in the Supper. Tha* they confine not the natural. nor adore Jesus Christ in the signs of bread and wine. and in Hospinian's history in the year 1 5 3 4 . S y p t I Part."'f but it was observed by the party. the true body i.—The sentiments of those of Zurich. this suavity served only to make him more inhuman and more insolent. 1520. who would not treat them like brethren . In the Confession of Faith. my dear brother. Ait. commonly called the Sacrament of the body and blood of Jesus Christ. but sacramentally. Those of Basil showed themselves far removed both from the sentiments of Luther and the equivocations of Bucer. Brand. whence he shall come to judge the living and the dead."J 4 44 16. and does not take Jesus Christ from thence. ad March. But he plunged still more deeply into notions m 44 44 44 * Epist. that "as Abater remains in Baptism. who strength* ens and who governs us. where.—Obscurity is dangerous to our Churches. where the forgiveness of sins is offered to us . that Jesus Christ. and renewed in the other.nd true blood of Jesus Christ are figured to us* and offered by the minister."—Finally. which is placed in the collection of Geneva in the year 1 5 3 2 . that it was an illusion to say. true and substantial body of Jesus Christ in the bread and wine. and by the remembrance of faith. 15:52. nn."§ T o explain this more plainly th'y a d d . although. they say. however. my dear Bucer. as far as a judgment can be formed. 127. Hosp. Then they raised loud complaints of Luther. they conclude by saying. perhaps." This is what Bucer would neither say. Those of Zurich declared to him with still greater freedom. rocol. ap. Hosp. with the bread and wine. ib. as not to deceive our hopes/ 5 15. nor explain clearly. to which he arrived at length. who concluded in these words : " This is all. that this dispute was only verbal." and by way of elucidation put in the margin. Bus. which raises man up to heaven.for an excellent servant of God ."* This was all the presence (Ecolampadius would allow.180 THE HISTORl OF [BOOR Christ was present to those who were his.—The Confession of Faith of those of Basil. f Ep. Act after such a manner. acknowledged him . § Cmf. we can grant the Lutherans. was no where than in heaven. )ecause. but in heaven at the right hand of God his Father. as man. it was published for the first time in the one jf these two years. and warned him that his expressions led him to the doctrine of Luther. as God. That Jesus Christ is present in the Supper. 112. as he did. 7SL . by a true faith. but not so soon. he was then of that opinion. yet. ii.

" says h e . that the devil disputed against Luther. When Luther appears convinced. like an impious wretch. that the devil frequently attacked him in this manner. as in a surprise. and without all that. and to judge of the other attacks by this. the manifest apparition of the devil to dispute against him* " The terror with which he was seized. who leaves no repose to the mind . came near to him. If this be true. and unable to answer any thing more. and the horrible palpitation of his heart in this dispute. and where. has permitted Luther to fall into so great a blindness. formerly so great an enemy to Lutheranism in its birth. by his disputes reduce them to such difficulties.] THE VARIATIONS. as well as that of Emzer. he abolishes. that mass he had mid for so many yea s with so much devotion. if we may be­ lie ve him. convinced by his reasons. and that the spirit of falsehood had been his tutor in one of the principal points of his reformation. that God. by convincing him of his crime. which might be com­ mon to him with many saints . nor the most refined Scotists. I mean not to enlarge on so trite a subject: I am satisfied with having observed. 44 In vain do they pretend here. or rather for the conver­ sion of the enemies of the Church. that he was converted by his industry.a truth of which he was before ignorant. what dismal thoughts occupied his mind! If he invented i% how sad a story had he to boast of! * De abrog. in the dead of night. that it is enough to cause death. and Luther rests satisfied he had learned. the strong arguments of the demon. which he formerly had with the angel of darkness. his oppressive ways of arguing.IT. but what is peculiar to him. his sweat. who can kill and strangle them. 131 metaphysical. t vii. how it so often happens that men die suddenly towards the dawn of day: it is by means of the devil. 226. It is here he attributes to the evil spirit the sudden death of CEcolampadius. I then was sensible. . that neither Scotus. where th it famous conference is to be found. I do not say. i O W horrible to be tutored by such a master! If Luther fancied it. as I have many times experienced.* It is surprising tc see how seriously and lively he describes his awakening. Miss. for the confusion. his trembling." He in­ forms us in passing. as to acknowledge. that he was frequently tormented by the devil. for the dispute had not that tendency. . ETC. what illusions. when he makes both question and answer perceptible at once. the sound of his thundering voice. only to overwhelm him with despair.—Luther*$ Conference with the Devil At this time Luther published his book against private mass. and nJL his equivocations turned on these abstracted ideas. priv. p. the devil presses no farther. 17. it is to be believed he had learned many things from him besides the con­ demnation of the mass.

two years after. "that the body of Jesus Christ is not contained in the bread. provided. it was proper to select such terms as the Lutherans. Conf. talcing occasion from the Confessions of Faith. failed not to draw up another. was only in a particular place in heaven. not so much because the devil appeared there in the capacity of a doctor: they were embarrassed enough to defend themselves against a similar vision. might take in good part. And. too pre­ cisely. solicited the Swiss to make one.—Another Basil Confession of Faith. 141 . There. and in particular those of Basil. Gen. on the occasion we are going to relate. in a manner proper to the sacraments. but Bucer had expedu nts for every thing. who had drawn it up.131. that Jesus Christ was not present. The other Swiss. t Synt Conf. These words were plain and void of equivocation. " which might be so framed as to assist the agreement they had consid­ erable hopes of effecting . ardent defenders of the Real Presence. those of Basil were determined to say. another. Most severe libels came out on this subject: but Bucer went on negotiating. those of Basil. • Hosp. In 1536. In reality. of which Zuinglius boasted. limp. ad an. that he was present in the Eucharist. which specified. Bucer and Capito came from Strasburg. was to be acknowledged in the Sacrament. and that nothing but u Sacramental Presence. de Helv. except in heaven. Part ii. the third." Had they used these terms without some modification. which the churches sep­ arated from Rome prepared to send to the council which the Pope had just convened. are here re­ trenched. by faith. 19. on his side. for the re­ union of both parties. it was wholly con­ formable to the Basil Confession of Faith: but. those of Zurich declared they would compromise with Luther. indeed. but they could not endure the manner in which he there treated CEcolampadius. as they had done in the first Basil Confession. he would grant them three points : one. although this confession gave a perfect idea of the doctrine of the figurative sense. that the flesh of Jesus Christ was not eaten but by faith. and the former modified. With this view. By his insinuations. the ex­ pressions we have related in the first. These two celebrated architects of the most refined equivocations. as man. which is the second of Basil.132 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 18. that Jesus Christ.—The Stoiss are incensed against Luther.* a s we have already seen . gave their joint appro­ bation to so clear a proposal. and through his m* diation a conference was held at Constance. and by remembrance only."t that is. 1533. the Swiss appeared strongly intent on asserting. a new Confession cf Faith was drawn up. The Swiss were scandalized at the conference of Luther. the Lutherans would easily have perceived their object was directly to oppose the Real Presence .

Luther and Zuinglius. but teach that Jesus Christ is united to the bread and wine. The Swiss proceeded no arther. every Church acted accord­ ing to the impression received from their respective masters. which has been mentioned al­ ready . Afterwards they neither adhered to the first nor the second Confession of Faith. and the people of Strasburg entered into all the mitigations. which all the world receives. ardent. and in which he will admit of no other presence in the Eucharist. for they do not pretend the body of Jesus Christ is a food for our stomachs. but that the Bread and Wine arc synbols. 133 44 That the Body and Blood are not naturally united to the Bread and Wine .] THE VARIATIONS. Those of Zurich. 20. after granting all that could * Con£ Bas. or rather all the equivocations and fallacies of Bucer* 44 TZ. could be desired. They alone did so among all the defenders of the figurative sense . ETC. and in due time we shall see a third make its appearance. celestial. which they had published by mutual agreement. and supernatural manner . and instead of drawing up. those of Basil were on that account more pliant. 596. 1. 12 . clearly excluding the substantial presence. and in extremes. a new Confession of Faith. but more pre­ cise and less general expressions. taught by Zuinglius. but to be a food of life eternal. 70. it may well be said. to manifest how they persevered in the doctrine of their master. xxii. and full of his spirit. 44 21. and it may be seen at this time. that he is n o t naturally united" to them. not to serve as a perishable nourishment to the stomach. and wherein nothing else. they would say neither good nor evil. by means of this expres­ sion. than that which is made by the contemplation" of Faith. There was not here so much as one word to which the Luther­ ans might not agree . Thus they continued to speak naturally. inspired the Lutherans and those of Zurich with similar dispositions. they published that which he had sent to Francis I. so as. S y n t p. this was all Bucer could gain of them."* The remainder is nothing but a somewhat long application of the fruits of the Eucharist. Art.—Equivocation on this Confession of Faith. that. without offending them. and rejected all temperate measures : if (Ecolampadius were more gentle. at most. like those of Basil. a thing discussed at that time. Of the substantial Presence.rr. the article passed in terms a Lutheran might admit. how.—Bucer acknowledges that the unworthy resdly receive the Body. by which Jesus Christ himself gave us a true communication of his Body and Blood. H e carried the thing so far.—Each one followed the Impressions of his Guide. in the new Reformation. in an incomprehensible. so that. made no compromise with Bucer. with quite new expressions.

Melancthon. H e required only that the impious and infidels. and substantial. that is. But at length. on both sides. for whom this holy mystery was not insti tuted. even in that point. t Hosp. said he was resolved. They concluded by saying. With all these explications^ it is not surprising he appeased Luther. by a sacramental union . truly eat the sacrament. They add. and that he began to speak more amicably of him and his companions. whilst it is kept in the ciborium." 2. however. Paul. however. acquainted him that he found Luther more tractable. for a retractation. 1535. until then implacable. and the other celestial. were present. and entirely rejected all they said to him of the thing itself. who. real.the Eucharist consists of two things—the one terrestrial. " That this institution of the sacrament has its force in the Church. the body and blood of J e s u B Christ are u 44 * Hosp. given. Luther believed the Sacramentarians truly came over to the doctrine of the Augs­ burg Confession and Apology. 153* . it ought. on tin. receive him really. he found out expedients to make the faithful. was held. in Saxony. that is. Irenaeus. the presence of Jesus Christ according to his nature. at which the deputies of the German churches. with whom Bucer was negotiating. and its Six Articles. and received with the br«ad and wine. by consequence. nor of him who re­ ceives. should be exce )ted : yet. 1.f Luther at first spoke in a lofty tone. which this minister and his companions granted him." 3. to be acknowledged that the bread was the body of Jesus Christ. "That.* 1536." 4. even natural presence. Part ii.Agreement of JVittcnberg. although they had rejected Transubstantiation. H e would have Bucer and his companions declare that they re­ tracted. and depends not on the worthiness or unworthiness of the minister. after much discussion. however. and. unworthily communicating. and truly given. That. At last the Assembly of Wittenberg." 5.—The .according to the words of St. that the bread being present. or had with the bread any union of long continuance out of the use of the sacrament. as being not so much the subject of discussion as the man­ ner. foL 135. according to St. essential. That as for the unworthy. " That out of the use of the sacra­ ment. Luther took those articles. 23. the body of Jesus Christ was at the same time present. to have n' difference with any person. in which Bucer dis­ played all his pliancy. and did not believe that the body of Jesus Christ was contained locally in the bread. an. or shown in processions they believe it is not the body of Jesus Christ. the body and blood of Jesus Christ are truly and substantially present.134 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK be desired.

and by faith. however. Luther easily believed that he had nothing more to demand. But it is not my object. Luther. Paul.. and from this conclude. although. to communicate Jesus Christ truly to us ? Their whole doctrine contradicts this senti­ ment of Bucer. and W I T H O U T F A I T H . urges them on still further. according to their principles. which is unable to justify us. Paul. Declar."| One would not have suspected they believed the body of Jesus Christ was not present to us but by faith. where he acquaints HI3 friends in what sense he understood each word of the agreement: he there declares. When they grant him that the Eucharist consists of two things—ftie one heavenly and the other terrestrial.«4 RI t Buc. But Luther. 1536. Hoep. who was not unacquainted with the subtleties of the Sacramentarians. they manifest sufficiently that he is not present only to the mind. without having the faith which saves us 1 What! is a faith. in an authentic * Hoflp. Art v. when the words of Christ's institution are obsorvec. by tak­ ing it without repentance. However lucid the words of agreement appeared to him. and are not without faith . by their deputies agreed. to examine the subtleties by which Bucer extricates himself from the agreement of Witten­ berg : I am content with remarking this undoubted fact—that all the churches of Germany. Cone. . ii. t Art. He has published sev­ eral writings. and evades the terms of agreement." as says Ihe same St. " they have not that lively faith which saves us. et mq. ETC 135 truly presented to them. that those even " who have not faith. "because they abuse the sacrament.i. Nor can this minister. truly receive the body of our Lord. ap. in Lib. they take it to their judgment. an. it seems. Cone 729. 1535. p. f. had nothing more to desire. an. 148. receive not only the sacrament. are guilty of the body and blood. 145. that " Those who. and T H E Y T R U L Y RECEIVE T H E M . After this avowal of the Sacramentarians. however. that the body of Jesus Christ is substantially present with the bread. Bucer had reserved a way of escaping. do.—Bucer deceives Luther. since they acknowl­ edged that it was present and truly received by those who were without repentance. Vit Id. according to St. sufficient. but the thing itself indeed.THE VARIATIONS. " That. nor a true devotion of hean."/ Who would ever have believed that the defenders of the fig­ urative sense could have acknowledged a true reception of the body and blood of our Lord in the Supper. assembled in a body. and induces them to say. which defended the figurative sense. " 24. and without faith. however subtle." says he. pos­ sibly reconcile what he says h^re with his other maxims. and judged they said all that was necessary to confess the reality : but he had not as yet sufficiently under­ stood that these Doctors had particular secrets to explain every thing. in this place."* 6.

p . Whether Bucer had a settled design of amusing the world with these affected equivocations. Melancthon and Bucer (it is not Catholics that write it. in some manner.136 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK u act." and. We find a letter of his in 1541. I leave the Protestants to determine. that Melancthon himself.38. in order to satisfy.""}* His judgment was certainly correct. in short. Men. Calvin. equiv­ ocal and deceitful forms of faith. at the same time. That the hotly and blood of Jesus Christ are truly and substantially present. nor must we be surprised at so many violent interpretations they give to the most plain passages.25.76." says he in another place. so ambiguous. you blame the obscu­ rities of Bucer. provided they adhere to the words of the institution. mingling truth with error. naturally the most sincere of men.CaLp. Henceforth it is no longer known what is the meaning of words. that it was establishing peace in appearance. and. permitted himself to be drawn into them contrary to his inclinations. if possible. and all things may be discovered in any tiling." says h e . s o evidently contrary to the figurative sense. that it was similar to the false council of Sirmium and the Arians. and to draw up arti­ cles which required other articles to explain them .Ib. do. however. their adversaries in conceding nothing to them. given and received in the Supper. when he wished to express a reprehensible obscurity in a profession of faith."§ It must be spoken freely." If these expressions can accord with the figurative presence. It is not lawful to embarrass that with obscure? and equivocal words which requires light. o n transuhstantiation.—Calvin's Smtiments on Equivocations in matters of Faith. 1 Lib. f 44 44 44 44 4 4 44 44 *Ep. who are W I T H O U T F A I T H .Ep. where he writes that nothing is more unworthy of the Church. .154I. and the intimate friend of both) composed. his disciple also. however. There was nothing so embarrassed. so intricate in Bucer himself. 25. than to use equivocations in Confessions of Faith. to reconcile the Cath­ olic religion with the Protestant. with the bread and wine. his friend.CaLp. or whether some confused idea of the reality induced him to believe he might safely subscribe these expressions. but Calvin. vk hen the first assembly of Ratisbon w a s held. those who w o u l d . and in fact exciting war.uid that the unworthy."* These artificial ambiguities were s o congenial to the spirit of the new reformation. who have accustomed themselves to wrest in tins manner human language.LEp. receive tms body and this blood. who had most condemned equivocations in mat­ ters of faith. § £ p . Certain it is. 5 0 . who was present. said. JEp. and. will make the Scripture and Fathers speak what they please."r Calvin was the first to condemn these affected obscurities ar J shameful dis­ simulations : With reason.50.

" although he would not approve that custom. by their ambiguous discourses. and be elucidated of them-* selves. but yield too much to the times. was a? much the true body of our Saviour as that distributed to them at Church.] THE VARIA TONS.—that the body and blood of Jesus Christ had no permanent union. " This is my body. laid for the Catholics nom­ inated to confer with them at Ratisbon. he gained at least one thing which Luther let pass. " h e was present even when carried in procession. lorsake the defence of truth. 3 . t Ep* P» 38.§ so that. • Ep. Luther had always un­ derstood it thus. and these words be understood according to the letter. 50. if Calvin. { A r t ii. to tolerate the contrary opinions which Bucer proposed at the tims of the agreement . ETC. . for they hope the points of discussion will emit light. this is what the same Calvin says of them : " As to myself." since he does not say. p."*f Thus did the authors of the nsw Reformation. whiclf Bucer and Melanc­ thon. 1 3 2 . For this reason they pass over many tilings. affected equiv­ ocations in points of faith. although they have their reasons. out of the sacramental use. Hosp."* And with re­ gard to those snares just mentioned. I know not how. a. with very bad reasons. 1 4 . till then he had always taught that the body of Jesus Christ was present from the time the words were said. that the portion of the Eucharist reserved for the communion of the sick. And truly. and the effect subsist as long as things should remain in the same state. "this will be. We shall learn from what follows. p. as he is indulgent to it in others. 4 4 . 137 hold a medium. will always continue of the same opinion. e t Ep. if the body was present in virtue of the words of institution. and we must return to the artifices of Bucer. In the midst of the advantages he conceded to the Lutherrjis in the Agreement of W ittenberg. that his words should have a present effect. and for that which the faithful practised daily in their houses. from the earliest times of Christianity.IT.J This was not the sentiment of Lu­ ther . and yet he was induced. it is clear the body of Jesus Christ ought to be present at the instant he says. with the bread and wine . ad quend. 26. Nor was it ever doubted. either practise or excuse the most criminal of all dissimulations—that is. who seems as much opposed to the practice himself. or carried in procession. as Luther maintained it. and remained present till the species was altered ." but " This is.—Whether the Presence be permanent in the Eucharist. according to him. 1 do not approve of their design. and fear not these ambiguities. ) Luttt Sen coat Lucr. they do it with a good design. when shown." It was suitable to the power and majesty of Jesus Christ. and that the body was not present.

that is. an. so they no longer had precise terms.—Sequel. b. Such was the issue of the Concord of Wittenberg. ep. therefore. p.f It was agreed that it should not have force until it had received the approbation of the Churches. part ii. 145. that Jesus Christ was there present during these ceremonies. but in order to take away the presence of the body of our Lord in the tabernacles and procession of Catholics. and harangued them in words lofty and indefinite. and adored. Bucer and his companions so little doubted of the approbation of their party. 324. r 28. out of the use. and Luther.—Those of Zurich laugh at the equivocations of Bucer* Bucer was solicitous to have it approved by those of Zurich He went to their assembly."* This union subsisted. in fact. Hosp. It will appear from what follows. out o communion . that the presence of the body and blood in the bread and wine was not of long duration. and of almost all the reformation. and to what time they limited the effect of the words of our Lord. gave it their approba­ tion.§ so that this Agreement ought to have place among the public acts of the new reformation. since it contains the sentiments of all Protestant Germany. || In such * Form. Hospinian pretends that the Swiss—a part. there was no permanent union between the bread and the body. Chytr. 148. The articles are reported in the same manner by both parties of the new Reformation. 1536. " J An express approval of it. who made the holy sacra­ ment be elevated. and were signed at the end of May in 1536. they would have been strangely embarrassed. Miss. would not permit it should be denied him. even at the time the Agreement was framing. ii. \ Ann. 1537.138 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK 27. 1536. Aug. || Hosp. p. fol. at least. had it been asked of these doctors how long. as they had no longer any certain rule. f Cone. which had reunited all Protestants. ii.150. of that body—and Calvin himself. in the reception. then presented them a long writing. The Sacramentarians refer to it as an authentic treaty. therefore. is found among the letters of Calvin . which was the ob­ ject of Bucer. that imme­ diately after the Agreement was signed. when they abandoned the natural sense of the words of our Saviour. .ft'. p. et sea. permit him to say that the body was not in the Eucharist. Now. 153a * Calv.—Conclusion of the Agreement. nor certain faith. but only " that. however. and we shall see. that is. out of the sacramental use. H i s t Confess. this presence was to remain. l i e would not. they celebrated the Supper with Luther in token of perpetual concord. The Lu­ therans have always praised this agreement. Hosp. 729. it was sufficient to permit him to say. p. except precisely at the time of using it.

In vain did he display his subtleties. and they were determined to admit no other miracles in it. and Luther had. his miraculous birth. and Lu­ ther. all the miracles of the Old and New Testament.* % 29. with so many disputes. and a few words are suf­ ficient to speak the faith plainly. and of water into wine . iL£ 157 . retained the same expressions. as if the most simple manner of explaining the * Hosp. perhaps. they wished always to express their thoughts just as they were. but the more he insisted with them that there was something incomprehensible in the manner Jesus Christ gave himself to us in the Supper. But having mentioned in his letter.J THK VARIATIONS. that. with whom he imagined that he perfectly agreed. than to call upon his Omnipotence to verify them. sought repose. in plain terms. and yielded in nothing to the most mcomprehen* sible miracles of the hand of God. he could not make the Swiss digest his substantial presence. should the Sacra­ mentarians speak. the wonderful change of water into blood. and the operation of the Holy Ghost in the hearts of the faithful. they were to leave the manner to the Divine Omnip­ otence . who took great pains to satisfy them. and chose rather to turn the words of our Lord into a figure." the meditation on the death of our Lord. agreeing about the Presence. indeed. those of Zurich. as Zuinglius did. on their part. with this faith. that there was no physical or nat­ ural presence here. astonished that he should speak to them of Omnipotence in an action. where they conceived noth­ ing that was miraculous. So. persuaded as they were. no more than their master Zuinglius. that the miracle. *• This is my body. the Swiss found all easy. Fi om a contrary reason. and referred the affair to Bucer. This is what they wrote to Luther. repeated to him that there was nothing more easy. nor his communion of the unworthy. but a presence by faith. p. a presence by the Holy Gkosi reserving to themselves the liberty of speaking of this mystery as they should find most suitable. did not speak s o .IT. the more the Swiss. scarcely recovered from a dangerous illness. but employed for the purpose the creation. were attended with no difficulty. and fatigued. was not leas the work of Omnipotence. Thus it was proper to speak in the doctrine of the Real Presence. which they acknowledged in the Eucharist. they found no example too elevated to raise up the minds of men to the belief of this mystery. and to say. A figure in these words. complained of it to Bucer. nor Omnipotence in the Eucharist. The Fathers. nor a substantial one. it is true.—The Zuinglians will not hear miracles mentioned. would they speak naturally. and always in the most plain and intelligible manner that is possible. ETC* 139 verbosity equivocations lie concealed. the incarnation of our Lord.

that although there was no doubt of Jesus Christ being in heaven. Ep. that the Eucharist was the Body. I Ep. int Calv. Calv. where he v. may become. there being none that doubt that the Holy Ghost was present. nor less present. Whilst he treated with the Swiss. and endeavored to make them comprehend something in the Supper more high and im­ penetrable than they imagined. ever after. which shows a Real Presence . by the institution and usage of men. nor what it was. he approved of the doctrine of Calvin.§ and was not afraid to subscribe a confession of faith. than the Holy Ghost was to the Apostles. in a particular manner.p. Ep. as the Dove is called the Holy Ghost. p. among other things he told them. where the sar^e Calvin said. j* a very plain example to show that the same hand used to execute treaties may be a pledge of the will to fulfil them . and at the same time giving them the Holy Ghost:J which still proved that the body of Jesus Christ is not less communicated. and as the Lamb was the Passover. int Calv. or miracles cost the Son of God any thing. and in every thing acted conjointly with them. H e chose rather to say it was so. t Ep. that the manner in which the body and blood of Jesus Christ were * Ho*p 162. that. however. The comparisons he employed tended rather to enforce than weaken the reality. they did not well understand where this heaven was. replete with sacrainentarian notions . after iie Agreement of Wittenberg. 378. With all this. in which reason encounters the least difficulty. He adduced also the example of Jesus Christ breathing on the Apostles.140 THE HISTORY OF [lOOfc Holy Scriptuies were always that. he was not fond of saying with Zuinglius. 44. ad Ita_. he was considered by those of the Augsburg Confession as a member of their churches. he used every expedient in order to retain him in this quiet disposition. and foresaw very well that Luther would not always be so peaceable as at that time. ad Ital. during two years continually treating with them. yet real and substantial. that the Swiss could not bear to hear him. Since he had commenced to treat about the Agreement. 30. 4 4 ) Int. As for his part. and that "heaven was even in the Supper. he adhered so closely to the Agreement. l i e often instanced that ordinary action of shaking one another by the hand . under the form of the dove. and that a transitory contract. . Ep. as the Rock was Christ."* which carried with it so clear an idea of the Real Presence. Although Bucer could not prevail on those of Zurich. the most effectual sign they can give to each other of perpetual union.—Doctrine of Bucer. ished to give us a pledge of his love. and return of the Towns from his belief to that of thi Real Presence. p.

ad Joan. and the divinity of the Son of God. it may be seen how very steady he had been H e had even composed a book of the sentiments of the hoi) Fathers on the Supper. at length. necessarily joining truth with the figure. J H e collected these passages. But Bucer explained every thing. In general. Brent J Ibid . tnd the Real Presence with an exterior sign that concealed it •'rom us. But what is here most remarkable. that some of them were spurious. ETC. although he had cited a sufficient number of passages which were incontestable.* before that time. From this proceeds that apparent diversity of the Fathers which surprised Melancthon. came now again insensibly into this belief. the declared opponents of the doctrine of Luther on the real presence. The words of Jesus Christ were so well deliberated on. drew near to him. While Bucer and his disciples. and of the Apology. an 1535. could permit us to enjoy Jesus Christ face to face. in which he had maintained the reality. nor of this present life. the disciples of Bucer." Weak divine! not to understand that neither the condition of aith. This troubled him. In 1535. or about that time. was clearly acknowledging J esus Christ to be absent. But he was more embar­ rassed to find many places in the ancients where they called the Eucharist a figure. whole towns. This. Me­ lancthon. " t o see in them so great a diversity. and men naturally returned to the literal sense. the dear disciple of the same Luther. that at last they produced their effect. as in the mys• Hosp. et aeq. As the criticism of those days was not very accurate. in which he had collected many pas sages most expressly for the real presence. iii. for which reason he gave himself unto us under a borrowed form. he per­ ceived."Melancthon begins to doubt the doctrine of Luther. |41 received in the Supper consisted in the Holy Ghost uniting therein what was separated in place. and had surprising solutions for all kinds of diffi­ culties. to such a length as to appear inclined to transubstantiation. Epist 114.—The Weakness of his Theology. it seems. where two truths that appear contrary are to be reconciled. before the disputes of heretics had induced the Fathers to speak of these matters with more precision. had attributed to the ancients some works of which they were not the authors.IV. said he. the author of the Augsburg Confession. J THE VARIATIONS. that un­ der his guidance had so far removed from the Real Presence.! and that the transcribers. The same difficulty would have appeared to him. through ignorance or carelessness. this doubt came into his mind .137. 31. and so often repeated. had he closely investigated the mystery of the Incarnation.. f Lib. and as we have before observed. began to waver. and was astonished.

considering his substance only.ftOOX tery of the Trinity. another body of it. but that it sowed the seeds of Transuhstantiation. which he has made himself by his own word. As yet but young and a great humanist. but that in another sense. would have it another. 188. where certainly the author did not always un­ derstand himself :* the Zuinglians support their cause much by it. naturally. it is the same body of Jesus Christ. with respect to the qualities. This is what raised a dispute amongst the faithful in the time of Ratramnus. with respect to the s. manner of existence. the body of Jesus Christ was the same in the womb of the Virgin and the Eucharist: others. iii. he must also read the book of Bertram or Ratramnus. which then began to appear. and the exterior of Lu. that it may be said he is one. far different from what we have in this mortal hfe. 32. that confounds Melancthon."J In this same sense. T o embarrass himself completely. is so much a human body by his substance. { Ibid. though. Ep. indeed. and only a humanist. Melancthon did not know so mucn. as it were. that the body re• Lib. and was strangely shocked at the contrarieties he supposed he found in the Fathers. The Lutherans cite it for themselves. ther then somewhat specious.148 THE HISTORY OF {. Some. 42." and the other " the spiritual body. or rather to embarrass both sides. St. but discovers itself to faith alone. an ambiguous book. whose truth reaches not the senses. on account of the different qualities with which this body is vested. ct scq. Paul makes of it as it were two bodies. considering the manner alone. affording in others the certain means by which to understand them. to be present and to be in figure . unless we have the key of the Church. and so unlike a human body by his quali­ ties. sufficient to content. in the Eucharist. which he conceals under shadows and figures. xv. and is not one. Thus we see St.43. speaking of a body risen again. in different respects. he immediately enlisted in the party. one might say.4& . and the full comprehension of the entire mystery : besides the other reasons which obliged the Fathers to conceal !he myste­ ries in some places.—A dispute in the time of Ratramnus. or. and find nothing in it to condemn. makes. it is a dif­ ferent one. as we may say. 37. ad Vit Tluxxl i I Cor.44. a sort of language is used that appears con« fused. in reality it be the same :f but. Jesus Christ. said. ind with much more reason. There is. newly called by the Elector Frederick to teach the Greek language in the University of Wittenberg. and that of the Incarnation. to be equal and to he inferior . he could have made but little progress in the investigation of ecclesiastical antiquity with his master Luther. Dazzled with the name of reformation. which was born of Mary. one of which he calls " the animal body.tistance. rather. and in the Kucharist. Paul. that in one sense.

lost himself in a subject which neither he nor his master Luther had ever well comprehended. and all was terminated. had not sufficiently investigated this matter. and declared his opinion. he began to dissent from his master. acknowledged. and these reflections. which obtained over the whole Church." which they believed was contrary to the truth of the body. who followed the last party. as. All this was true in the main. agreeing in substance. and others. it was most certain that. others adhering to those of Ratramnus. without soph­ istry. in deed. that the body of our Saviour was really in the Eucharist but under figures. and without tyranny. who considered that Jesus Christ does not give himself in the Eucharist in his proper form. under veils. But though this might be said in a certain sense. to possess Jesus Christ in his manifest truth. had induced many Doctors no longer to permit in the Eucharist the term " figure. but under a foreign one. 40. others feared." without passion. was a privilege reserved for the next life. iii. was not that which came from the blessed womb of the Virgin. 168. Melancthon himself a z u r e s us the others had no alternative but silence. Ep. and wished most ardently that an assembly might be held to treat anew on this subject. under the cover of no figure. By this reading. held in the party. instead of explaining it with clearness. there was room for long disputes. Ep. by saying i \ they should destroy the truth of the body. With this another difficulty wa* connected."* This last word visibly regarded Luther for in all the assemblies. who maintained it was not the same. Thus did Catholic Doctors. inasmuch as a strong per­ suasion of the real pre&ence.] THE VARIATIONS. 33. of which we shall hereafter speak. some following the expressions of Paschasius Rathbert. ETC. . But whilst. without differing in substance from other Catholics. who would have the Eucharist to contain the same body which came from the Virgin. both in the East and West. Melancthon found that this author left his reader to guess at his meaning. which it was difficult to reconcile : the very cause that all his re iders. and. in other respects. till then.IV. ii. and receded from Luther. and. 189. as soon as Luther appeared. disgusted with such proceed­ ings. he fell into a deplo* rable uncertainty. drew near to • Lib. Ratramnus. before it could be well ex­ plained. yet he rejoiced that Bucer. have understood him in so many different senses. with him. with his companions.—Luther's tyranny. sometimes fell into obscure expressions. dispute about the manner. but. 1^3 ceived in the Eucharist. he demanded new deliberations.—Melancthon wishes for a new decision. and in a manner so full of mysterious significations. and in mysteries: which to them appeared the more necessary. but whatever might be his opinion. Protestants as well as Catholics.

4 4 u 35. the town of Strasburg. in 1 5 3 7 . that Luther proceeded in this with more sincerity. 196. their most important object. not only subscribed but also obtained by Melancthon. 1537. while Bucer con­ tinued negotiating with the Swiss. " in order. Luther could not be well satisfied with the Confession of Augsburg. p. 44 34. "§ These last words are the same w e have seen in the Concord o f Wittenberg. to be convinced how pos * tively he there assents to a thing of which he had conceived so great a doubt. that is. ** that ne satisfied " says Melancthon. . instead o f the word unworthy.* because it w a s there established that it subsists m the communion of the unworthy. There Bucer declared himself so explicitly o n the Real Pres­ ence.v. Ep. W e have but just seen him approve the agreement in which tho real presence was fixed more than ever to the external symbols . that he knew not how to contradict him. and thus explained the sixth article of the Sacrament of the Altar:— As to the Sacrament o f the Altar. except that. since he himself draws up new articles. we believe that the bread and wine are the true body and true blood o f our Lord. C o n e { Ap. he was delighted to see call the Protectants of Germany reunited* Bucer had givon his assent.—Luther makes a new declaration of his Faith. that is.. who mentions it with joy. § Cone. 114."j Consequently. in lib. H e was determined to speak plainly on the subject o f the Eucharist. and where all their leagues w e r e formed." says h e . ad Brent f Art Smal Frfef. Luther always pushed forward. Ep. with their Doctor. in the Articles of Smalkald. Ihey were afterwards to provide for that. the Lutherans met at Smal kald. and here. The year after the agreement." he 44 % 44 * Lib. whilst he hiim-elf abandons them ." It is necessary to cast our eyes only for a moment o n the Agreement o f Wittenberg. even those o f *>ur people who were the most difficult to be pleased. and was so resolute upon this point. and. 155. Melancthon is delighted that the sentiments of Luther are followed. nor the Apology. the ordinary place of their assemblies. The Council summoned by Paul th<j Third gave occasion to this assembly. human policy. an. however."f and for this reason he procured this assembly. nor the manner in which his doctrine was there explained. again. but also by the impious. as for doctrine. although there be neither faith nor repentance. and arc not only given and received by pious Christians. 330. had attained its end. h e satisfied Luther. It must be acknowledged. that it may be K n o w n what are the points from which he is resolved never to depart ." says h e . declared for the Confession of Augsburg. p. Hosp.i44 THE HI5TORY [»OOl OF hirc.—A new way of explaining the Words of the Institution. The reason was. iii. MeL .

to unite the bread with the body. that the body is given to us in the bread and under the bread. 330.'* which is stronger. % . nor for how long a time. that the bread was the true b o d y n o t determining when it was. observe. and necessary it was for Melanc­ thon.—Luther cannot evade the equivocations of the Sacramentarians who elude alL The Lutherans in their Book of Concord assure us. it can• Cone. be not received except by means of a lively faith. p. 13 § Lib." be­ fore that time had never been inserted by Luther in any public act.J who invented evasions to accommodate to their moral presence Luther's strongest and most precise expressions. Luther here decides the point.§ if the true body of Jesus Christ. and s a y s . p. nor against the perma* nent union. he directed his mind to the discovery of such ex­ pressions as they might no longer wrest." the Con­ fession of Augsburg adds with . p. but it is certain the Lutherans acknowledge them both for authentic acts of their religion. found it difficult to prevent them from wresting his words to their own sense by their interpretations: fatigued with their subtleties. T o the two particles. J Ibid." and it is the ordinary phrase of the true Lutherans. but o n l y . ii. 44 44 44 44 5 44 44 44 37. since Luther himself living and speak­ ing. as we go on. 553. foi the real and substantial presence : from this we may again. and who undertook to eppose them."* thus he explains himself in his little Catechism. ' and under. according to the opinion of the Sacramen­ tarians. 14A ETC. 3. if the de­ fenders of the figurative sense invent expedients to call in the support of the fathers . that it is not a matter of surprise. and removes the 'dea of faith to a stiJI greater distance.— Whether Bread can be the Body. uses the word ** impious. The terms which he generally used were. It is also to be ob­ served that. that the bread was the true body. how great soever his repugnance might be. in."f I cannot discover exactly at what time these two Catechisms were written." but. who knew their subtleties. 720. that the -bread and wine were the true body and true blood of our Lord. Luther says nothing against the pres« ence out of the use of the Sacrament. that Luther was forced to this expression by the subtleties of the Sacramentarians. N. in this article. hitherto. And. He adds a word in the large one. p. under.THE VARIATIONS. 44 Yet this expression. as we have before observed. indeed. it had never been said in any public act of the whole party. that the body and blood are received in. and with the bread and wine. t Ibid.—to subscribe even that the bread was the true body. 44 36. and drew out the article of Smalkald in the above form. that the bod) and blood were given under the bread" and under the wine .

that the bread is not the oody of Jesus Christ. that " the impious receive i t . and a* long as they shall maintain. Philip Melancthon."* 39. P. that for the peace and tranquillity of those s * Art iv. without a head . approve the foregoing articles as pious and Christian. but because he refused to agree to what Luther had said of the Pope. in virtue of this power. . that the Church can and ought to subsist. yet no good could ever come from stich authority ." thus Luther. and all the Sacramentarian interpretations. unless it become so by a true and substantial change. be­ cause Melancthon gave them a limitation which cannot be suf­ ficiently considered. nor in the Apology. he made his subscription in these terms. But he was not aware he no less excluded his own doctrine* since we have shown that the bread cannot be the true body.according to their principles. " T h a t the bread is the true boJy of Jesus Christ. to remain equal in their ministry. which Luther would not admit. that al­ though the Pope should acknowledge he is not of divine right. is diabolical. was not even named in the Articles of the Augsburg Confession.—The violence of Luther against the Pope in the Articles of Smalkald. though unequal in their gifts. excluded the figurative sense. who. that the Pope is antichrist. 33ft. if he would eceive th/i Gospel. and that the best way to govern and preserve the Church. after turning the Ar­ ticle of the Beal Presence so many different ways. 38.—Melancthon wishes that the authority of the Pope shoxdd be acknowledged. " That the Pope is not of divine right. except in figure. that the power he has usurped is full of arrogance and blasphemy. and lays down. the unity of Christians among sectaries. At the conclusion of the Articles are seen two lists of subscriptioi s. At Smalkald. j Melancthon signed with all the others . Thus when Luther. is for all the bishops. Luther expresses himself with great asperity against the Pope. endeavor at last to explain it so precisely. at length. I expressly mention. As for the Pope.146 THE HISTORY OP [BOOR not be said with Luther. as that the Sacramentarian equiv­ ocations might remain entirely excluded. these decisions of Luther. we see them fall in­ sensibly into expressions. by this expression. which. and the Lutherans. in which appear the names of all the Ministers and Doctors of the Confession of Augsburg. f Cone. as we have seen. and cannot be maintained exceptin the Catholic doctrine. my opinion is. under the one only head Christ J e s u s : lastly. among the articles from which he resolved never to depart. without doubt they will never say with tho Article of Smalkald. * I. more conveniently. p.have no sense. 312. but was made purely to maintain. that all he has done or now does.

i . and induced even Melancthon to sign an act. will discover it to us. by which the wnole new reformation declared in a body. 33& \ Mel. he does not find it in the Fathers. vacillating^condition. T H E first proceedings of Luther. Ever since the time the Popes condemned him. These reasons merit investigation Ihe more. the partic­ ular dispositions of Melancthon. and because his complaisance. not even in St. on whom he had formerly rested. was th« object of Luther's aversion. Melancthon retracts it.—-The unhappy success of the Reformation. by a public act. even to his death . and ot his disappointed hopes. BOOK V. acknowledged by the Authors of the party. or submission. 1. Ep. regrets. we nay granl to him that superiority over the bishops. or shall be hereafter. or some similar motive. ETC. " We never will approve of the Pope's having power over the rest of the bishops. though. 76. he became irreconcilable to this power. in spite of all his doubts. how a man engages on the side of error with general good intentions . however established. The thing merits to be deeply understood. were attended with a specious appearance.— T h e cause of all his errors. the authority of her judgments. and at the same time leading a life. the remnants of a good education . mingling with his discourses pious sentiments. 147 who are already under him. we must believe that powerful reasons influenced him to resist in this. at which time Melancthoa devoted himself entirely to him. and the state of the Reformation. the much more difficult poin."* This superiority of the Pope. as'by this examination we shall discover the true state of the new reformation. and Melancthon himself. which he enji/s already by human right.—Melancthon in vain ac­ knowledges the perpetuity of the Church.—How Melancthon was attracted to Luther. which were but too true. with much force and liberty .THE VARIATI > N S .—Imputed Justice leads him away. whatever it might be. [General Reflections on the agitations of Melancthon. It was the first and only time he ever. induced him to pass over. nnd that of her Prelates. are things ^ hich have no small attractive influence • Cone p. Augustin. and the wretched motives that attract men to it. if not perfect. Exclaiming against abuses. at least blameless in the eyes of men.] A brief summary. the cause of all the troubles which constantly agitated him. and how he there remains in the midst of the most violent anxieties that can be felt in this life. of the Eucharist. opposed his master. Lib. by his own writings.—Melancthon's agitations. . by his Confession.'"t At Smalkald.

But these great wits. What occurred with re­ gard to indulgences has already been explained. . to the reputation of Erasmus. almsgiv­ ing to the religious. all the good man has. which he thought would have struck him dead. In his early life. who have a false zeal. which were only the accessaries of piety. who. and to elegance of style. had deemed necessary to redress the grievances of the Church. the foundation of religion. T o erudition. he united a singular moderation He was considered to be the only person capable of succeeding in learning. urge all to extremes: to this also must be united an air of regularity. They spoke . for an effect of his grace. and even th right use of his free-will in all that regards a Christian life The novelty of Luther's doctrine and opinions captivated men of wit. Condemned by the Pope. and mingling proud disgust. and their own conceits with religion. which the whole Christian world. fot weak minds are equally useless for good or evil. " are withal ardent and impetuous. M %—Melanctlion captivated with novelty. as yet but young. They are. alarmed by a clap of thunder. and more acquainted with polite jterature than theology. as well and better than Luther. We have seen how Luther at­ tributed all to him. to polite­ ness. pilgrimages. Many preached nothing but indulgences. and. 26. who pursue the affair of religion with a boundless warmth :"* that is. took a new view of it." says he. ho submitted himself to the Pope. appeared to Melancthon. Melanc­ thon was the chief of them in Germany. and made those practices. Gregory Nazianzen does not represent fo us Heresiarchs as men destitute of religion.ittle of the grace of Jesus Christ. The Church attributed all to him in the justification of the sinner. but in a different manner. to be the only preacher of the Gospel. and Erasmus 1 * Orat p.(48 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK We are not to suppose that heresies alwayu have for their author* libertines and wicked men. St. by maintaining. by absolutely taking all from man. men of greaJt minds. by the dogma of imputed justice. who designedly make religion sub servient to their passions. yet it was not explained equally well by all preachers. he entered into religion with dispositions sufficiently sincere. and invincible assurance. he appealed to the Council. and the deceit/id appearance of imputed justice. on the other hand. the Church attributed all to him. It is but just to give all to Jesus Christ. and Luther. or where would be that seduction so often pre­ dicted in the Scripture ? Luther had formerly a zest for devo­ tion. If he advanced extraordinary tenets of doctrine. but as men who mistake it." proceeds he. many ages before. T o reform corrupt morals was an object desired by the universe: and although sound doctrine always subsisted equally well in the Church.

than the transports of a Hercules. as he explained it to him. A young professor of the Greek language heard such novel ideas. would have elevated him to the first honors among the learned world. " I have not yet treated the matter of justification as it should be treated. the confidence of Luther engages him still more. 126. was the slave of unheard-of excesses : this was a subject of sorrow to his moderate disciple. and immen. and with his master. with all the ornaments of his native language. The ardor of Melancthon is enkindled . He trembled whenever he thought of the implacable wrath of this Achilles. a bonmot of Erasmus supported him. Ep. in a word. it is true. in­ deed. promulgated by the most lively and vehement orator of his age. stubborn and obdurate as it was. as a scourge of God. t Ibid. Eras­ mus said that the world. even at the expense of unity and peace. and man nothing. something furious. iv. as tyrants are. We see him charmed at a sermon which Luther made on the subject of the Sabbath-day. Princes. a Philoctstes. 149 hin 3"lf. The unexpected success of the new reformation confirmed this opinion. T o him Luther appears the greatest of all men—a man sent by God—a Prophet. 19. whose passions were so violent.—How Melancthon excused the violence of Luther. but Melancthon. This he writes confiden­ tially. Me­ lancthon was sincere and credulous . and yet he has but touched so great a s ibject and already knows more than all the ancients.| H e there taught that repose. X 13* . § Lib. had he not seen him engaged in a party against the Church. ETC. In this there wrs no subject in which to glory . and I am aware that none of the ancients treated it in this manner. Luther seemed necessary to the world. . to his friend Camerarius : but. 240. required a master as rude as Luther :§ that is. men of talent are often so: there he was taken. Ep. 1 appened. in which God did all. 25. 3. who had unders*aod * Lib. according to his custom. but the tide of novelty bore him down with the crowd. a witty saying often has great influence. ai a Nebuchadnezzar. 315. by his own choice. Col. Ep. he wrote to one of his friends. Luther."* These words demonstrate a man captivated with the charms of the new doctrine . xviii. a Holofernes . and feared " nothing less from the old age of a man. he permits himself to be captivated with the temptation of reforming Bishops. Popes. and Emperors. l i e is attacked. Kings. Col. 574. and a Marius that is. and perhaps with too much acrimony. iv. t Lib. whom God sends for its correction. as with men of applause : it is not a matter of surprise that he was captivated. he anticipated what. All the votaries of polite literature follow his example—Luther becomes their idol.V J THE VARIATIONS. 575. and in Greek. From the beginning of his attachment 10 Luther.

seditions. even those who were equally intent upon the reformation of the Church.Ep.LEp. However. J Lib.Sa . that Melancthon neither could excuse nor support them.—The commencement of the agitations of Melancthon. persuaded himself.150 [BQOI THE HISTORV OF t on the tuir side." says he."! He repeats this complaint again to the same Luther :—" Our associates. devastated Christianity. with all it streams. but who shall govern. and his discourses. therefore. sought not for doctrine but independence . The whole world rose up against him. 4.*v. will not receive * again : and the imperial towns are most averse to this authority. having once cast off the yoke.* And the Elbe. T o increase these sorrows. H e soon perceived that licentiousness and independence had been the great supporters of the reforma­ tion. and writes them to Luther:— Our people blame me be­ cause I restore the jurisdiction to Bishops The people accus­ tomed to liberty. imbitte red he minds of men. in order to awaken the world. instead of calming.iv." said he. Our reformed will feel pain at these words. nothing less was necessary than the violence and thunder of Luther. was but a weak relief to him. would not have furnished him with water sufficient to weep for the sorrows of the divided reformation. it was not because they were their pastors. Luther urged every thing to extremes . Every moment he wished for death. But at length the arrogance of this imperious master declared itself. 17.Ep. If the cities of the empire were seen to run in crowds to this new gospel. but it is Melancthon who writes them."§ These towns. it was not to adopt its doctrine. The unexpected success of Luther. at the commencement. arms. with which he had been at first dazzled. under the name of Reformation. Ep. From that time his agitations were exceedingly great. and. and civi* wars. fLib. For thirty years his tears ceased not to fl<. " dispute not for the Gospel. fLib. 41 fi. that. i. A thousand impious sects enrolled themselves under his banner.ii. His conduct appeared so weak.842. but power and liberty. and his excesses so singular. 202. and which with all others he considered as a mark of the finger of God. Melancthon was not anxious to re-establish the • Lib.—•He anticipates the disorders which were to arise from the contempt of Episcopal authority. and if they were averse to their Bishops. but because they were their sovereigns. when time had discovered to him the true causes of this great progress and its deplorable effects. 100—119.—Melancthon acknowledges at length that Luther's great success proceeded front a bad principle. the Sacramentarian contest divided the new-born reformation Into two almost equal pails. They seek not doctrine and religion.""(" 44 u 5. T o speak all.

I . Would to God I could confirm. iv. through his means ihey removed the Bishops. Int Ep. For what will be. as it were. led the curb altogether. und if it be not yet sufficiently seen that Luther was of that number. become tyrants themselves. as if. Ep. be not acknowledged. In this disorder he anticipates each one will become his own master. —The testimony of Capito and others. he concludes. for I see what kind of Church we are likely to have if we subvert the ecclesiastical government [ see that T Y R A N N Y W I L L B E M O R E I N S U P P O R T A B L E T H A N E V E R . which boasted she had come forth from the Church of Rome as from a Babylon ? Such was the Church of Strasburg . and the inconsiderate vehemence which induced us to reject the Pope. " is wholly abolished . go and preach to those that are disposed to hear you. If the ecclesiastical powers. 104. and there be no more prelates nor certain guides?" w 1 7. There is not any Church amongst us. destroyed the force of the Sacraments and the Ministry. and after blaming those who loved not Luther. to whom the authority of the Apostles came by succession. " * It is what always happens when the yoke of lawfu authority is thrown off. I know enough of the gospel.THE VARIATIONS. have reje*. " They had gained a liberty which would do posterity no good. The people say boldly to us—you wish to tyrannize over the Church which is free—you wish to establish a new Papacy. T Ep. They loudly tell us. Calv. p." the Episcopal administration. not so much as one. but whit h wished to have restored. how will the new ministers subsist who have taken their places? It is only necessary to hear Capito speak. "the state of the Church. ETC 151 temporal power of the Bishops. accustomed to. was the ecclesiastical government. if we change all the ancient customs. by destroying the power of the Papists. what follows will establish it beyond all doubt." says he. in licentiousness. the colleague of Bucer in the administration of the Church of Strasburg :—" The au­ thority of the ministers. tho spiritual juris­ diction. all is lost—all falls to ruin." And a little after: " God has given me to understand what it is to be a pastor.— Ecclesiastical authority and discipline entirely despised in the /T«w Churches. ad Far. and the injury we have done the Church by our precipi­ tate judgment. what need have I of your aid to find out Jesus Christ. Melanc­ thon proceeds . in a word. not the sovereignty of Bishops. where there is any discipline. at the same time. we. For the people. that Church which the new reformed + Lib." because he saw that -without that every thing would fall into confusion." proceeds hs."f What Babylon more confused than this Church. and. Those who excite the people to insurlection under the pretext of liberty. only because. but restore their administration . and nourished.

and by them are seen the sad effects of the new reformation. p. p. It is not surprising if the new reformation pleased princes and magistrates. makes a similar complaint to as little pur­ pose : " The laymen. | Calv. it established itself by rising up against the Bishops. by revelling with the wealth of the Church. Bucer. as pleased them best. j: 500. that is. the successor of (Ecolampadius in the ministry of Basil. and by despising all discipline. Sixteen years had • Int En. "t These are not discourses which censure disorders with exagge­ ration . 5*." says he. by the principal inhabitants.—Another fruit of the Reformation. { Int Ep. and place the authority of the Apostles in the hands of fte magistrates. in order to know " what the Prince could ordain concerning the Supper. One of the fruits it produced was the slavery into which the Church fell. "assume all to themselves. by rejecting tho Pope. in a town adjoining Geneva. " That a great numbei of their people believed they had withdrawn themselves from the power of Antichrist. that there was nc ordei in their churches."§ This was an evil unavoidable in the new Reformation. as the most orderly and modest of all the churches.—Luther receives the Mission of the Prince to make the Ecclesiastical Visitation. and all he can do is to complain of it. Calv. Montbeliart. 43. and the magistrate has made himself Pope. Mycon. was 10 give themselves a lay-pope."* Another minister complains to Calvin. t Int. 52. Peter. after that it was but just that he should have all powei in the Church. u 8. even of doctrine itself.15t THE HISTORY OF [BOOt incessantly proposed to Erasmus. 510. who then became masters of all. and acknowledges that nothing had been there more sought after. Ep. Luther. could not iefend himself against so great an abuse. the new pastors were instituted by his authority. and gives this reason. Such was this Church in 1537. they are what the new Pastors write to each other in confidence.—The servitude of the Church. 0. as the greatest disorder that can be brought into the Church. the colleague of Capito. The magistrate suspended the mass at Strasburg."J In vain Calvin resists this abuse : he has little hopes of a remedy . p. proud as he was of his new Apostleship. when he comp ained of their dis­ orders. . Calv. the t e w reformation. the ecclesiastical successor of St. in which the Magistrates make themselves Popes. than the pleasure of living after their own fancy. 50 51. by warrant from the magistrates. Ep. abolished it in other places. The first effect of the new gospel. Thus all that was gained ir. in her vigor and in her bloom. and modelled the divine service . Calv. entertained no better opinion of it in 1549. was an assembly there held.

to take upon themselves the administration of sacraments." and Luther exhorts the other princes to follow this example. in 1538. de Libert Christ. in charity. after com­ plaining. so imperfect was this heavenly mis­ sion . and that good works merited nothing but se­ riously to preach repentance. c. they will not fail. it is true." says Luther. " was as yet called to this ministry. o» if the people knew. Why."J Thus Luther speaks. that what one does is the work of God . a d d s . § Int Rpist Calv. " They were taught very well. a vocation.Y. then. although the secular power be not charged with -his office. had filled their Churches with confusion: Capito. have recourse to the prince ] " Because. f. contrary to their prohibition: but for the true episcopal function. which is to visit and correct. At last. they thought of the remedy of a Visitation. there was no discipline except in the Lutheran Churches. " But not a man amongst us. without ever thinking of visiting the Churches." that is. ( V w i t Sax. these new evangelists were assured of their extraordinary mission from above. he would have the function oi Bishops be exercised by thf authority of princes: and this attempt. at least. and Melancthon acknowledges it. a lawful authority is necessary for that end. to cause the people to rise up against their bishops. their Catechism."§ But Melancthon. who was ac44 * Visit Sax."f Observe. 44 44 44 10. to preach in opposition to them. to restrain this disorder. in a word. and St. to eat flesh on Fridays and Saturdays. not one of them had received the vocation or appointment from God. so recommended in the Canons. Luther well assures us. But was this power of GodV appointment established for this function ? Luther acknowl edges it was not. to name visitors. was a thing they nover thought of. 15S elapsed since the establishment of his Reformation in Saxony. p. destitute of lawful authority." says Luther. and rests upon this foundation. cap. This statement demonstrates that the Sacramentarians were not the only people de Libert Christ f Ibid. Peter prohibits any thing being done in the Church without being assured. that discipline was unknown in the Churches of his sect. n. iTC. to believe they were justified by faith a. de Doct cap. "a mission. that is. by a certain deputation. to lay aside confession." says Luther. did distrust it in reality The remedy discovered for this defect was to have recourse to the Prince.] THE VARIATIONS. as we have seen. who boasted of it. as to a power undoubtedly ordained by God in this country. . is called charity. d e O o c t c. so much those.—The Lutheran Churches have no better discipline. that a visitation is an apostolic function. own to see if the pastors whom they had appointed discharged their duty.—The Reformers were otherwise em­ ployed. in jhe language of the Reformation.

but it cannot be said that they * Lib.orious facts that. they treat theology) that they ought to oppose it. by little and little. the doctrine of good works fell into such dis repute."f This is the consequence of exciting the spirit of rebellion among the people. which God requires from man. in 1532. and that already. in which peojJc at table decided points of Religion. and though the remains of Christian discipline which they wished to retain were small. as things. " You see the excesses of the multitude. because authority was destroyed. It is permitted. the ancient tradi­ tions were renewing. Ibid p. and foreign to my purpose. namely. and indiscreetly inspir­ ing them with a hatred of traditions. This spirit prevailed among all the people . Thns the true reformation. they would take no care to explain their tenets. in what manner the great men of the party treated theology and ecclesiastical discipline.154 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK quainted with them. that he openly de­ clared at a "great banquet (for there only. and though little was said of it. 71. and much about the time that Capito wrote his letter. that they ought to be on their guard. speaking of these new churches. in the new Reformation. I undertake not to prove that the new Justification had this bad effect. and their blind deeves :"J no order could be established among thorn. It is a subject often treated of before.—Melancthon laments the Licentiousness of the party. We have in one single banquet a representation of what was done in the others. to say. yet they had such an influence on a man of importance. _35. iv. and this for two reasons—one. I shall speak only of those no. all concurred in de­ ciding they were not necessary. Ep. It is expedient we should also learn. and these evils were incu­ rable so that no advantage remains on the part of the Lu­ therans. such as it was. from Melancthon. 12. speaking of these Churches. Confession of sins was but feebly spoken of among the Lutherans. unless that their discipline. r .like the others. so muco excelled that of the Sacramentarians as to excite their envy II. and they doubted of th« most important matters: however. 769. says he. that some of the chief disciples of Luther said it was a blasphemy to teach they were necessary Others went so fai as to say they were contrary to salvation. f Ibid. and because the new doctrine inclined to favor human passions. relates. ot morals. "that discipline was destroyed among them. that good works arc necessary. and Melancthon himself says to his friend Camerarius. after the establishment of mputed justice. as Melancthon relates. lest that liberty they had recovered should be taken from them. otherwise they would be enchained by a new slavery. retrogaded instead of advancing.—Imputed justice diminished the necessity e> ^tod works. diat.

did not appear better. does God require them? Is it not in order to save us? lias not Jesus Christ himself said. Ep. they set fire t o tho house in order to cleanse it. and it is what the whole Scripture preaches to us. therefore. keep the command­ ments ?"* It is. But the new Reformation has discovered this subtlety. but then they should have substituted something better in their place. Lib. And why.) he had not seen so much as one whom it had not made worse instead of making better. the testimony of Erasmus. will believe no person. coL 84. that one may without difficulty allow then to be necessary. and the divine ser vice of the night and day. withal. 8ft . (and he maintained a familiarity with most of their chiefs. i. Who would have believed the Ref ormation was to bring forth such a prodigy ? and that this prop­ osition. precisely for obtaining life and eternal salvation that g o o d works are necessary according to the Gos­ pel. with relation to most men. 70. p.—. " What an evangelical generation is this!" Baid he. that of the many whom he had seen embrace the new Reformation. 47. provided it be not for salvation. They were. " If thou wilt enter into life. six. Morals are neglected . the acts of which we shall see in their proper place. t MeL Ep. Erasmus frequently said. all were agreed. All is carried to extremes in this new Reformation. in 1557. adulteries." should ever have been condemned i It was done by Melancthon and all the Lutherans in many of their conventions. 3 7. 30. 822. 31. and not become Epicureans to escape Judaism. increase more than ever. more seditious . I wish only to disabuse them of the idea that their Ref­ ormation was attended with the fruits that might be anticipated from so beautiful a name. after having shaken off the yoke of their superiors. 818. or that their new justification had pro­ duced one good effect. § Lib xix. J " Nothing was ever seen more licentious. and in so disordered a licentiousness Luther w'M soon nave reason to regret what he calls the tyranny of bishops.155 THE VARIATIONS. ETC." When he wrote in this w a y to his Protestant friends regarding the inhappy fruits o f their reformation^ they cmdidly agreed * Matt ax. our own. t Ep* p. are necessary t o salvation. luxury.! and particularly that of Worms. ** Good works are necessary to salvation.Yo Reformation of Morals in the Protestant Churches. 2063. The people indocile. 3.S. 13. Lib. there is no order no discipline among them. p. less evangelical than these pretended evangelists : they abrogate vigils. in a word. debauchery. nothing. for as to little children. I intend not here to impeach Protestants with their bad morals. said they. and. then. T h e / root up only what ought to be pruned. Pharisaica* superstitions. The questirn regarded the adult.

p. t Lib. 2118. according to the style of the reformation. it was impossible for the new Reformed to be more detached from these things than they were. Calv." said h e ."|| This was confining a sufficiently proper name to licentiousness cov­ ered with the title of reformation. and similar practices. In 1 5 4 9 . whom (Ecolampadius. who sometimes seemed to speak like the Apostles. p. having all of them 41 44 44 + Lib. Bucer writes again to the same Calvin : God has punished the injury we have done to his name by our long and pernicious hypocrisy. and devotions performed in honor of the saints. xxxi.—The testimony of Bucer..66 THE HISTORY . and in a word. and those who lessened their dignity and necessity by maxim. with those of Luther. But here is a testimony which will press the Protestants more losely : it is that of Bucer. he understands the watchings. of Jesus Christ. and there is but a small number who have departed from this hypocrisy. Calv. But. Cap. 510. 100. more piety in one good Catholic bishop than in all these new evangelists. Epist 59. Our people have passed from the h. besides that he disap­ proved their boasting of the reformation. and endeavors to render tie Church of Rome guilty of that hypocrisy he acknowledges in his own party.§ Five years after this letter of Bucer."^ Now he certainly seeks foi a subject of dispute. p. 1 find. TIbid. that among them the most evangelical did not so much as know what true repentance was"J—so much had they abused the name of reformation and gospel. xix."}* What he said was not to flatter the Catholics. could neither suffer nor restrain. whose disorders he im­ peached with sufficient freedom. || Int Ep. " I had much rather/' said he to them. 4 4 44 14. 54. and in the midst of the victories of Charles V. J Int Ep. For in 1 5 4 2 . he describes in stronger terms the little fruit of the pretended reformation. de lib."* He reproaches) them with the malice of Capito. and at other times abandoned him self to such strange excesses. to a profession. 609. such as it is. at whose table he lived.P [BOOR vith him. without any superior merit of their own. We have just heard as much from the lips of Luther. . he judged there was an essential difference between those who neglected good works through weakness. 3. when he writes again to Calvin. and such vile scurrility. and more than twenty years after the reformation. The others with whom he was acquaintea were no better. the abstinence. the malignant falsehoods of Farel. the arrogance and violence of Zuinglius. col. chr. this minister writes to Calvin."pocrisy so deeply rooted in the Papacy. that it w%s plainly seen the apostolic air he affected at times proceeded aot from his heart. For if by the Roman hypocrisy. § Visit Sax. " have to do with those Papists you decry so much. <bDoct c.

—The insupportable tyranny of Luther. "our people labored more to appear disciples of Jesus Christ than to be so in reality. was neglected by them. 15. nor a tyranny more insupportable than what he exercised in points of doctrine. that very few. the true reformation hitherto—I mean that of morals—had but weak foundations in the pretended reforma­ tion . She long had to sustain the punish­ ment of despising lawful authority. they generally returned answers of some vigor. tohat Calvin writes to Melancthon. and freedom from human authority. but when this arm of flesh was broken. None are unacquainted with what Calvin wrote to his friend Bullinger. 536. as to induce Muncer to say there were two popes —that of Rome and Luther. which had taken away even that mer*l which is the gift of grace. " that the excesses of Luther could be uc longer borne. and the leader of fanatics. with a Christian constancy. For almost fifty years together." And a little after. he beheld the Lutheran Church always under tyranny or in confusion. had abandoned so great an evil. and the work of God. the reformatio had prevailed so little against hypocrisy. but as the foundation of piety consisted not m these external things. this was an evfl. all the Swiss and all the Sacramentarians—men not at all despised by Melancthon—said. a fanatic. As long as they believed they had the arm of flesh to support them. * Ep." proceeds he. nor beai contradiction. What pleased them was the separation from the tyranny and superstitions of the Pope. without his **eing able to contradict them. that Luther was another pope. 15) ittssed to tnt. " Our people would never receive sincerely the laws of Jesus Christ: neither have they courage to enforce the laws against others. However that may be. Never was there a master more severe than Luther. whose self-love would not permit him to see his c wn de­ fects. This arrogance was so well known. and they no longer had any human aid. so much boasted of. which the reformation had too well corrected. " F o r which teasen. p. Calvin. Had it been only Muncer. 14 . they forgot them.opposite extreme. and when Jiis appearance injured their interests. If it were the opinion of merits that Bucei here calls our hypocrisy. and this latter was the more rig­ orous. loudly. accord­ ing to Bucer. What Melancthon most expected in Luther's reformation. though the truth sometimes ibrcec? its acknowledgment. and so much desired. was Christian liberty."* Here doctrine was in question." Doubtless. but Zuin­ glius. but he found himself much disappointed in his hopes.THE VARIATIONS ETC. Melancthon might have consoled himself. it consisted still less in abolishing them. and L I V I N G A F T E R T H E I R O W N FANCY. they relinquished it.

Vit. § Mel. ill is lost where one alone has more power than all the others particular. "J H e writes himself. though it is time for him now to reflect W much deference ought. H e menaced them With new formularies of faith. With what excess doss your Pericles deal out his thunder !"* It was thus Luther was called. nor perhaps more learning than the others. thinks of retiring Melancthon could make no reply to those just complaints. provided he knows how tc govern himself. ad Mel. ad Vit. The thing was carried to such excess. he wrote to his friend Camerarius. though one of the first and least effects of virtue is to overcome himself in this inequality of temper. that. His temper. acquaints us. and his son-in-law. on account of a letter received from Bucer. " We owe much to him.f Melancthon knew no remedy for those evils.—Melancthon. but what is to be hoped of a man who has no more authority. and must rule all things by his word ? 44 16. as if his violence were not augmented by the obsequiousness of the whole world.o enchained him : amongst those who have withdrawn them* 44 14 * Calv. Buoer. who will hear nothing. op. p." This pretext was made use of to incense Luther against him. Those who lived with Luther. Hoap. and they had so overwhelmed him with labor and uneasiness. Ep. chiefly with regard to the Sacramentarians. lib. § Pie was under such restraint with Luther. that Calvin complained of it to Melancthon himself. that he was re­ solved upon it. to be given to men. I acknowl­ edge. p." says he. MeL t Fenc. and all his motives impetuous . when they wished to give a fine name to his intem­ perate eloquence. I am. 2. you may say. whose pride Melancthon was accused of fomenting by " his meekness. never knew how this rigorous master would take their sentiments in point of doctrine. Let us once have courage to sigh freely. p. I acknowledge. as one in the den of the Cyclops . in the Church. 72. that Luther was so in­ censed against him. we leave a singular example to posterity. 45ft .")) Luther was not the only one that r. and I often think of flight. and the heads of the party." How great must be the captivity of man when he may not sigh with freedom ! A man.158 THE lit STORY OF [BOOK and it was principally in doctrine that Luther would make him­ self absolute. and I will reedily allow him a very great authority. Phil./ if he fears not to use the extent of his power. || Ibid. quite exhausted. is violent. in slavery. 315. in. as his friend Camerarius writes in his life. that he thought of nothing but of withdrawing for ever from his presence. Heod. nor was he of a different opinion from the others. whilst we rather relinquish our liberty than by the least offence provoke one single man. iv. And certainly. tyrannized over by Luther. except that of flight. ep. may be chagrined. for I cannot conceal my thoughts from you. f Cam.

—New Tyranny in the Lutheran Churches after that of Luther. not even at Augsburg. 110. he never dares to speak. Melancthon never spoke his full sentiments. i. W e have seen how " he accommodated his dogmas to the occasion :"* he was ready to say many milder things. Five years after that time. 136. vt aat has he not to suffer. and the adoration of the bread. never should they have the liberty of speaking freely on points of doctrine. but more by Luther than any other. these times of speaking freely. "|| When Calvin and the others encourage him *o speak his senti­ ments. N. 59." said he. 17. " I will speak freely. ETC. "if his companions would have permitted him." says h e . . and awaits an opportunity of explaining himself on cer­ tain matters. 211. 147. J Lib. that is. when he wrote his Confession of Faith. t Ep. nor was he deceived when he said. || Lib. he never performed. and this illusion has induced him to renounce the established government. if he subsequently find the yoke to en­ slave him." Con­ strained on all sides. 218. in the assembly of Smalkald. § Ep. int. approximating more closely to the tenets received by Catholics. died without fully ex* >laining himself on the most important controversies of his time.—He passes his whole life. Mel. and how can we feel surprise at the con­ tinual lamentations of Melancthon ? N o . if such should happen. and he who may be said to have given Lutheranism its form. Other tyrants took * Lib. ** Let matters turn out as they may. affoi his death. Calv. and the most moderate man is always the greatest slave. p.If which. after this. iv. that some were about to write against him. p. col. 10!». p. however. " where doctrine may be ex­ plained in a firm and precise manner. but even hi» companions. The reason was. f Lib. and reserves himself for " better times. every one is mastei at certain times. that. we find him again sighing for a free convention of the whole party. where the articles above-mentioned were drawn up. 204. and declaring without fear what he called truth. while Luther lived. iv. 18. Mel."f This is what he writes in 1537. he was forced to silence. never came for h i m . iii. and that of all tiie party. int. When a man has entered into a party to speak his sentiments with freedom. he writes to Calvin and Bullinger. he always speaks like one under the ibligation of great caution. ep."§ But these better times. with regard to doctrine. The Lu­ therans were to be the authors of this book.—Thus one of the chief teachers of the new reformation. Cnlv. 150 selves from lawful authority. "J Again. on the subject of the Eucharist. " for the designs I entertain. <'MY. ep. and in 1542. " If they publish it. retain him in more subjection than before. cp. without ever daring to explain his doctrine entirely.THE VARIATIONS. rp. Resp. they were not more free. and towards the latter end of his life. ep. and not only the master he has chosen.

" Happy. and sees no hopes but in Him who has promised to support his Church. How was it possible for Melancthon not to sen that the refor­ mation. That most im­ portant points remain undecided. he even took many important things from the Apology.24.—Melancthon knows not where he is. and all his life searches after Religion. and of discovering truth !"1T In 1 5 3 5 . 23.876." says h e . cpiPt. and the other leaders of the people. as he wished to believe they were to be in ages subsequent to the Reformation. except in heaven. "and has no hopes of finding sincerity. ep. among the Lutherans his colleagues. op. 845. § V. Here it is that men should have stopped. and that they ought. and done well!" like a man that knew in his conscience nothing hitherto had been done as it ought. as in the midst of enemies."** I wish it were allowed me to employ th« word " Demagogue. he writes again. even in her old age. into a state that at once involves all evils : " J he wishes for death."]] Plow much. ep. after the Confession of Augsburg and Apology. 107." which he uses. ad Calv. who became all-powerful with the people. Melancthon had only to reflect. In 1 5 3 3 . without noise. iii. that they ought to have been as immutable in ages past. 5 .ep. * Ibid. The Lutheran Church hari no particular assurance of her eternal duration. These were Illyricus. They had already fallen into anarchy.76. int. N." says h e . iv. In 1 5 3 2 . iv. Who is there. The unhappy Melancthon considers himself. i. whose faith he would change daily.e. lib. even after it had been presented to the Kmperor. although it had >een subscribed by the whole party with as much submission as . and since it was nec­ essary ultimately to return to the promises made to the Church. iv. 5.87.§ At different times. and the popular states of Greece. that is. 144. Lib.4. was not the work of man ? We have seen how he changed. could he have perceived that consequently he never ceases to support her 1 44 44 44 19. " who are strangers to both piety and discipline.160 THE [BOOR HISTORY OF his plat. f Lib. U. do ! 44 41 44 44 44 44 4 4 + Mel. 135. many important articles of the Augsburg Confession. or. that so much as thinks of healing the conscience agitated with doubts. The Lutheran churches were led by similar speakers : Ignorant men. ct sen. Those were certain oratcrs in Athens. as he says himself. How much. and changed again." says h e . do I wish this to be done. et lib." so speaks Melancthon. Such are they who domineer. to seek means to explain their dogmas. 842. 836."f This is the picture which he draws of the Lutheran Churches. Lib. nor ought the reformation made by Luther to remain more immoveable than the first institution established by Jesus Christ and his Apostles.he Confession of Augsburg. ano I am like Daniel among the Lions. Cnlv. 140. and to the end of the world. in the midst of furious wasps. to use his own words. opistp. by flattering them.

at the commencement. iv. || Lib." H e acknowledges the disorder."TF H e declares that. " was not wanting i s me. have done many things without reason. and. He had advanced no further in 1537 . In 1536. contents himself with saying. he gives to understand. 110. iv. he replies at once. as we have seen. " to prosper this glimmering of doctrine. ep. purely and simply. indeed. 161 we deserve to be blamed. Melancthon imputes these defects to the vices and obstinacy of ecclesiastics. that we have fallen into many faults."§ and. 194. many defects remained in it. will not conceal it. ep. then wanting to him—the man he had believed to be raised by God to dispel the darkness with which the world was covered ? Without doubt he confided but iittle in the doctrine of such a master. ep 98. "* H e wishes in the same year." says he. when he so bitterly laments the want of a doc­ tor. ETC. rather. that." || Three years after. and doctors. and five or six ways of explaining this article. i. by imputing the defects of his own religion to the Catholic Church. and in 1545. indeed. he has done all in his power: the will. nor to explain the dogmas. " I beseech God. Melancthon. he was so little satisfied with thein that. 662. after the death of Luther. who in so many places so highly extols him. 14* J Lib. or abandon the cause. as to himself. J But inmediately after. without sophistry ! These things torment me ter­ ribly." How! was his master." says h e . "that. " I w a s of opinion." says h e . they should explain doctrine more simply . rejecting some paradoxes. we that take no care t ) heal the con­ science agitated with doubts. have not satisfied him. f Lib. . cp. he acknowledges that truth had been but very imperfectly dis­ covered to the preachers of the new gospel." says he. to say nothing worse . " by whose means it hap­ pened. such as he has discovered to us. but time. And. we have heard him still wish for another assembly.THE VARIATIONS. " that a pious assembly would determine the Eucharistic content. iii. and the vain excuse he seeks. or. writing in confidence to his friend Camerarius. for so it was necessary he should speak. and whilst all the Doctors of the party assem­ bled with Luther at Smalkald. there subscribed to the decisions of Luther. although he subscribed. J Ibid. that it was immoveable. without sophistry. guides. 170."f H e judges then the thing as undecided . that " h e had at least well explained some part of the M 11 • Lib. in 1542. ep. Luther. 13 4. coldly enough. f Lib. there explained anew the points of doctrine. and without tyranny. which we find in the Augsburg Confession and Apology. accused of still raising many doubts of he d <ctrine he professed. ep.iv. and it must not be forgotten that he speaks of doctrine. these decisions. where the dogmas might be explained in a firm and precise manner. " that amongst us things have been left to take their own course.

$ Lib. 699. were too harsh. after the Articles of Smalkald. 200. in the midst of his misfortunes. ep. as the following will more fully discover to us. but moreover in the operations of grace. If it be asked what were the dogmas Melancthon pretended were badly explained. Men. nor what Melancthon himself had explained at Augsbuig. he is pleased with the thoughts of writing a fine work. if they please. upon coming forth from so much darkness :"f and is satisfied with saying that " many tilings have been well e x p l a i n e d w h i c h agreed perfectly with the desire he had. (regarding fatal necessity and free-will. who still seeks for many articles of his religion fortyyears after the preach ing of Luther and the establishment of the Reformation. that Archbishop of Canterbury who completely destroyed the King. since decisions." says he. Here is Melancthon himself. "the doctrines which have been ad­ vanced amongst us on free-will. which they could not avoid. iv.--What were the dogmas which Melancthon found badly explained. These were not the notions he had received from Luther. that the dogmas of faith were the tilings in question. This doctrine raised him opponents among the Protestants. 42. 447. Ep. it is certain that they were most importan ones—that of the Eucharist was in the number. after the explana­ tions of the Apology. thai the rest should be better explained. according to the opinions of the stoics. j Ibid. iii. no longer pleased him. he began to think that free-will did not only act in the duties ot civil life. by his obsequiousness : " Ever since the commencement. ep."* A little after. i\ lip. In 1553. We see. and persists in his belief. and by its assistance. " If they shall publish their stoical disputes. ."J It is not well known what he wished to insert in this new formu­ lary . and new decrees on doctrine."|| Thus. may now be surprised at those they call Seekers in England. t!iO consequences of which so very much atfected the subjects of justification and grace. J Lib. since he says. * Lib. he still demands "a new formulary for the Supper.) 1 shall answer very gravely and very learnedly. He prepared himself for a vigorous defence. that both one and the other did nothing but obscure the subject. || Lib. 20."§ That of the Augsburg Confes­ sion. when he wrote to * friend. Another article which he wished might be decided was that of free-will. are there spoken of in every place. it appears only. In 1548 he writes to Thomas Cranmer. that neither those of his own nor those of the opposite party pleased him. aftei all the changes of the Augsburg Confession.162 TKE HISTORY OP [BOOK heavenly doctrine. Ep. which he nad signed. he confesses * that he and the others fell into many errors. ii. and we must think of making some new formulary on this hcad. his master. 662. though he himself had drawn it up. in all the above passages.

The difficulty was to know who spoke the truth. there were no means of terminating them. a Council which should have the power of de­ ciding. and served only to exasperate the minds of men. gave extreme trouble to the miserable Melancthon. such as it was presented at the Diet of Augsburg. who had possessed themselves of their places. He who spoke the truth had. nor is it known to whom application should be made to arrange matters in a steady frame. and embarrass the cause: a juridical assembly was necessary. in the public assemblies then held. wished to have their mission judged of by the merits of the cause. according to them. 22. and. no legitimate authority. could not assume to themselves a more inviolable character. But what appears more singular is. who had made it. so inevitable a defect m the constitution of the new Reformation. it bends or relaxes without modera­ tion. both sides. at the same time. What repose could Melancthon have during these uncertain­ ties ? The evil was. the most certain traditions were despised . and to which all the people should submit.—These uncertainties proceeded from the constitution of the Protestant Churches. the Scripture was rested and forced by the ca • price of every man. Lutherans and Zuinglians. and. the individuals. and acknowledged to his friends. which every person claimed. all parties believed they understood it— they all proclaimed it was clear. to terminate the Eucharistic dispute. the true mission. 163 %\. and. he himself. with al the others.THE VARIATIONS* ETC. as the pure exposition of the word of God. which tore in pieces the new-born Reformation. that whilst he. Conferences which they called amicable had nothing but the name. at tht time he thinks of reforming it. the neces­ sity of reforming it in so many important articles. So essential. long after the Confession of Augsburg.—Mdanctlwn declares that he adheres to the Confession of •Augiburg. Usurped au­ thority has no uniformity. Thus tyranny and anarchy are felt in it alternately. Policy required this. that he adhered prerisely to this Confession. they arose from the very grounds. as I may say. from the constitution of his church in which there was no regular power. If any questions arose. and to the Apol­ ogy. never ceased to declare. and it would have too much dishonored the Reformation to admit that it had erred in its foundation. and all those who rested their mission on this examination made it . We might point out other things which Melancthon wished to see decided. found in liis conscience. Melancthon called out in vain for an assembly. indeed. But where was this to be had in tho new Reformation l The remembrance of the despised bishops was still too recent. not a man would yield to his companion.

by which Bishops are acknowledged the su­ periors of many churches. and hear truth from himself: these things. may easily retain this authority: for guides are necessary to retain the Church in order. It is for this reason Melancthon wished to ac­ knowledge the bishops. is allowable. like kingdoms. The manner in which he explains himself. is admirable. though the greatest part of men arc incapable of such inquiry ? Such lan­ guage may serve for disputation. and their vocation alone was indisputable. are very easily said. or the faithful to be obliged to investigate the cause to the bottom. and always maintained that it wat wrong " t o yield nothing to the sacred order.—The authority of the Church absolutely necessary in matters of Faith. 196. in his conscience. proceeding from nothing higher. it rests on itself lor a foundation. to watch * Lib. I repeat. we must return to authority. where each one is to judge matters as they are in themselves. and all kinds of evil. is the true tribunal. Conscience. and the Bishops. and the Bishop of Rome superioi to all Bishops. It is very easy to say."* If their au­ thority was not re-established. barbarity. that" discord would have no end. Me­ lancthon said them.—and true repose. like the others . with a lively and inconsolable sorrow.164 THE HISTORY OF doubtful. Tho Catholic bishops had a certain title. we must have recourse to other means. why should she have less order than empires ? Why should she not have a legitimate suc­ cession in her magistrates ? Ought a way to be left open to every man who would say he was sent from God. It was said they abused it. say they. as our reformed do. and saw no other remedy for the evils of the Church. For. that they have an extraordinary vocation . but when a mutter is to be terminated. in reality. when. and the authority of Bishops. D o what we may. . 24. given to the consciences of men. It was ulso lawful for kings to endow churches with revenues : so there is no dispute about the superiorly of the Pope. but. which is neither certain nor lawful.—the peace of the Church to be established.—The sentiments of Melancthon on the necessity of acknowledging the Pop* and Bishops. iv. that the Church. was very sensible some other foundation was necessary on which to build the Church. Thus Melancthon always wished to acknowledge them. " Our people are agreed that ecclesiastical polity. in one of his let­ ters on this subject. Ep. he anticipated." 23. whom succession had established. is not attached to an established succession. and matters of religion ought not to be judged in the same form that causes are at tri bunals. without impediment. as well as the Pope. and would be attended with ignorance. nor was it denied that they had.



over those who are called to the Ecclesiastical rninistr) and the
doctrine of priests, and to exercise Ecclesiastical judgments.
If there were not such Bishops, I T W O U L ^ B E NECESSARY TO
T H E P O P E ' S MONARCHY would also be of
great use to the agreement of doctrine between different nations.
Thus the S U P E R I O R I T Y OF T H E P O P E might easily be admitted,
were wt but agreed in all the rest; and Kings themselves might
easily moderate the attempts of Popes on the temporalities of
their kingdoms."* This was what Melancthon thought of the
Authority of the Pope and Bishops. The whole party enter­
tained the same sentiments when he wrote this letter. " Our
people," says he, " are agreed :" far from looking upon the au­
thority of Bishops with the superiority and monarchy of the Pope,
as a mark of the anti-Christian empire, he held it for a thing
desirable, and which ought to be created, if not established. It
is true that he added this condition, that ecclesiastical powers
should not oppress sound doctiine:" but, if it may be per­
mitted to say they do oppress it! and, under this pretext, refuse
the obedience due to them, they fall again into the difficulty they
seek to avoid, and the ecclesiastical authority becomes a mock
authority for all that wish to contradict.

25.—Melancthon, in the Assembly of Smalkald, is of opinion that they should
acknowledge the CoitncU convened by the Pope—and why ?

It was for this reason also that Melancthon always sought for
a remedy to so great an evil. It was not certainly his design
that the disunion should remain for ever. Luther submitted to
the Council at the time Melancthon embraced his doctrine.
The whole party pressed its convocation, and Melancthon hoped
from it the termination of the schism, without which, I presume,
he never would have engaged in it. But, after the first step,
men venture farther than they had intended. T o the demand
of the Council, the Protestants added, that they demanded it
free, pious, and Christian." The demand is just—Melancthon
agrees to it; but such fair words concealed a profound artifice.
By the name of a free Council, they explained their meaning
t" be such a Council as the Pope, and all those who professed
submission to him, should be excluded from. These, they said,
w^re interested persons—the Pope was the guilty party, the
Bishops were his slaves—they could not be judges. Who, then,
.should hold the Council ? The Lutherans, mere private L di­
vidual? or prit:sts in rebellion against their bishops? "What an
example to posterity! And, again, were they i ot also interested?
Were they not considered guilty by Catholics, who, without
doubt, formed the greatest, not to say the best part of the Chris­
tian world ? What! to have indifferent judges, should then the
* Resp. ad E*1L





[ B C >K

appeal be made >o Turks or Heathens, or ught God to send
us angels ! And was any thing more necessary than to accus-i
all the magistrates of the Church, in order to deprive them of
their power, and render judgment impossible ? Melancthon had
too much sense not to sec this was but an illusion. What can
he do? He informs us himself. In 1 5 3 7 , when the Lutherans
were assembled at Smalkald, in order to discover what was best
to be done with wtgai'i ; the council Paul the Third had sum­
moned at Mantua, it was said the Pope ought not to be allowed
the authority of forming a convention in which himself was to be
accused, nor should a council so convoked be acknowledged by
them. But Melancthon could not agree to this. " My opinion
was," says he, " not to refuse the Council absolutely, because,
although the Pope cannot he judge therein, however H E HAS
T H E R I G H T OF CALLING IT T O G E T H E R , and the Council must
order the proceeding on to judgment."* Here he immediately
acknowledges the Council; and what is still more remarkable,
the whole world allowed he had, on the whole, reason on his side.
" Men more acute than myself," proceeds he, *' aid that my
reasons were subtle and T R U E , but useless ; that the tyranny of
the Pope was such, that if we once consented to be present at
the Council, it would be understood that wc thereby granted to
the Pope the power of judging. I saw very well there was some
difficulty in my opinion; but, after all, it was the most honest.
The other carried it, after great disputes, and I believe there is
in this somewhat of fatality."
26.—When certain principles are overturned, all we do is unwarrantable and

This is generally said when one knows not what to say.
Melancthon seeks for an end to the schism, and, for want of
comprehending truth whole and entire, what he says is not con­
sistent. On one side he was sensible what service an acknowl­
edged authority does the Church. He saw clearly, among so
many dissensions then arising, that a principal authority was
then necessary to maintain unity, nor could he recognise this
authority any where but in the Pope. On the other hand, he
would not have hici to be judge in the impeachment the Lu­
therans brought aga.nst him. Thus he grants him the authcrity
of calling the Assembly, and, after that, will have him excluded
from it—an odd opinion, I acknowledge. But, for all this,
Melancthon ought not to be deemed a person unskilled in these
matters: he was not so reputed by his own party,—the only
person, I may say, in whom they could boast, and excelled by
none among them in sense or erudition. If he proposes things
contradictory, it was because the new Reformation allowed
* Lib. iv. Ep. 1%.




nothing that was right or consistent. He was correct hx saying
that it belonged to the Pope to call the Council, for who else
should call it, particularly in the present state of Christianity?
Was there any other power, except that of the Pope, which the
whole world acknowledged? and to deprive him of it at once,
before the Assembly, in which they said they had intended to
accuse him, was not this too unjust a prejudice? Above all,
when the matter in debate was no personal crime of the Pope,
but the doctrine which he had received from his predecessors
so many ages ago, and which was common to him with all the
bishops of the Church? These reasons were so solid, that the
rest, of the Lutherans, opposed to Melancthon, acknowledged
them, as he himself has just told us " to be true." But those
who acknowledged this truth, however, maintained at the same
time, and with good reason, that if they granted the Pope the
power of forming the Assembly, they could no longer exclude
him from it. The bishops, who ever acknowledged him the
Chief of their order, and saw themselves in a synodical body
convened by his authority, would they suffer their assembly to
commence with dispossessing a natural President for a cause
common to them all ? Would they give an example unheard
of in all past ages ? These things were inconsistent; and in
this conflict of the Lutherans it appeared manifestly that, after
certain principles are overthrown, every thing that follows is
untenable and contradictory.

27.—Reasons for the restriction which Melancthon placed to his Subscription in
the articles of Smalkald.

If they persisted in refusing the Council which the Pope had
convened, Melancthon had no further hopes of a remedy for the
schism; and it was on this occasion he spoke the words above
cited, " that discord would be everlasting,"* in consequence of
not recognising the authority of the sacred order. Afflicted at
so great an evil, he pursues his point; and although the opinion
he had proposed for the Pope, or, rather, for the unity of the
Church, in the Assembly of Smalkald, was there rejected, he
made his own subscription to the above form, as we rave seen,
reserving the authority of the Pope. The important causes and
reasons which obliged him to concede the superiority of the
Pope over the Bishops are now seen. Peace,—which reascn
and experience of the dispositions of his own sect made him
consider impossible without these means,—forced him, in oppo­
sition to Luther, upon so necessary an expedient. His con*
science, at this time, triumphed over his complaisance ; and he
added only, that he gave the Pope a superiority of " human
Mght " unhappy in not seeing that a Primacy which experience
* Lib.

Ep. 196,






showed him to be so necessary for the Church, well deserved
to have been instituted by Jesus Christ; nay more, what is found
established in all ages, cou'd proceed from none but him!
28.—The words of Melancthon on the authority of the Church.

Surprising were the sentiments he had with regard to the au>
thority of the Church. For, although, like other Protestants
he would not allow tne infallibility of the Church in disputes, lest,
said he, too great a prerogative should be given to men, the dic­
tates of his mind carried him still farther. He frequently repeated,
that Jesus Christ had promised his Church to support her for
ever; that he had promised his " work," that is, his Church
" should never be dissipated nor abolished;" and, therefore, to
ground himself upon the faith of the Church, was to ground
himself not on man, but on the promise of Jesus Christ him­
self.* This induced him to say even, Sooner may the earth
open under my feet, than it happen to me to depart from the
sentiment of the Church in which Jesus Christ does reign."
And, in other numberless places, " Let the Church judge—I
submit myself to the judgment of the Church."f The truth is,
that faith, which he hud in the promise, vacillated frequently;
and, once, after having said, according to the sentiments of his
heart, " 1 submit myself to the Catholic Church," he adds, t h a
is to say, to good men, and leained men."J This, his limita
tion, I acknowledge destroyed the who!* ; and it is easily seen
what that submission was, which, under the name of good and
learned men, acknowledges none, at the bottom, but such as he
pleases: for this reason he wished always to come to a fixed
character, an avowed authority, which was that of the Bishop*.


29.—Melancthon cannot depart from the opinion of imputed justice, whatever
grace God bestows on him for his return.—Two truths acknowledged by him.

If it be now asked, How it happened that a man so desirous
of peace did not seek it in the Church, but remained separated
from that sacred order he was so intent on establishing 1 it i>
easily answered—it was chiefly because he could never abandon
his imputed justice. God, however, had given him great graces,
since he had the knowledge of two truths capable of reclaiming
him : one, that a doctrine not found in antiquity ought not to be
followed. " Consult," said he, to Brcntius, " with the ancient
Church :"§ and, again, " Opinions unknown to the ancient
Church are not to be received."|| The other truth, that is, his
doctrine of imputed justice, was not to be met with in the Fa­
thers. As so' n as he began to set about explaining it, we have
heard him say, He found nothing like it in their writings."!!

* Lib. i Ep. 107. iv. 76, 733, 845,876, etc. t Lib. iii. Ep. 44. Lib. i. Ep.
67, 105. ^ib. ii. Ep. 159, etc.
J Lib. L Ep. 109.
§ Lib. iii. Ep. 114.
H Mel. de E< rlea. Cath. ap. Lilt t i. p. 444. IT Lib. iii. Ep. 126, col. 574, S. n. 1




Nevertheless, they thought fit to say, in the Augsbuig Confessioi
and Apology, that nothing was advanced therein iut was con­
formable to their doctrine. Above all, St. Augustin was cited;
and it had been too shameful to the Reformers to own that sc
great a Doctor, the defender of Christian grace, had been igno­
rant of the foundation of it. But what Melancthcn writes to a
friend in confidence, shows us plainly that it was only for form
sake, and to save appearances, they named St. Augustin in the
party. For he repeats three or four times, with a kind of con*
cern, that what hinders his friend from well understanding this
matter is, because " he is still too much wedded to St. Augustin's imagination," and that " he must turn away his eyes en­
tirely from the imagination of this Father."* But, then, what
is this imagination he must turn his eyes from ? Why it is, says
he, the imagination of being held for just by the fulfilling of the
law, which the Holy Ghost works within us. This fulfilling,
according to Melancthon, avails nothing towards rendering man
agreeable to God, and it was a false imagination in St. Augustin
to have thought the contrary: thus does he treat so great a man.
And, nevertheless, he cites him, on account, says he, of the
public opinion men have of him. But, in the main, continue*
he, "he does not sufficiently explain the justice of faith." At»
if he said, on such a subject, we ought at least to cite a Father
the whole world considers the best interpreter of this article,
although, to speak the truth, he makes not for us. H e found
nothing more favorable in the rest of the Fathers. " What dense
darkness," said he, " do we find on this subject in the common
doctrine of the Fathers and our adversaries."! What became
of those fine words, Consult with the ancient Church ? Why
did he not practise what he advised others? And seeing he
knew no piety, (as, indeed, none there is but what is grounded
on the true doctrine of justification,) how could he believe so
many saints were ignorant of it ? How could he imagine he
saw so clearly in Scripture what he did not see in the Fathers,
not even in St. Augustin, the doctor and defender of justifying
grace against the Pelagians, whose doctrine also, in this point,
the whole Church had constantly followed ?
30.—Melancthon can neither satisfy himself in imputed justice, nor resolve t»
abandon it.

But what most deserves our observation in this place is, that
he himself, smitten as he was with the speci HIS idea of his im­
puted justice, never could succeed in explaining it to his own
liking. N o t content with laying down the dogma regarding if
in the most ample manner in the Confession of Augsburg, he
applies himself wholly to the expounding of it in the Apology;
• Lib. i. Ep. 94.
t Lib. iv. Ep. 228.




and, whilst he comj osed it, he wrot i to hi?fir/snd Caineranus
" I truly suffer a very great and la'jor in the Apology
in the points of justification, which I desire to explain profit­
ably."* But, however, afte ail this pains-tuking, has he fully
explained it ? Let us hear uhat he writes to another friend ; it
.s the same we have seen him reprove as too much wedded to
St. Augustin's imaginations. " I have endeavored," says he,
t o explain this doctrine in the Apology, but, in such discourses
as these, the calumnies of our adversaries permit not the ex­
plaining of myself so as I do to you at present, though, in reality,
I say the same thing."*]" And, a little after, " I h ope you will
find some kind of help from my Apology, although 1 there speak
with caution of so great matters." This whole letter scarcely
contains one single page, the Apology has more than a hundred
on this subject; and, notwithstanding, this letter, according to
him, explains it better than the Apology. The thing was, he
durst not say in the Apology as clearly as he did in this letter,
" that we must entirely take off our eyes from the accomplish­
ment of the law, even from that which the Holy Ghost works in
us." This is what he called rejecting St. Augustin's imagina­
tion. H e saw himself always pressed with this question of the
Catholics: If we are agreeable to God independently of all
good works, and all fulfilling of the law, even of that which the
Holy Ghost works in us, how and whereto are good works nec­
essary ? Melancthon perplexed himself in vain to ward off this
blow, and to elude this dreadful consequence: " Therefore good
works, according to you, are not necessary." This is what he
called calumnies of adversaries, which hindered him from own­
ing frankly, in the Apology, all he had a mind to say—this was
the cause of that great labor he had to undergo, and of those
precautions of which he spoke.
T o a friend the whole mystery of the doctrine was disclosed
but in public he was to be on his guard ; he yet further added
to his friend, that, after all, this doctrine is not well understood,
except in " the conflicts of conscience :" which was as much as
to say, that when a man could do no move, and knew not how
to assure himself of having a will sufficient for fulfilling the law
the remedy for preserving all this, notwithstanding the undoubted
assurance of pleasing God preached up in the new Gospel, wa*
to take off their eyes from the law and the fulfilling of it, in or
der to believe that, independently of all this, God reputed us fot
just. This was the repose Melancthon flattered himself with,
and which he ne^sr would relinquish. This difficulty, indeed,
always occurred, that of holding oneself assured of the forgive­
ness of sin? without a like assurance of conversion ; as if these
•Lib.iv. Ep. 110. Omniftovakie xniiUtim laborM aiisUneo,&.C. fLib.i.Ep.91





twc things were separable, and independent one of the other.
This occasioned, in Melancthon, that great labor; and therein
he could never satisfy himself; so that after the Confession of
Augsburg, and so many painful inquiries of the Apology, he
comes besides, in the Confession called Saxonic, to another ex­
position of justifying grace, where he advances other novelties,
which we shall see in time.
Thus is man agitated when smitten with an idea that has but
a delusive appearance—fain would he explain his thoughts, but
knows not how—fain would he find in the Fathers what he
searches after; no such principle is to be found in them, yet
cannot he renounce the flattering idea that so agreeably prepos­
sesses him. Let us tremble and humble ourselves—let us ac­
knowledge that, in man, there is a profound source of pride and
error; and that the weaknesses of the human mind, like to the
judgments of God, are unfathomable.
31.—Melancthon's grievous agonies—he foresees the dreadful consequences of the
overthrow of Church authority.

Melancthon was persuaded he saw truth on one side, and
lawful authority on the other. His heart was divided, and the
struggle to reunite these two gave him continual torment. H e
was not able to renounce the charms of his imputed justice, nor
ro make the body of the bishops receive a doctrine unknown to
those who had governed the Church till then. Hereupon, the
authority which he loved for being lawful, became odious to him,
because it opposed that which he mistook for truth. At the same
time that you hear him say he never called the authority of
bishops in question," he arraigns their " tyranny," chiefly be­
cause they opposed his doctrine, and believes " he weakens his
own cause by laboring to re-establish them."*
Mistrusting his own conduct, he racks himself, nor foresees
anything but disasters.
What will this Council be," says he,
if held, but a tyranny either of Papists or of others: a battle
of divines more cruel and stubborn than that of centaurs V'"\
Well was he acquainted with his master, Luther, and feared no
less the tyranny of his own than that he attributed to the adverse
party! T h e fury of divines makes him tremble. H e sees, au­
thority once shaken, that all the dogmas, even the most impor­
tant, will be called in question, one after another, without know­
ing where to stop. The disputes and differences about the
Lord's Supper discovered to him what was to happen on other
Good God!" says h e , what tragedies will pos­
terity behold, if these questions ever come to be moved, whether
or no the Word, whether the Holy Ghost be a person !"J Thew




* Lib. iv. Ep. 238.

4 4

t Ibid. Ep. 140.

to Atheism in disguise . 28. v 32."f Had he comprehended well these words. What would Melancthon have said had he foreseen all these evils 1 and what would have been his lamentations'? He had seen enough to trouble him his whole life long. with its whole train of evils under the speciouc and flattering name of liberty. Christian doc* trine impugned in every point. Christians denying the work of the creation. the very foundation of religion sap­ ped. the spiritua power placed by others in the hands of princes . and tho authority of ecclesiastical decisions. 20. all religion would be soon extinct. in s^ite of errors and disputes : but would have owned. destroying hell. the Scripture directly combatted. What benefit did he then find in those divine promises. and God himself would have taught him. Jesus Christ had bound himself to maintain his Church. I am with you always. teach. by an inviolable succession of the ecclesi­ astical ministry. as he himself attests. and lo. but trusts not enougii in them. .—The causes of Jfielancthon's errors . that is. wherein sm cession and lawful au­ thority were found. even unto the end of the world. and in­ dependence set up. What would have been the case had he seen the other pernicious consequences of the doubts which the Reformation started ? the whole order of discipline publicly overthrown by some. and changing it into a sect of philosophy wholly adapted to the senses : thence indifference of religions arising. etc v. i. but he judged this be* ginning to be but weak as y e t . moreover. n. The contests of his own times and party were sufficient to make him say that without a visible miracle. J Matt xxviii. that the Gospel doctrine would subsist eter­ nally. he would never have imagined that truth could be separated from that body. Ep. 476. H e would have seen that it was to the Apos­ tles and to the successors of the Apostles this promise was addressed—" Go. and. stripping Christianity of all its mysteries. and that of man's redemption . for he percei ed the minds of men to become insensibly bolder and bolder against the estab­ lished doctrines. baptize . even in her extreme old age. the force of the apostolic ministry can receive no interruption * Lib. abolishing the souPs immortality. whereby. the way opened to Deism. and never to sutler her to perish ?* Had he thoroughly considered this blessed promise. and the books that broach these prodigious doctrines issuing from the bosom of the Reformation. and from those quarters where she predominates.172 [tool THE HISTORY O F matters began to be moved in his time. that is. that is.he aUeges the promises made to the Church. what naturally ensues. 107. he would not have been satisfied with owning as he has done. that it ought to subsist by the means established in the Gospel. Jiat as the profession of truth can never be overruled by error. anarchy.

ETC* 178 hy any relaxation of discipline. leaves also in his slaves. and that even with respect to religion. Ib. some remains of piety. Let us reflect on what he wrote to the Landgrave of Hesse. and as God leaves inhis children some remainsof concupiscence. and her strength. Melancthon's faith could not stand this trial.etaeq. and Lu­ ther himself had declared for them* The unfortunate Melancthon could not even retain his natural sincerity. The Reformation.THE VARIATIONS. Lib. to be sure. brought about or supported by arms. and deceitful. n. filled him with horror. S. from some interior impulse. . Ep 110. which he wished fro^n the bottom of his heart to see reformed in so many points *o speak always as best pleased others. without being able to meet with so much as the shadow of it in the party wherein he had sought it. to pass his whole life in perpetual dissimulation. in a contrary sense. to load them with calumnies in the Confession of Augsburg .n. iv. in the promise in general. lib. | does always wholly extinguish them. H e did not follow this divine light to its whole extent. 31. indeed. but had not sufficient faith in the means God had appointed for its maintenance. Satan. had no other support on earth but the authority of the ancient pastors. through length of days. 16. 111. Adm. Gregory.§ to approve publicly this Confession. his foundations were all subverted . his imitator. without which there i s neither faith nor Church. the first act whereof is to n o t * Rom. $ V. 18. in affected equivocations. f Pastor.84. iv. Ep. he lost it for ever. Melancthon. which keeps them in humility. 2. partiii. the most exhausted. was moved to think that peace and unity. however strange it may seem. without reflecting that piety unattended with all its requisites. H e aspired to unity.iv. is nothing but hypocrisy."J But he was forced to retract this fine maxim. with Abraham.) but yet apparent. T o complete the mischief. they believe themselves saints. t Lib. whereby the profession of truth was to subsist. This is the faith of Christians: thus. says St. the P o p e . whereby he accomplishes their seduction. whom he saw ready to take up arms:—*' May your Highness be persuaded that it is better to endure all extremities than to take up arms for the Gospel cause. they must believe the promise. (false. but was obliged to join with Bucer in laying snares for the Catholics. he saw himself under the necessity of finding out excuses for an ex­ travagance which he detested.iii. H e believed. " I n hope against hope and further beheve that the Church will pre­ serve her succession. and bring forth children even then when she shall appear the most barren. every thing fell out contrary to his hopes. when the party had entered into a confederacy to make war. What did the retaining so many good sentiments avail him? The enemy of our salvation.

" which all good men. that at length he cried out— Happy are they who meddle not with public affairs. he is almost brought to death's door. and the first engagenv it makes all necessary. and knows not how to express his internal anguish. . all the terms he employs to represent his grief are extreme. f Sleid. my dear friend. concerning the decrees of the Assembly of Spire."J All the affairs of the Reformation turned on these leagues of princes with the confederate towns.174 THE HISTORY OF [aoox believe. Ep. and kept within such bounds. one hardens and animates another. 137 § Ibid. they must not inly defend themselves. "§ H e had such a disgust against the princes of his own party and their assemblies. nothing was there treated on but leagues.")] 41 * Lib. || Ibid. that in all these conventions nothing is less thought on than re* ligion. and I wish I were able to stifle all my thoughts. and no wonder if such treaties succeed ill. and such a state becomes irksome. Ep. such as they are. " I see. 7 0 . and principally Luther: it was not certainly out of any fear of Rome that he wrote with so much precaution. Ep. on the other hand. that he saw something in the party still worse than what he wrote. under­ hand contrivances. and the Protestant princes were resolved to maintain. it is per­ ceived. iv."* When he dares not o speak out. for is it possible that God should bless such coun­ sels Far from exaggerating when he speaks thus. iv. and violent counsels. lib. 33. but multiply . 85. What he feels is horrible : his consternation is astonishing. During his oppressions he is sensibly convinced how much certain people are to blame. for a time and with dissimulation. "ought to prevent. which the emperor had a mind to break. and this is what Melancthon wrote to Camerarius on the subject:—" You see. in order to draw from his eloquence and facility excuses for counsels he approved not of. In the account he gives his intimate friend Camerarius. fear makes them propose agreements. " that there is something secredy contriving. Melancthon often declares that strange things pass in his mind. where all things were carried on by political interests. as the second is to confess. and. " They are in­ credible agitations and the torments of hell." said he. in a word. into which they always brought him. Ep." says he. What constraint! wfip. it is some head of the party that is to be under­ stood.—The Princes and Doctors of the party are alike insupportable to hinu Meanwhile the heart is stung with secret reproaches. the fine r i m e of Refor nation makes all lawful. it is most certain nothing troubled him so much as what passed in the party itself. even from his letters. viil 1 Lib. 85. and the resolutions taken by the Protestants.l corruption! But party zeal carries all before it.

" he had quite left off giving himself any concern about their projects." were to him a sign of an unquestionable change in the state of the universe. Ep. Ep. 89. informing him withal. iiu 69. and one is apt to think he is reading Titus Livins. think any other state a golden age comparatively to that they p u t u s i n . the horoscopes. J Ibid. " Their manners are such. the birth of a " calf with two heads. Sometimes you know not what he would be at: bul it is always something terrible—something. upon viewing all the prodigies there related.§ Other prodigies. fed themselves at so great a conjuncture: Melancthon's letters are quite full of dreams and visions. 759. || Lib. and how little he was satisfied with them. and we shall soon see how he was obliged to authorize." in the territory of Augs­ burg. raises a kind of horror when you read him. that this happened on that same day the Confession of Augsburg was presented to the emperor." says he. 34.THE VARIATIONS. " | He judged "these wounds incurable . the extreme weak­ ness of a mind in other respects admirable. by writing. wherexoith Melancthon was disturbed. E p 120. " that. He is continually under frights from the ominous con­ junctions of the stars—" a dreadful aspect of Mars" makes him tremble for his daughter. moved at the confusion they behold amongst them. and with Luther himself. stood in need of another reformation. i. Ep. after a too clear con­ viction of the evil intentions of those princes. Here we see with what notions the authors of this Confession. the prophecies. iv. whose horoscope he himself had cast • Lib. ETC. Osiander. . Besides these agitations. from the very beginning. has been already shown: but here is something still stronger. \ Ibid. their most scandal >us proceedings. At Rome. 269. 175 Nor did he ever find the least repose.—The prodigies. 742. many people. ap­ peared to him favorable to the new Gospel. I know not what. and. Is this all ? Oil. which he promises to disclose in private to his friend Camerarius. and a mule's bringing forth whose foal had a crane's foot. but for his pre­ possession. and in particular of " Rome's approaching ruin by schism :"|| it is what he writes most seriously to Luther himself. 228. to speak very mod­ erately."J and the Reformation."* But they entangled him again in their intrigues in spite of him . almost coincident with the sitting of the Diet of Augsburg. he was continually upon the subject of the pro­ digies that happened. and the heads of the Reformation. in his correspondence with Came­ rarius. and the rest of the heads of the party. " the extraordinary overflowing of the Tiber. and the dreadful threats of the angry heavens. I L Ep. so penetrating! The threats of a?\rologers terrify him. § Lib. till. The opinion he had of the Doc­ tors of the pKrty.

the heads of the party. and boasts of having the original by him. some cordelier or other. In the midst of his most lolent agitations we hear him say confidently. We find his friends. 195. iv. nay. In 1 5 1 6 . that in 1 6 0 0 . the stars rule even Church affairs. because " the astrologers foretell that the stars will be more propitious to ecclesiastical disputes towards autumn. G5. 37. ii. great labors. after all. he was sensible in his conscience. it is true . and a year before the commotions of Luther. J and being sent for into England and Den­ mark.Ep. 193. Melancthon takes all this for prophecy: so weak is man when prepossessed. and little fruit. the earthquakes that happened then confirm him in this thought. as well as the almanac-makers . § Mel. Ep. born as he was on the hills adjacent to the Rhine.93. and now they will have it that he is quite laid flat. " our dangers disturb me less than our faults. 135."* While the conferences were held at Augsburg upon matters of religion. 146. 137. and here is one of the most remarkable predictions they boast of. namely. H e is tstonished. but." Notwithstanding. 44 Who would behove him capable of all these impressions. After the Pope's downfall he believes he sees the victorious Turk pressing forward . 759. had taken it into his h< ad to say. Melancthon seri ously relates the vision of this fanatic. his unlucky nativity promised him nothing but end­ less contests on doctrine. he comforts himself for their proceeding so slowly on. he joined also prophecies. 445. Ep. "§ This prediction was equally true with that other which this new prophet tacked to it. 70. Lib. he is determined not to venture himself on that sea. and particularly the grievances of the Church : but the truth is."]] H e assigns aline motive for his grief—the public grievances. || Lib. that it should have been foretold him he was to suffer shipwreck on the Baltic S e a . to complete the illusion. Lib. . 119. "the Turk would be maste of all Italy and Germany. as he frequently * Lib. entered with him into these reflections: as for himself. that is. it seems. i. T o so many prodigies and so many threats of unfriendly constella­ tions. etc 119. and would never rise again. Ep.""f God was above all these presages.176 THE HISTORY [BOOK OF He is not less " dismayed at the horrible flame of a comet ex­ tremely northern. if all his letters were not full of them ? We must do him this honoi —they were not his own dangers which caused him so much trouble and anxiety. It was one of the party's weaknesses to believe that their whole success had been foretold. 844. Ep. just as it was written by the brother cordelier. Ep. iv. already staggered at Luther's blow. and Melancthon repeats it frequently. 448. that the Pope's power was going to decline. comment­ ing on Daniel. 37. f ik. J Lib. as they say. Who would not have trembled at this news? The Pope. ii.

—Luther's sentiment despised by Melancthon and the Di­ vines of Leipsic and Wittenberg. T H E agreement o f Wittenberg continued not long. in order to in­ duce Luther and Melancthon to adopt this sentiment.3 League o f Smalkald. in other . how great a share those persons had in these grievances who had boasted of being the reformers of them.—The dogmatical judgment of Luther. 177 acknowledges. nor could tho Reformation find out any other remedy for his incontinence. BOOK VI. But enough of the troubles which afflicted Melancthon in par­ ticular : the reasons of his behavior at the Assembly of Srrralkald. whom this ceremony had alienated from the League of Smal­ kald. and that so great a n opposition in doctrine. the first being alive. This Prince was the support o f u. Bucer. with so great a n emotion in the minds o f men.VI. and the motives for the restriction he put to that furious aiticle which Luther proposed against Jhe Pone. by allowing him to marry a second wife. but Philip. kept the whole Protestant party unitec a s far as he was able. and dies.—The Landgrave prevails on Luther to suppress the elevation of the Holy Sacrament in favor of the Swiss. and.—He acknowledges the Sacrament to be adorable. detests the Zuinglians. and has not courage to deny or acknowledge it. and what remedy was found for it in the Reformation.'—-Melancthon's design to destroy the foundation of the Altar Sac­ rifice.—As much confessed con­ cerning Adoration.—On this occasion Luther is provoked anew against the Sacramen­ tarians. could be surmounted by equivocations. 1. and for some years withheld them fron *oming to an open rup­ ture. considering the great need they had o f him in the party.—It is acknowledged in the Party that this Sacrifice is inseparable from the Real Presence and Luther's doctrine.—The new marriage ensues in consequence of this consultation. how allowed. The historians who have written that this Prince was.—A Momentancous Presence. and in the sole reception. ETC. Those o f Zurich wer* not backward in defending their Doctor.] THE VARIATIONS.—The scandalous Incontinency of the Landgrave.—Luther's furious Theses against the Divines of Louvain. Luther could not forbear uttering angry words and venting his spleen against B icer. and Melancthon.—The remarkable instruction he gives to Bucer.—A new remedy discovered for the incon­ tinence of this Prince.] A brief Summary. it was foolish to imagine that a peace so patched up could be o f long duration.—The Party is ashamed. have been suT ficiently explained. [From the year 1537 to the year 1546. they allowed t o him what n o eiitnple before had warranted among Christians—it was to have two wives at once . Landgrave o f Hesse. who had always warlike projects in contemplation.—The Landgrave endeavors to maintain union between the Lutherans and Zuinglians. in favor of Polygamy.

it was one of those that are not to be named. the first of which is an instruction of the Landgrave himself delivered to Bucer. Divorce. nr. H e recovered . one of this Prince's counsellors. Lib. he produces what was done long after. that this Prince had a distemper wrr. de Thou. and. taken from a book printed by order of the Elector Charles Lewis. in this new marriage of the Landgrave. had a concubine together with his wife. Lib. advanced this doctrine at the beginning only of the Reformation. Ernest. and. and part of which.* were not let into the whole secret of the party. it may be here seen * Thuan. whence it is plain that the Landgrave at times employed him in adjusting matters of a quite different nature than were the Sa­ cramentarian contests. and that they permitted the Landgrave to have a concubine under the title of a lawful wife. they did all they could to conceal the intemperance of a Prince whom the Reformation cried up above all others. with all his penetration into foreign affairs. You have here a faithful copy of this fcistruction. 91 2. descended from Philip. he shows that Luther favored it. The design of the book is. as much as they were able. for he was the person commissioned to negotiate with Luther the whole business. We find from Melancthon's letters. this shame of the new doctrine. to justify Luther against Bellarmine. although he had then another whose marriage subsisted in full force. has made public since his becoming Catholic. lor his Intemperance. Laurence Archer. and lest it might be said he. He instances in three pieces. iv. under the borrowed name of Daphneus Arcuarius. M. Charles Lewis. f Mel.178 THE HISTORY OF [BOOR respects. Count Palatine. the heads of the Reformation prescribed the new remedy above-mentioned. touching Adultery. but.—Important acta relating to this matter.—" Conscientious Considerations on Marriage. They concealed." The book came out in German. discover no more than that this Prince. 914. could. apparently. . in 1679. perchance. veiy temperate. The book which the Prince Palatine caused to be printed bears this title. it seems. Ep. and Polygamy. with a Dilucidation of the Questions till this present time de­ was carefully concealed . in reality. | at the time when the League of Smalkald became so formidable. that is. under which was concealed that of Laurentius Bceger. " by the advice of his pastors. as the piece is remarkable. Prince of Hesse. At present this whole mystery of iniquity is discovered by the authentic papers which the late Elector Palatine. who accused him of authorizing polygamy. This is enough to cover these fake pastors with confusion who thus authorized concu­ binage : but it was not then known that these pastors were Luther himself and all the heads of the party. in 1 5 3 9 . ad an. caused to be printed. 1557.

When his preachers remonstrated to him that he ought to punish adulteries and such like crimes. at which he was obliged to be present."|| This. w The Landgrave begins by setting forth how that. to his knowledge. N E I T H E R W I L L I. || Ibid. H e there states the reasons which persuade him that it is not forbidden under the Gospel. Next he speaks of his complexion. and chiefly upon this.—Sequel to the Instruction—the Landgrave promises the revenues of Manas* teries to Luther if he will favor his design. t Inst.—Bucer sent to Luther and other heads of the Party to obtain leave for marrying a second wife—this Prince's instructions to his Envoy. again. Ibid. but.2. that is to say. t I n s t . so well informed. ETC.179 THE VARIATIONS. withdraw myself but by thii way. from Germ in into Latin* and oy a good hand. that a few weeks after his marriage he had begun to wallow in adultery : that his pastors had frequently exhorted him to ap­ proach the holy table." pro­ ceeds he. N. that they ought to allow him this remedy so much the readier. and prejudice the Gospel cause. How. N. should it be printed. 10. I think I should go to the Devil should I be killed there by the sword or a musket-ball. of Melancthon. having a difficulty in explaining himself on these matters. wherefore I beg of Luther. so that I find no means of amendment but by the remedies God afforded the people of old. 1 1 . N. and the effects of high living at the assemblies of the empire.* 3. 1 3 . is his saying. since his last illness. of Bucer him­ self. I 44 4 4 M * Sec the end of this (6th) book. Ib. 6."§ 44 44 4. change my life. polygamy. 1. but he did believe he should there meet with his judgment. to remain no longer in the snares of the Devil j N E I T H E R C A N I. to give me a certificate." 1 am resolved. T o carry thither a wife of such a quality as his own. he refers them to Bucer. N . if they apprehend that such a certificate may turn to scandal at this lime. N . and adds. also to wed another. but. H e imputes to his wife the cause of all his disorders. " that. 5 . would be too great an encumbrance. says he knows i t . J I am sensible that. he had reflected much on his state. whereof I take God to witness . is a secret we were ignorant of: but a Prince. that I may embrace it. et neq. Ibid. But. 6 . can I punish crimes of which I myself am guilty ? When I expose myself in war for the Gospel cause. . his wife . with the wife I have. N . translated word for word. because he demands it only for the salvation of his soul. § I b i d . because he wilt not abandon such a course of l i f e . and gives the reasons for his never loving her. entire. Luther and Melancthon advised the King of England not to break off his marriage with the Queen." said he. and what deserves most notice. N E I T H E R C A N I. besides her. n. N E I T H E R W I L L I. whom he had made privy to the whole affair. 3.

§ "but for that of the Emperor I ought not to despise it. the Church would be scandalized. N. grant me. or be ei gaged in any affair that might be contrary to its interest. that of applying to the Emperor for this dispensation. And leave his dominions to their common children. or other things of a similar nature. 15. N. I will do what­ soever they shall in reason ask of me. 4. was sensible would have most influ­ ence on them ." concludes h e . \ Ibid. in process of time. We see how artfully he insinuates the reasons which he. . " to afford me the redress I expect. call on them. lest I should go seek it in some other place less agree­ able . N. N. never­ theless. and. I am. ct seq. on my part."f 5. contrary to his expectation. But although I would not for anj thing in the world withdraw myself from the Gospel. in case of refusal.—Continuation of it—the Landgrave proposes to have recourse to the Emperor. 13. whatever money it might cost him. 12. since."* Then he assures them that " they need not fear lest this second marriage should make him injure his first wife. he adds. on the contrary. Let them. to the end that I may both live and die more cheerfully for the Gospel cause. as he foresaw that scandal was the thing they would most dread. did I not otherwise believe that God had rather allowed than forbidden what I wish for. afraid lest the Imperialists should draw me into some­ thing not conducive to the interests of this cause and party. or even separate himself from her. I. Melancthon and Luther should prove inexorable. otherwise." continues this Prince. f Ibid. for which I cane but little. § Ibid. certain as I am to obtain all I please." continues he. to the end that the woman I shall wed may not pass for a dishonest person. many designs ran in his head—amongst others. a human fear urges me to demand the Emperor's consent. that they would not hate them more or less for this new article allowing polygamy: hut if. " there is no likelihood of the Emperor's granting this permission without a dispensation from the Pope. desirous a thousand times rather to owe my repose to theii u + Ins*. and. upon giving a round sum of money to some one of his ministers. what I request of them.180 THE HISTORY OF [BOO* desire at least they will give me a declaration in writing. and that they will seek for means to make this marriage public in due time. he is determined on this occasion to carry his cross. and if the attempt I make on this side (that is upon Luther) succeed not. therefore."J This was a ticklish point—" For. therefore. who knew them so thoroughly. and even to the Pope. that God would not be offended should I marry in private . though I should make but little account of that too. whether they demand the revenues of monasteries. and more willingly undertake the defence of it. That already the ecclesiastics hated the Protestants to such a degree. " in the name of God." says he .

T o cogent reasons there was joined an artful agent. They deplore. ** Matt zix. the opinion of Luther."§ But at the same time. and whatever contempt he showed for the Pope. the condition he is in. and declare to him that " he may marry a second wife. Ac­ cordingly.20.22. So dexterous a Prince let not that word slip without design. in order that I may amend myself. Melancthon. was enough to make the whole party tremble. the very naming him on this occasion was too much for these new Doctors. and the Doctors who wrote them were themselves ashamed of them. t 16 . although Jesus Christ had reduced it to its first sense and primitive institution. Bucer. the Sunday after St. were obliged to speak the word. in the Ger­ man language. and allow the Landgrave. indeed. LANDGRAVE O F HESSE. provided only he keep it secret. " They shall be two in one flesh."—Given at Melsinguen. "PHILIP. Catherine's Day. they grant him their leave. in Melancthon's hand an4 style. if he be fully bent upon it. besides.** The resolution. I de­ sire to have. and Melancthon. 4. and with a good con­ science approach the Sacrament. r • Sec the endof this (6th) Bjok f Consul. this bigamy he so much coveted. iii. ETC. Ibid. These reasons carried with them much more weight than those the Landgrave had striven to draw from Scrip­ ture. according to the Gospel. 181 permission thai to all other human permissions.—The dogmatical advice of Luther. iL 24. N . I blush to write these things.|] thus the crime be­ comes lawful by concealing it. " J and represent to him this state as very bad in the sight of God.—Polygamy allowed by him and the othm heads of the Protestants. 21. the original of which was in German. and contrary " to the security of his conscience. was signed by Luther. in express terms. We see the secret springs which the Landgrave sets in motion: he for* gets nothing .| (f° every thing is done in the Reformation under that name. that Jesus Christ had not forbid­ den such marriages : that text of Genesis.* It is permitted to the Landgrave. 21. J) Jam."1T was eluded.) to marry another wife besides the one he has already." 6. N. the very hint of entering into conjunction with the Emperor.THl VARIATIONS. " that he cannot refrain from his adulteriesaslongashe shall have but one wife . 5." Thus the same mouth pronounces good and evil . 1539. The instruction was equally pressing and ticklish. This was the first time it was ever said since the birth of Christianity. N. in the end. and. Finally. in writing. and Bucer. Bucer obtained of Luther a consultation in form. and in the next period. by men styling them­ selves Doctors in the Chu/ch. J Ibid. which suffers but two persons in the nuptial band. This may be seen through the whole tenor of their per­ plexed and winding sentences: but they. do Luther. 10 II Gen.

So infamous a Consultation was enough to discredit <he whole party. after having so much blamed the dispensations of Rome. N. were princes who would make the Gos­ pel subservient to their passions. ConfiJ. who. "J Writing thus to a Prince of the empire. but to broach pernicious and unheard-of points of doctrine. signed it also. as them­ selves do own. that this Prince has neither faith nor religion— that he is a cheat. and the abomination of desolation in the sanctuary. the Landgrave's minister. if taken right. they ventured to give one of that high importance. is the true mystery of iniquit). 21. 2 . with whom it is dangerous to enter into any engagements. and. stands in need of virtuous governing princes. § Ibid. and those who exclaimed against abuses in order to render the Church odious. They found out necessities against the Gospel. There were 44 • Book of Conation. 0 Consult N . N . f Consult N.18* THE HISTORY OF Two other Doctors. by this means. these new Doctors go upon." say t h e y . at Wittenberg. than they could either rake up or invent during the course of so many ages that they upbraid the Church with her corruption.* This permission was granted in form of dispensation." (| Acccrdingly they took their measures. 2. ever to discover this new marriage. forbade the Landgrave."§ Here is the reason. in their advice.! for they were ashamed of passing this practice into a general law. and.—What was answered in this Consultation with relation to the Emperor. But these virtuous princes the Refor­ mation stood in need of. 7. one of them Melander. themselves commit much stranger and more numerous ones at the very beginning of their Reformation. and abandoned Church. 10. The Church. what is it else but putting all Germany in a flame ? Then what can be more abject than what appears at the beginning of this advice ? Our poor. above all things. S. . nor could the Doctors who subscribed it have silenced the clamors. nor shunned the odium of the people. 4. or Anabaptists. ID. that make a jest of marriage. They answer him. m the month of December. would have ranked them with Mahometans. 23. J Ibid. purely to please them. The Landgrave had very well foreseen he should make his Doctors tremble with the bare mentioning his thoughts of treat­ ing with the Emperor on this affair. 1 5 3 9 . and reduced to a case of necessity. 44 44 44 &—The secret of the second Marriagewhich was to pass for Concubinage—ihis scandal despised by those who were of the Consultation. may want the support of princes for hertemporal repose. in Latin. little. to sacrifice to them the Gospel they boast of re-esmblishing. indeed. 24. who has nothing of German manners in him. All the most renowned persons of the Reformation in Germany consented to this iniquity : God visibly gave them over to a reprobate sense . N. and. miserable.

which his Highness had laid before many learned. so that they are become public in two ways. 1 have added thereto the Landgrave's instruction. and the history is now complete. nevertheless. Prince Ernest has also furnished the same pieces. where he speaks to him in these words:— You reproach me with a report that prevails of my having taken a second wife. in my faith and in my conscience. both the Land­ grave and Luther were upbraided with it in public writings. and now we have them in such an authentic form that there is no room left for doubt.—The second Marriage is made in private—the contract xgreed upon."*— thui spoke the Consultation. to be suspected .fl. the young Duke of Brunswick. J Inst Copalat—See the end of this (6th) Book § Lett :ee de Gastineau. f Ibid. 44 10. may be found. his wife. in the book which was published by order of the Elector Palatine.—-1540. Landgrave of Hesse. before him. Hist de l'Heres. who were also to be bound to secrecy under the seal of confession.] THE VARIATIONS. The Prince had no more to do but declare. and Margaret of Saal.—The Landgrave's and Luther's Answer to those who reproach them with this Marriage. Christian. and devout preachers. but they shifted off the matter by equivocating.^ 44 9. betwixt Philip. 2 1 . and to the common doctrine of all Christians. however. towards God. It is ten or twelve years since copies of them have been produced in a book dispersed through all France. that if you or any other person say that I have contracted tn unchristian marriage. 1540. at his marriage."J The instrument of this marriage. A German author has published a letter of the Landgrave's to Henry. prudent. in form. or that I have done any thing unworthy of a Christian Prince. Evil deeds generally come out one way or other. it began. They preferred this scandal in the house of this Prince to that which would be caused throughout all Christen­ dom by the sanctioning of a marriage so contrary to the Gospel. who had advised him to put his conscience in repose by this means. That nothing further might be required.—Varill. and certain it is.§ and never contradicted . I live. but from inevitable necessities of body and conscience. Whatever caution was used to conceal this scandalous marriage. liv. E T C 183 but a very small number of witnesses to be present. The consultation was followed by a marriage. after luch a manner that my confessors do not hold me for an un44 * Consult N . together with the consultation. dated the 4th of March. whilst the first is still living: but I declare to peu. that he did not take this sec­ ond wife through any levity or curiosity. The new bride was to pass for a concubine. it is all downright calumny : for although. by the con­ sent of Christina of Saxony. I look upon myself as a miserable sinner. xii .

As for myself. The chief of the reformers preaches this seriously in the Church . 123. in his way of thinking. 11. and the Consultation had stopped the mouths of (he Confessors of'his Prince. T . for he did not allow that the marriage ho was reproached with was unchristian. Duke of . I give scandal to no one and live with the Princess. but." says he. t Serm. and of that scandalous sermon he delivered at Wittenberg on marriage. and to admonish her two or three times. is aiding their own conviction. After all. 1540. I can no longer dissemble what is found printed in Luther's works. T o defend themselves thus. His first lady was satisfied with it. f Jen. Luther did but follow those principles he had laid down in other places. Bell. and has men learned enough to defend him. as he turned all his excesses into dogmas. that in a sermon which he delivered at Wittenberg. We must not ask him in what Gospel he found this article . and acknowledging the shameful corrup­ tion introduced in doctrine by those who. de Matrim." which he fain would believe were above all lawp . indeed. I have always dreaded speaking of these " inevitable necessities" which he recognised in the union of the two sexes. I know one only Princess and Landgrave of Hesse. J It is true. " with being a polygamist. Luther answers with no less artifice. and there is no other that can give young Landgraves to this Prince. it is necessary for the husband to bring his wife first before the Church. viL . they had ordered matters so that neither tho new bride nor her children could bear the title of Landgraves. * Hortlederus de Caus." This was a new cause for divorce superadded to 'hat of adultery."! And. and on the stage. after that put her away. spoke of nothing but re-establishing the pure Gospel.Saxony. The Landgrave is able."* All thi* was true. Thus did Luther handle the subject of the n for­ mation of marriage. my wife. who is and ought to be named wife and mother in Hesse . An. and take Esther instead of Vasthi. he blushed not to pronounce these infamous and scan­ dalous words :—" If they are stubborn (he speaks of wives) it is fitting their husbands should tell thern. Germ. and. then. for the reformation of mar­ riage." A man would blush to hear such words in a farce. if you will not another will: if the mistress refuse to come. t v.184 [BOOK THE HI 8TORY OF christian person. " They reproach the Landgrave. it s sufficient that it is included " in those necessities. let the maid be called. in a perfect good understanding. but the Princess who is the daughter of George. in all their works. I have not much to say on that sub­ ject. since the series of this history has made me at once break through that barrier which modesty had laid in my way.—Luther's scandalous Sermon on Marriage. he adds :—" However. fol.

observes. ETC. ad Cal. 52. Calv. Ep. and that he was about coming to an un­ derstanding with the Sacramentarians. they believed that Luther was now relenting: and. hut. 1596. it is true. Fron that time forward the Landgrave had almost an abso­ lute sway over this patriarch of the Reformation. This Prince was little versed in controversies . The Landgrave never ceased attacking Luther on this head."J We shall now. SUL sent de Can. for. ibMU 16* . will any one wonder at what be allowed the Landgrave ? In this sermon. His chief aim was to prevail upon the Swiss to enter into that of Smalkald . and keep up confederacies. like an ex­ pert politician. p. up to that period. and after having found out his weak side in so essential a point.TI. to make amends. then. from whom we have taken this account. It was but fair that Luther should have learned something after seventeen or eighteen years spent in reforming. After this. —The Landgrave obliges Luther to suppress the elevation of the blessed Sac* •amunt in the Mass. but he perceived they were offended at many things in practice among the Lutherans. t Peuc. which was still in use. a n d . says he. he order* to repudiate the first wife before the other be taken. Melancthon's son-inlaw. he no longer thought him capable of resisting him. it was said he was at length falling off from that admirable resolution. A physician named Wildus. Don* Ambergae.* The Sacramentarians triumphed at it. and particularly at the eleva­ tion of the Holy Sacrament. with sighs and groans. and the Con­ sultation was penned in 1539. 189 and precautions. of great * Gas. But. ibid. where­ with he had.] THE VARIATIONS. i i Ep. even among the Lutherans. de Phil. and the people striking their breasts. maintained the ancient doctrine of the Real Presence. with the ring­ ing of the bell.—How this occasion was made use of to inflame him anew again*. Hist. that after suffering this custom to be abolished in some Churches of his party. i n f o consultation. Peuc. the Sacramentarians. Five-and-twenty years had Luther preserved these motions of a piety which he knew had Jesus Christ for its ob­ ject : but nothing was permanent in the Reformation. see by what means they roused him. however. Mel flocen. the sermon was pronounced in 1522. he knew how to conciliate the minds of men. " his great heart was not easily wrought upon. inter. p. These changes happened in 1542 and 1543. J Peuc. Sulteeri. for he was impatient of the most trifling circumstance that infringed on his authority-! Peucer. to manage different interests. Nar. 24.—1542. He was nettled at these reports. he at length set it aside in the Church of Wittenberg. he took no notice of it for awhile . and im­ portuned him in such a manner. which was under his im­ mediate direction. IS. 1543. he permits the Landgrave to have two at once.

alter a truce of five or six years' standing. he had made this altera­ tion only to please the Swiss. In this manner was Luther animated against the Swiss. nor consent * Hosp. where these reports were most spread against Luther. 184. "for they were damned men. The Zuinglians published. which those of Zurich caused to be printed the same year. with great eulogiums of this author. who dragged away others into hell. The works of Zuinglius awakened his jealousy. f. . I say. besides himself. where Melancthon was also present. immediately upon their publication he flew out into the greatest extravagance. 122." proceeds Peucer. Although there was nothing in these books against Luther's person. p. his emotion was perceptible. Luther first renewed the war with greater fury than ever. (for at the Reformers' tables men drank as in other places. J Be that as it will. at a feast. that famous Jew who embraced the Zuinglian doctrine. 181. 183. and thought it was not consistent with his honor that the Reformation should have any other. the other was the works of Zuinglius.—1545. N . 72.—Luther's old jealousy awakened against Zuinglius and his disciples. One was a translation of the Bible made by Leo of Juda. came to visit him at Wittenberg. ever to send him any thing from those of Zurich. Judicium.* H e had made a very elegant version of it in his own language. and Me­ lancthon foresaw what ensued. and the Luther ans have almost owned the same. i Ibid.) this physician. to dispute with him the glory of being the first reformer. and that he had at length adopted their opinions. Calix. at least where Ger­ man was understood. This great heart was not proof against these words uttered in liquor. and much esteemed by the nobility of Misnia. " that. and told Luther very frankly.186 THE HISTORT OF repute in his profession."f and he believed they were always resolved to set up this man against him. and met with a kind reception at his house. this physician being heated with wine. The Swiss produce letters in Luther's on n hand. and the churches no longer could communicate with them. t Hosp. and such abuses as these were not what they had under­ taken to correct. that the common opinion was. p. What­ ever power the Landgrave had upon Luther. where he forbids the book­ seller. ibid. 13. and his wrath became implacable on account of two books. Melancthon and the Luther­ ans all owned that. part n. carefully collected. " It fell out. should meddle with translating the Bible. he could never restrain his transports for any considerable time. nor had his transports ever ap­ peared so violent. began to talk unguard­ edly of the elevation lately suppressed. who had made him a present of Leo's translation. that Luther could not endure that any one.

" 16 —The Zuinglians reprove Luther for always having the Devil in his mouthy and call him a madman. Cons. and new Anti-Christ. scandalized at this strange expression.—Luther* s Anathemas. ETC. 734. blasphemers. at the right hand and the left. et set} Lut parv. 44 44 44 * Ibid. and declared he held all for fanatics. and so many devils." in which they maintain that a man must be as mad as himself to bear with his furious sallies. and repeating this odious name even so as to excite horror. 193. and he had resolved to oppose them by his writings and his prayers. miserable wretches. Ibid. and so threatened the world with his anathemas. N. p. 187 to their blasphemies.ri. 123. J Cone. insomuch that they wrote a book. by his violence. Against the vain and scandalous Cal­ umnies of Luther. f." f 44 t5. p. H e kept his word. and. that he dishonored his old age . inventing. entitled. and the Anabaptists. nor by words. be­ fore and behind the Zuinglians . new phrases to pierce them through and through with devils. to his very last breath. for whom it was no longer lawful to pray :"f for he carried matters to this extremity. p. which the impious. at top and at bottom. and he ought to be ashamed of rilling his books with so much abusive language. Those of Zurich. the bread is the true natural body of our Lord."J For he now assumed so high a tone." The truth is.—1544." where he calls them "madmen."* '4—Luther will not suffer the Sacramentarians tobc any longer prayed for. and believes them inevitably damned. . Hi*p. rendered himself contemptible . that the Zuinglians no longer called him any thing but the " new Pope. withal." But what he afterwards published was much more terrible—it was his little " Confession of Faith. f." if they did not confess " that the bread of the Eucharist was the true natural body of our Lord. LuiH t u. f Hosp. and even the traitor Judas. nor by works. who should refuse subscribing this last" confession of faith. 186.187. 183.] THE VARIATIONS. 73. received not less by the mouth than S t Peter and the rest of the faithful. Calix. and adored them in contempt of God's word. where he placed Zuinglius and CEcolam­ padius with Arius with Muncer. By that means he believed he had put an end to the scan­ dalous interpretations of the Sacramentarians. Tho year following he published a com­ ment upon Genesis. Thus not less vigorous was the defence than the attack. 325. Luther had taken care to place the devils within and without. and protested he never would have any further com­ munication with them. who made for themselves an idol of iheir own thoughts. damned souls." were much more so at Luther's outrageous contumelies. Jud. who turned all to their own sense. among the Idolaters. " neither by letters.

in favor of them invented " this solid faith. the Tope. did we but renounce this faith. xiv t Ibid. and the Turk. ibid. 21 . Such was his custom : in 1542 the Turk threatened Germany more than ever. and seems to lay it down as a condition for the presence of Jesus Christ in the Supper." said he. whert he brought in the De^il after a strange manner. the Pope. N." which I leave to the examination of Protestants . iv. but he would not have made a new confession of faith. " Thou know est. whom he would not openly contradict. Bucer. art 22.xxiii. and thy Son. to jumble together the Devil. Jesus Christ. t Conf. which our evil disposition could not de­ prive of its efficacy. lib. O Father. it seemed as if he had a mind to oppose it to the little confession which Luther had but just published.—Luther's scandalous Prayer. " 0 Lord. These men were never tired of that. lib. whereof he was the mediator. and he would have it. i i his little confession. by such a faith. Bucer framed a new confession of faith. that. in the manner already mentioned. are but one oiJy God eternal—there is our sin.THE H I b l O R T 188 OF 17. not only that it be celebrated according to Christ's institution. who says hr never offended the Devil. for that it is they hate and persecute u s . Sometime after Luther had renewed his indignation against the Sacramentarians. That of Bucer came up pretty near to the expressions of the Wittenberg agree­ ment. but also "that men have a solid faith in those words by which he gives himself. who durst not give a lively faith to those who communicated unworthily. the unworthy received " not only the sacrament."* What a blindness.—The same Author's perplexities with relation to the Comvxvnion of the Impious. that the Devil."J* Bucer here corrects that doctrine. and the Turk have neither right nor reason to torment us. he had published a prayer against him. that they as truly received Jesus * Skid. but the Lord himself. de­ cided. there is our whole crime.—Invention of solid Faith. had he not intended to change something. The thing was (he would no longer say as distinctly and generally as he had done) that the body of our Saviour might be taken without faith."J This Doctor. as the three enemies of the faith in the Trinity! what a calumny to aver that the Pope persecutes them for this faith! and what folly to exculpate himself to the enemy of mankind as one that never had given him any displeasure ! 9 18. H e seems puzzled what to say of the communion of the im­ pious . and the Holy Ghost. § Ibid. for Luther. for we have never offended them : but because we confess that thou.—Bucer a own Confession of Faith—He confirms that the unworthy do really receive the body of our Lord. "§ 19. and we should no longer have to fear any thing from them. and taken very really in virtue of our Lord's institution.

should not be capable of drawing down his graces on us. prepares the way. as we shall see. The new Doctois were bent to believe that a virtue of saving men." But * hat else would he have men see and touch therein. it was nothing else but the public prayers of the Church. by honoring his supreme majesty. and to the action of the Mass: we have seen their error. he is content with saying. of itself. the other the adoration given to Jesus Christ present in these mysteries. according to his custom. did the Mass become the object of their aversion." What prodigies of expression ! and for those who have no faith at all. Jesus Christ present. Luther discovered poison . was attributed to this presence. But that would have been too clear. says. wherein. besides what is capable of striking the senses? The rest. any thing but what is sensible. in order to make them the body and blood of Jesus Christ.a ] THE VARIATIONS. It was impossible this action should not. by striving to reduce it to the precise time of its reception. because they never thoroughly had understood them : one was the obla tion. and places it only in the act of rising ii. but no one boasts of either seeing him. may be believed. honors his Father. and render him. The most holy wards of the canon were decried. the Real Presence. by this means. But two things offended the new Doctors. in the Sacrament. that those amongst the impious * who have faith for awhile.—Luther's blind hatred to the Oblation and the Canon of the Mass.—Melancthon labors to make the Real Presence momentancous. The Mass was the great aversion of the new Reformation. 21.—Two things the Protestants cannot bear therein. But Bucer. Mho feared nothing so much as speaking plainly. nor have the faithful any advantage in that respect above the impious. 1*89 Christ as the saints. to those of Calvin and the Calvinists. fiTO. receive Jesu3 Christ in an enigma. they do not at all receive Jesus Christ. Thus Bucer. Meanwhile.—The aversion for the Mass is the true foundation of this dogma. independently of faith. by his subtleties. The oblation was nothing but the consecration of the bread and wine. nor that the sole presence of Jesus Christ. and on so false a pre-supposition. as they receive tie Gospel. the body of our Saviour. does nothing but perplex: and. Melancthon made it his particular endeavor to diminish. as I may say. in point of fact. " they do not see. and sanctifies the faithful. it seems he ought to say. that is. truly present. 22. be agreeable to God. 80. though. consecrated by the celebration of the Eucharist. This is a principal dogma of Lutheranism. and it is of great moment clearly to understand how it was established in the sect. nor touch. or touching him in himself. showed to his Father.

and Jesus Christ there present con­ stituted its very essence. Albert do Euchar. N o wonder if.§ a Lutheran. and all the other worship . t. 78.—In what sense we offer in the Mass for the redemption of mankind. has owned. civ. Son of* the living God. who by his death has given life to the world. J Blond. and said. who by thy death hast given life to the world. was itself. N 1 . that the intention of the Church here is to offer for the redemp­ tion. J But never would Luther or the Luther­ ans enter into so natural a sense."f Luther found fault with it. Son of the living God. p. priv. Mis. lib. nothing was so much desired as to sap the foundation of it. which."* If the priest. as if the cross had not merited it. turned off the mind from faith to works. that the monks attributed their salvation to the body and blood of Jesus Christ. that one of the reasons. + De abomin. N o matter: Luther said. where it is said that the faith­ ful offer this sacrifice of praise for the redemption of their souls." 44 44 44 M. all that was most holy in it was wrested to an evil sense .—The whole Mass is comprehended in the Real Presence alone. 47. they showed the same virulence against the words of the canon. without mentioning one word of faith. { Judic. by thy body and blood free from all my sins. Calixtus. 70. N . Prsnf in lib.—This Pres ence cannot be admitted without owning it permanent. nothing would they see in the Mass but horror and abomination : thus. Calix. 393.—The Ministers forced to approve this sense. which made so great a part of the Reformation to deny the Real Presence . said with the Psalmist." and with the design of applying it to us. pp." How blind is hatred ! How en­ venomed must that heart be which poisons such holy things ! 44 44 44 4 4 44 23. independently of faith. and would imagine that we attributed our deliverance to the body and blood. 51. i . after all. and call upon the name of the Lord. that we improperly. without reflecting that this prayer. S. an act of the most lively faith. but in thanksgiving for so great a benefit. For upon this presence did the Catholics ground the whole worth and virtue of the Mass : this was the only basis of the oblation. and thence concluded Luther that the Canon ought to be as much abominated as the Devil himself. ii. not to merit it anew. who could believe it! condemned these last words. In the hatred which the reformation had conceived against the Mass. and existing out of the Reception. at communion." Luther.190 THE HISTORf OF in every part thereof. N . 1 will take the heavenly bread. and unseasonably. p. addressed to Jesus Christ. f PB. not to say the principal one. was nothing else but the Real Presence. after this. in every part. sou Canonis. even in that prayer we there make a littto before Communion— O Lord Jesus Christ. 394." The most passionate of their ministers are now obliged to own.

and from the very instant of consecration.' " Whence. It was there that Melancthon. for what will they have Jesus Christ do before his body and blood are eaten. 25. this is the body of Jesus Christ.* it was on this foundation that he had always retained the Eleva­ tion of the Host. even to the year 1543. although he had changed the ceremony of Elevation. that it might be retained with piety. that Melancthon sought always to reduce this pres­ ence to the sole manducation. 13. as a testimonial of the real and corporeal presence in the bread. and subsisting indepen­ dent of its use. took great pains f •how that the Eucharist." in 1544. by this action. betwixt the Catholics and Protestants. he still writes. but by denying the Permanent Presence. as he saw himself forced to do. not only that the Eucharist was the true body. And yet. and we have seen what he said of the inclination he had to shake off Popery in this particular as well as others. for. " a doctrine wherein we shall now perceive the whole Mass to be contained. acknowledging. and. which was given for you.—The Real Presence permanent and independent of the Reception retained by Luther. he did noi change the foundation of his sentiment on the Real Presence. it was evident that the Mass subsisted entire. With this faith it is impossible to deny the sacrifice of the altar.) THE VARIATIONS. since Jesus Christ had said " this is my body. This consequence which the Catholics drew from the Real Presence to the Permanent Presence. ETC. even after he had abolished it. but continued to own it immediately after the Consecration. and me Real Presence. 191 was. would himself have come into this sentiment. even after he had suppressed the Elevation. since. Hosp. Christians. that means might be found oul for reconciling both religions. Charles the Fifth had ordered this conference in 1 5 4 1 . 44 44 4 26. the Catholics concluded. " this shall be. according to his custom. could he have done it. Behold. the priest did say. because they knew no better way to destroy the Mass and the entire worship of Popery. whilst he retained. and it was chiefly at the con­ ference of Ratisbon that he displayed this part of his doctrine. Conf. part. it appears.—Melancthon finds no other means of destroying the Mass." but also that it was the body from the time Christ had pronounced it s o . was so clear that Luther had acknowledged it." but " this i s . since it was not then said. consequently. the literal sense. 1544. was not a sacra* * Luth. Luther. but to render himself present for us before his Father ? It was. upon his retaining this literal sense. . in order to hinder so natural a con­ sequence. the real and substan­ tial presence together with the Catholics.fl. be­ fore the manducation. that. in his Little Confession. p. then. like other sacraments.

. there is no reason we should not likewise acknowledge a change in the bread which is not for the bread ." the effect ought to be as speedy as the words are powerful and true. pp. by proving that nothing at ail was done in the bread. but whether he had the cunning to conceal it is addressed.—These reasons of Melancthon destroyed all Luther's doctrine. that by this reasoning. but to man. which must be understood from the words he employed at each particular institution. the Holy Ghost and sanctifying grace. nor to tell him he can make but one kind of sacraments.—Melancthon's frivolous reasons. Lib. 189. J nor the waters of Cana made wine. But the most considerable thing here is. " this is. 28. except in the actual reception. as it will appear hereafter. 25. 168. reasons. but that man. L i b . in baptism. nor was there room for further reasoning.§ but at the time they were drunk. he proved that nothing was done in it in any instant. and this was his main argument. but not for the water. in signs of this nature. 30. N o w . in the institution of his sacraments he might have proposed to himself divers designs. as he understood it. 23. 180. it appertains not to us to prescribe him general laws.* 27. the body of our Lord ought not to be in the bread but when man received it. for. to whom this promi. that God's promise not being made to the bread. either in the reception. receives it at the presence of the bread. 154. iii. no less than he did the Catholics. 40. § Joan. 154. T h e comparison he drew from the other Sacraments was very weak. as frivolous. oi Luther looked not so narrowly into it. that the bit­ terness of the waters of Mara was not corrected. Melancthon saw well this consequence.—Other. As. should' not be made and prepared before it be eaten.*f~ B y a similai method of reasoning it might as well be concluded.(92 THE HISTORY OF [BOO* ment. as well as the terrestrial. except in the lawful use thereof. Melancthon made use of another argument still weaker than • Hosp pp. 180. since theee miracles were wrought only for the men who drank of it.—Melancthon^ s last reason more weak Hum all the rest. as at the presence of water he receives. the hatred he had con ceived against the Mass. f Hosp. Jesus Christ having said. xv.17?. precisely. that is. then. 179. But Melancthon replied. i . which he ceased not to repeat. there is no reason why this heavenly bread. &c. for. J Exod. nor can I conceive how Melancthon should lay such stress on so pitiful an argument. where all depends on the will of the institutor. 29. he attacked his master Luther. these changes were made in the water. Mel. made him pass over all that was ad­ vanced in order to destroy it. * m>. or out of the reception . and that the body of our Lord is not there.

that the free-will of Jesus Christ is de­ stroyed by a tie that proceeds from his own choice ? His word binds him. He said that Jesus Christ would not be tied. f Hoap. Sturm. until all the people had communicated. wherein he commends a saying of Melancthon's. Joan. Casteat 17 . in 1543. ep. Accordingly. I had struck at. he cried out.—Melancthon's dissimulation.TI. and in order to destroy the Mass. yet he in nowise departed from his former notions. but by overhrowing the Real Presence out of the manducation. vain subtleties. without doubt. the sacrifice of the Eucharist will ever remain immoveable. but in vain. J Jen. It is even plain that Melancthon shifted with him on this subject. because he could not deny but that Jesus Christ. because he is faithful and true. but this bond is not less voluntary than inviolable. nor did he reduce the presence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist to the bare reception of it. which attested his supreme excellence interceded for men. Hospinian reports. was an object of itself agreeable to God. and " this is" be changed into " this shall be. when Luther was told that Melancthon had strenuously denied this presence at the Conference of Ratisbon. 31. iv. 19S the foregoing ones. hitherto. he determined the time to be from the Pater Nostei which was said in the Lutheran Mass immediately after the Consecration. placed on the holy table before the manducation and by the sole consecration of die bread and wine. Part ii. This was what human reason opposed to the mystery of Jesus Christ. because he could not separate the Mass front the Real Presence. Hosp. neither could it be overthrown.—LxUher^s notable Letters in favor of the Per* manent Presence.* How can one think such a thing. In this manner the Mass subsisted. i n Part 4. Melancthon's true reason was. and there are two of Luther's letters. further than the time of using it. and say. "J As for Luther. as long as in these words. etc. ct ap. was to take away his free-will." an effectual presence shall be admitted. pp. the effect of our Saviour's words must be suspended. t. their natural sense be taken away. my dear Melancthon. ETC. But why stops he + Mel. Sup. 586." 32. by the Prot­ estants' own confession. the Mass is now fallen to the ground—thou hast destroyed the mystery which. p.J THE VARIATIONS. 180. Although Luther permitted Melancthon to say whatever he pleased against the Mass.—Melancthon's true reason to as."f Thus. and had all the conditions of a true oblation. 134. 585. were that owned permanent. and that to bind him to the bread. cit. ** that the presence was in the action of the Supper. " This is my body. p. Antip." Cheer up. mere quirks: but a weightier motive lay at the bottom of all this. and all the remaining particles were consumed.—Luther's saying. but not in a precise and mathematical point.

one may say. whatever he might say to Luther. had there been but one moment of presence before the communion. I repeat once more his words :—"The Elevation. the communion had been carried to the absent. then.-—The. he called the Eucharist the adorable sacra­ ment "|| The Sacramentarian party. But what made still more against them is. Parv. It has been shown that. did he abolish it? The reason is worthy of the man . Adoration necessary. f S . when."^ But. approved the prin­ ciple of it. and. Ii Ad Art. 34. he acknowledged what. upon the whole. a placing the presence in the precise time of the reception alone and this only way could he find ofdestroyingtheOblationand Mass 33. if he retained it so long. and. he at length ad­ hered to his last conclusion . . at taking away the Ele­ vation. In a word. that Jesus Christ had im­ mediately withdrawn his sacred presence ? But why should he not continue it for some days after. For which reason Melancthon always aimed. according to Luther's sentiments.—The Elevation irreprehensible. Justin tells us was done in his time. that is. it was only out of spite to the Papacy. Nor was there any other way for destroying the Elevation and Adoration. " it snould oe re­ tained when it was rejected as impious. ii. a year before his death." concludes he. and another laid it down as necessary. and we learn from himself. that the Mass and Oblation always remained . f Hoep.—Formal avowal of Luther after many variations As to the Adoration." he says. U was out of spite to Carlostadius. Behold. as St. so far from condemning it. and it should be rejected when commanded as necessary. 1545."'f This was what Luther wrote after abolishing the Elevation . U»*. since the doing that is saying to the people. \ Ibid. who had so much tri44 * J u s t Apol. but why. Christians. this is the body of Jesus Christ. M.194 THE HISTORY 0 / [BOO! there ? If. they admitted the use of it but for never so short a time. Luther. and Luther and the Lutherans had no longer any rule. ** may be preserved. t ii. 501.* what reason would there have been to 1 5 4 5 . this presence of Jesus Christ could not be deprived of any of the advantages which attended it. out of the actual reception. as a testimonial of the real and corporal presence . at that instant. " that if he attacked the Elevation. is not to be doubted—that there could be no difficulty in showing to the people this divine body from the very time it began to be present. Conf. when the Holy Sacrament should be reserved for the communion of the sick ? It is noth­ ing but mere caprice to take away the presence of Jesus Christ in this case . after having one while held it as indif­ ferent. 2 4 .§ and in the positions which h« published against the Doctors of Louvain. indeed. which was given for you. Thp-sL 16.

which. and that all the points of Catholic doctrine relating to the Eu­ charist returned upon them one after another. " That the true substantial body was truly and sub­ stantially given in the Supper. not in the bread and wine. He saw. that it was a subject of astonishment that men should be so pos­ itive in affirming that the body was present in the bread. and Calvin wrote. if they did not find out a way to separate the body and blood from the bread and wine. without re­ ducing the whole Real Presence to the precise moment of the manducation. nor of being able to speak freely what men thought: but Melanc­ thon so deeply rooted this doctrine in the minds of the Witten­ berg and Leipsic divines. He then pushed the principle already spoken of so far as that nothing was done for the bread and wine. There they feared not to reject Luther's proper doctrine. with Melancthon. they went over to the Real Presence taught them by Melancthon. Hosp. an. he had raised up the idol in God's temple. and maintained that it could not be denied. but in the faithful who received them. 1561. TheoL Orthod. that there is no avoiding the sacrifice.f They declared. " that. Melancthon has never explained in what manner he would have this to be done : but as to the foundation of this doctrine. 291. of making him relent on this point. sine* it was of much more importance to consider what is done in man for whori. that. although there was no necessity of saying that the bread was the essential body or the proper body of Jesus Christ. although it should even * Ep. and not for the bread. 1575. 195 umphed when he set aside the Elevation. Jesus Christ rendered himselj present. after Luther and he were dead. and the Real Presence which he admitted in the bread. that in man only was the body and blood to be really found. p. ad Buc. and in the most artful manner he was able : for there were no hopes. . ad­ mitting the Real Presence in the bread." After that they explained thetr sentiments concerning the Adoration. by the Elector's orders. therefore. or the Miss. that ubiquity raised a horror in them . 108. they held at Dresden.—The divines of Wittenberg and Leipsic own. the Adoration. even. ETC.] THE VARIATIONS. the Transuhstantiation and the Adoration. or that it was corporally and carnally taken by the corporeal mouth. and finding no other means of defending themselves against Transuhstan­ tiation. in 1561. he never left off insinuating it with great secrecy. as long as Luther lived. Conf HeirfWW in. f W i t et Lips. they plainly explained themselves in favor of it in an Assembly.VI. but by changing Luther's doctrine. that it was necessary to go further. and Sacrifice. Mas in a consternation."* 35. by this decision. p. Melancthon was fJien more than ever convinced that it waa impossible to destroy the Adoration. but all for man: insomuch.

it could not become so but by a change . in his last " Confession of Faith. that these words. that the Supper hav­ ing been instituted for the remembrance of Jesus Christ. that the bread was the essential body. lastly. admit­ ting. the sacrifice could not be rejected. lib. there could be no objection to the sacrifice. 14. for Luther would be obeyed : but. and. and owned with us. re­ jecting it in word.—«Yb atutwering the arguments of these Divines. the proper body of Jesus Christ." import necessarily the change of bread into the bod} . . " the bread is the true body. and present them to their fathers. as Lutherans had hitherto done. and as placing himself in the hands of sacrificing priests after the words of Consecration.196 THI HISTORY OF [BOOK be explained that the body is not present in it except in the ac­ tual use : " That the Monks would always have the same reason for beseeching the eternal Father to hear them through his Son. in order to prevail with them by their interposition. Luther had said at Smalkald. nothing could hinder us from presenting him to his Father." They said."* Melancthon and all Saxony had received this doctrine with all the rest. it being impossible for the bread to be the body by nature. " the ancient custom of all suppliants. than for those to impugn it. Parva. if fi ith lays hold of him in this state. they concluded that it would be much more easy for the monks to establish their Transuhstantiation." said they. after his death. since. as he could not be taken nor remembered without believing in. which Catho­ lics offer to God. n. t S. and calling on him. 37." u 36. thus they openly rejected their master's doctrine. and confess that. admitting this Real Presence of the body in the bread. affirmed. in order to render him propitious to us.f But they went much further in the above declaration." By the same reason they maintained that. that the bread was the true body of our Lord equally received by saints and sinners : he himself had said. they fell off from it. Their proofs are convincing. nor to the adoration they pay to Jesus Christ in the Eucharist. Cone. the addressing one's self to him in the Supper &s present. whom they rendered present in this action . and made the whole party sub­ scribe to it. the Real Presence in the bread. Conf S. changed by the Divines of Wittenberg. that hav­ ing Jesus Christ present in tho bread and wine of the Supper. If Jesus Christ is believed to be in the bread.—Luther's doctrine. and they proved it by this example : " It was. to take in their arms the children of those whose assistance they implored. n 330." approved by the whole party. can this * Art vi. nevertheless. iv. " that the bread of the Eucharist is the true natural body of our Lord. immediately after his death. who. that is. could by no means be hindered. in the same manner.

the light of the Gospel proceeded in our days as it proceeded formerly from Jerusa­ lem. on the »ther side. we should receive his body and blood divided from those things wherein it was his pleasure they should be con­ tained . and Luther's opinion. Whilst this head of the Reformers drew near his end. with the whole worship of the Church of Rome ? but. must it not be after such a manner as he declared at the insti­ tution of this mystery ? In these inextricable difficulties. The Thus the Church of Wittenberg. as Son of God. and as there piesent? The proof of the sacrifice is not less conclusive: for. of avoiding the sacri­ fice. no more than the adoration and transubstantiation. and can our prayers be sanc­ tified by a more holy oblation than that of Jesus Christ present? What do Catholics say more. and if we are to receive the proper substance of them. for what good have they been doing. by the sacramental words. Jesus Christ is ren­ dered present in the bread. ETC* 19? faith subsist without adoration ? Does not this faith itself neces­ sarily imply the highest adoration. 38. kept its ground. since it draws after it the invocation of Jesus Christ. if. the Mother of the Reforma­ tion. according to Calvin. but the method which Melancthon and the Saxons had taken to destroy it was so bad. he * Ep. Those of Wittenberg and Leipsic themselves soon after came back. p. 59a 17* . and whence. without denying this real presence of Jesus Christ in the bread. the Real Pres­ ence is admitted in the bread. and representing himself to his Father the victim by which he had been appeased 1 There is no way. 39. no longer can maintain the sentiments of Luther. her first founder. if they must be forced to approve these things. what more chimerical than a Real Presence separated from the bread and wine ? Was it not. that it could not subsist. This seems too grating to these new Reformers. with the Catho­ lic doctrine. which placed the body in the bread.THE VARIATIONS. he rejects the necessary consequences there­ from. and why ? Catholics alone have a consistent doctrine. in showing the bread and wine. with him. then. If. that Jesus Christ said. is not this presence of Jesus Christ of itself agreeable to the Father. he invincibly establishes the literal sense and Real Presence.—The Wittenberg Divines return to Luther's sentiment. and what is their sacrifice else but Jesus Christ present in the sacrament of the Eucharist.* The whole doctrine of this head of the Reformation contradicts itself. as maintained by Catholics. as these divines say. the desire of abolishing the Mass prevailed. must of course be admitted without reserve. " This is my body?" Has he said. Calv.-—Luther more furious than ever towards the nd of his days: his transports against the doctors of Louvain. the whole Mass.

f Hosp. at the same time. because he finds in these two words. more and more furious. If the Sacramentarians complained of Luther's transports to Melanc­ thon. which utterly destroyed their doctrine. but in the lowest v ay imaginable. vaccultas and cacohjca^ a frigid allusion to kine.—His last sentiments concerning the Zuinglians. he declared seriously that he held them for heretics."! but what they ceuld not help. hogs. pagans. " was a great inconvenience. 194. cacohjca ecclesia* instead of calkolica.198 THE HISTOR1 OF [BOOK daily became. and valued not the making himself a public laughing-stock. spoke more than he meant to speak. besides what he said of the adorable sacrament. Thea. tt cacanL"* Thus did he forget all kind of shame. and atheists. therefore* the most unhappy of all men. His theses against the doctors of Louvuiu are a proof of it. bruta magistrollia : persuaded he makes them very odious or contemptible by these ridiculous diminutives of his own coining. f 40. nor sat in the chair of those of Zurich. When he has a mind to speak more seriously. when he was heated. what I dare not translate. Cricig. There were secret muiuiurmgs m the party.f H e wrote. which. He treated the Zuinglians no better. *• That he softened the expressions in his books by his familiar discourses. for that their master. wherein. who do not take from Scripture. and fills his theses with theae wretched equivoques. the prodigious aberra­ tions of his mind tven to the last period of his life. without shame. and comforted them. a letter." says he : " I. 199. Sometimes he plays the buffoon. esteem myself happy for one thing only. he always styles those of Louvain. and shut out of the pale of God's Church. Epicureans. ana those who were better affected towards them. Hosp. quidquid ructant vomunt. instead ol facullas. vaccultaa. all they vomit out. and. nostrolli magislrolli. he calls these doctors " Downright beasts. and covet no other beati­ tude than that of the Psalmist: happy is the man that hath not been in the council of the Sacramentarians. wicked men. fee . " They have afforded me a great plea­ sure. upon the Zuinglians having called him an unhappy wretch. 19fc t ED. provided he drove all to extremes against his adversaries. and hath never walked in the ways of the Zuinglians." said they. they answered. I never can believe that his disciples will behold. but none durst speak out. Melancthon and his friends were ashamed <>f these extravagances of their master. and adds. * Cont ArtLov. and wolves. ad V i t Theod. but from the doctrine of men. 2S. T o scoff at the custom of calling doctors our masters. who are unacquainted with any other repentance hut that of Judas and Saul.

it is of little importance to the design of this work. I write not on private conversations. and if Luther had given these new instances of his inconstancy. which admits both the bread and wine in the Sacra­ ment. . I0& f Colloc." That it must not be said. 42." a letter of Luther's to Bucer. and the fact proved against him. I shall observe.fl. such as Luther here promises. spread abroad some conversations he haa held with his friends. he proposes a new thought to reconcile the L*vo opinions : " The defenders of the figurative sense must allow. T. that Mr. be the business of the Lutherans to furnish us wherewith to defend him. The Zuin­ glians." says he. i. E T C 199 41. who could not refuse him praises without ruining the Reformation." as Mr. xi. p. moreover. which is given us under this title : A paper concerning a reconciliation with the Zuinglians. that their disputes were only on words. But the new thing he proposes is. but acts only and public works . 1546. " that in the sacrament there is truly bread and wine. In *he second place. not in the extract which this artful historian makes of it in his history.—A neio piece produced by Mr. of Records. These accounts carried no appearance of truth. that I find in Mr." He does not say. of which he had been the founder. and that they understood not one another. tory the fault is corrected in the "Collecion of Record^" thaigh his infer encesfrom it still remain in the body of his work.—Luther** Death. Luther begins with this remark. part ii."* This piece of Mr. The above letter was of the twenty-fifth of January. Burnet's " History of the English Reformation. This he was first charged with. Burnet has translated it. The eighteenth of February following. In the latter editions of his his. but Luther could not suffer such an illusion. nevertheless there is nothing eaten but bread alone: so absurd a refinement. to comfort them­ selves for the implacable enmity he had evinced towards them even to his death. L • Au. Luther died." This is what Bucer always pre­ tended. It is sufficiently known that consubstantiation. Burnet on Luther's sentiment. Burnet. 1549. but truly. we will grant. " that Jesus Christ is truly present: and we. lib. Hick*. if considered. for that had not been a new opinion. wherein they pretended he was much mitigated. it would. however. " will grant that the bread alone is eaten: vanein solum manducari." proceeds he. T o omit nothing of what I know concerning this fact."! will set forth the extravagances that pass in the minds of innovators. they understood not one another.J THE fARIA ONS. n. whether they did or not. but as it is in his " Collection of Records. 34. Burnet could not hide the absurdity of it in any other way than by suppress4 1 * The author was not apprised that Bishop Burnet had falsified this record by changing nihil minus into nihUominus. that although the body and blood be truly present. had been received in Lutheranism from its first beginning. by Dr.

and. quod id libentor intelligerem. quo uxorem duxi. for fear the Sacramentarians should endeavor. during those years when there was a kind of suspension of arms. postnw* dum apud Electorem Saxionse. H e demands they would believe as much of him. even when Luther was in his best humor. " N o . at the conference of Marpurg. and. would indeed only serve to exasperate them the more.200 THE HISTORY OF BOOK ing it. Finally. ipsis gratiam et fausta meo nomine denunciet et si corpore animoque adhuc bene valerent. ho says. But there is no need of troubling oneself to find out sense in this new project of agreement. that he is will­ ing to believe his adversaries are sincere. than abstaining from writing and giving one another abusive language. Primo. Deinde incipi^ndo quod ab eo tempore quo me noster Dominus Deus inrirmitate visitavit. and considering vhat an inlet would thereby be opened to new questions tending to intro­ duce Epicurism . This is all that Bucer could obtain for the Zuinglians. et. which. in adulterio et fornicatione jacuerim. after his death. towards the end of his life. probably. Luther turns short. Quid Doctor Martinus Bucer apud Doctorem Martinum Luthemm. he made those declarations against them we have already soen. without specifying in what manner that was to be done : so that he seems to mean nothing else by it. si id ipsis rectum videbitur. it is better leaving these two opinions just as they are. he would have redeemed with his body and blood. and concludes for mutually bear­ ing with one another. et prasertim quod in me repererim quod ego ab aliquo tempore. to wrest him by their equivoca­ tions to their own sentiments. et non ad Christianam confessionem me per- . which. After having proposed it as useful. he declares on his side. leaving his disciples as much animated against them as he him­ self had been. Quia vero ipsi et mei pracdicantes saepe me adhortati sunt ut ad Sacramentum accederem : Ego an tern apud me talem preefatam vitam deprehendi. IN8TRUCTIO. I. as had already been agreed upon. Nam quia talem vitam DESERERE NOLO. far from making them pass on mankind. nulla bona conscientia aliquot annis ad Sacramentum accedere potui. 4 4 RECORDS C O N C E R N I N G T H E SECOND M A R R I A G E OF T H E L A N D G R A V E S P O K E N OF I N T H I S BOOK VI. he soon returns to his old temper . et Philip pum Melancthonem aolicitare tiebeat. qua bona conscientia possem ad mensam Domini accedere ? Et sciebam per hoc non aliter quam ad judicium Domini. but with very little success. " suys h e . than proceed to these new expli­ cations of them. o allay this dissension. varia apud me considerassem. However that may be.

studios^ perlegi» et ibi nullum aliud consilium nec medium invenire po* tui. YI. et quantum mihi gratiae Deus dedit. quo earn duxi. Causae autem. sum. quemadmodun? S. adulterio. aliique plures: cumque ad ea describenda difficultatem habeam. et ad emendationem me convertam. ut scelera puniam. quomodo me ibi gerere queam absque uxore. Jacob. Si porr6 diceretur quare meam uxorem duxerim. Ulterius me concionatores constanter urgent. et virgines. cum non semper magnum gyneeceum mecum ducere possim. et sic constanter perrexi. Saepe Deum interek invocavi.] THE VARIATIONS) ETC tOi veuturum. prius teipsum puni?" Jam si deberem in rebus evangelicae confoederationis bellare. Lamech. David. et praetrea Deus in veteri Testamento tales Sanctos valde laudarit: Christus quo­ que eosdem in novo Testamento valde laudat. plures quam unam uxorem habuerint. fornicationem. et odore sit. in quern nos credimus. facile est conjicere et considerare.quo modo nullus fornicator. et scepe contingit ut in foederum et Imperii comitiis diu verser. Quia verb apud me deprehendi qu&d apud meam uxorem prcssentem a fornicatione ac luxuria. Nunc vero diligenter consideravi scripturas antiqui et x. x. Quod pii Patres ut Abraham. Quali ipsa quoque complexione. ad Demonem perges. quae a D e o permissa nec prohibita sunt. ait.wi Testamenti. nihil certius habeo expectandum quam exhaeredationem ^ regno Dei et aeternam damnationem. ubi lauta vivitur et corpus curatur. et in eundum Christum crediderent. vel alio modo occuhueris. quorum potior pars defunctaest. hoc sciun£ ipsius aulae praefecti. II. III. Paulus ad Cor. et ab aliquibus meorum consiliariorum. Magister. Bucero tamen omnia declaravi. amabilitate. vel sclopeto. et quomodo interdum se superfluo potu gerat. Primo quod id persuasis sum. puniam. ubi omnes dicerent. Solomon. quare fjrnicatione. Secund5. ut medici sciunt. nec animo nec desiderio earn complexus fuerim.?!. et alii. et alia. et his similibus abstinere non possira apud hanc meam prsesentem uxorem sunc istce. quibus ipsemet immersus sum. quod etiam libenter facerem: quomodo autem scelera. NEC VELIM abstinere (quod coram Deo testor) quam talia media adliibendo. V. UJtenus legi in Paulo plun'bus jam uno locis. insuper lex Mo44 . tunc id semper malA conscientia facerem et cogitarem: Si tu in hac vit& gladio. cUm videam quod ab hoc agendi modo penes modernam uxorem meam NEC POSSIM. atque adulterio abstinere non possim: nisi ab hAc vitA desistam. quia validA complexione. nec adulter regn *m Dei \ ossidebit. IV. Matrimonium meum ultra tres septimanas non servavi. et rogavi: sed semper idem retnansi. vere imprudens homo tunc temporis fui.

et .jtelexerat uxorem suam mortuam esse. legem quoque edi curavit.iOf THE HH -OKV OF [BOOR tsis permittit. Quando verb in contrarium opponeretur. sed aliam prater ipsam duceret quemtdmodum propter propter consilium sonat. nec Apostoli prohibeant. Cum igitur nec Deus in antiquo. qui duas uxores in matrimonio ha­ bent Item Valentinianus Imperator. et w eo neminem specificet ac dicat utrum duae uxores habendar. quod alii duas uxores habere possent. quod ille nullum rnasculum heeredem ex prima habuerit. VII. judicamus nos plus hicconcedi oporterc causae quam Paulus dat. Nam utique plus siturn est in bona conscientia. judicarit. ne vir duas uxores habere possit. quod duas uxores in matrimonio simul habuerint. VIII. vel Apostolus propterea Reges. quia lex illud permittebat. lic&t quod sequitur non multum curem. Ambrosius. Et si objiceretur. Papa ipsen e t Comiti cuidam. Apostoli quoque cum gcntibus indicarent quomodo se gerere. Re? Achab et alii. quern tamen Historici. et nihilominus Samuelis pater. uti in Actis Apostolorum est: de hoc etiam nihil prohibuerunt. Quando igitur Paulus clare nobis dicit oportere Episcopum esse unius uxoris virum. et ide6 aliam vel adhuc unam acceperat. Et post haec ad hunc diem usque in orientalibus regionibus aliqui Christiani sunt. nec Propheta. Item. et a quibus abstinere deberent. ubi illos primo ad fidcrn receperant. invenitur tamen clarfe quod Lex Moisis permittat. ut primam uxorem non dimitteret. ciim tamen multi Gentiles fuerint qui plures quain unam uxorern habuerunt: Judaeis quoque prohibi­ tum non fuit. stare non potest. plures uxores habuerunt. concessit ut is utramque retinere posset. Idcirco hoc. si quis duas uxoies habcut. ipsemet duas uxores habuit. X. quod non duas uxores in ma­ trimonio habere possent. et de his qui duas uxores habent. quod istis id uolum permissum fuerit propter Messiam. Principes. IX. neque pro crimine aut peccato. unumquemque debere uxorem habere propter fornicationem. et sic neminem excludit. Item ecio Lutherum et PI ilippum Regi Angliae suasisse. nullam omnino mentionem faciat. cum tamen Paulus multos indicet qui regnum Dei non consequentur. nullus quoque Propheta. et alii Docti laudant. vel quod Dei regnum non consequen­ t s . vel alias personas punierit aut vituperarit. similiter et Ministrum: absque necessitate fecisset. si quivis tantum unam uxorem deberet habere quod id ita praecepisset et plures uxores habere prohibuisset. . Abrahamo et antiquis conces3um fuissc propter Christum promissum. et est omnino apud aliquos in usu. qui sanctum sepulchrum invisit. Et si Christus solum proinissus sit stemmati Judae. nec Christus in novo Testameuto. quomodo so in hoc gerere debeat. qui tamen non sunt de stemmate Judae.

ut publice meretrices retmeamus. et qua ratione persona quam ducturus sum. qukm in eo ut quis hseredes vel nullos habeat. Nam imperator et mundus me et quemcunque permittent. Post qukm etiam nihil occultum remanet. si hoc facerem. ut mihi scripto testimonium dent: si id occulta facerem me per id non contra Deum egisse. XIII. X I Y . Quod Deus permittit hoc ipsi prohibent: quod Deus prohibet. vel minorem amicitiam ei exhibare velim. quos ex primk uxore suscepi. neque ab ekdem abstinere. christian^ vita. Yolo etiam filios. sicut non dubito. et alias absque hAc viA me praeservare NEC POSSUM. quo­ modo res hsec publicanda in mundum. Item ad mundum vel mundanum fructum hac in re non nimis attendendum est. Nam omnind plus animae quam res temporales curandae sunt. et quod Evangelicae rei fortassis praejudicare autnocere posset. et viA. Quare haec sit mea ad Lutherum. XII. et omni impudicitiA. Yellem quoque et desidero non plures qukm tantiira unam uxorem ad istam modernam uxorem meam. et quod ipsi etiam id promatrimonio habere. et communis Ecclesia nesciret quomodo huic personae cohabitarem. et me juvent in iis rebus. quam Deus permittit. quod aliks persons quam ducturus sum graviter accideret. prohibet.) THE VARIATIONS. Philippum et ipsum Bucerum petitio. quAm antea feci: sed me velle in hoc casu crucem portare. Casu quo autem id ipsi hoc tempore propter scandalum. et quod hie praecipit. ut mihi testimonium dare velint. quae non sunt contra Deum. Item non metuant quod propterek. si constanter ita permanerem.n. et eidem omne bonum praestare. uti. Considerare enim possent. 208 tmlute anima. et cum tempore viam inquirere velint. meam modernam uxorem malo tractare. abstractione ab ignominiAet inor­ dinate luxuriA. SIVE MONASTERIORUM BONA seu alia concernat. Nam diutius in vinculis diaboli constrictus perseverare non intendo. etsi aliam uxorem acciperem. ETC. NEC VOLO. et liberum relinquit. publice typis mandare non vellent. si ilia pro tali habenda esset quae non Christiane vel inhoneste ageret. Nam quidquid me jusserin t quod Christianum et rectum sit. hoc dissim . ut mihi proposuerim quia id cum D e o fieri potest. ut per Deum in hoc mihi consulant. XI. nec cum eA dormire . Principes regionis relinquere. et m a g i 3 Christiane suscipere possim. ut hilari animo vivere et mori. petitionem tamen mean* esse. sed etiam pro honesta habenda sit. utique haec quoque tractu temporis scandalum causaret. illud illicitum non esse. Itaque hsec omni ame permoverunt. sed plures qukm unam uxorem non facile concesserint. et reliquis aliis honestis rebus prospicere : esse proinde adhuc semel petitionem meam. atque Evangelicas causas omnes eo liberals. sed magis Deus respiciendus. non pro inhonest&. abstinere a fornicatione. ibi me promptum reperient.

XVII. timebam. nisi scirem quod propositi mei rationem coram D e o haberem. Nam Sacerdotibus nullas uxores concedunt. XVI. etsi multis mihi pecuniis constaret. quod Caesar absque Pontificis dispensatione non Jaceret. ut posted vitam meam emcndare. ut propter hunc articulum quo plures Christianis uxores permitteremus. ne cogar rem in its locis quaerere. quamvis propter nullam rem in terra ab Evangelio deficere. turn me varias cogitationes habere in animo : qu&d velim apud Caesarem pro hac re instare per mediatores. praeter omnem tamen opinionem meam de illis nullam opem inveniam . uti insinuatum est. nec plus nec minus nobis facturi sint. PHILIPPUB LANDGRAFFIUS HASSIA .Item I'hilippo et Luthero post modum indicabit. ubi id n o n libenter facio.204 THE HISTORY O F [BOOR ulant. Datum MeUingte Dominicd post Calharince Anno 1 5 3 9 . at videtur mihi sicut matrimonii™ Sacerdoturo. Denique iterato est mea petitio ut Lutherus. si apud illos. qukm. et certius esset Deum id permisisse qukm prohibuisse. ut m e alias juvent. quam Caesaris permissionem omninb non curarem. Nam Apud m e judicabam si aliquibus Caesaris Consiliariis egregias pecuniae summas donarem. m e omnia ab ipsis impetraturum : sed praeterek. et omnia negotia nostrae religionis »Q liberius et confidentius agere possim. Item Ecclesiastici nobis adeo infensi sunt. confidere velim. quam cum Deo et bona conscientia facere possunt. si apud hanc partem nullum solatium invenire possem. uti superius est declaratum. XV. etquod millies libentius ipsorum permissioni. Csesareum consensum obtinere. et Bucerus mihi hac in re scripto opinionem suam vehnt aperire. Phrilippus. non esset contemnendum. vel cum diving ope m e permittere velim induci ad aliquid quod Evangelicae causae contrarium e s s e pos­ set : n e Caesareani tamen m e in aliis saecularibus negotiis ita uterentur et obligarent ut isti causae et parti n o n foret utile : e s s e idcircd adhuc petitionem meam. quamvis etiam Pontificum dispensationem omnind nihili faciam: verum Caesaris permissio mihi omnin& non esset contemnenda . vel ALIIS HUMANIS permissionibus : quibus tamen n o n ulterius confiderem nisi antecedenter in divina Scriptura fundatae essent. bona conscientia ad Sacramentum accedere. et meretrices retinere ipsis permittunt. Caesarea. Verum nihilominus ex humano metu.

hends the difference there is be­ lem legem condere. Celsitudinem vestram in cor. Most Serene Prince and Lord. 18 . for that he tudinem difficili morbo libera. who was reditum. considerationes indicari cu. with some such. Count of Catzenlembogen.question which Bucer has pro­ tione digna : Celsitudo vestra posed to us: your Highness per se ipsam satis perspicit sufficiently of yourself compre­ quantum differant universa. ETC. paupercula et ignorant how great need our Tnisera Ecclesia est exigua poor. and in the instruction diutcrnas conscientiae suae mo. urgent for his return to your sine scripto dimittere.and we pray that he will long pore et animo confortare et continue this blessing of perfect conservare dignetur.which your Highness gave him. of Diets.has recovered your Highness verit. to go away without an answer in writing. and proves her by sundry temptations. nonnullas simulque have read. and Nidda. our gracious Lora\ wt wish above all things the Grace of God through Jesus Christ. health both in body and mind. Highness.THE VARIATIONS. vel in twixt settling an universal law. noluimus nevertheless. and aban­ it derelicta. and although it seemed Celsitudo tradidit. I Postquam vestra CelsiI. of Ziegenhain. Imprimis sumus ex aniII. To the most serene Prince and Lord Philip Landgrave of Hesse.have praised God. haec of greatest importance in the nobis occurrunt considera. although from time to time he threatens to de­ prive her of them. Your Highness is not vestra videt. miserable. and we agimus. It has been a subject of mo recreati. little. IV. pelimusque. qu6d vestram Celsi. and we doubt not conservaturum. mit the said Bucer. 905 T H E C O N S U L T A T I O N OF L U T H E R A N D T H E O T H i i R PROT­ E S T A N T DOCTORS C O N C E R N I N G P O L Y G A M Y . quantumvis but God will always supply her tentationes diversaeoccurrant. sum difficile sit. utique maturantem. answer the doubts proposed. addito scripto seu in.and the uneasiness of conscience ravit. Nam prout Celsitudo III. sicut tuous Princes and Rulers to non dubitamus Deum aliquos protect her. we would not per­ tamen Dominum Bucerum. These things seem to us nobis Bucerus proposuit. ut Deus from a dangerous fit of sickness. indigens probis doned Church stands in of vir­ Dominis Regentibus.your Highness is under al this structione quam illi vestra present. et Deo gratias the greatest joy to us. We have been informed by hide per Dominum Bucerum Bucer. Circaqusestionemquam IV. licet ita to us very difficult so speedily properanter expedire respon. the trouble of mind. festias. III.

hoc in God's sight ought absolutely certa ratione et conditione est to be permitted. si natura non esset cor. verum est which is just before God. the objection is true : if it circumstantias oportet expen. If that data et necessaria. VI. tionem propius accedamus : before it be permitted. nec necessaria sit. quae seternarum litium et law. for a precept. against the first of all laws. whence infinite unde multa scandala et diflfi. ut introducatur pub. Your Highness retur. We cannot at present ad­ <mmus. Celsitudo ves­ to consider the dangers a man tra qukm sinistre acciperetur. hoc intendit ilia scn. Testament. the divine law. qusesumus. As to the objection that quod coram Deo ssquum est may be made.that text of Genesis.swered in this manner." and (hit was observed at the beginning 44 .be neither necessary nor com­ dere ut ad propositam ques. idque primatus fuit ob. and this is the sense o\ und.supposing nature were not cor tentia: Enml duo in came rupted . it must be an­ accipiendum. rium. and to come to the ut tantum duarum et non plu. uxores ducendi. must be Deus matrimonium instituit attended to . Si aliquid which permitted to have more hac de re prselo committe. that of the Old. dis. et velut lege sanciatui establish as a law in the N e w permisso plures quam unam. VI. alias sary. should any such thing Celsitudo.arise. Si res est man. We beg your Highness ret. that what is just id omninb permittendum. Quod opponi potest. V. si nec man.and with God's permission) 4 pensatione uti.wives than one.for it is otherwise evident that no dispensation can take place pensatio.of two persons and no more rupta. other circumstances.manded.stituted marriage to be a society etas.406 [BOOK THE HI8TORY OF corto casu gravibus de causis and using (fcr urgent reasons ex concessions divinft.and involve them in endless dum) futurum esset semina.strifes and disturbances. Conside.brought into Germany such a isse. be be­ quod objicitur. nam contra dispensation in a particular case: Oeum locum non habet dis. that it would be taken intellectum ct acceptatum iri. Then servatum.troubles and scandals would cultates orirentur. id prsecepti instar be printed. would be exposed unto. inquietudinum (quod limen. facile intclligit vestra is sensible. which would divide families.question in hand : God hath in­ rium personarum esset soci.vise to introduce publicly.sides commanded and neces­ data. Nunc suadere non posV. who si quis convinceretur hanc le­ should be convicted of having gem in Germaniam introdux. and lied. shall be two in one flesh.

2. 1. In certain cases. by the advice of his Pastor. inibi alteram uxorem superinduceret. hould take another wife. there is room for dispensa­ tion. that Abraham and his posterity had many wives. pustea Abraham quoque et posteri ejus plures duxerunt axores.ani contra primam regulam. that the law of Moses per­ mitted it afterwards. Certum est hoc postmod um lege Mosis permissum fuisse. hunc nescimus. It is also certain from Deuteron­ omy. detained captive in a distant country. ut homo haberet duas uxores : nam Deus fragili naturae aliquid indulsit. Cum verb principio et creationi consentaneum sit unic& uxore contentum vivere. Since it is then suitable to the creation of men. 20? VII. and to the first establishment of their society. qud ^atione damnare licerit IX.TI. his casibus alteram ducere cum consilio sui Fastoris. acceptanda. et in memoriam revocat quale matrimo­ nium ante humanam fragilitatem esse debuisset. and we even find after­ wards. Matth. non intentione novam legem inducendi. teste ScripturA. and the Scripture witnesses that this custom was introduced contrary to the first Institution. because Jesus Christ has repeated in the nine­ teenth chapter of St. There shall be two in one flesh:" and brings to man's remembrance what marriage ought to have been before it degenerated from its purity. nam Christus repetit hanc sententiam: Erunt duo in came und. Matthew that text of Genesis. VIII. hujusmodi lex est laudabilis. but . xix. It nevertheless passed into custom among infidel na­ tions . et ab Ecclesid. it thence fol­ lows that the law enjoining it is praiseworthy. and no law contrary thereto be intro­ duced into it. VII. For example. Lrmech was the first that married many wives. or that his own became leprous. Si quis apud exteras nationes captivus ad curam corporis et sanitatem. in these cases. that each one be con­ tent with one wife. quod de illo Scripture memorat tanquam introduc. if a mar­ ried man. vel si quis haberet leprosam . and that God made an allowance for frail nature. non lex huic contraria statuenda. Apud infideles tamen fuit consuetudine receptum. how­ ever. Sed Lamech plu/alitatem uxorum in matrimonium invexit. in order to proserve or recover his health. Deuter. Certis tamen casibus locus est dispensation!. IX. 1. we see not how we could condemn. such a man as. should there take a second wife. pro­ vided it were not with a design of introducing a new law. sed suae necessitati consulendi.] THE V i R I L T I ) N i» 1 Tc. VIII. that it ought to be received in the Church.

and the using a dis* pensation with respect to the same law. quibus ratione cathedralium hencficiorum perfruuntur. for the most part very averse to the Gospel. for every man to follow as he thinks fit. XI. of ob­ taining the benefices of cathe­ dral churches. uti in aliis quo­ que terris sint. In the second place.that your High­ nesses estates are filled with an untractable nobility. In the first place. Item Evangelicos earn sectari libertatenl plures simul ducendi. if occasion be given to the enemies of the Gospel to ex­ claim. XIII. above all things. are two very different things. Cum igitur aliud sif inducere legem. ne haec res inducatur in orbem ad modum legis. we entreat your Highness to take what follows 'nto con­ sideration. in qua multi. and by that means licentiousness be­ comes universal. who have several wives at once. X. aliud uti dispensatione. and the Turks. Fourthly. prout apparet talia facile irrepere. but they imagine they may do the same. may it please your High­ ness to reflect on the disma scandal which would not fail td happen. quae in Turcia in usu est* XI. Item considerandum Celsitudinem vestram abundare nobilitate efleri spiritus. Item consideret privatas personas. that plurality of wives be not intro­ duced into the world by way of law. Deinde conside­ rare dignetur vestra Celsitu­ do scandalum nimium. that inferiors are nosoonerinfornedwhattheir superiors do. as in other countries. on account of the hopes they are in. Fifthly. who take as many wives as they are able to maintain. qui siniul plures duxerunt uxores. XII. XIII. that we are like the Ana­ baptists. care must be taken. et lTORY OF [BOOB with on eye only to his own particular necessities. hujusmodi principum facta audientes. nos similes esse Anabaptistis. XII.JM8 THE X. the revenues whereof are very great. Since then the introducing a new law. obsecramus vestram Celsitudinem sequentia velit considerare. Primd ante omnia cavendum. N o n ig­ noramus ipsi magnorum nobiliuni valde insula dicta. quod Evangelii hostes exclamaturi sint. In the third place that the actions of Princes are more widely spread than those of pri­ vate men. qui propter amplos proventus. Item principum facta latius spargiquam privatorum consideret. We know the impertinent discourse I vented by the mos* illuttrio^ . vald& cvangelio adversantur. quam sequendi libera omnium sit potestas. facile eadem sibi permissa persuadere.

Sixthly. ro. by the singular grace of gratia.n#J THE VAR] ITIONS. scandals obliges us to beseech ut hanc rem maturo judicio your Highness to examine the expendere velit. qubd in. Item adulterium adulteries of the great ones. Illud quoque est veXV. multa scandala confiuant. 20D qualem se nobilitas et sub. ut. and. Cum igitur hie diminish this esteem and respect. to own the et adulterium fugiat. and many other dangerous con­ morbi. haud dif­ in case your Highness should ficile est arbitrari. sicut of marriage is but a light and mundus hsec ventis tradere et trifling fault. quae Dei singularis est such impurities. ut fornicationem and adultery. With no less earnestness rum quod Celsitudinem ves­ do we entreat your Highness. Habui. distempers. by tram omni modo rogamus et all means. as the world is used parvi penderc solet: Verum to imagine. aliaque pericula sequi sequences.chastised impurity with the most erissime punivit: nam poena severe punishment: and that of diluvii tribuitur rcgentum the deluge is attributed to the adulteriis. quod timeat the execution of this project of ne hsec res paria. We also beg of your situdinem vestram ne talia Highness not to entertain a no­ extra matrimonium. and it is to be eared lest ^uos meritb est. time been sensibly grieved to Joquamur. apud reges et potentes God. and St. ETC. authorize such a novelty. thing with all the maturity of judgment God has endowed you with.your subjects would be disposed. that God W a* . Adulteri non introibunt repeats frequently. to avoid fornication hortamur.a double marriage. X V . and it is easily dita ditio erga Celsitudinem seen how they and the rest of vestram sit preebitura. which might tellexerimus vestram Celsitu­ be followed by the effects of the dinem ejusmodi impuritate divine vengeance.vine vengeance. since God hath often Deus impudicitiam seepe sev. oneratam. longo tempore non see your Highness abandoned parvum meerorem. and Davidis est severum vindictee the adultery of David has afford­ divinae exemplum. Paul tur. levia tion. possent. Deus non i/ride.truth sincerely. quod res est. X I V . lica introductio fiat. Etiam rogamus Cel­ XVI. quam divina ultio. Item Celsitudo ves­ XIV. si pub. X V I . wc have a long mus quoque.of your nobility. hath a great reputation in tiain exteros magno est in the empire and foreign coun­ vonore et respectu. et Paulus ed a terrible instance of the di­ s e p i u s a i t . should greatly minuticnem. that your High­ tra. nominis di.The concurrence of so many gamus Celsitudinem vestram. apud tries . that the use of women out peccata velit sestimare.

we shall live . et ethnicas cogitationes animo fovent. et minime robusta. Accedit Celsitudinis vestrae complexio subtilis. undo meritb corpori parcendum esset. sleeps but little . viii. Legitur de laudatis. pii multa pneclara facinora . we shall die. which have obliged so many prudent persons to man­ age their constitutions. XVIII. if our heart con­ demn us not. morie- mur. Incumbunt Celsitudini vestr® negotia totum mundum concernentia. 1 Timotb. iii. possumus laeti Deum invocare. to the end that your Highness may consider seriously that God looks not on the vice of impurity as a laughing matter. and in the third chapter of the first of St. Si cor nostrum non reprehenderit nos. We read of the incom­ parable Scanderberg. The management of the most important affairs in the world is now incumbent on your Highness. Hsec refemmus. Libenter quoque intelleximus vestram Celsitudinem ob ejusmodi vitia angi et conqueri. in the second chaptet of the firrt Epistle to Timothy that obedience must be the com­ panion of faith. et Rom. si &utem secundum ce. but. that is. prout aliqui audaces faciunt. *irc o Principe Scanderbego. agamus. We are pleased to find that your Highness is troubled with re­ morse of conscience for these disorders. ac pauci somni. if we act against our own con­ sciences. Foi it is said. we may call upon the name of God with j o y : and in the eighth chapter of the Epis­ tle to the Romans. 5 T i l l . if we walk according to the flesh. in order to avoid acting against conscience . W e have related these passages. XVII. quemadmodum mutti alii facere coguntur. John. are more than sufficient to prevail with your Highness to imitate them. and that adulterers sha 1 not enter into the kingdom of God.>atravit contra duos Turca- not mocked with impunty. who is of a very deli­ cate and tender complexion. on the contrary. ut non contra conscientiam agamus. Si carnalia desideria spiritu rnortificaverimus. XVII. who entertain heathen­ ish notions on this subject. si contra conscientiam. as is supposed by those audacious libertines.mem amoulemus: hoc est.910 THE HISTORY CF in regnum Dei nam fide' obedientia comes esse debet. vivemus. and these rea­ sons. who so frequently defeated the two mo9t powerful Emperorsof the Turku .ut :onsideret Deum ob talia vitia non ridere. if by the spirit we mortify the desires of the flesh.

uti Paulus scribit: Curate ut membra vestra sint arma justitia. and said to them. And if your Highness. How many others. 211 Amurat II and Mahomet II and whilst alive. which have been represented. as venereal plea­ sures. of labors. as much aa we are able.Amurathem et Mahumetem. et corporis infirmitatis velit hanc rem aequi lance perpendere. we should draw upon ourselves not only the reproaches and persecution of those of Hesse. Quare vestra Celsitudo in consideratione aliarum causarum. omniaque humana ad divinam institutionem dirigere. et Grnciam dum viveret. curarum. and see. laborum ac solicitudinum.] THE TAR! L T I O N S . as God commands us in the ministry which we exercise. impartially to examine the considerations of scandal. but of all other ->eople. ac conservavit. that there was nothing so hurtful to men of theirprofession. ETC. that he often exhorted his soldiers to chastity. preserved Greece from their tyranny. quod nobis e6 minus ferendum esset. qubd ex pnecepto divino nobis incumbat matrimonium. the remedy pro­ posed would be to no purpose. By so doing. adhuc non esset vestrse Celsitudini consultum ac prospectum. and all the other duties of human . aut inducere : nam ditio ves­ tra Celsitudinis. ita ut contentus hac esse possit. therefore. et dicere. Oportet unumquemque m externis istis suorum membrorum esse dominum. Paul. May it please your Highness. The which would be so nr. from the motive only of avoiding scandal 1 We are far from urging on your High­ ness to introduce so difficult a novelty into your family. according to the expression of St. rum Imperatores. et nollet pravis affectibus et consuetuiinibus repugnare. Item qubd si vesira Celsitudo insuper alteram uxorem haberet.f|. and of distempers. are obliged to the exercise and practice of patience. x h the less supportable to us. of trouble. that you have reason to be sat­ isfied therewith. that his members be the arms of justice. And at the same time remember that God has given you a numerous issue of such beautiful children of both sexes by the Princess your wife. were not to forsake those licen­ tious disorders. Quot alii in suo matrimonio debent patientiam exercere ad vitandwnscandalum'? N o ­ bis non«edet animo Celsitulinem vestram ad tarn difficilem novitatem impellere. Every one ought to be mastei of his own body in external ac­ tions. qubd Deus °A ex moderna conjuge puichram sobolem utriusque sexus dederit. et sirnul in memoriam revocare. of care. nullam rem fortibus viris sequfc animos demere ac Venercm. after marrying a second wife. to regulate marriage. in marriage. Hie suos milites sspiils ad caslimonmm hortari auditus est. nempe scandali. feliciter tuitus est. atque in eft quoad possibilecc nservare. aliique nos impeterent.

vivere ad propria animse salutem. that is. et secure conscientia. XX. As to what your High­ ness says. and they. Sic etin tantum hoc approbamus: [BOOH life. know of the matter. and though the vulgar should be scandal­ ized thereat. and much have we to fear on that score. that none but the person you shall wed. Nihil enim est inusitati Principes concubinas alere . and remove all kind of scandal.tores conferatur. we judge it ought to be done secretly. XIX. ac paucis personis fidelibus constet Celsitudinis vestrae animus. Hinc non sequuntur alicujus mo­ ment! contradictioncs aui scandala. The heart of man is equally fickle in the more elevated and lower sta­ tions of life . the more intelligent would doubtof the truth. ind other brutal actions. It is now customary among worldlings. adhuc unam conjugem ducere. unde diversa pertimescenda. that you lived with a secure con­ science. si recte cum conscientia agatur. illi persons©. and maintain them in that state. ut superiiis de dispensatione dictum. according to the divine Insti* tution. Si autem vestra Cel­ situdo ab impudica vita non abstineat. tamen prudentiorcs intelligorent. ut culpa omms in Predici. et mngis placeret haec moderata vivendi ratio. provided all . THE HISTORY OF scandalum remo XIX. we wish you were in a better state before God.*13 omneque vere. optaremus Celsitu­ dinem vestram in meliori statu esse coram D e o .and pru­ dent persons would approve of this moderate kind of life. et ditionum ac subditorumemolumentum. XXI. et quamvis non omni­ bus & plebe constaret rei ratio. too. and the welfare of your subjects. and labored for the sal vation of your own soul. Is jamestmosseeculi. to lay the blame of every thing upon the Preachers of the Gospel. et humanum cor in summse et inferioris conditionis hominibus instabile. si quid difficultatis incidat. XX. pref­ erably to adultery. for it is nc extraordinary thing for Princes to keep concubines. XXI. Quod si denique ves­ tra Celsitudo omnin6 conclusent. Hence no con­ tradiction nor scandal of moment is to be apprehended . judicamus id secreto faciendum. and a few trusty persons. quod dicit sibi im­ possible. nec curandi aliorum sermones. that it is not possible for you to abstain from this im­ pure life. as we have said with respect to the dispensation demanded on the same account. obliged to secrecy underthe seal of confession. But after all. qukm adulterium ct alii belluini et impudici actus. nempfc ut tantum vcstrre (Ylsitudini. et conscientia sub sigillo confessionis. if your Highness is fully resolved to marry a second wife. There *e no need of being much concerned for what men will say.

sed adfert fleternam justitiam et aeternam vitam. it seems to us that this Prince counts adultery among the lesser sort of sins. as becoming a virtuous. Cardinality. for the Gospel hath nei­ ther recalled nor forbid what was permitted in the law of Moses with respect to marriage.the Span­ iards. but also the re­ flections we have made there­ upon. concerning what you desire. Hispanic^. and has nothing of the German in him.and in those circumstances only by us spec­ ified . XXIII. Saracenicft imbutum fide. adulterium inter minora peccata lumerare. and it is very much to be feared lest his faith being of the same stamp with that of the Pope. Oramus quoque Deum. . he make light of your Highness's pro­ posal. iVuvr. nam magnopere verendum. Habet itaque Celsi­ tudo vestra non tantum om­ nium nostrum testimonium in casu necessitatis. et in proprium emolumentum vanis verbis sustentaturum. XXIII. quod externum regi­ men non immutat. We also beg of God to direct all for his glory and your Highness's salvation. 213 goes right with coiasciei ice. in this writing. Jesus Christ has not changed the ex­ ternal economy. and life everlasting. wise. in case of necessity.TI. Italic^.morisque Germanic: oblitum. XXII. existimamus ilium.j THE VARIATIONS. and en­ deavors to repair the corruption of nature. Evangelium non revocat.the Italians. not only the approbation of us all. but added jus­ tice only. et Christianus Princeps velit ponderare. sapiens. ETC. So far do we approve it. and the Saracens. XXII. We know he is deceitful and perfidious. ut velit Celstitudinem vestram ducere ac regere ad suam laudem et vestrae Celsitudinis animse salutem. for reward. sicut intelligimus perfidum ac fallacem virum esse. nam quod circa matrimonium in lege Mosis fuitpermissum. sed etiam antecedentes nostras considerationes quas rogamus. non curaturum vestrw Celsitudinis postulatum. As to your Highness's thought of communicating this affair to the emperor before it be concluded. and Christian Prince. Quod attinet ad consilium banc rem apud CSBsaremtractandi. Papistic^t. ut vestra Celsitudo tanquam laudatus. Your Highness hath therefore. we beseech you to weigh them. et orditur veram obedientiaci erga Deum. the Cardinals. and turn it to his own ad­ vantage by amusing your High­ ness with vain words. et conatur corruptam naturam reparare. He teaches the true way of obeying God. aut vetat.

etiam omnia proprie et diligenter auscultarim et contulerim. JUSTUS W I N T F E R T E . MARTINUS PHILIPPUS MARTINUS ANTONIUS An AM. qubd nullis necessitatibus Christianis sincere consulit. 1 5 3 9 . 1539. that he uses no sincere endeavoi t) redress the grievances of Jhristendom. accepts b. that he leaves the Turk unmolested. ut Burgundicam potentiam efferat. LUTHER. It is there* fore very much to be wished that no Christian Prince would give into Ins pernicious schemes. Ego Georgius Nuspicher. bear testimony by this present act. MARTIN LUTHER. Your Highness sees. Your Highness's most humble. JOHN LENINGUE. M A R T I N BUCER. I George Nuspicher. ad instantiam et petitionem mei clementissimi Domini et Principis Hassiss ipse scripserim. and labors for nothing but to divide the empire that he may raise up the house of Austria on its ruins. CORVINUS. DIONYSIUS M E L A N T H E R . not only . Datum Vittenbergae die Mercuni post festum Sancti Nicolai. and have ex­ amined with the greatest exact­ ness every line and every word. written and signed with my own hand. JUSTUS W I N T F E R T E . testor hoc meo chirographo publice. JOANNES L E N I N G U S . P H I L I P MELANCTHON. ADAM. Given at Wittenberg the Wednesday after the feast of Saint Nicholas. and have found them conformable thereunto. We are most ready tc serve your Highness. DENIS MELANTHER. Quare optandum ut nulli Christiani Principerillius infidus machinationibus se misceanL Deus conservet vestram Celsitudinem. May God preserve your High­ ness. Vestrae Celsitudinis parati ac subjecti servi. A N T O N Y CORVIN. at the request of the most serene Prince of Hesse . Caesare potestate. BUCERUS. that I have transcribed this present copy from the true original which id in Melancthon's own handwrit­ ing. and hath been faithfully pre* served to this present time. Notary Imperial.214 THE HISTORY XXIV. and collated them with the same original. MELANCTHON. Notarius publicus et Scriba. qu&d banc copiam ex vero etinviolato originali pro­ pria manu a Philippo Melancthone exarato. and most obedient subjects and servants. et in omnibus cum OF [BOOK XXIV. et quinque foliis numero ex­ cepts inscription complexus sim. excitat tantum rebelliones in Germanic. Videt Celsitudo vestra ipsa. Turcam sinit imperturbatum. N o s ad serviendum vestrae Celsitudini sumus promptissimi.

Ziegenhain. et Nidd&. Be it known to all those. with Margaret de Saal. quod Anno post Chris­ tum natum 1540. with some of his Highness's Counsellors. ETC.TI. and the twenty* first of the reign of the most puissant and most victorious Emperor Charles V. GEORGE NUSPICHER. qui hoc publicum in­ strumentum vident. 311 in the things themselves. onginali et subscriptione nominum concordet. whereof I bear witness. of Dietz. post meridiem circa secundam circiter. and the good and virtuous Lady Margaret de Saal with some of her relations. cum aliquibus ex su& consanguimtate ex altera parte. but also in the signs manual. ac virtuosa Yirgo Margareta de Saal. Notary.] THE VARIATIONS. cum aliquibus suae Celsitudinis consiliariis ex un& parte . hear. coram me infrascripto Notarioet teste. In nomine Domini Amen* Notum sit omnibus et sin­ gulis. intentione et voluntate coram me publico Notario ac teste. Notary public and witness. et honesta. or read this public instrument. et Margaretae de Saal. in the castle of the same city. have appeared before me. illd. with the design and will publicly declared before me. to unite themselves by marriage. audiunt. as well in general as in particular. on one side. Notary Instrumentum Copulatioms Philinpi Landgravii. legunt. et posted ante memoratus meus clementissimus Dominus et Princeps Landgravius Philippus per Eeverendum Dominum Dio- The Marriage Contract of Phil­ ip. our most gracious lord. D e quire terum testor propria manu GEORGIUS NUSPICHER. Count of Catznelenbogen. the most serene Prince and Lord Philip Land­ grave of Hesse. Rotemburgi in arce comparuerint serenissimus Princeps et Dominus Philippus Landgravius Comes in Catznelenbogen. the thirteenth yeai of the Indiction. and have dehvered the present copy in five leaves of good paper. of Zieg* enhain. potentissimi et invictissimiRomanorum Imperatoris Caroli-quinti. at two o'clock or thereabouts. on the other side. Dietz. Landgrave of Hesse. that in the year 1540. on Wednesday. in the afternoon. publice confessi sunt. and accordingly my most gra­ cious Lord and Prince Philip the Landgrave hath ordered this to be proposed by the Reverend . die Mercurii mensis Martii. the fourth day of the month of March. Amen. in the City of Rotenburg. In the name of God. Notarius. Indictionis Anno 13. who shall see. and witness underwritten. and Nidda.clementissimi nostri Domini Anno regiminis 2 1 . ut matrimonio copulentur.

And these great men. et nominatae virginis et illius honestse consangumitatis honor et fama non patiatur. preacher to his Highness. although the Princess his wife be still living and that this action r ^ y not be imputed to inconstancy or cunosity. but that he is obliged to it by such important. utpotc alt& principali prudentia et pia mente praeditam rnovit. his llighness's first lawful wife. All which his Highness hath laid before many learned. et sua Celsitudo velit cum nominate virgine Margareta matrimonio copulari. Quam multiplicem causam etiam sua Celsitudo multis prsedoctis. suae Celsitudinisprimamlegitiinainconjugem. and Christian preachers. et homines pauca lateant. Christina Duchess of Saxony. adeo ut impossibile sit sine alia superinducta legitima conjuge corpus suum el animan salvare. ut suae Celsitudinis tanquam dilectissimi mariti animse et corpori ser- [BOOK Deius Melander. ut evitetur scandalum. out of her great prudence and sincere devotion. prudentibus.$16 THE HISTORY OF nysium Melandrum suss Celsitudinis Concionatorem. nor curiosity. ut hoc non tribuatur levitati et curiositati. and upon his soul and conscience. his Highness declares that his *vill is to wed the said Lady Margaret de Saal. curavit proponi fermfe hunc sensum. such inevitable necessities of body and conscience. to avoid scandal and maintain the honor of the said Lady. for which she is so much to be commended. that it is impossible for him to save either body or soul. or superiors . devout. et Christianis P r o dicatoribus antehac indicavit. edicit sua Celsitudo hie coram Deo.sed urgeri aliquibus gravibus et inevitabilibus necessitatibus conscientiae et corporis. that he takes her to wife through no levity. without adding another wife to his first. Quae causa et necessitas etiam Serenissimam Principem Christianam Ducissam exaliquavilipensione juris et superiorum. to the end that the soul and . piis. and but little escapes the knowledge of men. prudent. etsi prior suae Celsitudinis conjux adhuc sit in vivis. qui etiam considcratis inevitibilibus causis id ipsum suaserunt ad suae Celsitudinis animse et conscientiae consulendum. much to the sense as follows :—" Whereas the eye of God searches all things. freely to consent and admit of a purtncr. nor from any contempt of law. and the reputation of her kindred. and consuited them upon it. et in suam conscientiam et anitnan hoc non fieri ex levitate. his Highness makes oath here before God. after examining the motives represented to them. And the same cause and the same necessity have obliged the most serene Princess. have advised his Highness to put his soul and conscience at ease by this double marriage. Cum omnia nporta sint oculis Dei. aux curiositate.

in presence of the Reverend and most learned masters Philip Melancthon. sed hie in privato et silentio in prsesentia. publicly before many people. Hermanni de Malsberg.VI. Martin Bucer. etsi in hoc casu Christianum et liciturn sit. in prsesentia reverendorum pnedoctorum Dominorum M. that is. Et anteme moratus princeps ac Dominus ante hunc actum me infrascriptum Notarium requisivit. to observe it inviolably. privately and without noise. Herman de Hundelshausen. cit desuper unum aut plura instrumenta conficerem. fidelitatis promissione in nomine Domini. viret. but both the one and the other vill join themselves in wedlock. Domini Joannis 19 tl) body of her most dear spouse may run no further risk. his Highness will not solemnize these nuptials in the ordinary way. M. And lest occasion of scandal be taken from its not being the custom to have two wives. and promised mutual fidelity in the name of God. as the deed written with this Princess's own hand sufficiently testifies. The said Prince hath required of me. Philippi Melancthonis. Finito hoc sermone nominati Philippus et Margareta sunt matrimonio juncti. ETC. verbo ac fide Principis addixit ac promisit. although this be Christian and lawful in the present case. Herman de Malsberg. etiam in praesentia strenuorum ac praestantium Eberhardi de Than Electoralis Consiliarii. and the glory of God may be increased."—After Melander had finished his discourse. the said Philip and the said Margaret accepted of each other for husband and wife. Hermanni de Hundelshausen. Martini Buceri. et ne cui scandalum detur eo quod duas conjuges habere moderno tempore sit insolitum. on the word and faith of a prince. Dionysii Melandri. se omnia haec inviolability r semper ac firmiter servaturum. et palam nuptias celebrare cura memoratft virgine Margarot& de Saal. in presence only of the witnesses underwritten. subscriptorum testium volunt invicem jungi matrimonio. Rudolph Schenck . with the said Margaret de Saal.] THE VARIATIONS. counsellor of his electoral Highness of Saxony. always and without alteration. et honor Dei promoveretur ad gratiosfe consentiendum. adjuncts metua. to draw him one or more collated copies of this contract and hath also promised. et •nihi etiam tanquam persona publicae. and likewise in the presence of the illustrious and valiant Eberhard de Than. non vult sua Celsitudo public^ coram pluribus consuetas ceremonias usurpare. and with the wonted ceremonies. to me a public person. the Lord John Fegg of the Chancery. and also in the pres- . Denis Melander. Quemadmodum suss Celsitudinis haec super relata syngrapha testatur. Notary underwritten. et unaquaeque persona alteram sibi desponsam agnovit et acceptavit.

—That of Anne Boleyn. BALTHASAR TOET or [tool ence of the most honoiable and most virtuous Ladv Anne of « the family of Miltitz.—Henry's decisions in matters of Faith.—The conduct of the pretended Reformers. from 1547 to 1553. and consequences from. Et ego Balthasar Rand de Fuld&. all in quality of requisite witnesses for the validity of the present act. the Catholic Faith remains whole and entire. marriage. from the year 1529 to 1547.—Antiquity despised.] A brief Summary. tanquam ad hunc actum requisitorum testium.—His furious transport! against the Holy Sec. cor­ ruption. in 1556. B O O K VII. author of the English Reformation.—His base coniplian-. and have heard and seen all that passed.—Continual Variations. et tanquam Notarius publicus requisitus fui. who was present at the discourse. et subscripsi. and mother of the spouse.— His Six Articles.—The grounds of. and under Edward VI. Notary public imperial. Burnet's History and the English Reformation.—His shameful sentiments concerning the Hie­ rarchy.—The divorce of Henry VIII. widow of the late John de Saal. And I Balthasar Rand. that even Protestants are ashamed of it—Cranroer's Reformation built on this principle. Lodolphi Schenck.—The Catholic Religion re­ hoc instrumentum publicum mek manu scripsi.—The King looked upon as judge in matters of Faith.—The minority of Edward VI. et haec om­ nia et singula audivi.—» Hia death. and in particular of Thomas Cromwell. An Account of the Variations and Reformation of England under Henry VIII. with the subsequent history of Cranmer.—Cranmer's ignominious end.—The King's Ecclesiastical Supremacy alone remains in force. and hypocrisy. Burnet's own history. ac honestse ac vir­ t u o s i Dominae Annae natse de Miltitz viduae defuncti Joannis de Saal mcmoratse sponsae matris.—The death of Edward VI.—Some particular remarks on Mr. and union aforesaid.potestate Caesaris N o ­ tarius puhlicus. this doctrine.—His Ecclesiastical Supremacy. against Queen Mary. with the said witnesses. and set to it the usual seal. until his death. against whom the divine vengeance declares itself —The prodigious blindness of Henry through the whole couise of his life. the late King's sister. instruction.—The History of Thomas Cranmer. in conjunction with others.—Henry's decrees re* versed. Archbishop of Can­ terbury. . qui hnic sermoni. et vidi. of Fuld.—It is carried to such a pitcb.—This point excepted. being requested so to do. His son. for a testimony of the truth thereof. instruction^ et matnmoniali sponsions et copulationi cum supr& memoratis testibus interfui. BALTHASAR R A N D * RAND. et consueto sigillo munivi in fidem et testimonium. have writtet and subscribed the present con­ tract. espousals.—Cranmer's treason.S18 THE H F e g g Cancellanae. the King's Vicar-General and Vicegerent in Spiritual!.—The English Reformation condemned even from Mr.

a Catholic historian. and through the entire progress of his History. raised its greatness by public cheats and forgeries. Burnet's own history. but also. at the same time. and that of England's first Reformers. after giving such great hopes in the first y *ars of his reign.—The Doctor's pompous words concerning the English Reformation. and Sacramentarians. ETC* 819 J. whose foundation was laid in falsehood."* He even carries this outrageous invective to a higher pitch: Sanders's book might well serve the ends of that Church. after a marriage of five-and-twenty years. Dr. he not only rose up against the authority of that See which condemned him. King of England. whereof so ingenious a history has been given us of late years. nor of the dreadful consequences of his marriages. once a very Catholic declared himself head of the Church of England. upbraids us in his very Preface. A religion. relict of his brother Arthur. 303. so full of rancor against the Catholic Church. and from thence begins the English Reformation. made himself the author of a new sect. " These complaints are then turned against us and the Catholic doctrine.] THE VARIATIONS. and. he complains of Sanders. ahnost every one of them. equally detested by Catholics. he had made from Catherine of Arragon. which. The Reformation. p. nor how much blood he shed after he had given himself up to them. with which the divine bounty had so liberally endowed him* Nobody is ignorant of the irregularities of this Prince. by an attempt till then unheard of among Christians. who. and superstructure raised on imposition. Above all." proceeds h e . which has." The colors he paints us in are not more black than the ornaments he decks his own Church with are pompous and glittering. was a work of light. with having derived great advantage from die conduct of Henry VIII. A full and dis­ tinct narrative f f what was then done will be its apology as well 44 44 44 44 44 * Appen. all along. ." says h e .—On this occasion tfo account of the beginning and progress of the English Reformation is entered upon -1547. made so bad use of the rare qualifications of body and mind.—The death of Henry Fill. to those he took to his bed* Nor is it less known on what occasion he. may be supported by the same means which gave it birth. which caused great changes in religion. The author of it. L iii. The Holy See having con­ demned the divorce. T H E death of Luther was soon followed by another death. Lutherans. It was that of Henry VIII. 2. and needs not the aid of darkness to give it a lustre.—The foundation here built upon is Mr. Gilbert Burnet. whom he accuses of having invented heinous facts to make the English Reformation odious. fatal. and the marriage he had contracted with Anne Boleyn. as well in spirituals as temporals. nor of the blindness he fell into by his unhappy amours.

and who. let us then consider this history. 3.* but let her adore the hidden judgments of God. H i s t . of the House of Lords and Com. author of the Reformation. the King's design seemed to have been in the whole progress of these changes to terrify the Court of Rome." These are fine words. Burnet calls the greatest and most extravagant of our corruptions. nor could more magnifi­ cent ones be used. in the hatred he excited against the Pope and Church of Rome. we shall not admit this Prince. who has permitted the errors of this learned and illustrious nation to rise to so visible a height. Since he desires it. the more easily know herself. only to the end she might. wluch Mr.. the immediate result of this fact is. 3d Jan. of the Church of England.2*0 THE HISTORY OF BOO* as its history. whom he seems to offer us. in the beginning of the 3d vol of Bur. by its naked simplicity alone. but even by law.—What was the Faith of Henry VIII. 1681. justifies the Reformation. that the author of the English Reformation. under Jesus Christ. and since he casts him off from his own. is one equally rejected and excommunicated by all sides. laid the true founda­ tion of it. he had been to show us even the same sanctity which shone forth at the first birth of Christianity. The first important fact I observe in Mr." Whatsoever Mr. Burnet will suffice to let us clearly see what was this work of light. let her not blame me. by this means. is what he advances even in his preface. if. who do but follow a history which the whole body of the Parliament has honored with so authentic an approbation . 1681. and out­ wardly professing all those points of faith. in the changes that happened in England. in his new capacity of supreme head. Burnet may please to say of this matter. in his heart.23d Dec. and continues to give proofs of through the whole body of his book: that "when Henry VIII began the Reformation. in reality. so that he rather died in this communion than in that of the Protestants. which God sometimes diifuses over kings and nations. made them that church's articles of faith. Mr. such as Transubstantiation and the other corruptions in the Sacrifice of the Mass. 16S0. he continued addicted to the most ex­ travagant opinions of that Church. Burnet. and 5th Jan. 4. We stand not in need of a Sanders . a mem­ ber of our communion. which. What in this place mostly deserves our observation is. and force the Pope into a compliance with what he de­ sired : for. And if England there finds the sensible marks of that blindness.—The first fact avowed that the Reformation began by a man equally rejected by all parties. and the bare series of facts related by this artful de­ fender of the English Reformation is enough to give us a just idea of it. that this Prince was not content with believing in his heart. H e caused them to be approved by all the * Ext from the Journ.

whom he looks upon to be the author of the Reformation. The truth is. iii. we must not rely mui h on the praises Mr. 181. Bishop of Valence. BurneVs heroes are not always. even in his judgment. as to the public worship which was paid to God. ETC. and zealous for setting up the new Gospel. Burnet's great hero. in 1 5 3 6 . He was. as in any prelate that has been in the Christian Church for many ages. Burnet's heroes. that s. and of the whole sacred order. immediately after his con­ demnation. Thomas Cromwell was the person the King appointed his Vicar-General in spirituals. f NoUUa Imperil 19* 4 4 { Preface. this would be giving us at once too bad an idea of this whole work. he sticks not at making him as irreprehensible. and not content with admiring every where his moderation. his piety.— Cromwell. 1. he made them be subscribed.] THE VARIATIONS. and in particular by the Cromwells. one of 44 * B u n . 5. and as few faults in him. This is Mr. as asual. practised all the rest of the doctrine and service received in the Church in spite of their religion and consciences. who. 1 6. in a word. the best of men.—Thomas Cranmer is Mr. went nevertheless.—What were the instruments made use of by Henry VIIIin the Reformation. But he was well aware. and prudence. in 1 5 3 3 . Bishop of Valence. a Lord Vicegerent and a King's VicarGenera in spirituals. Athanasius and St."J 44 7. and of such extraordinary worth. or even more so. and put in practice throughout all England. that we shall find as eminent virtues.Til. 821 Bishops and all his Parliaments. He abandons Henry VIII. his Vicegerent in spirituals. and whom. and always remained such.—Mr. and the Christian world. BurneVs hero. should he do the same by Cranmer. Archbishop of Canterbury. whether Lutherans or Zuinglians in their hearts. whose scandals and cruelties are too flagrant. Burnet gives the heroes of the Reformation : witness those he bestowed on Montluc. and all the rest of Mr. than St.— What he relates of Montluc. nor among the employments recorded in the review of the empire. or said it themselves . p. the Cranmers.* Till then that title had not been met with on the list of the Crownofficers of England." says h e . as Supreme Head of the Church. Therefore he en­ larges much in the praises of this prelate .*f nor in any Christian kingdom what­ soever . Cromwell's intimate friend and chief manager of the English Reformation was Thomas Cranmer. whereby he placed him at the head of nli ecclesiastical affairs. . to Mass. and it was Henry VIII that first showed England. though he were no more than a layman. by all the tribunals iu which the highest degree of ecclesiastical authority in the Church of England resides at this day. towards the end. Cyril. he made his Vicegerent.

and always for moderate coun­ cils in matters of religion. speaks thus of him—" This Bishop was eminent.—How he came into the King's favor and that of Jlnne Boleyn. united to the interest of Queen Catharine Medicis. the precious balm which Solyman the Magnificent had made this Prelate a present of. easily forgives them such abominations . Burnet extcls his Re­ formers and Cranmer most particularly." Here arc the trifling faults of a Prelate. and so firmly. from the great commendations. And. so that this Prelate. the whole sequel of his lift declared him to be one of the greatest men if that age: only being so long. 1. but he had his faults. and always in union with them . . " the whole course of whose life declared him to be one of the greatest men of that age.1. in the very book wherein he so highly extols Montluc. who be­ sides was his Queen. Burnet's judgment. 8. p. The Reforma­ tion. whicn made him be sometimes sus­ pected of heresy. for hav­ ing only a little spice of Reformation." After what he has said of him. Burnet. without reflection. or indulgent to her heroes. almost irreproachable. which favored the Queen's divorce. notwithstanding such crimes. must have been the most irreproachable of all his contemporaries. In 1530. and had with him an English mistress whom he kept."* The crime certainly was not very great. will be but trifling. indeed. f 2d Part. his perpetual admirer. Burnet. at the same tii le. Thomas Cranmer had put himself at the head of that party. the wife and mother of his Kings. he wrote a book against the validity of Catharine'* • ftd Part L i p. no wonder so great a Re­ former as Cranmer should have merited such high encomiums. a Lutheran according to Mr.Stt THE HI&tOKV OF [ftOOl the wisest ministers of his 4me. let us now form the listory of this Prelate on the facts related by this historian. whereby he discovered both his lewdness and passion at once. and observe. But the eulogiums the Reformers bestow on the great men of their sect are not to be taken literally. either not over nice in virtue.—Cranm-er. was a man. Thus warned against any imposition for the future."f who having drunk. since he owed all to this Princess. 204. we ought to think. in what spirit ihe Reformation was conceived. that all the house was disturbed with it. wherewith Mr. " he fell into such a rage. and if Montluc. these faults. 85. and you will find they consisted in this. in Mr. and the marriage the King was resolved upon with Anne Boleyn. but read to the end. against whom this only exception could be made of being faithful to his bene­ factress. The same Mr. takes off a great deal of the high character which the rest of his life has given him. Ever since the year 1529. that "he had endeavored to corrupt the daughter of an Irish gentle­ man who had received him into his house .

75. there to manage his good friends the Protestants . § Burn. was looked ot as the most learned of those who had embraced it. Burnet says. Lutheran as he was. for a former marriage. The unhappy Prince. p. proceeds this author. L i lit* ii. but in private. to look on such marriages as good. and there carried the dissimulation of his errors so far. in Cambridge. and others. he had debauched her. did himself insensibly com­ bine with the enemies of that faith. Latimer. that the Pope made him his penitentiary. by the canon law. who knew nothing of these associations and designs. sent to Rome on account of tne divorce. and we may judge how successfully. From Rome he went into Germany. f Ibid. adds he. { Ibid. and then it was he married Ossiander's sister. and was forced to marry her . 223 marriage. Cranmer was sent into Italy and Rome in behalf of the divorce. |J 'bid. would have brought him into much more dreadful circumstances. the fact is certain. and the beginnings of the English Reformation. From that time. ii. Shaxton. p. By this word we must always understand the hidden or avowed enemies of the Mass and Catholic doctrines. it was necessary to keep this mat • Burn. by thus flattening the predominant passion of his Prince. 37. whilst a priest. became unwittingly subservient to the designs of destroying it. ha would have been excluded from this holy order by a second marriage. but I shall not vouch for these scandalous facts till I find them well attested by those of. Some say. he made his court. H e accepted of this employment. though contracted even before priesthood. in the<i hearts. lib. and held married priests in ab­ horrence. which shows he was a priest.* Anne Boleyn. of that society. and looked on as the person likeliest to succeed in credit to Cardinal Woolsey. though a Priest. made but a jest both of the sacred canons and their owr vows. Cranmer was then devoted to Luther's doctrine. p.—He marries. These men are accustomed. But Henry was of another mind. . 1 9. but for fear of Henry. had also received some impressions of this doctrine. he began t o be considered at Couit as a kind of favorite. ETC. Crome. The Reformers. and sis Mr. ] THE VARIATIONS. in spite of the profession of continency. in spite of the canons. § As for the marriage. J Here we have the secret which linked Cranmer and his adherents with Henry's mistress : here lies the foundation of this new favorite's interest. favored the King's cause.| Afterwards he makes her appear wholly de­ voted to the sentiments of those whom he calls the Reformers. is there made the Pope a Penitentiary. || Cranmer had been already expelled Jesus College. The second he contract­ ed. which he till then had so well defended. the party or at least by un­ suspected authors. since.—Cranmer. and through their secret machinations.VII. 02.

by so doing. t i. or the service of his king and country? Far from thinking we prejudice any of these. 11. to contaminate himself by reo:y. Peter in the * Bum. and this great Reformer set out by deceiving his master in a concern of this importance. nominated Archbishop of Canterbury. but Cranmer had ways and means of coming off. profession of submissisn to the Pope . ii. Rom. ii. either this oath is a mere empty form.* The Pope. introduced some ages before. and without protesting. and salved all by protesting that he intended not to restrain himself by this oath from what he owed his conscience. Cranmer received ther and dreaded not. he took the usual oath of fidelity to the Pope. 129. for who of us imagines he engages himself by this oath to any thing that is contrary to his conscience. we have always well understood. " T o receive with sub­ mission the traditions of the Fathers and the constitutions of the Holy See-Apostolic. in COM sc. the Arch* bishopric of Canterbury became vacant by Warhair'* death. adds a little after. who was con­ secrated with all the ceremonies of the Pontifical. lib. Jiumet tells us . receives the Pope's Bulls.) gave him his bulls. 128. and he accf . Burnet thinks not fit to tell us that Cranmer. besides this oath he pretended to evade the force of. Whilst he was in Germany. but that oi main­ taining the nullity of Henry's marriage. But in a word. The submission which is sworn to the Pope in spirituals^ is of a different order from what we natu­ rally owe our Prince in temporals. " by which. acknowledged it in word. . therefore. then. as Mr. though a married man and a Lutheran. that we take it without prejudice to the rights of our order. p. made other declarations. though ne believed no such thing. Ep. p. or can there be a greater than to swear what you do not believe. Salvo ordine meo. that one docs not interfere with the other. who knew no error in him. lib. 10. if he did not wholly save his integrity yet it was plain he intended no cheat. The King of England nominated Cranmer. and before they proceeded to ordain« as the party used to speak. liurnetj grants that this expedient did but little agree with Cranmer's sincerity. his king. Mr. his hypocrisy.ted of it. it is even expressed in the oath. or it obliges to acknowledge the Pope's spiritual jurisdiction. against which he did not protest: viz.—Cran titer's consecration." What is it. 1 Pont. in the year 1533. and come prepared with shifts to elude your oath. At his consecration. and in order to extenuate as far as he was able so criminal a dissimulation. This was not without scruple. to render obedience to St. by a protestation conceived in words so indeterminate 1 But Mr.— Cranmer. The new Archbishop. (a thing at that time un­ decided.824 THfc HISTORY OF nage private. we call a cheat. with the character of the beast. and his coun­ try : a protestation in itself quite needless . \ Burn.

would not have endured the rest. is diffused around their defenders to this very day.Til. This is what Mr. Mr. according to canonical authority . Presbyt . a married man. which. in heretics.—Reflection on Cranmer's pretended moderation. For my part. one of the most perfect prelates the Church ever had. nevertheless. for thirteen years successively. during the whole reign of Henry VIII. a Lutheran. what he believes die very height of sacrilege and abomination ? Thus are men b ind in the new Reformation . to keep chastity. than a man who practises. H e does not tell us that Cranmer said Mass according to custom together with his consecrator. Henry VIII. as doubtless he did in the space of so many years as he was Archbishop. and thus the darkness which overcast the minds of the first Reformers. of offering the sacrifice. an Archbishop ac­ cording to the Roman Pontifical. if we believe Mr. a concealer of his marriage. Ambrose. that is. as expressly declared from the time one is admitted to subdeaconship. Here then we have him. a second Cyril. certain moral virtues. Burnet pretends that his Archbishop did all he could to waive this eminent dignity. Cyril but also of St. saying Mass which he did not believe in. and against all the Masses he said when officiating in his Church . a second Athanasiu3."* It would have been much more important to protest against so many acts so contrary to Lutheranism. had they nothing in them more excellent. Athanasius and St. Mr.] THE VARIATIONS." which in the intention of the Church. Basil. 155. whom a protes­ tation against the Pope's supremacy did not offend. This was the cause of Cranmer's dis­ simulation. Burnet makes no mention of. were nothing else but • * Pont Rom. therefore. St. ETC. He. What a no­ tion would he give us. and all the Saints in general. H e tells us not. St. no more than in the Mass. at least. and saying Mass as well for the living as the dead. subject to the Pope. not only of St. that when he made priests. I am far from disputing with the greatest enemies }f the Church. whose power he detested in his heart. 28fl person of his vicar the Pope and his successors. Burnet speaks not a word of all these fine actions of his hero. or. he made them according to the terms of the Pontifical. gave them power " of changing the bread and wine into the body and blood of Jesus Christ by their holy benediction. Burnet. yet. noi less defective. and giving power to say it. in Ord. wherein Henry changed nothing. But the thing was. than against the oath of obedience to the Pope. for so long a time. imported celibacy and continency. and admires his modciation. to be met with in heathe is and philosophers . all at once. Cranmer ought also to have protested against this act. Augustin.

—He takes the title of Legate of the Apostolic See in giving the sentence. and Henry's rage against the Holy See. with whom the King was so smitten . and the marriage null from the beginning." said he. who had on his side Anne Boleyn. lib. he confirmed the private marriage of Anne Boleyn. and who. It followed soon after that which Cranmer had given in his behalf. Accordingly.226 ME HISTORY OF BOOI snare of Satan to entrap the weak. Mr. The Archbishop. Before this time. had again submitted himself to the decision of the Holy See. had made himself so neces­ sary to the breaking of it. who did all which could be required to favor the amorous passion of that prince . Henry. in his sentence.]}. even after the Arch* * Bum. ii. " the world had long been scandalized with and declared to him that. and evinced much vigor in flattering the King. Here is a man of wonderful resolution. who was privy to it. and the secret was ready to break out. who in his heart neither owned Pope nor Holy See.—Crtinnier proceeds to a sentence of Divorce. he wrote him a very serious letter on his inces­ tuous marriage with Catharine : " a marriage. but he bestirred himself to make an interest in the parliament in favor of the divorce. no sooner was Cranmer raised to this dignity. in the year 1532. for the King's sake. entertaining still some hopes from the Court of Rome. though contracted before that of Catharine was declared void.! the quality of Legate to the See Apostolic. for his part. signalized himself in this juncture. and the Archbishop hesitated not to ratify so irregular a proceeding. Five days after. ncr did he forget. the King had already privately married Anne Boleyn : she was with child. to take upon him. 131. was willing. and a part of that hypocrisy which seduces them. this might be done in order to make the sen­ tence firmer: that is to say. the Archbishop. he was determined to suffer no longer so great a scandal. p. The definitive sentence of Clement VII against the King of England is known sufficiently. was very sensible Henry could never choose an Archbishop more favorable to his designs : so that nothing was more easy for him than to obtain the Archbishopric by refusing it. 13. Burnet has too much wit not to see that Cranmer. Bur­ net insinuates. a second John the Baptist. Thereupon he cites the King and Queen to appear before him : he proceeds : the Queen does not appear: the Archbishop declared her contumacious. as was customary with the Archbishops of Can­ terbury.—Hie sentence of Clvment VII. 14. . By his archiepiscopal authority. t Ibi<* J Ibid. But Mr. to take that title which would best authorize his pleasures. and thus add the reputation of moderation to the honor of so great a prelacy. after de­ claring against Catharine's marriage.

the whole Church. For."* Accordingly. t P-156. debased the coin. none had suffered for any crime against the State"§ but two men. and deserved most to be blamed. ii. lib. " Yet. whose punishment could not be imputed to him. Bishop of Rochester. Burnet himself grieves at the occurrence. and twice extorted a public discharge of his debts. p. Then began executions indifferently against Catholics as well as Protestants. to its utmost extent. Then it was the world lamented the death of two. by attainting men without hearing them. nor condemned with too much severity. with other irregularities. of Supreme Head of the Church of England. that although + Burn. | Burn. His proud and impatient spirit occasioned many cruel proceedings . were he alone against the whole Parliament: but." says the same author. although the great council of England was against him. | Mr.—The memorable dale of Henry's Cruelties and other excesses. iii." The rest may be seen in his Preface .—More and Fisher condemned to Death for refusing to own the King Head of the Church*—1534. the one being extremely old. and oppressing the clearest innocence. and Fisher. and Mr. was the laying a prece­ dent foi the subversion of justice. \ P. Mr. M 41 16. " that cruelty was natural to him. nor less Christian.156. ETC. from that period he began to carry his title. particularly Fisher's and More's.#11. iii p. 181 . § Lib. the great Council of Christendom. in the ten last years of his life. in twentyfive years' reign. "J These were the two most illustrious victims of the ecclesias­ tical supremacy. More being very much urged to own it. But remarkable is the date: " It does not appear. 227 bishop's judgment. p. the greatest men of England for piety and learning: of Thomas More. Burnet will not have him imitated. and the other one of the glories of his nation. lib. who thus speaks of this Prince : " The vastness and irregularity of his expense procured many heavy exactions. was on his side. Lord High Chancellor." All this notwithstanding.] THE VARIATIONS. the taking so many lives only for denying his supremacy. "(| Mr. Burnet himseli owns " he kept no measure in his resentments. but I canEot omit the last touch : " That which was the first of all." Fisher's end was not less glorious. 134. There is no need of relating to what ex­ cess of wrath the King was transported. 15. 155." says Burnet. and Henry became the most sanguinary of all princes. but none condemns him more sharply than Burnet himself. and looks upon the tragical end of these two great men to have left one of the greatest blots on this King's proceedings. made this fine answer: That he should distrust his own understand­ ing. for probity and learning. 180. Burn et would have us believe. "many instances of severity occurred.

But what can be more horrible than whal is added by the same historian l That this Prince. and none durst stand up against it. iii. did not fall into them. or rather. But what cannot be dissembled is. p." which his people had bestowed upon him."J This was properly declaring himself Pope . Burnet speaks. and visitor of all the mon­ asteries and other privileged places throughout Kngland. of a Prince. or perhaps blc wn up. according to Mr. if Mr. by an example unprecedented" in all ages. t IbicL \ P. whether impatient of contradiction. the eccle­ siastical supremacy: and forced he is to own. cast terror into all minds. that no honest man can excuse . 44 44 44 44 17. lib. were not the height of cruelty and tyranny. in order excite the incensed King against (he ancient faith.—Cromwell made Vicegerent—Event thing concurs to excite the King against the Faith of the ChurcJu—1535. 171. either with the vanity of this new title of Head of the Chi rch. indeed. I now leave the Christian reader to judge. "such odious blemishes in the life of a Prince.SS8 THE HI8TORT OF [BCOB " upon slight grounds h 3 was too ready to bring his subjects to the bar. Cromwell's intimate friend. after his open rupture with the Church."*—as if the making unjust laws. that one of the causes of his prodigious blindness w a s . ISO. and so many other bloody executions. or." as Mr. $ Burn. such as condemning the accused without allowing *hem a hearing. This Supremacy was established by divers Acts of Parliament."! These are. and abandons visibly to a reprobate sense. whom it delivers over to the desires of his own heart. he tell into them immediately after his divorce. and laying snares for the innocent in the formal tie i of justice. after he had usurped. . and what is more remarkable.§ The * Sura. for I am persuaded Cromwell was one. yet they were indicted ai d judged always according to law. till the ten last years of his life. whose excesses the divine justice revenges by other excesses . The death of Fisher and More. It has ap­ peared. he thought all persons were bound to regulate their belief by his dictates. whether these be the characters of a Reformer. was of the *eme party. 181. every body swore to Henry's Supremacy. that is." and we are obliged to this author for having saved us the trouble of looking out for proofs of all these excesses in histories that might be more suspected. this glorious title of Head of the Church. this was placing the whole ecclesiastical power in the hands of a Zuinj'Iian. so averse before to these horrible disorders. lib. at least a Lutheran. that Cranmer. Burnet's own confession. Burnet likes better. or with the praises which flattery bestowed on him. and that both of hem acted unanimously. that Henry. ii. and "the first act of the king's supremacy was the nominating Cromwell vicar-general in spirituals.

ETC. The whole drift of this visitation. Accordingly. was to enslave the Church. and took Shaxton and Latimer. lib. and this was one of the first fruits of Henry's supremacy. Soon after tWij. that the Reformation. but it was after he had obtained the King's license for it: they began to perform all acts of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in virtue of the royal authority. whose revenues the King appropriated to himself. which the bishop of the first See in England did. and the first act of juris­ diction. to be her chaplains. and pro­ moted them to the bishoprics of Salisbury and Worcester. 19.—j£ comparison betwixt this Princess and Anne Boleyn. from her infancy.f 18. iii. 229 new Queen favored them with all her power. 186.—1536. he attacked only this authority . hidden Protestants. " she is represented as a most • Dmn.—The death of Qjitcen Catharine. " and led a severe and mortified life. In her greatness. and th« chief ecclesiastic and secular powers conspired its utter subver­ sion. like another Antiochus.] THE VARIATIONS. 184. Burnet. was firmly to establish the King's eccle­ siastical supremacy. it is not always in the hands of men to carry on their evil purposes as far as they desire. 183> . died Queen Catharine : " she was a devout and pious Princess. to have a title to plunder it. and the religious observe their rule care­ fully. as of all the actions of those days. t Ibid. Prot­ estant and Catholic countries indifferently cried out shame against the sacrilegious rapine of goods consecrated to God . she wrought much with her own hands. but to the character of revenge. IS -\ Burn.—Cranmer's Melropolitical Visitation by the King's authority. should bear marked on her forehead the impression of finis Prince's hatred and revenge. and particularly their three vows. the complying archbishop had nothing so much at heart as this. Whatever. § Ibid p. Cranmer also made his metropolitical visitation. Henry was provoked only against the Pope and Holy See. viL p. power was not then given him. The visitations were followed by the suppression of Monas­ teries. therefore. p. whc made himself head of the Church. the same historian adds that. and kept her women well employed about her j " and to join common with great virtues. and subject to the earthly Kings that power which she had received from heaven.* one of his visitorial injunctions was. 20. might be the vicar-general's aversion to the Mass. But although every thing went contrary to the old religion. p. that every priest should say Mass daily. by the writers cl those times.^ At that time.TH. which the English Reformation bore from the beginning* was to be joined that also of an infamous avarice. against the perpetual sacri­ fice.—The Plundering of Monasteries." says Mr. and God willed it so.

whereas. u 21. and the troubled state of hor conscience. 196. Allowing she might be vindicated from those infamous actions.]] This death happened a few months after that of Catharine. at least. She enjoyed but three years that glory to which so many troubles had ele­ vated her: a new fit of love raised her up. " that he looked for dead men's shoes. she was observed to break out into a fit of laughing.dled her down. not to say a queen. Burneff* does not deny that her gaiety was immodest. never bears with the failure of due respect.—Sequel of the comparison. even the lowest. which nobody disputes. we are assured that she grew more full of good works. and a new amour p. as Mary. was de­ clared illegitimate. and alms-deeds. Mr. p. preserved. p. But Catharine. p. 192. caused his marriage with Anne to be annulled in favor of Jane Seymour. without entering farther into the matter. U Ibid. f Ibid. who nad betrayed her. her behaviour irregular and licentious. which hei favorites."J All these things are owned by Anne. But here is a visible mark of the hand of God. at their death. In the midst of this strange conduct. soon sacrificed Anne to the youth and charms of Jane Seymour. p. had heec * Burn. he had Anne executed infamously on a scaffold. at the moment she was taken. who had sacrificed Catharine to her. Why do I say suffer?—be pleased with them. Anne* But if we carry our reflections still higher. Elizabeth. 192. 19SL . lib. always hurried on by his new amours. and visible mark of Go(Ps Judgment—Cranmer annxds the King's Marriage with. p. when she lost the King's affections. but also draw them on herself. 199. she did but treat them the better for it."§ and with the exception of her advancing the pretended Reformation. like a distracted person :1T the words she vented in passion against her lovers. J Ibid. The King. it is certain. as he had annulled Catha­ rine's in favor of Anne. charged her with.MO THE H I S T O R Y OF [BOOK wonderful good woman. we cannot but acknowledge the hand of God on this Princess. and far from showing a greater discountenance to those bold lovers. whicb •he had kept up during the entire course of her life. made to this Princess. and if aught came to the King but good. and Henry. so far as to suffer such declarations as men of all degrees. A virtuous woman. As for Anne. Anne's daughter. her liberties indiscreet. showed the disorder she was in. his esteem to the very end . Catharine's daughter. 197. and not blush to say to one of her gallants. iii. he would look to have her. whilst she prayed to God in tears. { Ibid. But Catharine preserved to the very last the character of gravity and constancy.—and not only take part therein. p. j Ibid."* These characters are widely dif­ ferent from those of her rival Anne Boleyn. this is all that is told us of her virtues.

with whom she had before contracted. Cranmer. 1. 203. "§ So solemn an oath received by Cranmer discovered to him plainly that Anne's confession was not free* When she made it. Burnet. Anne on the contrary. the Queen's pretended husband. she was adjudged to die. even to death. that of Anne. Iii. upon which confession he could not but separate her from this Prince. J Cranmer. but a bare proposal of a marriage desired by this lord: which. so far from invalidating a subsequent mar­ riage. owned what M IS false. her marriage with Lord Piercy. involved her daughter Elizabeth in her own shame. was not even a promise of mar­ riage to be concluded. J Ibid. But Catharine. by which it was evident.—that she had married Henry whilst Lord Piercy was living. had "taken his oath before the two Archbishops. and received the Sacrament upon it before the principal of the King's privycouncil . But here is a too manifest imposition . Burn. Am. and the honor of Mary's birth. the nullity of her marriage with the King. p. God struck with blindness all who had contributed to the breach of so solemn a marriage as was that of Catharine : Henry. the archbishop himself. and give sentence for the nullity of thfc marriage. took from his first sentence all the appearance of authority which the name of an Archbishop could have given to it. Mr. that Anne declared. and. E T C . that which she had made with the King was not valid. contrary to her con­ science. the truth of her marriage. who knew the whole secret of what had passed between the King and Anne. 22. and lays down all these facts as certain. wishing it might be to his damnation. § Ibid . Anne. f Ibid. and by confessing.—Cranmer's base compliance til excused by Mr. if there were any such thing.•II.* annulled. through a shameful compliance. 200. in his presence. lib. Mr. that there was no contract. and his shameful compliance. maintained the dignity of a Queen. nor promise of marriage even between them. Burnetf sees with great concern so odious a blot in the life of his great Reformer. and Piercy.] THE VAR1ATT N S . excited the abhorrence of all good men. in breaking all mar­ riages just as it pleased Henry. likewise. 231 before B y a just retaliation. of all persons living. Cranmer's base pusillanimity. to whom. that same Cranmer who had annulled Catha­ rine's marriage. could not be ignorant of thorn. not one escaped. he was most obliged. Burnet agrees herein. T o the end that God's justice might appear more manifest in this memorable event. Bur* Cranmer'a letter. and to excuse him says. p.e fell into the same p/t she had dug for her innocent rival. it was noto­ rious in England that Anne's engagement with Piercy. iii. and his extreme ingratitude to Anne. far from being a concluded marriage. as Mr. would not even have been an impediment to the contract­ ing of it.

as he heard by relation :|| so much did he fear giving Henry the least suspicion that he disapproved of any thing he did. It had been thought his credit was shaken by Anne's down­ fall. and besides. makes to speak against her conscience. the manifest contrariety of the two sentences.iii. § Ibid. Nor does God bestow so great an authority on bishops.""f Then was the time for an Archbishop to lend his helping hand to an oppressed person. at least. Cranmer might easily judge that. incapable of inheriting the crown. 203. the executioner was very dexterous. But virtues. he was forbidden to approach the King. 200. to have compassion­ ated the innocence of Elizabeth just going to be declared born in adultery. . and the mitigating so cruel a part of her judgment depended on the King alone. whom trouble. either from ostentation of an uncommon intrepidity. and it seems to have been God's judgment on that unhappy Princess. If Anne. and by cancelling her marriage. and. — The Execution of Anne Boleyn. p. At the same time.1T The unfortunate Princess was in hopes of moving the King. by reason of a pre-contract. declared she never had been married to the King. he ought. be­ cause she had heard Kay. protesting he is exceedingly sorry that such faults can be proved. but he soon found means of ingratiating himself at the expense of his benefactress. J Cranmer dissembled so fla­ grant an iniquity. * Burn.233 THE HISTORY [lOOk OF 44 net s a y s .lib. but with the obligation of lending the assistance of their eloquence to the infirm. which he caused to be pronounced against Anne. to which Cranmer was a stranger. 44 2 3 . said she. And. she put her hands about it. or because her head was turned at death's approach. in such a condition.S03. laugh­ ing heartily . or by mitigating her sentence. p. as such. f Ibid. t Ibi(Lp. the other. I have a slender neck. and their strength to the oppressed. even thunderstruck with the terrible sentence of being burnt. indeed. She comforted herself on the day of her death. did not move him. || Ibid. wherein he wishes she may declare herself innocent ."* This the laws had condemned her to.§ which he concludes with a postscript. and Henry condemned her to the block. by owning all he desired. J Ibid. 2 0 1 . his benefac­ tress. and all he did in behalf of the unhappy Princess was to write a letter to the King.p. were not to be expected from him : not even the courage to represent to the King. either by some hopes of life. This confession only saved her from the stake. or hopes of softening her punishment. she might be wrought upon to confess what they pleased. one of which con­ demned her to death for defiling the King's bed by her adulte­ ries . adds the witness of her death. and this on no other grounds but a declaration extorted from the Queen her mother. immediately upon it.

directed to God. Burnet looks upon this as a kind of " Reformation. truly and sub­ stantially given under the forms of bread and wine or. and not on account of our merits. iicL p. although it be true that God pardons sins only for the satisfaction of Jesus Christ. 216. that the immediate worship of Images was removed. wherein it is carried to its greatest height. and to be looked upon as valid as if given by God himself. since the Council of Trent has ever believed that the forgiveness of sins is a pure grace. drawn up by the king himself we have a confirma­ tion of the Catholic doctrine. Images were retained. ETC. 25. The people were to be taught that it was good to pray to the saints. lib. as the English original speaks. kneeling before them. 26. & Ibid. that they would pray for. and with us. but those things. as instituted by Jesus Christ. It is time to relate the definitions of faith which Henry made in quality of Supreme Head of the Church of England. yet so as not to think to obtain those things at their hands which were oiJy to be obtained of God. In these articles. with the ne­ cessity of confession to a priest. dismal as it was. and gives to understand.—Concerning the Eucharist. Here is the whole substance of the Catholic doctrine. since there is not a Catho' ic but will own to him that he hopes for nothing from the 4 • Burn. 90* t Ibid. t$$ that her end. that what is said of satisfaction is peculiar to themselves."* On this foundation are built the three acts of penance divinely instituted. .—Concerning Images and Saints. " J When Mr. which we must bring forth."§ he does but trifle. in particular. that nothing but the species of bread remains. p. with full liberty of incensing them. " Under the form and figure of bread which marks most distinctly the Real presence of the body. and showing respect to them. contrition and confession in express terms. " The very same body of Christ. if it may be had. according to the usual expression. and the direct invocation of saints changed into a simple prayer of pray* ing for the faithful.™Henry's decisions of Faith. and not to the Image. Here we find " the absolution of the priest taught. should yet have something in H no less ridiculous than tragical. and satisfaction under the name of worthy fruits of penance. 217. p. in consideration that these homages were a relative honor. bringing offerings.] THE VARIATION.VII. that was born of the Virgin Mary. N o r must it be imagined by Protestants. 94. In the Sacrament of the Altar is owned. t Ibid.—He confirms that of the Church concerning the Sacrament of Penance. 91&. j This was not only approving the honor of Images in general. granted on account of the sole merits of Jesus Christ.

hallowing the fonU the exorcisms in baptism. which alone contained them all. in Masses and Exequies. by his own authority. which afterwards th ey arrived to a clearer understanding of. lib. p. in reality. § Ibid p. The truth is. after Cromwell. iii. which was the great aversion of the new Reformation. and it is held consistent with the due order of charity to pray for them. to make the Reformers ignorant of what was most essential in the Reformation?§ If Cranmer and his adherents sincerely approved * Burn. saying. The custom of praying for the dead is warranted as having a certain foundation in the book of Maccabees. Touching ceremonies.—The King deciiles concerning Faith. SI. p. " holy water* blessed bread. doubtless. Archbishop of Canterbury. iii p. 27. —Mr. 219. 306. creeping to the cross on Good-Friday. and so it was their ignorance and not their cowardice or policy. With relation to each of these articles the King said. did not communicate. . 44 2t>. " That some of the bishops and divines were not ihen so fully convinced about some matters.Cranmer and the rest subscribed Henry's articles against their consciences. viz.S34 TH C HISTORY OF [BOOR sainfci but by their prayers. bearing palms on Palm-Sunday . the Vicar-general. as judges hear lawyers . it profited those for whom it was said. Mr. nor renders any honor to images bul what is here expressed with relation to God. and a continuation in the Church from the beginning : all is approved of.''^ But is not this bantering the world in too gross a manner. 1. independently of com­ munion. which. and to make others pray for them. that virtue by which.—Of Ceremonies. he had before heard the bishops. and even the Mass itself. . " By him committed to their spiritual charge a language till then quite unheard of in the Church. viz. 217. giving ashes on Ash-Wednesday.—On Purgatory and Masses for the dead. f Coilec. that made them compliant in some things. but it was he that prescribed and decided. that he enjoined all bishops to announce them to the people. 30. and Cranmer. J Burn.—Of the Cross. Burnet strives invaiyi to excuse tliem. and to give alms to them for that end : " | whereby that was acknowl­ edged in the Mass. and kiss­ ing it in memory of Christ's death all these ceremonies were looked upon as a kind of mysterious language. is the very notion all Catholics have of them. All the bishops signed. and excited the soul to raise itself up to heaven. inasmuch as those souls. which brought to mind God's benefits. these are expressly approved of. when he decided these points of Faith. But he excuses them. Burnet is ashamed to see his reformers approve the chief articles of the Catholic doctrine. of Records. t L add. 28.

§ These articles were published by authority of the King and parliament. stood in no need of being reformed. Order. J Ibid. in those articles. in the sixth. and at very low prices. they rejected in their hearts all these pretended abuses. what was most controverted at that time. the use of private Masses. p. that. for its foundation. Burnet will have it. 225. Communion in one kind . and Matrimony. he established Transubstan­ tiation . by Cromwell's advice. from that time. 218. Henry explained himself more listinctly as to the ancient faith. which had the doctrine of the above articles. in the second. in the fifth. even the Mass. Mr. Such are the articles of faith which were established by Henry in 1536. p. what was theii signing them else but a shameful prostitution of their con­ sciences ? Nevertheless.-~\539. in the famous declaration of those six articles which he published in 1539. Burnet finds a great likelihood that these injunctions were opened by Cranmer. and such the ties that linked men to the Reformation. so conformable to Catholic doctrine. Church lands are sold at low rates. at all events* that the Reformation took a great step at that very time. The Vicegerent published also a new ecclesiastical regulation. p. J and gives us a new instance.']" Such was the cunning of the Re formers."* with a prohibition of saying any thing that was not conformable to them. the obligation of keep­ ing Yowa . Mr. with the penalty of death for those who should trespass against it. the necessity of auricular Confession. At the same time. p. the Celibacy of Priests. that he altered nothing therein no more than in the other points of our faith. iii. Extreme Unction.—To draxo in the Gentry. because in the first of Henry's articles the " Scriptures and the ancient Creeds were made the standards of the people's faith. wherein could they be called Lutherans ? and if. as doubtless they did. and in order to draw in the gentry to his sentiments. to the end that he might leave no doubt of his perseverance in the ancient faith. and it was * Burn. f Ibid. this Arch­ bishop was capable of the most criminal dissimulations. but his design was to express particularly. and in particular no mention was there made of four Sacraments. 31. and which. 32. But although he had omitted some. in the third. 223. however. in the fourth. which they detested in their hearts. Confirmation. In the first. 1. ETC* 235 til these articles. he sold them in their several counties the lands of those monasteries that had been suppressed. it is certain. 33. consequently. S 6 & . in point of religion.THE VARIATIONS. § Ibid.—Henry's Six Jlrtklcs.—Cromwell and Cranmer confirm anew the Faith of the Church. a thing which nobody denied.

If she experienced not Henry's fickleness. the Vicegerent. who might protect them and their designs. Cromwell. for the pretended Reformation. Mr. in childbed. and the rest be prisoners during the King's pleasure. he was condemned without being heard. 277. p. and acted only by his order. 276. as we see. above all the rest. Cromwell's design. Burnet is of opinion. Whilst Henry declared himself in so terrible a manner against the pretended Reformation. will any one say that the arm of God was not visible on these miserable Re­ formers. It was perceived that he gave private encouragement to the new preachers.—Cromwell condemned to death.f and scarce had he accomplished his marriage with Anne. the most wicked. that the pro* ceedings towards a Reformation. Burnet have the face to say. And after this. believed that Anne of Cleves'* beauty would be a great prop to his measures. which he attributes to Henry."IT But this time the artifice is too gross. Burnet's vain artifices. ene­ mies of the Six Articles and Real Presence. and found his ruin where he thought to meet with his support. Some words spoken by him on this occasion against the King. 977. who remembered how much power Henry's wives had over him as long as they continued in his affection. whose proceedings towards a Reformation are well known. viz. he had the King's warrant for it. Cromwell. 271. p. it wat because " It was very probable that in all he had done that way. \\ It was observed. p. Will Mr. Jane Seymour. by the King's orders. t Ibid. of Edward. died in the year 1537. prostituted his conscience to flattery. and the Archbishop. but unluckily this Prince fell in love with Catharine Howard. condemned him for a heretic and traitor to his country. 34. The Vicegerent underwent the punishment of having advised him to it. 278.—The King's new amours. The Queen. which he strove secretly to destroy. * Burnet.—CromweWs hypocrisy—JVfr. authorizing in public all Henry's articles of faith.—The King's narriage with Anne of Cleves. 279. J Ibid.§ Where­ upon the Parliament. Cromwell. and to be deluded by it a man must wilfully blind himself. p. saw no other way of advancing it.—1640. he. f Ibid. in his quality of Vicegerent. no less than the greatest hypocrites of all mankind? 35. || Ibid. Mr. p.2S6 THE H I 8 1 0 R 7 OF [lOOl enacted that those who obstinately opposed them should Buffet death. in all likelihood.! which the King defended vehemently. . Burnet conjectures that if he was refused a hearing. and so bore the punishment of that detestable advice he had been the first author of. to the short­ ness of her life. p. were brought to his ears. than by giving the King a wife. who pro* posed it. it was owing. and prevailed with the King to marry her. but he bent all his thoughts to break it off. § Ibid. to attaint people without hearing them.

")* Therefore they acted openly against their con­ sciences . After Cromwell's attainder. that this Prince was always very zealous for. addicted to. 23? were in prejudice to his Six Articles. but lest we should. by making void the marriage with Anne of Cleves. and soon beheaded for her infamous behaviour—the judgment of the Convocation. and confine ourselves to facts which truth will not suffer him to deny. after having said that the King required nothing of them but what was true. the King had a Cranmer ready for all jobs. 36. Burnet is ashamed. Burnet's conjectures. Bur­ net.— Cranmer's prostitution of conscience—he annuls the King's marriage with Anne of Cleves—the magnificent terms of this unjust sentence—the King mumcs Catharine Howard. and carried the result of it to the Parliament. to rid him of his odious wife. or. after having strained hard to palliate the matter. and holy : in this manner spoke those corrupted Bishops. judged the marriage null. is forced to own that. and Mr. who presided over this assembly. since he owns throughc ut his whole work. It was plain nothing could be more weak in order to dissolve a perfectly complete marriage. J Cranmer. that Cromwell had secret orders to undermine them. who is favorable to the Reformation. and the whole convocation. was the greatest coward of them all. The sentence was signed by all the ecclesiastics of both chambers. But. to use his own words.] THE VARIATIONS. By means o( this Archbishop this marriage was cancelled similarly to the two others. though reasons were wanting. and his vain shifts to color the Reformation. " The sentence was pronounced on the 9th of July. for the King's satisfaction. and sealed with the seals of both Archbishops. The pretext was very gross.5 . 1540." which was made the foundation of the divorce. be imposed npon by the specious terms of the new without one dissent­ ing vote. when at the same time he is put to death for having favored those v/ho impugned them. and which they never ratified when of age. or the Real Presence. Nevertheless he would here have us believe. all these at ti­ d e s . (for he knew it was contrived to send him quickly after Cromwell. and owns* " this was the greatest piece of compliance that ever the king had from his clergy . The betrothing of this Princess to the Marquis of Lorrain whilst both parties were minors. it is proper to take notice tnat they pass this sentence. it was still requisite. overcome with fear. was alleged as the cause of nullity. But let us leave Mr. ETC." Mr. for they all knew there was nothing of weight in that pre-contract. was honorable. as representing the jreat Council. at another time.) he consented with the rest. was just. o the Mass ? /This would be giving himself the lie.

37. " The alterations they made were inconsid­ erable. in short. although Mr. with some other deletions. yet he yielded to the plurality." proceeds this his­ torian. that of penance. transnbstantiation.) and the Offices of other Saints.— Continuation of Cranmer's hypocrisy. Cranmer complied * Part L lib. at that time. Cranmer. was the faith of the Church of England and of Henry. The Archbishop approved of all against his conscience. which is the sense of the Church . he continued saying Mass. the same worship was still practised. whom she had owned for her head. and so slight.—Nothing considerable was changed in the Missals and the other booksofth* Church. for. although nothing was changed in the Mass-books. in the same sense we have seen in the King's first declaration. in which the Pope wai prayed for. Burnet. The same exposition had been published by the King's authority ever since the year 1538. eight Archdeacons. Upon this unjust sentence the King married Catharine Howard. But strange was the destiny that attended these female Reformers. Her scandalous life soon brought her to the scaffold. Breviaries. lib. without any opposition. instead of the Holy with the Cath­ olic Church. " So that. all the rest of the Catholic doctrine. the King alone was to him infatuoie. and. iii p. or other Offices: for. signed by nineteen Bishops. 9*4 . 39. 290."! After all then. Such. whose days were. in the absolution given by the priest . prayers for the dead . concomitancy. and seventeen Doctors. Meanwhile. The prelates made a new confession of faith."* 38. Mr.e38 THE HISTORY Of JBOOI this second Cyril. the necessity and merit of good works in order to obtain life everlasting . except the article of Suprem­ acy. no less zealous for the new Reformation than Anne Boleyn. nor was Henry's house ever clear from the stains of Wood and infamv. who signs all of them. 1 lis master's will was his sovereign rule . whereof we shall speak apart. "communion in both kinds was not necessary. subscribed to every one . with the rest. of Thomas Becket's Office (St. et Bcq t Burn. conformable to the Church's doctrine. Thomas of Canter­ bury. the ven­ eration of images and praying to saints. which thin Prince confirmed by his authority : wherein the belief of the seven sacraments was declared in express terms. by the King's injunctions.—Cranmer's hypocrisy. and. iii. the necessity of con­ fession. Burnet asserts that some article? passed which were con­ trary to his sentiments. "a few erasures of these Collects. and we observe no opposition on his part to the common judgment. which he rejected in his heart. no more to be observed.—A new aeciaration of Faith." says Mr. made that the old books did still serve. that there was no need of reprinting either the Missals. Burnet agrees. p.

was more cunning. Cranmer. p. 939 with i t . and at* tacked in secret what he approved and practised in public. because. and. for he was then married himself. Hi. t Ibid. 265. though he spoke but faintly against the other articles. One may wonder. then living. J It had been too much to suffer his own condemnation to pass in Parliament for a stand­ ing law. and if you would know all that troubled him. But here is the greatest act of his resolution. it was. It was because he had a particular interest in the article which condemned married priests to death. and that.* that adhered to himf were rather clogs than helps to him. 257.§ The paper. XfO. 264. but Cromwell stifled the thing. which he did. It was immediately carried to Cromwell. p. p. with the design of having the author taken up .* as great a dissembler as himself. 266. after a vain struggle to dissuade the passage of the law* to fall in at last. with the general opinion. if Mr. this prelate would have been utterly ruined . t Ibid. as we learn from Mr. I am willing to believe the King found so great a propensity in Cranmer to approve. being concerned for Cranmer on a c ­ count of the act on behalf of the Six Articles. how a man of this temper ven­ tured to speak against the Six Articles. || This account naturally leads us to believe that the King knew nothing at all of Cranmer's writing against the Six Articles. and so Cranmer escaped this hazard. yet he delivered himself fully against this. But. excepting Fox. Burnet makes him courageous .vn. 40. and his fear even made him then show some kind of courage : accordingly. that h e escaped purely by his cunning ami perpetual dissimulation : however. as his custom was. that the King. but he himself dis­ covers the cause to us. p. in public. Burnet had rather have it so. 255. BurneVs account of Cranmcr's resistance. the other Bishop. and ordered him to put all his arguments in writing. but were flying at many things that were not yet abolished. fell into the hands of one of Cranmer's enemies. perchance. Mr. after all. p. § Burnet. was desirous of knowing why he opposed them. | Ibid.—Cranmer's behaviour in relation to the Six Articles. in man­ aging his politic measures. had he known it.—Jtfr. 41. Burnet would have us believe. written out fair by his secretary. Burnet. be­ cause they would not be managed and governed by politic and prudent measures. . Bishop of Hereford. it does not appear that he did any more on this occa­ sion than. since he knew how tc introduce his skill. into the very heart and vitals of religion. all his master could desire. for this is the only place where Mr. lib.] <m VAMATTOWS. who betrayed his conscience. upon the credit of an author of Crom­ well's life. that this prince had no reason to be under any concern * Bum. lastly.

as concerning the ministration of things political and civil governance. lib.—Cranmer's .—Cranmer's shameful sentiments on the Ecclesiastical authority. as well concerning the administration of God's word. It was not only with regard to his new mistresses that the King experienced him to be so great a: flatterer: Cranmer had forged for him.—Shamrful Doctrine concerning the authority of the Church during persecutions. in his own brain. and the Sheriffs for Civil Ministers . i. the Parson of Winwick. which be not of necessity. Lord Treasurer. This is what Cranmer spoke in an assembly of bishope . as for example. that new idea of supremacy annexed to the Crown : and what he says concerning it. that grace is given in the commit­ ting of the ecclesiastical office. they must have sundry ministers under them to supply that which is appointed to their several cilices . &c. assigned. After thus making all ecclesiastical ministry to rest on a simple Jelegation of princes." 43. and elected. or appointing of ninisters in the Church of God : but the people accepted cf such as were presented to them by the apostles. than it is in the committing of the civil office. and in every place. Parsons Vicars. with divers solemnities. . must be ap­ pointed. for if such offices and ministrations were committed without such solemnity. iiurnct among his Records. as for example. nevertheless. to wit. 21. and this of their •wn voluntary will.S40 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK what a person of such compliance might think <n private. and this won * R*c p. by the laws and orders of Kings and Princes. and the Bishops. that there •vas no remedy then tor the coriection of vice. and there is no more promise of (rod. which he sacrifices to the Crown. or could he find in his heart to part with so commodious acounsellor. and such other Priests as be appointed by his Highness m the ministration of the word . how Mstors exorcised their authority under princes that were not hristians. for the cure of souls. and afterwards gave ear to them. iii.siocr fc nn Objerthm. the Bishop of Winchester. he ob­ viates an objection which immediately ocrurs .1n. All the said officers and ministers. as a good psople ready to obey the advice of good counsellors. as well of that sort as the other. in * Oiper produced by Mr. in both these minis­ trations.* He teaches then* " That all Christian Princes have committed unto them immediately of Cod the whole cure of ell their subjects. n. 22a . the Lord Chancellor. truly committed . or others whom they looked upon as filled with the spirit of God. r. 42. Lord Great Master. and. and answers conformably to his principles. without so mueh as ordination or eccle­ siastical consecration being necessary on the occasion. they wore. but only for good order and seemly fashion. is uncx* ampled.

ETC* S41 the notion he had of that divine power which Jesus Christ gave to his ministers. Tbid. were to acknowledge it as coming from the liberality of the prince. and is willing to take for a retractation of this opinion. it is expressly mentioned." if he thought it necessary. 993. since Mr. Accordingly. till then. p. part.—The dogma. lib. as from the first foundation of all magistracy in all kingdoms . and only take notice of that horrid propo­ sition which makes the power of bishops so to flow from dial of the King. had ex­ ercised this power precariously. p.~-Cranmer acts conformably to this dogma. xxi. that those who. that he conceals from us. that it is even revocable at his will. 45. that Jesus Christ had instituted pastors to exer­ cise their power dependantly of the prince in every function . which certainly is the most monstrous and the most scandalous flattery that ever entered into the heart of man. " with power to subdelegate. and upon these grounds he gives power to such a bishop. to visit his diocese by the regal authority . xiv.—the only one wherein the Ref­ ormation has not varied. But. Burnet himself blushes for Cranmer. t Power* CominiR. For at the close of this ninth question. without too manifestly contradicting the Gospel. and he acknowledges this truth in that very piece of which we have just produced the extract. besides what has already appeared. But what Cranmer and his adherents pretended was. to exercise all the tpiscopal functions. though the institution of bishops and priests was divine. Let us say nothing against a doctrine which destroys itself by its own enormity.HI.—Cranmer always persisted in these sentiments. I am under no necessity of rejecting this prodigy of doctrine so strongly refuted by Calvin and all the other Protestants. and give it up to him when he should think jit. THE VARIATIONS. that his subscriptions are not always a proof of his real sentiments. 21 . iii." and. and to promote whom he shall judge proper to holy orders* and even priesthood . that " all of them were agreed. it thence came to pass. "that the apostles had received from God the power of creating bishops or pastors. pro­ ceeded from the regal power. Burnet. that Henry VIII gave the bishops power to visit their diocese with this preiace . 44. which makes all ecclesiastical power flow from the Crown^ reduced to practice. 184. R o c . with too much artifice. Cranmer's true notions* It made not against' him. n. what he elsewhere signed conreining the divine institution of bishops."* Neither could it be denied. in short. as well ecclesiastical as secular.— " That all jurisdiction." and consequently Cranmer. I must tell Mr. I tii. 1. Cranmer wai * Omnes conveniunt. as to the King^s vicar.

than to knowhowto rectify it. 6. than to deny their Kings. that. the administration of the word and sacraments. belonging only to the spiritual cognisance.242 THE HISTORY OF [sooc BO persuaded of this royal power. or removing the grounds of it. that he was not asnanied.* 47. This power was carried to such a pitch in the English Ref­ ormation. which. either they mad* * Bum. the excesses to which they had been carried. is nothing else but God's word armed with the censure which comes from Heaven. him­ self archbishop of Canterhury. and the horror men had of seeing a woman the Church's supreme head* and the fountain of all pastoral power. no confession of faith. by a fatal neglect given over to secular tribunals. lib. nor can Mr. by her sex.t But we shall see. 3TS. the right of depriving the faithful of them can appertain to none else but those who are appointed by God to give them to the people. when he reformed the Church according to his own model. opened their eyes at length to see. Burnet. of that which is most essential in the administration of the sacraments. i p. no liturgy. certainly. and primate of the wnole Church of England. and which ought to have been reserved for the bishop with the assistance of the clergy. that is. whereas the orthodox emperors. Kb. that is. if formerly they made any constitutions concerning faith. They went even to that excess. that it is easier to see what is amiss. and one of the most essential parts of the administra­ tion of the sacraments: since. and of aU the articles published by Henry. to take out a new commission of the same from under Edward VI. they did no more than just palliate the rosier. inasmuch as she has attributed to her Kings and to the secular authority. but likewise to their officers :—" an error. not only to Kings." 48. f Burn. which derives not their ultimate sanction and force from the authority of the King and parliament. 336. whereof. we find no ritual. p. in some measure.—Jl manifest contradiction in the English doctrine. And as well under Henry VIII as in the succeeding reigns. she was incapable. on the other.—Queen Elizabeth's scruple concerning the power given her in the Church. on one side. but lament to see excommunication. L p. and grant them. though but a child. And. as the sequel will muke plain. in points of faith." proceeds this author. part 2. " grown since into so formed a strength. iii. this was the only one he retailed. But the Church of England went much further. the right of making rituals and liturgies. that Elizabeth had some scruples about i t . excommunication. undoubtedly. and even of giving final judgment without further appeal. part ii. and the most inseparably annexed to the preaching of God's word. at this day. I do not conceive any thing can be imagined more contradictory. withoutdiminishing the force. 4L . lib. in reality.

and gives to impious Kings a manifestly disastrous end . 1 Prof."* and this was the fine idea which Cranmer gave of Church decisions in a discourse of his reported by Mr. and so base. withal.fll. and what is certain with what is doubtful. ETC. so corrupt a bishop as Cranmer? If the schism of England. In England they taught. till they were ratified by princes . or the * Burnet. " that the decrees of councils. according to Protestants. This Reformation. 50. by that. not of that sort by which he subverts monarchies. he suffers them to run headlong into the utmost excess of wilful blindness. made choice of this very prince to be a remarkable instance of his most pro­ found and most terrible judgments. 176. and his methods of proceeding. in order to make manifest in them those mysteries of his counsels he is willing men should mow. All his attacks are levelled only at St. intending to reveal to men some important. whom God has made subservient to great ends. were not laws. while he thinks fit. Mr. since. not only did commence the breach with Rome. of every good reformation. Burnet. and that his hatred was his sole rule of faith. Meantime. by that. delivering them over to their flatteries and passions.--/* concerns not Faith to examine the conduct of Clement VII. but of that other. lib. therefore. took its rise from Henry's vices. it became apparent to the whole universe.J THE VARIATIONS. on the contrary. or at least waited for the confirmation of their ordinances. unknown truth —not to say utterly unheard of—ever did choose so scandalous a King as Henry VIII. and Henry's disorders. be a divine work. . whereby. 243 (hem in order to put in execution Church decrees. whether as to the intrigues of Conclaves. the cause of the English Reformation. I am under no necessity of examining all Mr. Burnet relates. God made choice of Henry VIII to introduce this new article of faith among Christians.—Cranmer'* flattery. p. he withholds them on thi3 brink. in the English Reforma­ tion. and the flatteries of this archbishop. and.I Who questions it? But without c xamining the histories he quotes. where he blends truth with falsehood. can he show one only example. and. where God. ii. Henry VIII attempts nothing against the other Catholic verities. nor of any force. After that. 49. nothing in it is more divine than the King's ecclesiastical supremacy. in points of faith. during so many ages. Peter's chair. that this prince's design was only to revenge himself on that pontifical power which had condemned him. Burnet takes great pains to heap up examples of very vicious princes. the necessary foundation. part ii. but that also is the only point wherein they have never varied since the schism.

In a word. that is. If they enter not by the door.a. said he.^ Twenty years elapsed without calling in question a marriage so sincerely and honestly contracted. mcthinks. consum­ mated. and at another too hasty: this is not a question for me to decide in this place. nor whether Clement VII could.—The fact is laid down. 3t. since none dreamed of disputing it with hia daughter. in my opinion. and at age. who from her infancy had been acknowledged heiress of the kingdom . ii. —The vain pretexts with which Henry covered his passion. It is a fact. at the same time became doubtful and suspected. amongst us. On * Matt xxiii. that is. . his eldest son. or. or ought to revoke it. Meanwhile. This Prince. by canonical ways. I cannot. or imitating the persons. and their vocation has nothing in it that is extraordinary. that Henry VII had obtained a dispensation from Julius II to marry the widow of Arthur. which is always open in the Church. which was at one time too timorous. his policy. who. These mat­ ters of dispensation are often regulated by simple probabilities. J so that the pretext which Henry took for breaking off the marriage. For. Burnet makes from this a capital accusation against the Church of Rome. nor is one obliged to look therein for the certainty of faith. was a mere trick. nor have they taught us to condemn our ancient pastors. but dwell a little upon it. nor the other Popes are.* of honoring the chair without approving. to Henry. his second son and successor. the authors of any new article of faith. or the artifices of Clement VIE. if they make ill use of the ordi­ nary and lawful ministry intrusted to them from above. falling in love with Anne Boleyn. What ad* vantage can he draw from thence ? Neither Clement. But since Mr. Henry. lest. 1509. this marriage. Nor ought I at all concern myself whether Julius IPs dispensation were well given. whereof they arc not always even capable. six weeks after his coming to the crown. and annul the marriage. after he had seen all the reasons for doubting. in fact. nothing can be blamed on this occasion but. the succession of the realm should be doubtful. } Ibid. at the most. nor a pre­ text for impeaching the Church of Rome of error. notoriously known. and. although I look upon it as certain. when the order of birth called her to the crown. the 3d of June. t Burn. 51—The account of the Marriage Dispute entered upon. and his marriage becoming odious to him. was unanimously owned for Queen. with the unan­ imous consent of all the estates of his realm.£44 THE fUSTORT OF [BOOI behaviour of Popes. they make no sect among us. p. lib. this is the very case specified in the Gospel. that this last Pope acted well in the main. Mary. i. when a King. p. a Princess had sprung from this mar­ riage. called conscience in to assist his passion . Nor have they separated us from the holy Society in which we were baptized.

and the dispensation maintained null. As to fact. When this affair was spoken of in a solemn embassy. p. God. in certain cases. because granted on false allegations. nor the condemnation of Julius IPs dispensation. is susceptible of dispensation^ * Burn. L . which the Pope could not dispense with. The question was. 53. and Henry's first marriage. whether ascending. for.—The Protestants of Germany favorable to Julius's dispensation. or descending. lib. as granted in prejudice to the law of God. enjoined a brother to take his sister-in-law and the widow of his brother to wife. we belie vq the law oi not wedding a brother's wife. whom passion rules. nor others of this nature in the first degree. and this was the founda­ tion which Julius IPs dispensation was grounded upon. S4& the contrary. if any thiig could obstruct the succession of this great kingdom. which he is the author or. therefore. ii. those from right were chiefly insisted on. We must do the Protestants of Germany this justice : Henry could never obtain from them the approbation of his new mar­ riage. there was an express law in Deuteronomy. But as these arguments of fact.] THE VARIATIONS. ETC. as Mr. wan nothing but a cloak. would have it belie ved he has reason on his side: so to please Henry. i. not destroying nature.—Arguments of right grounded on Leviticus.—Julius's dispensation attacked by Arguments from fact and righU j. there has been no instance of God's permitting the marriage of brother and sister. Mekncthon decided thus : " We have not been of the English Ambassador's opinion. Burnet himself owns. was attacked several ways some taken from fact. 21* J DeuL xxv. gave thereby to understand that this marriage was not of that sort which nature rejects . the dispensation. since the multiplication of mankind.* 52.! which. the dis­ pensation was maintained to be null. Now. because we do not read that God ever dispensed with what was purely of the law of nature : for example. 54. as to be obligatory in the Gospel law. and."f T h e reason for doubting was. that all he published relating to the doubtfulness of his succession. as well for his new amour. as for the dis gust he had taken to the Queen his wife. reduced to these minute niceties.Til. that of marrying the brother's widow. whether or no the prohibition in Leviticus. were over-ruled by the favorable condition of a marriage that had subsisted so many years. p. and. or collateral. did so appertain to the law of nature. on account of some infirmities she had contracted. it was Henry's doubt. on which his marriage was grounded. Prince.—The state of the question. 36 f Levit xviil 20. not to contract within certain degrees of consanguinity or affinity. which this Prince sent to Germany* in order to join himself to the Protestant con­ federacy. among others. others from right. it appears.

"J 56. " The law of Leviticus did not bind. thai these Popes have met with defenders among those who sough nothing more than to censure their proceedings at any rate. maintain it may be dispensed with. and to be observed as such in all churches. contributed not a little to their complaisance : but the Lutherans sided not with them. because God hath dispensed with it. 5S. at length. is a very odd one. yet. This decision of the Lutherans is. which still remain in their full force throughout the whole Chris­ tian Church. | Burn. 9 4 . again. since. nevertheless. p. is poste­ rior. 185. Burnet.—Zuinglius and Calvin of the contrary opinion. J 83. so that an incestuous marriage.146 THE HISTORY OF [BOOB although we do not believe it to be abolished/'* And. after their owning that " The law of Leviticus is divine. 9S. allowable. as Mr. The Protestants of Germany were so resolute in this sentiment * Melanc. Zuinglius and Calvin. but. Burnet. ought to subsist. referred to the year 1530: that of Melancthon. were favorable to the King of England. iv. p. by Mr. lib.—The odd decision of the Lutherans. just mentioned. as reported by Mr. and moral. and we learn from Mr. they were induced to change their minds. and it is not unlikely but that a design of settling their doctrine in that kingdom."^ 57. and could not be moral. However. but could not be brought to think that a marriage once made might be annulled. contracted contrary to this law with a brother's widow. one of England's Reformers. that the prohibition against marrying a brother's wife is indis­ pensable . ep. a marriage made contrary to divine. Bucer was of the same opinion upon the same motives . n. $ Ibid. " they thought. || Collec. is incestuous . with their disciples. part v. lib.that this marriage ought not to be broken : with some doubt at first. insomuch that a marriage. 55. . and in 1536. Burnet owns. moral and natural laws. Burnet makes them to vary a little in the matter: At first. lib."t This was exactly what they stood for at Rome. in this case. on the contrary. f Ibid. in their judgment. and Clement YII's definitive sentence against the divorce rested on this foundation.—Bucer of the same opinion. ii. by a final and definitive deter­ mination. And truly their decision." says he. although Mr. and did not oblige Christians. ii."|| they conclude. nor is a divorce. ep. Burnet. after much dis­ puting. " the laws in Leviticus were not moral. that. natural. according to this author.—Remarks on the conformity of the Protestants' opinions with the sentence of Clement VII. and the sentence of Clement VII. and we. of Rec. more concisely in another place : " The Ambassadors pretend. it is a favorable precedent for Ju­ lius IPs dispensation.

Without informing myself of the truth of these facts. 603. E T C 24? that. p. One says. and the other contrary. has made on Decius's Consultations. and for some years before. "deserved no great weight. 59 —Henry br bes some Catholic Doctors. where is the wonder that. that Henry made diligent inquiry into the opinions of divines. U N o t ad Cons. Pref. 1530. and in particular of those at Paris. || He makes but little account of this declaration. I will not decide whether the conclusion of the Faculty of Divinity. "which majority of eight toices. the assemblies of the faculty were held commonly in the Sorbonne. .] THE VARIATIONS."J u 60. Mr. in favor of the King of England. that it is very much to be suspected. nor of De Thou. he found one part of the divines favorable. had subscribed in favor of the divorce. at that %ane. ii. so great a King was able to find those who were not proof against his presents and solicitations? Our historian will not allow us to call in question the authority of Fra-Paolo. i. t>. 34.— Concerning the pretended Consultation of the Paris Facxdty of Divinity. the 1st of June. Cone. whereas.—The testimony of the Lawyer. " that Henry having consulted in Italy." says he. del. f Hist. part. and in France. As for Catholics. i. lib. others will take this question in hand : this only shall I say. whose authority will hf>reaf er appear of no great weight. Bur­ net boasts to us. produced by Mr. whose subscriptions Mr.* Let him give ear to these two historians. as because Mr. Trid. far different from that which the faculty is accustomed to make usv of.VII. "f The other says. at Paris. 1534 t T h a H i s t lib. 61. In the notes which Charles du Moulin. in so corrupted an age. in Germany. Charles du Moulin. wherein the party that favored the King of England carried it by fifty-three votes against forty-two . 20. as well on account of the style. Burnet acquaints us that Henry VIII had bribed two or three Cardinals. n. An. but this author places it in the Sorbonne. t i. be true or not. i.ould engage none on liis master's side. that these being gained by money. That the greatest number of those of Paris were for him. on account of the * Bum. Burnet§ in favor of Henry's pretensions. at the Mathurins . I shall observe only. that renowned civilian. An. that a cause must be bad indeed that stands in need of such infamous sup­ ports. 1534. And as for the Doctors. 1530. Osiander. Burnet's conclusion is dated the 2nd of July. for all the ties and interests Cranmer had then with them< he . § Rec. 89. and many believed they had done it more from the persuasion of the King's money than that of his arguments. lib. and the report ran. but only his brotherin-law. he speaks of the debate of the Doctors of Divinity at Paris.

he had shown the least regard to these mercenary consultations. the Church never had been troubled with the shameful proposal of a divorce. Francis. then. It is. it was sufficient that the dispensation was not evidently contrary to the divine laws. in many of his letters. clearly. or whether it was only the judgment of several Doctors. It appeared. that the prohibition of Leviticus bore not the character of a natural and indispensable law since God derogated from it in other places. who then favored the King of England. carried on by intrigue. Mr. had so probable a foun­ dation. was wanting. their genuine and unbought judgment. Burnet himself assures us. then. f But not to dwell any longer on the minute stories Mr. wherein all depends on the prudence of superiors. as happens in like cases. which obliged Christians. if in an affair of this importance. . indeed. where sin­ cerity and uprightness of heart must give all thi repose con* science can have. as appears by the original letters still kept in the King's library. he did not doubt but he should get the hands of all the divines in Italy. And." he affirms."* Money. and by the authority of two so great monarchs. had charged M. " Whence he concludes. by money. p. if he had money enough. " that the King of England's agent in Italy. the true judgment of the Sor­ bonne. that it appeared such even to the Protestants of Ger­ many. this deliberation was made by the faculty in body assem­ bled. Lissrt. f Ibid. Burnet is so triflingly circumstantial in. The dispensation of Julius II.£48 THE HISTORY OP [lOOE English angeh of gold which were distributed for the purchase of it: this. published in England under the name of the faculty. grounded on this reason. alleged by our author. Whether. said that. It is apparent enough that the King of Eng­ land's conscience was rather burdened than eased by such con­ sultations. 90.—Reasons for the decision of Clement VII. N o matter what diversity of sentiments there might have been on this subject. "he knew from the attestations which the President du Fresne and Poliot had given in by order of Fran­ cis I . the question was determined on more solid principles. ii. was of the nature of Such things. is a matter which I am not interested in examining into at present. were not transacted with more integrity. had it not been for Henry V Ill's new fit of love. during the deliberation. there is nobody but will own that Clement VII had been too unworthy of his place. the first President. lib. to solicit the Doctors in his behalf. that is. after a * Burn. 62. The rest of them. It was also but too manifest that. not the good-will. therefore. very certain that. wherein the President gives an account of his diligent compliance. was that which favored the King's marriage with Catharine. more­ over. This matter.

] THE VARIATIONS.—Two points of Reformation under Henry VIII. hrs putting the Scriptures into the hands of the people.fll. whereas there were some teachers whose office it was to instruct the people . $4. p. Clement VIPs decision. Burnet. this is what Henry VIII said in 1540. indeed. the other. ought to have stated that this reading was preceded by artful and cunning preachers. therefore. good or bad. Burnet We might here conclude what concerns the reign of Henr) VIII. in his Preface to the Exposition of the Christian Fakh above spoken of: " That. nor approve their scandalous proceedings. Mr. and in what manner. and without speak­ ing of the process. 249 marriage contracted and continued with a good conscience so many years. how granted to the people under Henry VIIL As for what regards the Bible . perchance. %5. Burnet oblige us to consider two commence­ ments of Reformation. so the rest ought to be taught. Moreover. p. that the Church knows not how to flatter the passions of Princes. f Ibid. 303. iii. of every man's deciding for hinuelf which was the true aense of • Bum lib. and to those it was not necessary to read the Scrip tures. he had restrained it from a great many. did not Mr. wherein. which he remarks at this time : one is. when all is said. pretending to show that the progress of the new Reformation was owing to the reading of Scripture allowed to the people. policy. and that. might intervene. . nor is that a point of our controversies. esteeming it sufficient for such to hear the doctrine of the Scriptures taught by their preachers."* which was obliging them anew to refer them­ selves to the pastors of the Church for Scripture interpreta­ tions . according to Mr." Afterwards he allowed the reading of them that same year. In this manner was it that an ignorant ana headstrong people found. his showing that every nation might reform itself inde­ pendently of all others. wih be a testimony to future ages. nothing in Scripture but those errors they had been prepossessed with : and what hastened and completed their ruin was the rashness inspired into them. 293. upon condition " that his subjects should not presume to expound. who had filled their heads with new interpretations. if at that time the Bible was translated into the vulgar language. Here is the knot of the affair . We have the like ver­ sions for the use of Catholics in ages preceding the pretended Reformation . 63. or take arguments from Scripture . | in which case it is agreed the reading of this divine book must undoubtedly be very wholesome. ETC.—Whctlier the progress of the Reformation be otoing to the reading of the Scriptures. there was nothing new in that practice.—First Point—The reading of the Scriptures.

—Proof from Jtfr. as at other meals . would not have found in it his certain death. which appear the most plain. was the spirit of this Sacrament. For example. therefore.—How men are deceived by Scripture ill-interpreted. Burnet of the mares laid for the unlearned in the pretended perspicuity of Scripture. that. more plain than these in the institution of the Passover: Thus shall ye eat the paschal Iamb. at the eating of the lamb. for these words. and which leads us the most directly to tho necessity of botli kinds. in the new Passover. and in those very passages. standing. But. we are sure was not criminal. Nev­ ertheless. When this notion is once put into the heads of the ignorant. and what they are accus­ tomed to always appears the most genuine. upon reading the words only of the institution 1 and will not he be obliged to examine.1. " Drink ye all of this. that they understand it in all that is necessary for them. they ought to be made sensible that. we are assured by Mr. they take for certain truth the first sense that offers. since our Saviour made no scruple in complying with it. of every man's making for himself his own creed. since he would have found in it the condemnation of Jesus Christ . as they conceived thoy did Lutheranism or Calvinism? 66. Burnet. it is the letter often which kills. with your loins girded.§ and whereas this author adds afterwards. Burnet proposes to us this text. and lay down. whether a man who should have taken this divine commandment literally. " Drink ye all of this. after aH. and your staff in your hand consequently. for that. But it will now appear to him. in this case. Mr. it seemed reasonable to allow the Chris­ tian Church the like power in such things with the Jewish. | Ibid.850 THE HISTORY O F [*00| Scripture. 67. by the same means. J I ask him in this case. believe he has seen every thing relating to the Supper. § Ibid . i." as one of the most clear that can be imagined. with­ out consulting the tradition and interpretation of the Church. that the judgment of all pastors and of all ages is quite needless to them. changed this custom into the common table posture. that what he thinks so plain becomes a snare to the igno­ rant . 171. and that this change. God has often hid the greatest and most awful mysteries. and. 11 Part 2. xii. Thus it was that ignorant and prejudiced people found in Scrip­ ture. 44 * Lxort. who. why then should a Christian.f this was not practised by the Jews. from what he owns him­ self. that all is clear in Scripture. afterwards. the pretended Reformation : but what man is there of the least sincerity that will deny me. are not. which they made in the Divine institution. p. they would as clearly have found Arianism in it." in the institution of the Eucharist. and in the posture of people ready to depart. indeed. according to the custom of the country.

What he should have made appear to us is. that the Church of England acted by a schismatical principle. This idea of Reformation and Church was first conceived in the brain of Henry VIII and his flatterers. which the illiterate think they find in these words. 294 f Ibid . this is enough to show Mr. Mr. 69. provincial councils were obliged imme­ diately to condemn heresies which arose in their respective countries : for in order to suppress them. Burnet. Discover but their meaning. as Mr. whether in doctrine or worship. is a nation which separates itself from the universal Church. as states may be formed.—Whether the Church of England in this followed the ancient Church. which looks on itself as a complete body. so that the Church of England. Burnet they must of necessity come into it. a principle of unity. without regard to what the rest of the Church believes. that all the provincial councils in the ancient Church were so many precedents for this. The second ground of Reformation. the tradition o f the Church.* changes the Church into a body politic. ETC. and part 1 L iii. which regu­ lates its faith. and gives room to erect as many separate Churches. in matters of religion. When a Church thus cantoned makes the King her head. These are fine words. with the au­ thority and concurrence of their head and King. nor had Christians ever before been acquainted with it."! But this is visibly imposing on mankind. which Jesus Christ and the Gospel have not established. p. when she believed she could regulate her Faith independently of all the rest of the Church.•II. nor can the pretended perspicuity. Burnet makes to consist in the establishment of this principle. and reformed their doctrine. that every national Church was a complete body within itself. and renounces unity of faith and sentiments. and reformed abuses. A nation. who condemned her* esies. " Drink ye all of this. pretended to be laid by Henry VIII. she gives herself. Of * Pref.—Henry VHPs second point of Reformation according to Mr. that these Churches looked on themselves as a complete body. so much recommended to the Church by Jesus Christ and his Apostles." he any thing but an illusion. We are told. without taking foi their rule whai the whol/j body of the Church unanimously did believe. S51 besides these words. in particular. ought they to have waited till the contagion had spiead and alarmed the whole Church? Nor is that our question. and you will find that such a reformation is nothing but a schism. Burnet pretends it did. 88. 1 THE VARIATION*. might examine and reform all errors and corruptions. True it is. in order tii know what she always looked upon as nece&sary and indispen­ sable in the Communion ? Without pushing this examination any further. in the same manner they do in England.

Alexander of Alexandria laid down the same foundation against Arius. that he had been condemned by the council and judgment of all the bishops of the world. The reason is be­ cause. have been sufficiently condemned by the united authority of the Pope and all the Bishops. have made it plainly appear. which. had always interpreted and understood it. ad Alex. S. Milev. when. condemning him. in St. " W e know but one Catholic and Apostolic Church.THE HISTORY OF [BOOK this.Epis. Episc Alexandnaead Alex. is making the Church their captive. and so many councils. witness. spread over the whole earth. These decrees were sent to all churche? and from this unity they drew their utmost force. Peter's chair. when the Churches had one com­ mon sovereign. now that Christendom is divided into so many states: another fallacy. Epiar. in St. is become too difficult. wit­ ness the Pelagians. they laid for u foundation the prohibition of interpreting the Holy Scripture otherwise than the Catholic Church. say they.—Wktthtr the Church of England had reason to believe. Cyprian. their king for their head." And again. in matters of religion. I . easy as it was under the Roman empire. because the Holy See is the external and common bond thereof. which. without a general council. there needed not its assistance. of whom it was written. thai now-Ordays it is too difficult a thing to consult the Faith of the whole Church. than to own. Alex.f lastly. When the necessities of the Church required a general council to be as­ sembled. Constantinojw Ep. by conforming themselves to the common faith of the whole body. and so many other heresies. because all had con sented to the council held against him at Antioch . he said. Alex. the remedy of a universal council. that to assemble the pastors when requisite. cap. the condemnation of Novatian. T o deny this. and rendering the heavenly government! instituted by Jesus Christ. overthrows every impiety and every heresy. in the first place. defective. 70. in the Catholic Church there is a principle of unity inde­ pendent of the kings of the earth. • Cone. Conitanti. the consent of Churches may be declared otherwise than by general councils. and it was more agreeable to them to have. For. But the English Protest­ ants would not acknowledge this unity. witness that of Paul of Samosata. But. When the African Fathers cond< mned the infant heresy of Celestius and Pelagius. I say no example will ever be produced. a principle by God established for the unity of all Christians."* Thus did the Bishops and particular Councils condemn heresies by a prior judgment. A'ex. the Holy Ghost always provided means . " In every one of these articles we believe what hath pleased the Apostolic Church. as have been held since the fall of the Roman empire. incapable of being sub­ verted by the world's whole power.

who impugned the other articles of his faith. the authority of the See of Rome was within the limits of a laudable moderation.—They argued in England from false principles. when they saw St.THE VARIiTIONS. who questions its being subjected to the See Apostolic. " As for what concerns. and refused it much about the time that England re­ ceived the faith from those he sent o v e r w h e n c e . all manner of errors crept insensibly into England."* 73. but also the Lutherans and Zuinglians. ii. and all the authority of ancient traditions. Bishop. " When our ancestors received the faith. . drawing all their strength from regal authority." says he. to which God has intrusted no such commission. p. and cruelly put to death. The Six Articles published by the authority of King and Par­ liament had the force of law during the whole reign of Henry VIIL But what sway over consciences can decrees concern­ ing religion have. or that of the English. part 1.—All sorts of novelties crept into Englai d in spite of the iev*ritiss of Henry VJIL—The reason why. let us consider for a moment what St.—the whole disposition of the hierarchy in this kingdom. which was procured by St. under whom the English were conrited. when they rejected the Pope's Supremacy. concluded Cranmer and his associates. it was observed by them " that Gregory the Great had exclaimed against the ambition of that title of Universa. or from bishops holding him for the head of their communion. who detested his supremacy. Gregory the Great. The whole establishment of the Church of England. Gregory. was so certainly derived from this great Pope and the chair of St.had different notions of the authority of his See from what toe havt. Gregory. have nothing in them but what is political ? Though Henry VIII enforced them with innumerable executions. the whole order of her discipline. nor did the people any longer know what to stand to. in a word. that the English could not renounce this power without weakening among them even the origin of Christianity. Not to dispute. Peter. 72. which. ETC 151 71. which neither * Bum.—Whether St. When they set about rejecting the authority of the Holy See in England. whether the conversion of its inhabitants under Pope Eleutherius be considered. Two passages known to the whole world will decide this question. who rejected it. on this title of Universal which the Popes never do assume. Pope. in vain. believed nev­ ertheless relating to the authority of his See. as well as the conse­ cration of bishops.1. " the Church of Constantinople. and may be more or less supportable according to the different senses it is taken in. the mission. from whence it was notorious faith first came to this great isle. Peter's chair despised. 139. not only Catholics.

Ep.—Every thing is changed after his death.~l547 1548. even with this laudable moderation owned by Cranmer in St. should Henry have consulted his bishops. might be preserved. nor reflect sufficiently on that deadly insensibility and false peace he sometimes suffers his greatest enemies to fall into. 74. f In this state he died . and he who could not brook truth from the mouth of Thomas More. Christianity was born in England with the confession of this authority. t 'oid. all goes to ruin. sent for some bishops to him. never more deserved to hear it. we are all brethren according to the law of humility. even abuse might have introduced or increased. and this authority ac­ knowledged even by the Church of Constantinople. and no wonder if. 2. 64. or suffered. f 5 . he could not restore to the bishops that liberty which his cruelties had deprived then) of. do cease to acknowledge ?"* And in the following letter. Some say this unhappy Prince. As he was scarce ten years old. his Chancellor.""! Here.—Death of Henry VIII. peace. and by this so strange an innovation. Edward VI. at that time the second Church of the whole world in dignity and power. felt some remorse for the excesses he had run into. after his death. have we all bishops manifestly subject to the au­ thority and correction of the Holy See. Furthermore. his only son. I know no bishop that is not subject to it when delinquent. Ind.—The ymvng King's Guardian is o Zuinglian. by little and little. or. which custom or toleration. the rest. Here is the foundation of the pontifical power. succeeded him ac­ cording to the law of the land. and public tranquillity should require. Henry VIII could not endure it. are for discovering such biting stings of conscience as appeared in an Antiochus. as to what he sajs. things grew worse. towards the end of his days. or ex­ tended more or less. nor from the holy Bishop of Rochester. when delinquency requires not otherwise. those who. what could be expected from a body which had enslaved the Church? Whatever indications Henry might give of desiring to be sin­ cerely advised in this juncture. in scandalous sinners. are rot acquainted with all God's ways. then. vii. * Lib. he opened the way for all that followed. The foundations once shaken. I vouch it not. ioth of whom he put to death for speaking it freely to him. in order to calm his conscience. Be that as it will. Gregory: his passion and policy made him annex it to his crown. and.254 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK the Emperor nor our brother Eusebius. dreadful to them were the vicissitudes of temper this prince was subject to. if you please. bishop of that city. as order. but particularly in Kings. " that he is subject to the See Apostolic. speaking of the primate of Africa. 75.

it was nevertheless extended to what is most sacred in the pastoral charge. that the King was Pope in England. that this pastoral charge was com­ mitted to bishops by the word of God. This is not to be wondered at. was the first to bend his neck under this shameful yoke. But although nothing was found therein for the regal power. the supreme head of the Church of England in spirituals and temporals. but Edward Seymour. as under Henry. in order to ad­ vance the reformation. since he was the person who inspired all these sentiments . they set out by declaring him. But far different prerogatives were conferred on this new papacy than the Pope had ever pretended to. and part 1. except what re­ lated to the concerns of this world. it was owned. and • Burn. 6. 7*5. and. appointed by the de­ ceased King . L p. the rest did but follow the pernicious example he set to them. and the King's uncle by the mother's side. iii. p. and to do all the other parts of the episcopal function. In order to prepare the way for their intended reformation under the King's name. as heretofore had been enjoined in King Henry's time. The Archbishop of Canterbury. nor did Le longer conceal any of that venom which lay lurking in his heart against the Church. and primate of all England." || At the same time.* In Henry's time it was a settled maxim. J In the tenor of their commissions. p. and which they were to deliver up again when it shou'd please him to call for it. that the episcopal power.CII. 276. part 2. The bishops took out new commissions from Edward. part 1. it was judged necessary to keep them under the subjection of an arbitrary power. It was necessary to inake use of this word to give themselves credit. and the bishops were obliged to look upon it as a favor to hold their bishopricks of the King during life. 267. as Henry had been before. 2. flowed from the crown as from its source.1. p. from whom they had received it. hai the chief au thority. part. with the title of Protector of the Kingdom of England He was a Zuinglian in his heart.| This was somewhat moderated afterwards. that the bishops exercised it only precariously as delegates in the King's name.] THE VARIATION V ETC. Col. L i.1. all which they were to execute and do in the King's name and under his authority. £66 (he kingdom was governed by a Council. 31& . inflict censures and punish scandalous persons. | Part 2 1.—The Refi) motion founded on the ruin of ecclesiastical Authority. pursuant to Cranmer's doctrine. it was plainly expressed. This Archbishop then threw off the mask. Commissions for consecrating bishops were issued out by the King. and Cranmer was his bosom friend. brother to Queen Jane. 9<K t Ibid J IbiH § Ibid.§ " The King gave them faculties to ordain and deprive ministers. L p. revocable at the King's pleasure. of Rec. as well as that of the secular magistracy.

"|| All the com­ plaint they made amounted to no more than that an encroach* Burn. Burn part 2. and ever since the time of Henry VIII. 43. and the whole ad­ ministration of the sacraments. 78. except as they were authorized by the King. The same was done in respect to the liturgy and public service. " that work of light. therefore. necessary that ecclesiastics should have had the chief share in the management of this great altera­ tion in religion. In a word. J There was proclamation from the King. p. according to this new hierarchy. and above all. part I. it seems. commanding all to remember him in the public prayers as the supreme head of the Church of England. a full and dis­ tinct narrative whereof makes its apology as well as history. But quite the reverse was done. t Ibid. Our business is to relate facts. ?. so by the same only could they proceed to ordination.f 77—Sequel of the ruin of Ecclesiastical Authority. as the bishops were not consecrated but by the royai authority. neither the archbishops nor any other should exercise any juris­ diction while that visitation lasted. J Ibid. " Not long after. and a bare relation of them will suffice to show their enormity. the Parliament.1. || S. was to make a new body of canons. was derived from the King.—Reflection on the miserable beginnings of the Reformation) wnerein th/ sacred order had no share in the affairs of Religion and Faith. all was subject to the King. All these at­ tempts were grounded on a maxim which the Parliament of England had laid down for a new article of their faith. 141. 27. which was to be observed under the pains of excommunication. 2. or deprivation. and..256 THE HIST0KV OF [BOOK directed to whom he pleased: so that. upon abolishing the ancient law. . n."§ Thus. 40.* Even tae ijorm and prayers of ordination. as from its source. it was. and the most sacred depositum of the sanctuary wrested from the priestly order. 143. It is not here to our purpose to deplore the calamities of the Church thus enslaved. viz. 29. for having proceeded orderly and by lawful assemblies. tod Col. without sparing even that of faith. which the Apostles had left to their successors. ih the first place. $ Ibid. 142. as well of bishops HS of priests. . I cannot but stop here a moment to consider the groundwork of the English Reformation. were regulated by Parliament. p. se­ questration. that all jurisdiction. p. both spiritual and temporal. the King declared he intended to visit his kingdom. " they were cut off from meddling with it. together with ecclesiastical censures. the whole pastoral authority is openly invaded by the King. L o. n. L pp." The Church of England glories above all the other Churches of the Reformation. T o afford some color for this boasting. and shamefully degraded by her own ministers.

and not essential to the very being of the ecclesiastical order. let us continue it.1. pp. they who were the proper judges in such cases. The King's counsellors resolved to follow the method begun by the late King. part 2. nor were they ashamed to require of the bishops an express declaration. any share therein. and it was the business of the King's council to regulate the articles of religion that were to be proposed to the people by his authority. It is in some manner laboring to heal the Church's wounds to be­ wail them in the sight of God. of which they were the preachers.] THE VARIATIONS. By no means. mind. hears me !" but this.TT The Council. it seems. of sending visiters over England with ecclesiastical injunctions and articles of faith. 15? ment was made on their privileges.1. says our histo­ rian. 2. as if for them to meddle with religion were only a privilege. f Ibid. p. § Ibid. 59. 79. 49. But lamentable as it is. IT Ibid. that matters of religion should not be determined till they had been conswlt• . at any time. as 5LR. Burnet pretends. " He that hears you. by which none were ro preach without license from the King or his visiters—the Archbishop of Canter­ bury or the bishop of the diocese . but by his permission only. 22* . 26. n. and of whom Christ had said. * 1 . since all was done in the King's name. . " at least.—The King is made absolute master of the Pulpit. 17. after the relation of such great excesses. p. n. when. the Council allows those to preach who were likely to set forth the pure word of God after such sort as the Holy Ghost should for the time put in the preacher's. nor had the bishops. It seems we need say no more."]) Besides. it was but too evident the clergy were only named for form sake. But perchance one may imagine they met with better treat­ ment under Edward. J But. had changed their minds. Burn. that a proc­ lamation was issued. at least it may be allowed them to decide on articles of faith. || Ibid.fll. the Refor­ mation was set on a more solid basis. Sometime after.§ Meanwhile. J Rec. so that the chief right was ii the King. after they had made preaching depend on the regal * S. the Six Articles of Henry VIII were to be adhered to. The King took to himself so absolute an authority over the word and preaching. and had reported theii opinions and reasons. 16. p."* What a vretched state had they brought themselves to not to intermed­ dle otherwise than by barely offering their opinions . Quite the contrary. should be certified by the archbishop to the other bishops in the King's name. and forbids Preaching all over his Kingdom till further orders. could not be obtained. they begged it as a favor of the Parliament. "to make profession of such doctrine as afterwards. ETC. p. until they should think better of the mat­ ter.

notwithstanding all the precautions he had taken in his will to preserve those precious remains of the Catholic religion. were called over to begin this Reformation. 1550. exhorting all persons to receive with submission the orders that should. 80. afterwards the declared enemy of Jesus Christ's divinity. to restore it whoHy. But the eiTects of this restraint are not what we are now upon. The doctrine which he proposed in England concerning the Eucharist U 1549. 1551. t Ibid. Peter Martyr was a downright Zuinglian.—The Six Articles abolished. they here leave it to the discretion of thoss who should imagine themselves tilled with the Holy Ghost. in a short time. • Rec. Peter Martyr. the power of granting licenses to preach was taken from the bishops of each diocese. the English Reforma­ tion was set on foot. 81. so that none might give them but the King and the archbishop. These preparations being thus made. Both of them. ' till the order now preparing should be set forth. had exchanged the monastic state for that of wed­ lock. in the King's name. p. by the Duke of Som erset and Cranmer.1. i.l.—Peter Martyr called over. The year following they changed again. he did inhibit all manner of persons to preach in any public audience. 40 . ignorant what religion the King would think lit to coin for them. so much detested by this prince. What ought to be considered is. a Florentinej and BernaRdin Ochin. the Zuingl an doctrine. that the whole authority of the word was delivered up to the prince alone. The Six Arti­ cles. and Zuivgiianism established.268 THE H I 8 T 0 B T OT \BOOM power. gained the ascendant. its history as well as its apology. that after declaring to the people that the King had employed learned men to take away all subjects of controversies. part 2. in time. ** To this was tacked an admonition. Things were carried so far."* By this means it is an easy matter to authorize the preaching up of any heresy." Thus was the English Reformation brought about."| Here then was preaching suspended throughout the whole kingdom. and perhaps. a distinct narra­ tive whereof makes. were repealed . | and. f Ibi. and by this means all fanatics are admitted to it. was reduced to these three positions:— (• There is no transubstantiajon. " T o restrain the clashing and contention of pulpits. that work of light. SI. and here the regal power pulled down that faith which the regal power had before set up. l 80. p. the bishops silenced by the King's proclamation. Burnet. be sent down to them. p. according to Mr. like the rest of the reformers. n. and all waiting in suspense.—1549. which Henry VIII had caused to be published with his whole spiritual and temporal authority.

for. figuratively. 1547. that in the Sacrament. and Christ's body like­ wise. virtually. at the same time. 91* . We are here obliged to Mr. there was both the substance of bread and wine.—Bucer not hearkened to. viz 44 * Hosp. us yet.] THE VARIATIONS. 1061 Burn. *' That the body of Jesus Christ was no where but in heaven: that he could not be really present in different places .* 82. A3.—The Reformers repent themselves of having said that in the Reformation of the Liturgy they had acted by the assistance of the Holy Ghost. CoL n. which was made by the authority of Parliament.1. But the Reformers had their answer ready. These are his words: The Lutherans seemed to agree with that which had been the doctrine of the Greek Church. Peter Martyr believed it was an illusion to admit a corporeal and substantial presence in the Supper. he was for excluding a local presence. (for God gave ear to none but such. H e maintained that Jesus Christ could not be separated from the Supper. III. and. Burn. we shall see this article pretty much reformed. part 2. 104. p. opposes a greater authority against the novelties of Peter Martyr. but. and what respect soever he might have for Bucer. el seq. the only Protestant he had any consideration for. Burnet for owning a thing of no small weight: for he grants us that the Real Presence is acknowledged by the Greek Church. yet he did not come into his sentiments. part 2. that is. 207."§ Men were astonished at this expression. In the Reformation of the Liturgy and common prayers. A set of articles j was drawn up in England. The body and blood of Christ are united to the bread and wine sacramentally. Bucer did not approve the second propositior . their faith was not in its utmost perfection. and that he was after such a manner in heaven. together with the Lutherans .) i* had been set forth ir the preamble to the Act. and not admit in it the reality which Catholics maintained. so that no corporeal or Real Presence of the body and blood of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist was to be believed. p. as hath been seen. ETC. and by the aid of the Holy Ghost. or at most. 170.VII. p. 208. as not to be substantially removed out of the Eucharist. that the commissioners named by the King to draw them up had finished the work with one uniform agreement.'^ Herein he is more sincere than the greatest part of those of his religion . But. pp. 44 84. in due time. § Ibid. Then did the spirit of change entirely possess England. Burnet's Confession concerning the Belief of the Greek Church." This is what was defined. conformable to Peter Martyr's opinion : it was there specified. but not a cor­ poreal and substantial one. 259 II. 55. The body and blood of Jesus Christ are not corporeally in the Eucharist.—Mr. i. p. An. nor under the species of bread and wine. f Ibid.

f Lib. 91. and their chief aim was to deface all the tracks of antiquity that hitherto had been preserved. very considerable alterations were soon made in tiiis Liturgy. i 85.060 THE HISTORY [BOOI Or ** That this was not so to be understood. But although they had maimed it by lopping off some words. and never did pretend to frame their religion all at once. 55. thy own body . but signifying that it is for us they were formed in the Eucharist."*}. The English Reformation has corrected every thing that too much favored transubstantiation. of this bread. im­ ports a true action of the Holy Gho. Col.—England abrogates the Mats. At length. in the original it stands thus.—Alt the remains of Antiquity at first retained in the I tvrgy are now destroyed. ix. changing them by thy Holy Spirit-"§ And these words. Augustin the Monk sent to the English by St. that the sacred gifts are then only made the body and blood when we receive them. " be made unto us the body and blood." This word made. || Is. conformably to what is said in the other liturgies of antiquity: " Make. And. The wo* 4 oblation would likewise have too much favored a sacrifice : to give the sense of it in some manner. 86. had brought in with Chris­ tianity. yet still it was found " too much to favor transubstan­ tiation. . unto us a son is given :"|j not implying. p. i. which St."*}" &c." were said in the same spirit with those of Isaiah. 76. as the Church of England used it at the time she embraced Chris­ tianity. it was wholly taken away. and the Church of England • Burn. whereas they bad put in the reformed Liturgy. p. " Unto us a child is born. that they may be unto us *he body and blood of thy most dearly beloved Son. p. 170. somewhat of the Church of Rome's Liturgy. &r. Basil. as for us they were formed in the Virgin's womb. they substituted gifts. for then there hud been no room for any correction of what was now done/** N o w these Reformers were still for correcting and changing on . and was afterwards entirely erased. which she had heard from her first converswr* to Christianity. or even the corporeal presence. who changes the gifts. that " This oblation be made unto us the body and blood of Jesus Christ. The words of that prayer were yet much stronger. that these gifts may be unto us the body and blood of Jesus Christ. n. { Ibid. 6. in this prayer. " With thy Holy Spirit ^c^hsafe to bless and sanctify these thy gifts and creatures of bread and wine. They were willing to preserve. the own blood of thy Son . Gregory. 0 Lord. as if they had been in­ spired by extraordinary assistance . In the consecration of the Eucharist this prayer had been retained. and of this wine. as the Reformers will have it. $ Lit of S. indeed.

coming forth from the baptismal font. and such things. when. and they are forced to own it. 72.. in the main. The Church of England. at funerals. they recom­ mended the soul departed to God's mercy. with respect to all these things.s. otherwise it would be too papistical. Gregory. $7. rest. as we now do. The holy chrism is taken away. James may say. altered everything she derived from antiquity. Confir­ mation. and as ancient as the Church. p.* The Kyrie Eleison. ind £ ep. 89. said Catholic 3 the fathers. and that of the Church of Rome : it must be banished England. a prayer was made to beg the transformation and change of bread and wine into the body and blood. If it be insisted on that the holy priest Augustin brought them the Gallican Liturgy or Mass. 261 would no longer hear th* t bacred prayer she heard. the free choice of either having been left to him by St. they prayed that his sins might be pardoned. in the South and North. E Ibid. J But all these remains of the primitive spirit are abolished : this prayer savored too much of purgatory. said by the Ililaries and the Martins. in the main.Til. is turned to this form. In all of these Liturgies the dead were frequently prayed for . lib. 170. 6 4 . Gregory left the choice thereof to the holy priest he sent into England. it was the Pope's Mass. the merit and mediation of saints with God was every where employed. there was but one language in the East and West. 88. both in the East and the West: no matter. as little essential.—The Galilean Mass and the. part 2 . say not so much as a word of this notion of cate­ chism. from whom we receive it by a tra­ dition founded on the Acts of the Apostles. for. ETC. The English Reformation had retained. and for this reason was it that St. t Burn. nor the R3ST. I may venture to say it. in Edward's time. and every word of it turned to the most odious sense. 1 . but a merit grounded on the divine nercy. which the most ancient fathers had called the instrument of the Holy Ghost."}* As well in France. are the same with that of Rome. the Pater. § Confirmation must oe nothing but a catechism to renew the baptismal vows. This is true. and thoug/i S t Inno * Burn. even in extreme unction. and. 1 . p. t Greg. It is certain it was said from the first ages.—Sequel of Alterations. nevertheless. differed not from the Roman. But. as at Rome. § Ibid. something of prayer for the dead. 77.—The Reformation corrects itself with respect to Prayers for the Dead. and in all the rest of the Church. whatevei St. that alters not the case: the Gallican Ma. may be given in one place of the Mass rather than another. and a mediation supported by that of Jesus Christ. || the use of oil. vii.] THE VARIiTtONO. she first received the bread of life. . will at last be laid aside. the Pax. rather than the Roman. made the whole difference . p. and. or the blessing.

when he blames carnal men. xv. 11 Ibid. it will be de­ cided that extreme unction was not heard of till the tenth century. holy cere­ monies. J Ibid. since he agrees to a conscientious observing of such times.862 TKE HISTORY OF [BOOE cent Pope spoke of this unction in the fourth age. They do no less evidently justify us from the reproach oi teaching the doctrine of devils.— Ceremonies tint! the sign of the Cross retained. Ceremonies were looked upon as a mystical language. ft Burn. 91. 75.—The same in abstinence from Flesh. which days he will not have accounted holy of their own nature. U Ibid. symbols of purity and the other disposi­ tions which the divine worship does require. l i e says. p 191. p. those who object to us.* The use of the cross was reiined. and in the consecration of the sacramental elements. but only to God in remembrance of such saints. it was ordered to be kept up " in the sacrament of baptism. even those of Saints. on Vigils. vindicates us on this subject. 9. Mr."f At first. who will not conceive " that the frequent use of fasting. 'I Nevertheless. 79. p.TT Where­ fore. he every where. the four * Burn. Among these alterations three things remained. and certainly. not a kind of temporal policy. Burnet answers for us. it was at last suppressed."|| This is our very doctrine. is per­ haps one of the greatest helps that can be devised to advance one to a spiritual temper of mind. when we abstain from certain meats for penance sake. us many do imagine.—England justifies us in the observance of Festivals. which he thinks himself obliged to reject. that the Church of England hath forbidden flesh on Fridays and Saturdays. *•* Matth. nor can I devise why it was retained only in baptism. Burnet justifies us with relation to fasts and holydays. p. They thought it but meet that priests. and in every thing. never entered into any man's head. and in the office of confirmation. abstinence and Lent. 170. in the public service. that we follow the commandments of men. 00. and she will vindicate us. § Ibid. that it was ever practised . should put on a mysterious dress. nor from any magical virtue in that time. In a word. the festivals of saints. as an out­ ward expression of the veneration" they had for this holy cere­ mony. Mr. 9 * . in confirma­ tion and the consecration. Augustin. bears testimony. p.he cross of Christ. such a natural or magical virtue. and Calvin appeared too extravagant in rejecting them. with prayer and true devotion joined to it. with all antiquity. in which St. 92. and to promote a holy course of life. " as a public declaration that they were not ashamed of ."ft Since it is from this spirit. " that none of these days were properly dedi­ cated to any saint.** need but object this to the Church of England.§ This we consent to. t Ibid.

—Good people. %$$ Ember-weeks. they had drawn the consequence before they were well assured of the principle. 93. The year following. in the worship. || Ibid. p. let us. Burnet.—Cranmer in his Reformation inverts all order. after all. J And indeed. | Ibid. should say.* that the King should declare what were fish-days. part 1. and throughout Lent. and. whether it were small 0 1 great* "|| The necessity. 191. There is only reason to wonder that the King and Parliament should command these holydays and abstinences . lay aside these exterior tokens of re­ spect . But something still more surprising in the English Reform*? tion. lastly. It was an easy matter to excite hatred against certain practices. was a maxim of Crammer's. England still believed the Real Presence. Now. " communion in both kinds was not necessary. of communicating undei both kinds had been already established . part 2. as if one. seeing the people stand in great awe as in the King's presence."§ So that the question about the necessity of both kinds depended on that of the Real Presence. esp«rially when some abuses were interwoven with them :1T thus i' * Bum. although this oblation. 651. The cause of so irregular a proceeding was the leading the oeople by motives of hatred. and should by that be regulated. and the thing left undecided.Vll. ETC. p. that " the whole body of Christ was contained m every piece of consecrated bread. f Ibid. there will afterwards be time to examine whether the King be present or no. and whether this honor be agreeable to him. we have nothing on this subject to upbraid one another with. that which inevitably ensued from it. 94. was already destroyed. argues he. in the first place.) THE VARIATIONS. 290. p. that in matters of religion they should prefer the King's commandments to those of the Church. in 1 5 4 8 . nevertheless. ti worship depends on faith.f and. that is. n. what most displeased him According to Mr. et seq . L vi. Christ's presence in the sacrament was greatly called in question. Whereas. before he had examined the doctrine. whereof they concealed from the people the beginning and right use. p. in this hypothesis. and not of reason. Ibid. the belief of Christ's presence in every crumb of bread gave occasion to laying aside the cup. p. and the Par­ liament declared. and grant licenses and dispensations from these observances . in reality. 21. and without exam­ ining the principle. Cran­ mer confounded this order.—Sequel. 42. be nothing else but the consecration made before God of this body and blood as really present before the manducation. suppressed. The oblation of the body and blood was in like manner taken away . Yet the adoration of Jesus Christ in the sacrament had already been suppressed provisionally . 95. V S.

I. on the making* as on the adoring them." For. which Mr. or unlaw­ ful fr. The same was done with respect to Images. was enough for their purpose. and con­ fusedly. . they took care to conceal from him. but they n A having as yet taken it into their oeads to say that it is unlawful to make such as ours. and a French letter. as hath appeared. 68. but will be seen in his own works Thus was a young child deluded by them. it is not lawful to make images with the thought of making something *• like to the Ma­ jesty of the Creator. that those of Catholics were not of this na­ ture. I was desirous. 95*—How the public hatred was raised against the Catholic doctrine. and the hatred he had conceived against idolatry was easily turned against the Church. and concerning Irtages. the protector. though of a different order and design. and it was but too easy * Rem.464 THE HISTORY OF [BOOB *as easy to render priests odious who abusec the Mass for sor­ did gain. Burnet gives us of Edward VI to his uncle. since. ii. is in the right. God cannot be Been in things that are material."* He fixes the same hatred. he had simply believed what was told him. his master sent him about collecting ali the pas sages wherein God speaks against idols. thiuking to make it like to the Majesty of God the Creator. was by a thousand artifices insensibly turned against . part ii. that Catholics made images. makes it palpable." In this credulous age. ** In reading the Holy Scripture. every thing was an idol to him." said he. and hatred once inflamed againsi them. The people were not more cunning. undoubtedly.he mystery thty celebrated. passed in the same light as the others: dazzled with the plausible reasoning and authority of his masters." proceeds he. and. p. but also to form any thing. as wc see. 4 -Whether any advantage can be drawn from the sudden progress of the pre­ tended Reformation. thinking they made them like to the Majesty of God. to make images odious to him in general. in which man pretends to represent the Deity: it was shown him that God forbids to make such images. " God himself and his Holy Spirit having so often forbidden it. against the Real Pres­ ence. represent Jssus Christ and his saints. and even.—Example in the Instruction of yvung Edward. not only of strange Gods. • 1 am quite astonished. according to the notions that were given him. " to note several places which forbid both to adore and Ic nake any images. Those of the Church. His hatred was stirred up against Pagan images. A youth of ten or twelve years old could not discover it of himself. the foundation of it. as this prince adds. T o exercise this young prince's style. that so many people have dared to commit idolatry by making and adoring images.

* Under the authority-of an infant King. nor were the riches of his tomb the least of his crimes. The difficulties in the mystery of the Eucharist are removed. to apply their patrimony to its right use. that he might be pillaged. || This was enough to degrade that holy martyr. invective and satire are still carried to a higher pitch. for the correction of vice. Denmark. and that all other kingdoms did not follow 'he example of England. the Church revenues. it was judged more expedient to plunder the Churches. After this."f greedily swallowed down the poisonous novelty. monks from all their vows . are flattered. that had long looked on their pastors with an evil eye. and condemned by the Pope. and made the subject of farce aiid comedy. as Mr. 2 4 4 28 . and good Protestants were mado of these bad Ecclesiastics. Burnet say it. but burdensome to nature. and which. can the sud­ den progress of the Reformation be taken for a visible miracle. and the people were so easily gained upon? is it not rather a visible miracle that there remained a spark in Israel. in. A doc­ trine of great liberty was preached up. As for the Laity. became their prey. the clergy. Bur­ net says. who thus renounced their vows. instead of being kept under subjection. and the senses. they are brought on the stage. He was attainted. some odious proceedings and abuses which the Church herself condemned. conformably to the intention of the founders. 276. f Ibid. part L 1. 318. which were reformed by the same means? Lib. Priests are set free from the obligation of continency . if the nobility. produced a royal treasure of immense sums of money. exposed to rapine. ii. EL C- 26*> to animate them by the like artifices. who made up the body of the English clergy. Sweden and Germany. the whole world from the yoke of confession.—he! who has so thoroughly discovered to us the deep causes of this lamentable success { A prince blinded with inordinate passion. 31. indeed. Of sixteen thousand Ecclesiastics. sets men at work to exaggerate particular facts. the work of God's own hand I With what assurance could Mr. All pulpits ring with satires against ignorant and scandalous priests. LL p. p. Where 19 the wonder. { Ibid. we are assured by Mr. »n the space of five or six years.§ that is. The vestry-plate en­ riched the prince's exchequer: the shrine alone of St. wholesome. I. " The laity. part it. Burnet. and a pro­ tector violently addicted to Zuinglianism. In short. J Ibid.J THE VARIATIONS. with the inestimable presents that had been sent to it from all parts. Thomas of Canterbury. Burnet himself expresses his indig­ nation at it. three parts renounced their celibacy in Edward's time . " showed a plain and simple way to the kingdom of heaven. p. p." J Laws so convenient met with but too ready a com­ pliance. || Ibid.tfl. than. insomuch that Mr. Thus was the clergy gained.

. the ambitious Duke of Somerset was the second. when London " was much disordered by the plague. he built it upon the ruins. p. lib. J The Protector prevailed upon the King to order the Commons to proceed in it without hearing the party accused. 6 Ibid. he lays down. and meddling in a cause of blood contrary to the canons. and with the materials. and 'jo aggravate his guilt by sacrilege. it ought not to have been merely for violating the canons. We have seen Henry VIII."* In the midst of the ca­ lamities which afflicted the whole nation. who " had resigned many manors to him for obtaining his favor. p. of " attainting a man" on the bare allegation of witnesses. to have a great regard for. one of those specious plans whereby he always strives. Bishop as he was. the only one that visibly mad* no progress was that of manners. by the grace of God. 100. the Admiral. his thoughts were only bent on designing such a paiace as had not been seen in England. of three Episcopal palaces and a parish church: and the revenues extorted from several Bishops and Chapters. which. her first Reformer . and after­ wards to lose his head. In order to this. Burnet takes a great deal of pains to justify his Cranmci for signing. according to his custom. But not to examine the reasons he had to condemn the Admiral. as an Archbishop he was obliged. 98. i Ibid. was judged without a hearing. but keeps at a distance from the main point. I have already ob­ served upon. and elude the canons. i. I pass over the rest of his misdeeds. and the inuring his pupil to such sacri­ legious donations. 134. f Ibid. and his own brother. for which the Parliament condemned him. how shameful a thing to have subjected a man nf that dignity. H e equalled himself to crowned heads. to that iniquitous law. with out speak* g A word of great ones. but for breaking through the law of * Burnet part ii. but his abusing thus the authority of a minor. first to resign the authority he had usurped over the council. to make odious the Church's faith. none daring to oppose his will. The success of Luther's Reformation in Germany.—Vain forwardness of Mr. inflamed the guilt. and assumed the title of "Duke of Somerset. besides many others. Burnet's history to be convinced that things went on no better in England."f H e did this. though but a subject.266 THE HISTORY OF 97. *' without bringing him to make hie own defence!" By virtue of this law. Amidst all these Reformations. and in this manner it was that he tutored up his pupil to do justice. his brother. to the block. Mr. and we need but read Mr. Burnet to excuse Cranmer in little things. it is true. indirectly.§ If Cranmer was to be ex­ cused. with leave obtained from the King. as to this point. above all others.—Whether the Duke of Somerset hud tlie show of ah [BOO* former. the death of this unhappy person.

condemned the Admiral and signed the warrant for his execution. 207 nature. and maintain the usurper Jane G r e y .—Cranmer and the rest of the Reformers spirit up rebellion against Queen Mary.FXI. i. 238. This Princess resettled the Catholic religion. 974 . and is satisfied if this great Reformer shows but some scruple in committing crimes."J When her affairs proved desperate. out of hatred to the Princess his -sister. and manifest no more difficulty with regard to saying Mass than he had done under Henry. As Cranmer had always suited his religion to that of the King. [| This authority was lawful with respect to him who had owned and even established it. It was by this authority he himself had deposed Bonner. and abolish the Mass.—1553. who was a Catholic. Kb. and deposed by the Queen's authority. Bishop of London. had orders to " set out Queen Jane's title in a sermon at PauPs. by patents. thirteen years together. he had too openly de­ clared himself void of all religion. § Ibid. and was therefore punished by laws of his own making. and England reunited herself to the Holy See. 16^ f Burnet. Mr."* Cran­ mer. ETC. which had been said and heard by so many Saints ever since the first establishment of Christianity among the English. it was easily believed he would also follow that of the Queen. and have license to answer for himself. 99. 250. p. 7 art ii. and had he thus turned with every wind. But his engagement was too strong. before that he. p. 223. without believing in it. with the rest of them. and had re­ course to the Queen's clemency. had received their bishoprics for a certain time. who. For the like reason the bishops.*]* Yet the Council. p. of " not delivering any man to die.J THE VARIATIONS. and Ridley. Should not so great a Reformer have stood up against so barbarous a procedure? no truly : he deemed it a business of more importance to demolish altars. * Acts xxv. Bishop of London. not sparing even those of Jesus Christ. | Ibid. who is accused. changed the order of succession. Burnet would have us believe that the archbishop signed it with great reluc­ tance. Cranmer. § He was sent to the Tower both for the crime of treason and that of heresy. T o conclude the life of Cranmer: at the death of Edward VI. gave all necessary orders to arm the people against Queen Mary. which Cran­ mer was at the head of. preachers were set to work in the cause. owned his crime. the Protestants were proceeded against according to their own maxims. have the accusers face to face. in which this young Prince. and till the eccle­ siastical order should be entirely re-established. p. sacred even among heathens. 1 Ibid. beat down images. were deprived. he set his hand to the entail of the Crown. notwithstanding this law.

The accusation turned on his marriages and heresies. Cranmer. both burnt for i-cresy. lib. p.— Cranmer declared a heretic. 111. because all that will take anew turn under Elizabeth. so full of meekness. i. \ Ibid.THE HISTORY OF [BOOK ICO. When Cranmer's punishment was to be determined according to form. 37. yet denied "Tiny authority the Pope had over him . that of Bonner. p. together with the Ileal Presence.^ Mr. Commissioners from the Pope. and those of Philip and Mary (for the Queen had then married Philip II. p. he renounced all the errors of Luther and Zuinglius."* R y that is seen wherein the principal part of the Ref­ ormation under Edward VI was made to consist. Burnet assures us that the Queen forgave him the treason for which he had been already condemned by Parliament. and I am willing to t a k e notice of it here. distinctly owned aU the otiier points of the Catholic faith.—1555. ne himself owned that it *• was because he had denied the presence of Jesus Christ on t h e altar. 1 103. but seeing nothing availed. " only raid h e had never forced any to subscribe.—Cranmer condemned by his o\on principles. Bishop of London.l| and under Edward. ii. for denying *he Real Presence . from these words.—Cranmer twice abjures the Reformation a little before his exeevtum. thinking it a piece o f croaltV4 refused to sign the warrant for burning her. 283.1T If. 332. he appealed to a General Council. in whose name he w a s condemned. h e was condemned for heresy. With the design of putting o f f the time of his execution. to Lambert's and Anne Askew's death.—1556. Bishop of Winchester. * Burn. the archbishop had signed and I'tfisentef in Henry's time. Afterwards. then. and could not be persuaded to it but by Cranmer's authority. part ii."J 102.§ and otk?r things of the like nature. 257. What is still more. he himself had often enough set the example. || Ibid p. 101. The Protestants were extremely shocked at it. King of Spain) sat in judgment against him. Edward. The abjuration which he signed. f Ibid. 112. one might be induced t^ \hink Cranmer had never condemned any person on account o* doctrine. 33) 333. after his deposition was left some time in prison. He confessed the facts which were imputed to him concerning his doctrine and marriages. Ibid. p."** from the Pope. o u t ii.—Cranmer's false answer before his judges. and. * * Ibid. lib. . N o t to mention here the imprisonment of Gardiner. of Joan of Kent and of George Van Pere. to tha*. was conceived in s u e \ terms as expressed the truest sorrow for his former errors. declared a heretic. p. h e declared " he was willing to go to Rome and defend his doctrine before the Pope. and for what article. a Ibid.

Peter. annulling as man} marriages. and the wretchedness of a man who betrayed his conscience during almost the whole course of his life. even to those which were.—Mr. the most unjust. and con­ senting to as many laws as they pleased. their Reformer made a second abjuration. he resolved to de­ clare what his heart had concealed. he carried that along with him. thus secretly written. and in Faith. 44 44 44 44 7 104. on the very brink of death. Burnet goes o n : But conceiving likewise som* jealousies that they might burn him. confessed all that was required of him. the Queen was dt termined not to pardon But what comparison is there betwixt a momentary weakness of this great Apostle. notwithstanding his preceding abjuration. he returned to his first errors . Mr. which we find no mention of in ecclesiastical history. and then to write the whole over again. continues this author.J THE VARIATIONS. as long as he had but a glimpse of hope . he wrote secretly a paper. J69 However. that of his 23* . our author will still boast to us the steady firm­ ness (good God) of th'I3 perpetual flatterer of kings. finding himself utterly disappointed. either in fact or in his opinion. shows us clearly enough that he was deter­ mined not to appear a Protestant as long as any hopes remained. he now produces St." says Mr. setting his hand to as many condemnations. so memorable in the Gospel." So that." This confession. he also did it. Peter's denial. but one only blemish of his life does Mr. finally was not ashamed to bring the heavenly authority of bishops under subjection to that of the Kings of the e a r t \ and enslave the Church. Mr. ETC. and so give himself the appearance of a martyr. Burnet. Burnet find." But here was the secret he found out to secure his con science. Athanasius and St. containing a sincere confession of his faith . having been dealt with to renew his subscription. being under some small hopes of life. m preaching the word. Burnet uses all his address to hide the shame of so mis­ erable a death. being brought out. i ut he soon recanted them. 105. and for thirteen years to­ gether. Nevertheless. that Cranmer complied no more with Henry VIII than his conscience permitted. and after alleging. in behalf of his hero. Burnet compares Cranmer's fault to that of St. lastly. the faults of St. in discipline. so that his counterfeit abjuration was manifestly nothing else but a continuation of the base dissimulation of his whole life. and. Cyril. who sacri­ ficed every thing to the will of his masters. that i»> when he saw. who. Nevertheless.—Whether it be true. At last. all this time. to begin from the very time he was made a bishop ? who never dared to avow his sentiments but when he had a King to back him 1 And. in the administration of Sacraments.

which God had instituted. || The Apostles are brought forward to us* who. a sacrifice which he held for an abomination: to ordain priests. in a word. and acts of religion are compared with the duty and decorum of a secular employment. and to defile themselves with idolatry." J consequently was no further ob­ sequious to Henry than his conscience allowed him. and according to the form of the Pontifical. to set his hand to articles of faith. i. that he was some­ what too much subjected to the w 11 of Henry YIII.—Mr. would not remain standing whilst his master knelt down in the temple of Remmon. Burnet hid ill excuses his Reformers. ID. 336. His con­ science then allowed him to annul two marriages on pretexts notoriously false. eveu for the dead.'.* and. "After the law was dead. and incense their images."§ Doubtless. he affirms.—Illusion in Mr.f yet. God's commandment was not sufficient: they were to wait till the King and Parliament should think it fitting. and to offer sacrifices . in the Lutheran principles. all this was nothing less than idolatry. p. But the thing was. without believing in it. continued to worship at the temple. v. as yet. 4 Reg. 106. His conscience allowed him. the unjust object of the horroi of the new Reformation. "he thought none of them a sin. t. that it was absolutely a sin to re­ tain all these abuses till a proper occasion offered for abolishing them. . f H»d. Prcf. " did not know. and the Mass. to pray to Saints. to accept his Bulls. ) Bum. are compared with actions believed to be manifestly impious. founded on no other principle than Henry's new amours. and which all the Fathers allow ought to be buried honorably.** The same Apostles art * Burner. || Ibid. torn. to exact chastity of those whom he made sub-deacons. i. to swear obedience to the Pope. which he durst not alter. 18. wherein LUFCIU'&ni&r. tc profess and practise all that he believed ought to be banished from the house of God. all ws only. was established. 1T Ibid. «the Reformers. being a married man. although he did not think himself obliged to it. Naaman is brought iorward as an instance. to justify him completely in al! his c nnpliawes. 107. Burnet tells us. notwithstanding that. as an execration and a scandal. though a Lutheran." it is what Mr.270 THE HISTORY OK [. BurneVs examples. whom hfc looked upon as Antichrist. to circumcise."1T and the cere­ monies. they did not know it was a sin to change according to their notion. as for the rest. to give the King his hand. giving them also the power of offering. T o make them abstain from such things. His conscience allowed him tc say Mass as long as Henry lived. was condemned. to offer to God.BOOK abjuration . who. t ?™f. and receive Archiepiscopal institution by his authority . * [bid. obliged by nis office. the Lord's Supper into sacrilege.

and received as true the tacts I have related I do not mean thereby to grant the rest. 171 udduced to us. ii. if to convict the pretended Reformation by theii own witnesses. that she banters the whole universe by calling that idolatry which is not so. L v. Inf. 133. p. she holds them for indifferent. I have only.—Jlfr. and will see this proposition. et seq. iii. 1. which. However.* and change tire Mass into a bare Communion . that men ought to practise such as they believe are full of sacrilege ? How blind. who adopted some ceremonies of paganism.§ for he hath seen. p. wno made themselves all things to all men. the most corrupt. which he ran over in so negligent a manner. Burnet is the man that hath exposed their shame in full view. as a thing avowed among the Reformers. must call them idolatrous! Obliged to excuse the same things in her first authors. of all men. 286.•n. that he could scarce have ex­ pected more. how little credit this historian merits. does it follow from thence.J THE VARIATIONS. were I to descend to other facts of the like nature. and Mr. " J for here is nothing but mere empty words. We are as much at a loss to know what this historian means by affirming. or that those she admires foi her heroes were. 287. p. though prejudicial to his own religion. Mr. when he so boldly advances. iii. 30. expressly condemned by the Lutherans * \ their most solemn assemblies. that the reason which made Francis I alter his resolution of abolishing the Pope's power was. p. was never even heard of in France. how contradictory to itself is the Reformation. good works are necessary to sal­ vation. because Clement VII " had granted him so great power over his own clergy. 108. 12. It would be departing too much from my design. averred by Mr. This fact. to suppress the Oblation and Sacrifice. a thing unknown to our his­ torians. and allow all he relates as fact for the sake of those truths he was not able to deny. 140. 1. ( Part i. | that is. But God hath revealed their hypocrisy by their own historian. and makes it more con­ spicuous than the sun. t Ibid. Burnet's history. .l. ETC. that good works were indispen­ sably and absolutely necessary to salvation. n. allow him. as it were. abridged Mr. n. 133. I. Sup. with relation to the Council of Trent. Burnet is no better versed in the history of the Protestant religion. part i. in order to raise a horror of the Church's practices. that there was a resolution taken between Francis I and Henry VIII to with draw themselves by agreement from the Pope's obedience. that he did not so nucfc * Bum. for example. I shall not. Burnet not always to be credited in hi&facU. what he asserts without witnesses or proof. But if the primitive Christians adopted ceremonies that were indifferent. \ Ibid. via. and also the primitive Christians. but I cannot but make it known to the world. Burnet. if he had set up a paMarch in France .

Burnet only of what h e wrote himself. 20. Burnet pretends that this author ought. tf Kiliuoro. and not joining in those parts of the offices that went against his conscience. sets him forth for an author of our party.272 THE HISTORY OF [lOO* a s take notice of the very title.—The plans of Religion which Mr. from the falling out between Paul V and the republic of Venice. who counterfeited our religion. labored for nothing more than to bring this republic§ to an entire separation. . But what he deserves the least to be pardoned in is. But they are very well convinced in their consciences. 23. that had concealed himself . that occasionally. heard Confessions. since it is not this expression that makes a council. said Mass. in another book. '|| This t» what Mr. at the time he counted amongst our authors Fra-Paolo. who believed himself to be ii: a defiled and idolatrous Church. He who. which '. representing the Catholic Church. Burnet. who said Mass not be* lieving it. None knows him better than Mr. and which Geneva at length hath made public I speak t o Mr. L i. It behooves one. to be very cautious how he credits our historian in what he pronounces touching this council on the testimony of Fra-Paolo. $ Ibid. and who remained in a Church whose worship ap­ peared t o him idolatry. lately translated into our language. not only from the Court. 44 109.his council placed a t the beginning of all its decisions. There i s n o need of mentioning this author's letters.—Mr. therefore. Burnet makes after Fra-Paolo's example. to be above sill exception. and to whom Fra-Paolo had disclosed his sentiments. because he is one of their o\Vn party . takes off the mask and shows him a Protestant. p. A t Part 1. who boasts him to u s . p.J that looked upon the Knglish common-prayer book as his pat­ tern . yet it never could have escaped a man that had but just opened the book with the least attention. who was present at Venice at the time of the difference. Burnet's fallacy with regard to Fra-Paolo. in his history of the Reformation. and were in every library. was in reality nothing hut a Protestant in a monk's disguise. that this Fra-Paolo. For he jpbraid3 it with having usurped the most glorious title of the moat holy Oecumenical Council. J 6. with respect to Catholics. but n!so from tho Church of Rome . Bish< v || Ibid. Prcf. Mr. which are all Protes­ tant. p. | and this is the common artifice of all Protestants. wherein he continued never­ theless . a Protestant under a monk's disguise. J Tho Life of Bedell. p. the Protestant Bishop of Kilmore. 44 1 j 10. its declared enemy rather than historian. in Ireland. when • Part ii. Burnet writes in the life of William Bedell. and quieted the remorse of his conscience by passing over many parts of the canon."* although this qual­ ity b e not found in any one of its decrees : a thing of little im­ portance in itself.

Whether he speaks of himself. Is he inclined to rid­ icule the veneration of images or relics. therefore. either his prejudices or conjectures for certain truths. He says. 44 112. or play the Doctor. believes he has reached to the very original of things. or even. under the insinuating title of a historian. that the Pope may be deposed in certain cases. Let not Mr. When an author relates such things seriously. for example. his design is to trifle with mankind. in the midst of his narration. Burnet. an abridgment of the autiquities of several ages. or the Pope's authority. he means only. he concludes. Bishop of Kilmore. under a Monk's habit. that this was a device set up by Pope Paschal I I . " although it be found five hundred years before. and drinks at the fountain-head. . so as to leave no room for doubt. Can his Cranmer be borne with. I IL p. abusing a treatise which Gerson had made De attferibililale papm. t Burn. finding a history all over interspersed with these reflections. he hid a Calvinistic heart. slily introduces all he pleases of antiquity. the pallium 1 he gives to these practices such a form and such a date as he thinks fit. he is content with alleging such facts as are favorable to his own religion. 340. This invention. or prayer for the dead. Burnet. should acquire a right to make what he pleases pass for truth concerning our religion. 175. An artful historian. admires the erudition and agreeable turns of the work. That the papal power is a quite needless thing?' whereas. I must own. nor that Fra-Paolo. E T C . part ii. when. or in­ troduces in his history a third person that speaks of our doctrine. But it is not just that Mr. his inward design is ever to decry it. to omit nothing. should thus peremptorily de­ cide on Church-antiquity. he lays before us those ingenious plans of Primitive-Churcl doctrine. and he destroys his own credit with all thinking persons. But the subject on which our historian has e thausted all his • Life of Bedell. is equally commodious and agreeable.—Gerson cited strangely from the purpose. and with as little truth.THE 273 VARIATIONS. in a work whose character ought to be sincerity. The credulous reader. Gregory. in imitation of Fra-Paolo. without once dreaming that the author gives him. be any longer credited as to what he relates of the Church's dogmata^ since he turns all of them to a wrong sense. that a historian ought not to enter into proofs. Under pretext. and erects for us a scheme of his own contrivance. p.—A gross Error relating to Celibacy and the Ronan Pontifical. whom he copies after. because that. 44 111. and labored under-hand to dis­ credit the Mass he said daily. in the letters of Pope Vigilius and St. as from this Doctor. as the sequel of this work demonstrates.* of the pallium. and seeing every where.

when he was most mitigated. indeed. * Burn. p."^ And this. according to the ancient canons. is that regarding the Celibacy of Ecclesiastics. nor in the other books of offices. * I will. 282." But the contrary appears from himself. Burnet concludes from these words. he was free. H e that confers the orders asks of him that receives them.—A vain shift. . that the chastity here in question is that which is kept in a state of marriage. first. Burnet still replies. 1 'bid pp. which is imposed. Mr. § Part i. * Wilt thou promise to live in chastity and sobriety !' T o which the sub-deacon answers. on the principal clerks from the very time they are raised to the sub-deaconship 1 113. and it is easy to be seen. and so were not precluded from marriage by any vow.* by those he makes on the Roman Pontifical. but. as I may say. had been ordained without any such " ques­ tion or answer made. whatever might be required by the Roman Pontifical. he that presents himself to this order is stopped to hear declared to him that. till then. as his finest color­ ing. ii. to save himself. he must keep chastity. Burnet now say again. or some other matter of light importance. but if he proceeds further.prohihited the violation of it. 1. or Cranmer's name.f And in that of a sub-deacon." says he. j Pont. did not necessarily oblige them to celibate.*" Mr. 92. T shall nM discuss what he says. but that which one is obliged " in a state of marriage." But the imposition is too gross 1 0 be borne with. except some ex­ travagant prayers addressed to saints. and. in Oonsec. was the reason why Cranmer never durs£ declare his marriage during the life ol Henry V I I I . that this Prince was fai enough from taking from ordination the profession of continency as he had even. was forced to add to a for bidden marriage the reproach of clandestinely. Rom. Will Mr. iii. i. part.274 THE HISTORY" OF [B001 ingenuity. and which teaches us " to abstain frorr all unlawful embraces ?"—Must we then wait for the sub-dea conship to enter into this obligation ? And who is it that does not acknowledge here that profession of continency.^ that. that no other chastity was here understood. but in that of a bishop. and has employed. " that the promise made by clergymen. under pain of death. 01. which will easily be granted me has aothing in it obscure with respect to celibacy: " It was consid­ ered. Ep. who were married in the time of Edward. " under the forfeiture of goods and chattels. accord­ ing to the rites of the Roman Pontifical. as well as out of it. The words he relates are not said in the or­ dination of a sub-deacon. the English priests. 1. either in his own. he hav­ ing owned that in the tune of Henry VIII nothing was altered in the rituals. One may judge of his remarks on antiquity.

Thomas of Canterbury's name. the Church had no more power than the State pleased to allow. as those which pious Princes had endowed her with. nor can any thing but stress of wit and quirk. always dastardly and trembling at death's approach. persecuted in his own and the persons of his dearea friends. and the whole ecclesiastical luthority being united to the royal throne. and particularly that of continency. Thomas of Canterbury resisted the attempts of unjust Rings. the more doubtful the cause of this holy martyr appeared to the politicworld. sacrificed even. Miracles. Lastly. The one. to please his Prince. and such others. wrought at his tomb. to the dregs of a despicable life. which plain facts belie. with a generous contempt of all the conveniences of life. even faith itself. and an outward conformity in everything to a religion. Nor do I wonder. intrepid and exemplary. The one combated even to blood for the Church's minutest rights. keys. were an honor to the Church. pious through the whole course of his Ufa. VJt 114—Conclusion of this Booh N o wonder then. Nay. St. wor­ ship. purchased the glorious liberty ol speaking what his conscience dictated for truth. as well those which Jesus Christ had acquired by his death. excuse him even to his own party: but the glory of St. every thing was inthralled. sacraments. by the signal chastisements of Henry II. Thomas of Canterbury will live as long as the Church. I say. the one. he has left but an odious name amongst m e n .J rat VARIATIONS! ETC. Lanfranc. and by miracles of so great a lustre. was yet more so in the last period of it: the other. Anselm. and of life itself: the other. Thomas Cranmer prostituted his conscience to them and indulged their passions. In a word. that under such an Archbishop> no regard was had to the doctrine of his holy predecessors. was effaced from their Calendar of Saints • • St. authority. this holy Prelate's persecutor. and his virtues. so continual. which France and England have venerated with a kind of emu­ lation. that they drew to it the Kings of France as well as England. will never be forgotten. whose life was the condemnation of Thomas Cranmer. de­ fended the very outworks of the holy city: the other surrendered to the Kings of the earth her most sacred trust. and by maintaining her pre­ rogatives. the more did the divine power declare itself in his behalf. St. shrunk even below himself. that in his time. spent his life under a shameful dis­ simulation. and so well attested by the unanimous consent of all the historians of those . St.rii. which he inwardly condemned. St. his goods con­ fiscated. by the exemplary penance of this Prince. banished. every way afflicted. his faith and conscience. Ac­ cordingly. the word. Dunstan. censures. and at the age of three-score and two. whose admirable virtues. which alone could ap­ pease the wrath of heaven.

the Monk. [From the year 1546 to the yaar 1561. Peter. and St. cont Dura Fulk. when ho relates fne miracles of their conversion.—The disturbance caused in Prussia by Osmnder. than to Jesus Christ. and St.* the mission of those saints. and their curious and continual researches into antiquity. the holiness of their pastors. Bede. will bring them back to the doctrine of the first ages. and that oi the Duchy of Wirf. T o believe them. cont. ApoL E c c AngL . escape not the hands of the Reformation: they are attacked and defamed by her chief writers. More flagrant still have been theii attempts : nothing but the degradation of all that nation's saint*.—The distinction between mor< * Whitak. that to deny them is to reject at once the truth of all his­ tory whatsoever.—The Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse made prisoners. aimed rather at subjecting them to the Holy See. so holy a Pope. by con­ verting the English. who brought them to the Gospel. a Lutheran: his new doctrine concerning Justification.embcrg. and their religions. their venerable historian. till the meeting of the Council.—The Emperor presses the Lutherans to appear at the Council of '1 r e n t — T h e confession culled Saxonic. but legendary stories.—Disputes among the Lutherans after the Interim. btrives to undo him on account of indifferent ceremonies. will always be the object of their hatred The time of vengeance and illusion shall pass away.'—The Protestant* defeated by Charles V. can satisfy them. Augustin. St. at most. Gregory. tells them nothing but fables . Gregory. since it first became Chris­ tian. drawn up on this occasion. hath struck the name of so great a man out of the Calendar of Saints.—Luther's Theses which had excited the Lutherans to take up arms. which regu­ lates matters of Religion provisionally for the Protestants alone. and God will give ear to th8 prayers of his Saints. The English Reformation. will not always remain under this seduction : the respect they retain for the Fathers. whence they received Christianity.] A brief Summary. and her Reformation establishes itself by trampling under foot and polluting the whole Christianity of the nation in its very source.—Fie "enews the doc­ trine of Ubiquity. Pope. nevertheless.—The war begun between Charles V and the Confederates of Smalkald. so hutnble. who sent him.—The prodigious ignorance of this Archbishop. I cannot believe the chair of St. Melancthon's Disciple. was the work of the ambition and policy of Popes. Archbishop of Cologne.—The Interim. This is what is published in England.—Ulyricus. or the Emperor's book. But so learned a nation.2?(f THE HISTORY OF [BOO* times. BOOK VIII.—A new subject of war on account of Herman. of their Kings. Staph Jewel. it is to be hoped. who laid the foundation of the English Church.

'-Herman. Afterwards. be they kings. this wan certainly the most illiterate . As the Landgrave • Sleid. the magistrate sets him at liberty. was the Smalkaldic league which Luther had excited in a manner so furious.— The Conference at Worms for reconciling Religions.—New decision on the co-operation of Free-will. Elated with the power of so many con­ federated Princes. 261. he held very holy councils for the de­ fence of the ancient faith. calls the Protestants into his Diocese. xvi p. and to that purpose had sent for Bucer and Melancthon.—Ubiquity set up as far almost as Lutheranism ex­ tended. 1545.' said he. f Sleid. And if. you nave but one thing only to repent of. Never was any thing seen more violent. a year before his death. ETC.—Ivlelancthon's death under a dread. A fresh subject of feud happened at this time. . ful perplexity. L i n. after he has been shut up in an enclosure. you may con­ tinue.1 are to be «een in the edition of his works. I.—The merit of Good "Works acknowledged anew. Herman* Archbishop of Cologne. that the worst excesses were to be dreaded from it. ONS. 277 lal and venial Sins. 25. and made him fall blindly into all their sentiments. L Wit p. and a man ever resigned to the will o^ whom­ soever governed him. an: sti. and. the Lutherans got possession of his mind. they appeared so horrible to him . 407. " against whom the whole world takes up arms at the first signal* without waiting for com­ mands from the magistrate.—Luther's Theses in order to stir up the People to take up arms. J T. he had published the Theses abovementioned.fill-] THE VARIA. If you fall in the engagement before the beast has received its mortal wound. all those who defend him must also be treated like a band of robbers under their captain. Of all prelates."t Sleidan.—The Lutherans inconsistent with themselves. that you did not bury your dagger in its breast. This is the way to deal with the Pope .— His extreme Ignorance.—An account of \ he Book of Concord compiled by the Lutherans. that is. Whilst he gave ear to the sage counsel of the learned Gropper. but they were in Luther's Theses. There he compared the Pope to a mad wolf. —The Lutherans at variance among themselves. in order to answer Libertines well a« weak Christians. but we learn from Sleidan that he pub­ lished them anew in 1 5 4 5 . lib. who relates a great part of these bloody Theses.—Assembly of the Lutherans at Naumburg in order to a»ree about the true edition of the Confession of Augsbun*. they fall into Demipelagianism.—The uncertainty still as great as ever.—The Zuinglians condemned by the Lutherans in a Synod held at Jena. " to pursue this savage beast. J FORMIDABLE 1 I. for me true reformation of manners. durst not venture to repeat these last words. and with impunity attack those who prevented his destruction.* He had maintained them from the yeai 1 5 4 0 . JlrcJibishop of Cologne. and containing all their decisions. took it into his head to reform his dio­ cese after the new fu-shion. be they Caesars.—1540. however unanimously agreeing that Good Works are not necessary to Salvation.

The Emperor 44 4 f Sleid. The Elector. In \ aH the errors of the Lutherans were rejected. p. would not have him styled Emperor. proposed to them a form of doctrine called the Inte­ rim." Understanding it. 276. the Protestant Princes promised him their assistance. In this manner they endeavored. CTL p. without owning or denying Charles V for Em­ peror. and the marriage of such priests as had become Lutherans.—It is doubted among the Confederates whether Charles V shoxdd be treated as Emperor.s as criminal.278 THE HISTORY OF [BOOK was one day speaking to the Emperor about this new reformer. ) the Duke of Saxony and the Landgrave taken prisoners. • they could not lawfully wage war against him. conformably to Luther's Theses. They soon came to open force. and understood re­ ligion. lib. scarcely does he understand Latin : he never said Mass but thrice in all his life. and by this expedient all hostilities were allowable. If so.—The victory of Charles V.—The Book of Interim. p. 289. Ep." said he. were tolerated only. who durst not say he knew a word of Latin. and the Landgrave. to make the war they waged against the Emperor appear lawful :J yet there was a dispute amongst them how Charles V was to be treated in their public writings. the more these published in their manifestoes. that he should be treated as bearing himself for such. S i t Sleid. that whosoever united himself with the Pope. was favoring the party. replied only. it was resolved. in the Landgrave's notion. xv/i. but in order to do himself justice on certain rebels that were headed by the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave.* What will the poor man reform V answered h e . who had de­ graded the Emperor? Who had deprived him of the empire? Was it to become a maxim. besides. more conscientious than the rest. lib. he did not know so much as the beginning of it. he had read good books in t) e German tongue. Thccd. of his own authority.—1546. resigned the title of Emperor ? The thought was as ridiculov. which he enjoined them to follow provisionally till the Council sat. 297. in case he were attacked on the score of religion. 295." The Land­ grave had none of these scruples . inter."*]* u 1 4 4 44 44 3. ( 1 5 4 7 . Ibid. . that this war was not en­ tered upon but by the secret instigation of the Roman Anti­ christ and the Council of Trent. Overthrown by the famous victory of Charles V near the Elbe. they knew not which way to turn themselves. ( 1 5 4 8 . because." The fact is certain . The Emperor. f Epist Wit. But the issue of the war waa not favorable to the Protestants. In conclusion* to please all parties. ) or the Emperor's book. p. and. I heard him twice. xvii. &c. As the Pope and the Emperoi joined to­ gether against him. with communion under both kinds where it was re-established. The more the Emperoi declared that he did not take up arms on account of religion.

who declared several times. 279 was blamed at Rome for undertaking to pronounce in matters of religion.f The Protestants desired the Emperor to authorize these articles in the meantime. without being communicated to the Pope's Legate. while the rest were under debate. 78. Pflugius. Bucer.VIII. Coll. in order to be regulated either in the general Council. V. Ep. but only to pre­ scribe to the Lutherans what they might best do till the Counci met. 153. Reap. Act. . together with the Catholic States. and inxchat mannet. since neither the Pope nor the bishops have ever approved it. 132. they themselves M + Sleid. provided they were well understood . Some Lutherans accepted of it rather by force than otherwise : the greatest part rejected it. Concil. received in the Catholic Church. Bishop of Naumburg."J Melancthon. who digested these remarks. The Protestants on their side. Princ. 24. and made a list of " things omitted in the articles accorded. that was going to be opened. answered. they were called articles accorded. The truth is.—Conference of Ratisbon in 1541. that it had been formerly proposed at the conference of Ratisbon in 1541. p. who pressed the re­ ception of the articles accorded."* 5. that an affair of this nature ought to be " referred to the Pope. But this was opposed by the Catholics. did not think it fit that a body of doctrine should be pro­ posed. Three Catholic divines. and the Prelates. Batisb. Cardinal Contarenus was the man.—Articles agreed and not agreed upon in this Conference.—The project of the Interim. a very learned divine. by the Emperor's orders were there to treat about the reconciliation of religions with Melancthon. or rite." that is. Eckius rejected the book. A r g e n t 1542. and whom even the Protestants have praised. This question belongs not to my subject. ad Car. 136. 4. or by some other proper method. Annotata. and the project of Charles V had but little success. then at Ratisbon. MeL lib. Ratisb. Ratisb. Act. and Pistorius. which were not agreed to. Ibid. wrote to the Emperor in the name of all the Protestants. that the " articles accorded" should be received. Whilst I am on the subject of this book. Gropper and Eckius.] THE VARIATIONS. and when the three Protestants were agreed with Pflugius and Gropper on any articles. Ibid. Where­ fore. although Eckius all the while opposed them. put their own explications on them. it will not be amiss to observe. 199. Sleid. that the Interim cannot pass for an au­ thentic act of the Church. they could not consent to the changing of any dogma. 25. Ibid. he had not taken upon him to make a decision or law for the Church. ETC. 29. Those on his side answered. ' f Ibid. i. throe Protestants. these conferences went on nevertheless . it is sufficient to observe by the way. the Legate having been consulted. 157. 8 2 lib. xiv. lib. out omissa u artic. I Act.Ep.

lib. provided it be not ac* Sleid.—Bucer's new Confession of Faith. would appear too human a work . by-the-by.")" In this confession of faith. and Pflugius. and leaves whole and entire all that can establish the real and substantial presence. but not lawful to acknowledge that you change. An. those of Stras­ burg. that she always unchangeably retains her first confession of faith pre­ sented to Charles V at Augsburg. ordered his book to be revised. that it may not be thought strange I should speak only. in which this Church declares. that Bucer. p. Michael Helding. iii . in 1 5 3 0 . how bad success these imperial decisions were used to have. at the same time. nevertheless. Sup. iv. in 1 5 4 6 . as hath ap­ peared. * The Emperor. that act which imported that even those who have not faith. still retained the Confession of Strasburg. the titular Bishop of Sidon.—The finishing stroke put to the Interim. in the new Reformation it is lawful to change. Thus all the projects of accommodation vanished into smoke : the which I am pleased with remarking occasion­ ally. he authorized two acts which were made to destroy each other. that the Confession of Strasburg was made only to avoid the subscribing that of Augsburg. The most remarkable thing in this is. Bishop of Naumburg. 8. and who abuse the sacrament. should it own this.280 THE HISTORY [BOOl OF were sensible of their being conceived in rmbiguous terms. But he did but set a new example.—Another Conference. 7.—The success of this Book.—Two contrary acts are received at Strasburg at the same time. lib. lib. as they did. p. had subscribed the C onfession of Augsburg. a Protestant. receive the proper substance of the body and blood of Jesus Christ. and that those of the Confes­ sion of Augsburg would never admit for brethren. who in sub­ scribing the Articles of Smalkald. ana it was nothing but an imposition to press. 1548. nor their associates. that is. Bucer excludes nothing expressly but transuhstantiation. 6. the recep­ tion of them. little Another was held in the same city. f Hoap. Bucer published there a new confession of faith. 344. 2 0 4 J Sup. Whilst the Emperor was exerting himself to make his Interim be received in the city of Strasburg. and with as little success. xx. for it may be remem­ bered. in mat­ ters of religion. of so famous an action as the conference of Ratisbon. and likewise receives the agreement made at Wittenberg with Luther. put the finishing stroke to it. that is. The Reformation. as it were.'! All this is now reconciled . and Islebius.~\54G. namely. and it is better to approve four or five contradictory acts.

and making himself a hereditary sovereign. Osiandnca. of reforming. ETC.THI. Saxon.—What sort of man Osiander was—his doctrine about Justification. T o venture their lives for them.-Osiander also abandons his Church ofNurcmburg. The Protestants even were scandalized to see them thus forsake their Churches. and left the Church which he had gov­ erned twenty-five years. as. according to him. 24* . than to own one's self wrong especially in confessions >f faith. and sets all Prussia in an uproar. dispersed very many of the Reformers."f For. On a sudden.. the substance of the word incarnate M * Chyt lib. tit. This was the last action that Bucer did in Germany. who gathered strength und*r Edward. The Lord is our righ eousness. we live by God's substantial life and love. Prince Albert of Brandenburg. by forswearing his religion.* He would not have it to be by the imputation of Jesus Christ's justice. as all other Protestants maintained. J8) knowledged that they are so. Of all countries this was one of the most addicted to Lutheranism. Jer. so we are just by his essential justice commu­ nicated to u s . grounded on that saying often repeated in Isaiah and Jeremy. xvii. who yet did all he could to save his. unless it were Cran­ mer. 10. by the essential love he bears himself. 6. he dis­ appeared at Nuremburg. 9. without being able to change anj thing in Peter Martyr's Articles. that none of them laid down their lives for their flock .—Bucer goes to England. and it has been an observation of old standing. wnere he dies. It belonged to the Teutonic Order (1525. and ever since the beginning of the Reformation. conceived all at once a de­ sire of marrying. as long as swearing was to his purpose. was what they were not accustomed to. and the doctor of Nuremburg soon excited there new disorders. he found a refuge in England among the new Protestants. During the commotions occasioned by the Interim. yet not being V h e to alter any thing in the Articles which Peter Martyr had htablished there: so that pure Zuinglianism was the religion then But Bucer's notions will have their turn. And thus did the whole country become Lutheran. 4 4 4 f IKU xxiiL 6. or for the Reformation. to which. but by the intimate union of God's substantial justice with our souls. 16. 11. Andrew Osiander had signalized himself among the Luther­ ans by a new opinion he had introduced concerning Justifica­ tion.) but the great master of it. xxiii. The troubles. The famous Osiander was one of the first that fled. There he died in great esteem. caused by the Interim.] THE VARIATIONS. Prussia was the place he retreated to. and we shall see Peter Martyr's Articles changed under Elizabeth. p. 33.

ad Mel. held with ths Sacramentarians.' " And. 44 4 44 44 44 44 13. the very first time I saw him. he praised it by applying it to those words which God uttered with respect to himself. but Calvin is astonished that the) were able to bear with him so long. | in a better which he writes to Melancthon concerning this man. and he it was that carried the subject of the Real Presence to such extremity as to maintain that they ought to say of the Eucharistic bread.—Melancthon's opinion. that I have a difficulty in repeating them. and Melancthon. fearing lest new divisions might break out in the party. as often as he found good wine at an entertainment." Calvin had been present at the banquets in which he vented these blasphemies. He. chiefly at table. for Osiander wac" the most violent enemy the Sacramentarians had. and. that Calvin used him thus harshly from a particular hatred of his own. Ever since the time that the Confession of Augsburg was in hand. a wild beast not to be tamed. This he did by playing the droll. wherein he had distinguished himself by his great learning they chose to bear with him. one of the first of the sect. at which he conceived a horror. Ep. con sidering ail his furies."§ But the Lutherans entertained no better opinion of him . 146. and cannot conceive. how Melancthon could have lavished so much praise upon him. he had used his utmost endeavors to prevail with the whole party to embrace this prodigy of doctrine. but in such profane jests. and Melancthon. As for him. n i . and he is every where found at the conferences among the chief of the party. concerning Osiander It will be thought. § S. wrote to Camerarius* that Osiander had made Luther and all of them exceedingly merry. The same Calving speaks of Osiandei as of a brutal man. is to be added." said he. 88. had placed him at the head of her pastors from the yeai 1522. defended it with the greatest boldness. again : Here is the Son of the living God. J Ibid. perchance. It is Calvin who informs u s .—Osiander s profane spirit observed by Calvin. this bread is God. and the sacraments. At the Assembly of Smalkald men were astonished at his rashness. That. at their return from the Conterence of Marpurg. above all men. when his wit abounded most. Yet they passed off without any exception being taken to them. yet. by the word. to Luther's face. 44 1 12. f CaL Ep. 146. and that of other Protestants. I detested his profane spirit and infamous behaviour. and always looked upon him as the shame of the Protestant party." Yet he was one of the pillars of it: the Church of Nuremburg.262 THE HISTORY OP [BOO* dwelling in us by faith. iv. 1 am that I am. who often found it nerved hi* 14 * Lib. had the talent of diverting Luther . L ii.

xvn. says he. 70. what elated his heart. feared nothing so much as new divisions. writing . p. and. say my authors. •* Lib. $ Acad. or things indifferent.o his friends. p. and listened to Calvin. during his life. H e was no sooner arrived in Prussia than he set the Uni­ versity of Koningsberg§ in a flame with his new doctrine of Justification. he made himself very easy about these in­ different practices. who had given him the first chair in his University. t i rid. in great favor with the Prince. but Melancthon acquaints usf that persons of authority and learning had represented the danger there was of bringing into that country a man who had spread in the Church BO great a chaos of new opinions* Cranmer himself gave ear to reason on this head. . would not have them re­ jected (1549. || Chytr. the Reformation. ii. 36." It was not Osiander's fault that he did not go to trouble England. Jg3 turn to praise him. as Calvin reproaches him with doing to ex­ cess. Ep. In Prussia. &c f Ibid. cant An. Concord. his other excesses. in the exterior worship.—Osiander. Ep.Till. 134. ETC. 514. Lib. finding himself free from the party's yoke. because the use * Lib. i. he gave himself free scoper and soon divided the whole country. keeps within no bounds. 16. his ravings. TT Melancthon." and. XXL p. the less was changed the better. puffed up with the Prince's favor. xxii. Ep. That which arose about ceremonies.] THE VARIATIONS. Other disputes were enkindled at the same time in the other parts of Lutheranism. yet he stood in fear." of Luther's magnanimity. ii. or for the order of lessons*" they ought to draw a persecution on themselves. Lib. was carried on with a great deal of acrimony. J Calv. or things indifferent. 14. This doctrine was made criminal in him. lib. 240.) It had ever been his opinion that.J who spoke to him of the illusions whereby Osiander bewitched himself and others. nor did believe. was held. lest they should irritate a man whose eloquence was formidable.** " that for a sur­ plice. 259. L Ep.—The dispute on Ceremonies. For which reason. Ep.447. 445. Regiomontana. 799. void of authority. supported by the Academies of Leipsic and Wit* tenburg. ad Cranra Col. p. 378. 365. where he was all-powerful. lib. ad Phil. and the monstrousness of his opinions. where he hoped that the esteem in which his brother-in-law. for some holydays. and. would give him credit. during the Interim. However eager always m its defence. and it was decided in the party that these indif­ ferent things ought absolutely to be rejected. which she knew not how to terminate . 15. 25. Cranmer.* does nevertheless blame "his extreme arrogance. never durst write anything on that subject. he was left at liberty to utter what he pleased by word of mouth. || The magnanimous Luther feared him no less: in general.

truly. f Synt Gen. But Flacius Illyricus. said they. as we learn from Sleidan. but the capital city of the Duchy of Wirtemberg. Ante. 16. in order to be presented in a general council. and of that of Wirtemberg. I must speak at present of the Confes­ sion of Faith called Saxonic.1552. The Saxonic Confession was drawn up by Melancthon. solemnly convened at Leipsic. only shows they were ashamed of producing s o many new con­ fessions of faith. || Melancthon's Confession was called by himself the repetition of that of Augsburg.* And now particular reasons urged him on more than ever: for. whom the Emperor had put in the place of John Frederick. a kind of profession of Popery. 17. declares likewise that he confirms. et aeq. the Elector. and. Brentius was the author of the Confession of Wirtemberg. and that of Wirtemburg. and by what They were both made much about the same time. there was no necessity of making another. it was received not only through­ out all the territories of the House of Saxony and of many other Princes. and contained. but. His aim was directed at Melancthon's ruin. but of whom he was afterwards become BO jealous as not to endure him. and the acts thereof are printed in the Book of Concord. 48. p. as appears by the subscriptions and declarations of those Churches. . in order to be presented to the Council of Trent. by whose authority the Confession of Wirtemberg was published. In fact. who started this question. § And. Christopher. J by order of Mau­ rice. had a deeper design. Part i i . which almost all the Lutherans in Ger­ many have accepted.—Saxonic Confession. next to Melancthon the most famous man of tne whole party. Gen.—IUyricus's jealousy anil hidden designs against Melancthon. whose disciple he had been. Illyricus and his friends carried it to such extremes as to maintain ubiquity. Part ii. whereas Melancthon en­ deavored then to undermine Luther's doctrine of the Real Pres­ ence. approved it with one voice. but also by the Churches of Pomerania and that of Strasburg. and this word. in 1551 and 1552.f not Wittenburg in Saxony. xxiL || Ibid. p. the Confession of Augsburg. * Sleid. 1 Lib. to follow the order of time. nor ought there to be any thing more authentic than a confession of faith made by so renowned a person. made. repeat. we see it decided by the greatest part of the Lutheran Churches.—1551. where the victorious Charles V would have the Protestants make their appearance. namely.98. and does but re­ peat. in order to repeat it.284 THE H I S T O i 1 OF [BOOK made of them was contrary to the iberty of the Churches. Duke of Wir­ temberg. It shall be spoken of hereafter: and. $ Synt. 94.—Why Authors. All the doctors and all the pastors.

but also by the impious. § Conf. ETC. Part ii. although he did not deny a substantial presence.Article efthe Eucharist in the Saxonic Confession. nor received substantially by the impious. in the Articles of that of Augsburg and Smalkald Melancthon avoids saying what he had said at Augsburg. as hath appeared. p. from bread and wine: for it seems. nevertheless. de Ccena. with respect to his divinity and incarnation. truly given to those who receive the body and blood of Jesus Christ." These important words which Luther had chosen with so great care. The Confession of Wirtemberg§ departs no less from that of Augsburg. divided. p. f Synt. to say nothing of the long dis­ course of four or five pages which Melancthon substitutes in lieu of two or three lines of the tenth article of Augsburg. were by Melancthon himself cut off from his Saxonic Confession." 19. and. Jesus Christ. in order to explain his doctrine. nor from tho Articles of Smalkald. was to show itself. de Euch. t Luke ii. was to be " a mark set for contradictions"J in these latter ages. too.—Changes which Melancthon made by the Saxonic Confession.Gen. in this •nyatery. and makes them his members. It s a y s .! which decided this matter." said he. that the bread and wine are the true body and the true blood of Jesus Christ. Wirt. 72. and that things are not sacraments except in the time of their use so established. . he tad been in the first ages of Christianity. in which Jesus Christ came to the faithful. Accordingly. and much more. whereby Jesus Christ testifies that he is in them. cui contradicitur.TILL J T H E VARIATIONS. Jesus Christ is truly and substantially present. what Luther had added at Smalkald. 3-1 Postal* in aigrmm. It seems he was no longer of opinion that the body of Jesus Christ was taken by the mouth together with the bread. nevertheless. among the many novelties on this subject. '* That the body and blood are truly given with the bread and wine. although signed by Melancthon at Smalkald. . the article of the Eucharist was there explained in terms very different from those employed at Augsburg.—Article of the Eucharist in the Wirtemberg Confession. U&. but also in his own proper flesh and substance. In this manner was the Confession of Augsburg and Luther's doctrine repeated in the Saxonic Confession. the which are not only given and received by pious Christians. Ibid. 286 18. this. and rejects those who say the bread and wine are signs of the body and blood of 11 * Cap. here is what was essential in it: " It is necessary. as.* For. 20. to begin with the Saxonic . " to inform mankind that the sacraments are actions instituted by God. C. that the true body and true blood are distributed in the Eucharist. not only by his virtue and spirit. according to the prophecy of the venerable Simeon. in the established use of this communion.

the other the certainty of concom­ itancy : but though it defends the reality so far as to admit con* comitancy. but that God uses not this power in the Supper. although Jesus Christ be distributed whole and entire. that the will aftei 44 44 * Conf.—God wills not Sin. whether or not. by deciding that. who had forsaken the faith of the Church. so the abettors of the literal sense are sometimes dazzled dy the deceitful subtleties of that which is*figurative. de lib." Thus it grants us two things . at Augsburg. the pos­ sibility of transubstantiation. p. Wirt. 53. dc Eueh. who says.—The confusion man falls into when he delivers himself over to his own conceits. 60. Thus there is nothing but confusion when man departs from 'he straight path to follow his own ideas. This is my body.! This he begins to discover more plainly to us in the Saxonic Confes­ sion . part ii. The Saxonic Confession acknowledges that the will is free. as well in the bread as in the wine of the Eucharist. that God wills not sin. 44 23. which r e c a l l supernatural. As the abettors of 4io figurative sense receive some impression from the literal one. nor co-operates to it.286 THE HISTl RY OF [BOOK Jesus Christ absent. nrh. one. Synt. p.—Jin article better explained in the Saxonic Confession^ than it had been in tlu>t of Augsburg. and that it suffices not alone for the works. it explains nevertheless these words. i-r to change it into his body." by those of Ezekiel. 61. eto . It adds. But it is not our business to examine here. nevertheless. for. 54. but that the free-will of men and devils is the cause of their sin and fall. of both parts ought to be universal. and the choice of the will. some violent mode may be found out to bring them to a conformity »f sense.*- The other articles of these confessions of faith are not less remarkabie than that of the Eucharist." showing the representation of that city. he did not own the exercise of free-will." Melancthon is here to be commended for correcting Luther and correcting himself. and that afterwards he extended it even to Christian actions. etc.—The co-operation of Free-will. C. pecc. 92." he twice repeats. except in the actims of civil life. Gen. 44 44 1. I have heretofore observed that. It manifestly es­ tablishes concomitancy. This is Jerusalem. It is enough for me to point out what difficulty those had in satisfying themselves with their own confessions of faith. nor approves. derem. * Cap. after < xplaining the nature of free-will. and true bread remains with the true presence of the body. and for speaking more clearly than he had done in the Confession of Augsburg. by torturing the different expressions of so many confessions of faith. the use. tha' it is in the power of God to annihilate the substance of bread.

iv. yet he adhered to it. as a joint agent. that man acts with God. but also begins. as the Council of Trent likewise does. 191. 240." proceeds he. which seems to give to it. 14 44 44 44 25. into sin. C a l E p . and Melancthon does not appear to me ever to have rejected sufficiently. p. But he de­ livers himself more at large on this subject. for he proceeds even to own the human will. lhat it is not without action. Thus he explained himself at the Conference of Ratisbon in 1541. Hi. he durst not declare it distinctly * Domipelagian. in supernatural works. the thing is true. Only have the will. which St. f Ep. because. I own this contingency in the infirmity of our judgment. who.* as much as to say. xviii. though Luther persisted in them to the very last. art. Basil.] THE VARIATIONS." agens partiale. Ep. and wills not sin.Till.—that all hap­ pens among men as Providence ordains and that there is a con­ tingency nevertheless:" yet he owned he was not able to rec­ oncile these points. Mel. 20. t ConH Aug. who s a y s . D. and that in this combat there is some action cf the will to be acknowledged. since he so plainly owned that David could have preserved the Holy Ghost at the time he lost it." narnelv. and by his own will. *' who hold that God is not the cause of sin." says he. n. operation Be that as it will. reasoning on predestination. equally believed these two things.—Melancthon's doctrine on the cooperation of Free»wUL And what Melancthon gives us to understand in this confes* sion of faith. . ETC 287 having received the Holy Ghost. there was not so much harm in saying that the will could begin. as that it could finish of itself the work of God.—The exercise of Free-will plainly owned by Melancthon in the of grace. i n a letter written to Calvin :f " I had a friend. remains not idle. a free action under the guidance of the Holy Ghost who moves it interiorly. how he had introduced a word into the Confession of Augsburg. Thus did he come back from the excesses he had learned from Luther. and though he well knew that this explication would be displeasing to his companions. For my part. 24.^ by which he seemed to intimate." which he confirms by a passage of St. to the end that the ignorant may confess that David fell of himself. according to the school Ian* guage . he explains in his letters more distinctly. as he might have lost it at the time he preserved it: but al­ though this was his sentiment. and might have preserved the Holy Ghost he had within him. inter. it is certain he owned the exercise of free­ will in the operations of grace. not only that the will acts. says he. £. and God will come unto you. and of both there is made one total agent. lib. since we have before taken notice." Whereby Melancthon seemed to insinuate. Basil rejects in other places. |. 3 8 4 .

nor without action. together with the text of St. and to own that free-will hath its agency in the opera­ tion* of grace. I see not how they can deny the thing. he proceeds to attribute to it even the begin­ ning of supernatural actions." They condemned this expression in two synodical assemblies. and even his own confes­ sions of faith were ambiguous. or scholastics. u. and so far from excluding the action of free-will. ETF> .—"The will is not idle. Convinced of his error. 28. which.— " The will is not idle. may reject and lose it. Whence it is plain the> • P a w 5. as we have seen.388 THE HISTORY OF (BUI* in the Saxonic Confession.* All they did to save Melancthon's honor." The thing was. what they have auew decided and inculcated in the Book of Concord . at first. of which they take up false notions. what he believed regarding it. but only to condemn his expressions under the general name of new authors. 82. unanimously. the will is not without action in works of grace. Here is.—happy for him he could insinuate it gently by these words. nor without action. what they have repeated in the Apology. 27. since they all oonfess. by casting off the salutary yoke of Church authority. and would allow it no action in works supernatural. This is what they have asserted in the Confession of Augs­ burg . tbat Melancthon durst not utter. Melancthon made use of. • Illyricus and his followers would never forgive him this short sentence which he had placed in the Saxonic Confession. will plainly see that he was th* oerson aimed at and the sincere Lutherans own as much. he stands condemned by his own people: such is the confusion and perplexity man falls into. run into extremes with Luther against free-will. that man.—Doctrine of the Lutheran*. £80 t I hid. When a little inclined to return to truth. But whoever shall con­ sider with what care the very expressions of Melancthon were culled out for condemnation. Mua suffin smselves to be prejudiced against certain doctrines.f so thai ootbing among them is more certain.—Confusum of the new Sects. This condemnation is set down in the Book of Concord. in short. was not to name him. or papists. which contradicts itself But although one part of the Lutherans will not receive these terms of Melancthon. Luther had so dreadfully thunderstruck free­ will. 475. the nature of these new sects. under grace. and bequeathed to his sect such an aversion to the exercise of it. he leans to the opposite extreme. Basil. 26. Thus did Melancthon. but with fear and trem­ bling. But all his orecautions could not secure him from censure.—His doctrine condemned by his Brethren.

in their brethren the Lutherans. de bonn operib. yet proceeding from the gift of God. a chapter if? found in the Confession of Wirtemberg. " that such sort of sins are covered. for want of well understanding the state of the question. 1 But it must not be concluded from hence. the other. that there are two sorts of sin. but rather. since a thing takes its denomination from what is prevailing therein. to insert in the Saxonic Confession. as it overthrows one of the foun­ dations of the new Reformation.J THE VARIATIONS. at the same time. to condemn the doc­ trine of imputed justice." proceed they. that sin reigns not in him." They add. Ibid. who obey it. and consequently justice. 106. which thing . so as to be able to reject it. not only in God's pardoning some. since it is allowed for certain. but rather charity reigns in him. In those who combat against it. Now." In order to explain the nature of these diffeient sins. which suffices to denominate him truly just. which they support. so much the more deserving of notice. they are not im­ puted " through God's mercy. p." there is no necessity of saying. according to this doctrine. they observe two kinds of Christians. that to explain " gratu­ itous justification. 289 acknowledge with the Council of Trent a free-will. acting under the operation of grace. it subverts not the foundation. but that it pro­ ceeds from the nature of the thing. who. But here the divines of Saxony confess with Melancthon.e 75. that we are truly justified by a justice which is in us. it is venial.* There is also an article in the Saxonic Confession. t Con£ Wirt. we are jus­ tified by imputation. " one which banishes the Holy Ghost from the heart." that is. is grounded on the nature of sin itself. mortal and venial. 30. Melancthon omitted. and through the gratuitous bounty of God they merit their corporal and spiritual • Pmt.fill. as is commonly said in the pretended Reformation. "one who repress concupiscence . never­ theless. what he had inserted in the Augsburg Confession and Apology concerning the merit of good works. " that good works ought necessarily to be practised. " sin is not reigning. the other. notwithstanding the sins the just man falls into daily. •nake that doctrine criminal in us.—Merit of Works in the Confession of Wirtemberg. on account of some of our Calvinists. c. since. 25 . where it is said. it bereaves us not of the Holy Ghost. ETC. that the Lutherans had rejected this doctrine. and not pardoning others. which will not own that the distinction between sins. Whence it follows. that the distinction of mortal and venial sins consists.t is proper to remark. and is not against conscience. for what reason I know not. —A considerable article of the Saxonic Confession concerning the distinction of mortal and venial sins. no more than this is requisite. which does not banish him." Certain it is.

o >ud lloupin. nor was it. Osiander's monstrous justification. from the said princes that. and before they conferred with the Cath­ olics. i. vii. \ Loc. Melancthon agreed. i. above all things. Mr. with the design of mak ing him and Brentius sign them. of thi In 1557. all the rest. Melanc­ thon had been warned of his designs. the error of those who had received indifferent ceremonies. certain preliminary articles were drawn. that Melancthon was pretty favorable to the Zuinglians. a new assembly." It was also believed in the party. An. r>. in this case. the author of the Interim. sup :it. Burnet. lib. to condemn four sorts of errors. and in his journey wrote to his friend Camerarius. was held at Worms for settling religion. ever attentive to turn every thing to the advantage of the new Reformation. at table. 4. concerning the real presence. Ep. That of the Zuin­ glians. 31. the ambassadors of their respective princes assembled them together to acquaint them. 250. who.—1557. ot ad Bulling."}* that.290 THE HISTORY OF (BOO* rewards:" which. it was not the Catholics that labored to divide the Protestant-*. They were sufficiently di­ vided of themselves. presided in it. in which he represents the Catholics as m e n . Lib. Hitherto. Pflugius. they were " to agree among themselves. makes it appear. and represents lllyricus. and. by the appointment of Charles V. iv. Burn. and over the bottle. That of Osiander about justification. about lesser matters . will discover the true state of the affair. ii. part. Lib.—The Conference of Worms to reconcile both Religions. and this whole enterprise visibly aimed at him and his friends. et acq. lib." since. Ep. and Brentius to Osiander. were of the utmost consequence. 2." But Melancthon's own testi­ mony. And lastly.—The Lutherans unanimously condemn the necessity of Good Salvation. 44 44 44 44 32.* As soon as the Protestant doctors named for the conference were come to Worms. gives a short account of it. that the nature of merit perfectly agrees with grace. The same Melancthon appeared much inclined to the necessity of good works. or some one of that cabal as a fury that went from door to door to exasperate people. as Mr." With the last he was very much united. 80S. that ihe McL li*>. therefore. K. 70. ftjusd Ep. and the manner in which good works were to be judged necessary. J WOTKS f& As to the first of these points. 1557. by the way. 70. This last article expressly glanced at Melancthon. ii. 3 . 355. and engage them into heats about leaser matters. n. ad Albert llardenb. except the question of indifferent ceremonies. 10* .—Division Lutherans. unable to bear down those they call heretics with open fcrce. at the sanu time. That prop­ osition which affirms good works are necessary to salvation. and it was lllyricus with his cabal that proposed it. divide them among themselves. Burnet pretends. 1.

for Illyricus and his friends raised great clamors. where." To the second. we have no share in the kingdom of God. laid before the Catholic deputies a copy of condemnations they had drawn. in the conference. The weakness of the Reformation. and the contentions of Protestants very opportunely fell in with this design. To the third. not by defending the doctrine imputed to him. but by maintaining that they had not comprehended this author's sense. by both parties of the Protestants in Germany." the last word should be cut off.—Osiander spared by the Lutherans. which. we find this equally rejected by Melancthon's enemies. nor had hitherto found out the way of finishing the least debate. that Osiander was not less worthy of censure. in spite of the Gospel. already seemed threatened with destruction. that neither Melancthon noi anybody else doubted of it. 44 44 44 44 33. ETC. Brentius did not fail to take his part. who was ever apprehensive of raising new disturbances in the Reformation. * Zuinglians deserved to be condemned as well as the Pat ists. The Catholics had resolved to press. Bur­ net hath affirmed that the Protestants always declared good *orks indispensably and absolutely necessary to salvation quite on the contrary. Then Illyricus and his friends. but over all Germany.] THE VARIATIONS. a very easy matter to agree all in the condemnations re­ quired by Illyricus and his friends . t 44. who spoke so much of the perspicuity of Scripture. indeed. and accordingly left the lllyricans to dispute .—The Divisions of the Lutherans break forth. to the Luther­ ans. but Melancthon put a sur to it. so ready at starting difficulties. without them. the necessity of submitting to the Church's judgment. they making it appear that they themselves. It appeared. to show the Catholics they were not unprovided of means to repress others bred in the Protestant party. every thing was at a stand. hut only at Worms. and by himself. agreed so little among themselves. in order to put an end to disputes arising among Christians. was vis­ ible to every eye. and its full sufficiency to terminate all disputes. so that good works. These disputes of the Protestants soon reached the ears of the Catholics. which denounces that. which the Catholics endeavor to improve for their Salvation. but which was rejected by their companions . that from this proposition. As for Osiander. by its great divisions. then.—namely.VIII. thus the division blazed abroad in a mantier not to be concealed. The Catholics judged it to no purpose to continue on these conferences. though Osiander had so plainly expressed himself. good works are neces­ sary for salvation. remain neces­ sary" it is true. so bad at solving them. but n o t for salvation and whereas Mr.

and Osiander's eloquence prevailed universally. whose insolence was no longer to be borne with. Paul* left the Pharisees to dispute with the Sadducees. had heard Luther and Me­ lancthon . and even in that edition owned at Frankfort to be so genuine. for six teen years together at Wittenberg. yet this expression. they added to it. 6. by saying. they beheld nothing come from those quarters but timorous writings. When. one of the most renowned professors in divinity of that university. and among others. that Jesus Christ was given in the use of the Sacrament. and that this Sacrament con­ tained two things. and that it is an invention of the Monks unknown to all antiquity. The Lutherans asembled themselves at Frankfort the year after. f Chyt ti Sax. was expected against Osiander. but repeat the Confession of Augsburg.—Osiander's triumph in Prussia.—1558. we read the tenth article of the Augsburg Confession. something vigorous.—namely. the bread and the body. in­ stead of distinct and vigorous condemnations." Strange confusion ! they did nothing. condemned by them at Frankfort. 36. Frederick Staphylus. T i t Osii nd. they had recourse to the authority of the Church of Wittenberg. xvii. as St. in the rit­ uals used by the French church of that city. 264. they did but repeat the Confession of Augsburg. and some resolute decision. which he did not so much as mention in the justification of sinners. this body is present under the species. couched in these terms— 44 41 * Acts xxiii.—Ji new form of the Lutherans in order to explain the Eucharist in the As* sembly of Frankfort. 35. In Prussia. in order to agree about a form relating to the Eucharist.THE HISTORY OF [BOOK with the Melacthonists. truly. substan­ tially. and in a vivifying manner. . from which Osiander reaped advantage. f. p. and the rest of the Protestant Churches in Germany. He made it openly appear how little account he made of the Augsburg Confession. 444. who. till then. Some di­ vines of Koningsberg did what they could to oppose his doc­ trine.—The memorablt conversion of Staphylus. they had done nothing. to say. et ieq. and returned to the bosom of the Catholic Church. Staphylus opened his eyes. said they. and of the merits even of Jesus Christ. J Notwithstanding." is found in one of the editions of that same Confes­ sion which they pretended to repeat. as if. drawing all the advantage he could f "om their notcrious dissensions. Ibid. that to this day. They began. they pitied the weakness of the party thus bereft of all authority against errors. J Hoep. 448. that the body is given us under the species of bread. which the weak faith of the people stood in need of. lib. its au­ thor. according to custom. namely. | but finding they gained nothing by their learned works. of Melancthon.

James Andrew Smidelin. and even with respect to his body.TILL. and Melancthon agreed with the Lutherans. methinks one may reasonably doubt of what he has advanced. 25* t Lib. and Melancthon did not believe he could recant. yet he never could draw any thing from him to that purpose. Melancthon opposed two reasons against them. that this doctrine was damnable and impious. set up with all their might. on the contrary. Calvin condemned what Melanc­ thon taught on the co-operation of free-will. and Melancthon would never depart from it. he did not find in his sentiments what he desired. . as we shall s e e : and Calvin. the other."* 37.] THE VARIATIONS. above all. But the concern of most weight among the Lutherans at that time. These two reasons made Melancthon look with horror on the doctrine of ubiquity. Ep. Calvin boasts every where that Melancthon was of his opinion: but as he does not produce one word of Melancthon's clearly to that purpose. but. that neither of these two authors thoroughly understood the other: Melancthon being imposed upon by the expressions of a proper substance. making him im­ mense. ETC. not only according to his divinity. But certain it is. and what seems to me to be most probable is this. with Calvin. and others. which Westphalus. be no other way therein present than he is in wood and stone. 39. It appears sufficiently they were no less at variance about predestination. was that of ubiquity. and although Calvin repeated frequently that Melancthon in his heart could not help thinking as he did. 38. Calvin could not endure the necessity of baptism. but his humanity like­ wise. taxes him in all his letters and books with having never explained himself sufficiently on that subject. should Jesus Christ. i. and the aversion he had to it made him insensibly begin to incline towards those who defended the figurative sense.—The incompatibility of Melancthon's sentiments with those of Calvin. 70. by taking away every thing that is peculiar to it. than which nothing could be more convincing: one. that it de­ stroyed the mystery of the Eucharist.! that a believer once regen­ erated could not lose grace . that this doctrine confounded the two natures of Jesus Christ. He held a particular communication with them.—The question of Ubiquity made Melancthon turn towards the Sacramen* tartans. David Chythraeus. drawing to his own * Sous les e* *4ce« du pain et du Yin. which Calvin every where affected. as man. Calvin obstinately maintained.—Whether or not Melancthon was a Calvinist with respect to the Eucharist As for what concerns the Supper. 895 ** The body and blood are received under the species of bread and wine.—1559.

which. the Lutherans ran all into ubiquity. almost the only Lutheran h e had maintained a perfect union with. his father-in-law was a downright Calvinist. to know what Melancthon thought one way or other..J * Have I the power. After all. might not have fully comprehended Melancthon's meaning. but. The Sacramentarians did not suit him. this prodigy of doctrine spread insensibly through the whole sect. pp. may be believed. hist. yet without the design of derogating thereby from the substantial presence. career.894 THE HISTORT or sense tVie words by which Melancthon separated the bread from the body of our Lord. with those that maintain it. to unfold truth whole and entire in the country I am i n . is to me of very small importance. howsoever. What we know for certain is.* He took a pride in following the sentiments of his father-in-law. have under­ taken his defence . ad An. ex­ cept by faith. went over to that side. in a R a t t e r they had so perplexed with equivocal expressions. that I have no where found in any of this author's writings that Jesus Christ is not received. . 249. what candor and truth oblige me to. 1557. H e would willingly have spoken.—Melancthon dares not speak. that each one IT ight find in them whatever meaning he thought fit. Neither do I find that he has ever said.250. and for want of that. that the unworthy do not receive the true body and true blood. more interested in this cause than we are. 23. on the contrary. which he owned in the faithful communicants. & c t S. lib. It. hist de sent MEL. Brentius." 4 4 4 44 * P e u c narr. which he saw was quite void of all moderation." said h e . in whose behalf I shall only say. and would the court endure it?" To which he often added: 1 will speak the truth when courts shall aot prevent me. But without im­ peaching Peucer's credit. and wrote books where he gives an account of what he had heard from him in private relating to this subject. in order to introduce Calvinism into Saxony. 1 Hosp. is the true characteristic of the figurative sense. have adapted his words to his own preconceived opinions. it appears to me that he persisted in what was determined on this subject in the Wittenburg agreement. | 40. so great WCJI the opposition h e met with to what he believed was truth. iv. Peucer became one himself. that through the fear Melanc­ thon was in of increasing the scandalous divisions of the new Reformation. he scarce ventured to express himself but in terms so general. If Peucer. but knew not what to say. Many Protestants in Ger­ many. Melancthon's son-in-law. it is no unlikely thing that he. viz. n. and suffered greatly afterwards for his correspondence with Beza.

agree perfectly with that disposition which the im­ placable dissensions of the new Reformation had placed him in. never to meet with peace. WHICH they pretend to HAVE the originals of. PaL ap. and the Zuinglians were condemned by a Synod held at Jena.'" says P e u c e r . in all his confessions of faith. and which he believed the only refuge of truth. one of the most zealous of them. and the violence of his companions ? 44 44 41 1 41." He himself. 996 It I S TRUE. Sacramentarians that MAKE him SPEAK AFTEI THIS manner: but.—1560. as appeared. affirms he was so hated by the Ubiquitarians. in a letter he wrote to the Elector Palatine.VIII. Awld the bottom of his sentiments ?" But what could constrain him in the court of Saxony. and with how many sighs. H e was respected. thai one time Chythraeus. K u d e s that they produce his letters. he believed the most pure. next to the Lutheran. From the time it passed. 269. and which. How many times. and the Catholics justified by this conduct. A town in Saxony :f till then. Auliciuk 1Hosp. . His son-in-law. Melancthon had restrained them from pronouncing such a sentence. where he then was. but the grievous restraints he lay under. nothing in all writings against the Zuinglians was spoken of. The Lu« theran Church. he had rejected. H i s t car. which had on her side succession.. Illyricus and his companions triumphed upon his death.* says. by the Church of Wittenberg. hath he unfolded to me the reasons which hindered him from discovering to the. That he would no longei dispute against men whose cruelties he did experience. Ubiquity was established almost throughout all Lutheranism." And this was but a few months before his death. ad. The Sacramentarian churches. which. Def Cont. to see that these discourses. and the measures he was bound to follow. Westph. otherwise tlev should find in him a perpetual obstacle to their designs. were full of other errors he could not endure. and his death. 2. and in the midst of Lutherans. or truth as he understood it! H e had left the ancient Church. p. Hosp. Peuc. and in this state he ended his miser­ able life in 1560. said They ought to make away with Melancthon. prevented his speaking all he thought. which Peucer makes mention of. H o w deplorable a state. J559. but the court itself. and all preceding ages. ETC.—The Zuinglians condemned by the Lutherans. 260. which he abhorred. one needs but read those his friends have published.—Melancthon s sad condition. Ep. IT I S TH. who relates the facts with a great deal of simplicity.560. embraced ubiquity. which he and Luther had founded. but the authority of the Church. .] THE VARIATIONS. which PASS for his. 42. to which all were bound to yield * Peuc.

and for going counter to *he principles established by Luther. that their pastors ought to take their place amongst the rest. that which should be deemed au­ thentic. and had given a name to the whole party. under Luther and Melancthon's inspection. indeed. that a confession which regulated the faith of all the Protestants in Germany and the whole North. An. they met at Naumburg. among all the editions of the Augsburg Confession. in the council going to be held. with his bishops. 1560. Germ. 1560. without any care taken to adjust these variations. cont West. It was resolved at this time to choose. 2S0. The principal party of the new Ref­ ormation. a city of Thunngia. we see Calvin* never ceases to reproach them for laying greater stress on the name of the Church than the very Papists did. and to judge on ques­ tions of faith . and with such considerable differences. et secj. were obliged to answer all the arguments which the Protestant party had opposed against the Catholic Church and her council. p. the Lutherans. that it did not belong to innovators. the accusers and the judges. An. j It appeared evident that they must ultimately imitate the Catholic Church. were at one and the same time the accused. of not having as yet fixed a confession. At last. S 8 & Hosp. and there selected an edition. and maintained to them. 269. Prin. Naum. by whom they stood condemned. inasmuch as the other editions having been printed * Cal. . p. Ep. ap. that by taking on themselves the authority to condemn them without calling their pastors to the sitting. This was true. They objected against the Church.—1561. and the Lutherans. 324. which alone knew the true method of judging questions of faith: nor did it appear less manifest. The Sacramentarians said as much of the Lutherans. 87L J A c t conv. thirty years after this confession was made. they began themselves to do that which they had called tyranny in the Church of Rome. began to discover that nothing but Church authority could curb men's minds and prevent divisions: and. by the contradictions the Lu­ therans fell into upon following this method. but in vain. pp. and that the Pope.—Assembly of the Lutherans at Jfaumburg to agree about the Confession of Augsburg. The Sacramentarians made the same reproach to the Lutherans. Dcfens. it were prejudging against them with­ out a hearing. The whole body of Protestants said to the Church. otherwise. 270. 2. et seq. f Hosp. 43. should have been published so many ways. ad 111. oputc.896 THE HISTORY OP [BOOk without further dispute. J It was a surprising thing. in their turn. 1561. nor could subsist but in a body. that she made herself judge in her own cause. Honp. in order to silence the reproaches which were flung at Protestants. at Wittenburg and elsewhere. which had practised it from the origin of Christianity. in 1561. p.

were so far from being terminated at the assembly of Naumburg.—Raillery of the Zuinglians. but even that is not certain. or would seem to believe. authentically inserted in the book of Concord.— Ubiquity established. Jiey never could suppress them. every thing was found in this Confession. it cannot even be decided which of these editions were preferred at Naumburg. and stands at the beginning of the book of Concord . we have found it remaining in the Apology . who was one of the members of it. 1561. and. Nay. a vast wide cloak which Satan might hide himself in. that he found in this Confession the Zuinglian doctrine he newly had embraced . Frederic the Elector Palatine. since we have shown four editions of the supper-article. declared expressly. it seems. 44. in choosing one edition. . so that he adhered to the Confession of Augsburg. § Ibid. What is still more. 29? by public authority. a shoe for every foot. ETC. t H o a p . among the goddesses . the assembly of Naumburg. which.* norhindei one from following one. and that even is a proof of what was originally in the Confession. iii. and yel this ubiquity became a dogma among the Lutherans. An.fill. Thus. p.f Again. and in the conferences with Catholics. as well as Jesus Christ. if the merit of good works was cut off from the Confession of Augsburg. whence issued forth good and evil. had been publicly made use of in the Lutheran schools. the apple of discord. 281. especially that which had been made at Wittenburg in 1540. 45. It seems most probable to have been that which is printed with the consent of almost all the princes. under the inspection of Luther and Melancthon. since k is certain that the Apology was made on no other account than to defend and explain it. believed. Here is what we find in that part of the book which bears this title.] THE VARIATIONS. besides. f Ibid. still remained a Zuinglian. These men had proverbs at.—" An abridgment of articles controverted among the J)i* • S. Ubiquity was the only thing that could not be discovered in it. it was not thence to be con­ cluded that they disapproved of all the rest. equally owned in the same book. not concerning himself about Luther. But the dissensions of the Protestants. others another. on the sense of the Confession of Augsburg. I.J that on the contrary. and dealt them out not sparingly to ridicule the different senses that each one found in the Confession of Augsburg.their fingers' ends. as we have elsewhere mentioned.§ The jeering and malicious Zuinglians called it Pandora's box.

Concor. True it is. et EEQ." And still more expressly in the eighth chapter. never­ theless. this Holy Soul knows all that regards the world present. t Solida. et ICQ. p." They 44 44 + Life. nevertheless. not only as God. who are the ministers of our salvation. which would be too open an extravagancy. in a part of this same "jook which bears this title :f— A solid. a repetition of some articles of the Augsburg Confession.298 THE HISTORY K P [>OOB vines of the Confession of Augsburg. since all therein hath a relation to mankind. is giving it an immensity not suitable to it. be in no kind spoken of in the Augsburg Confession. True it is. de pera. True it is. and with respect to his body and blood." This is a strange doctrine. and Jesus Christ is truly and effectually united to it according to his humanity." Let who will expec* from such a title tue clearness and brevity it promises hiin. Jesus Christ may render himself present where he pleases. knows all things : is able to do all things . but with more perplexity and a wider compass of words. oi can know. all that God knows. which have been disputed on for some time by some Divines of this Con­ fession. p."* In the seventh cnapter entitled—Of the Lord's Supper:— The right-hand of God is every where. 761. and are here decided and accorded by the rule and analogy of God's word. is in all times. but also as man. 44 44 44 46. Ch. since it wills nothing but what the Divinity wills who governs it. and clear Rep­ etition of some Articles of the Augsburg Confession. that Jesus Christ. as man. that although the doc trine of ubiquity. viii. easy.— wherein is explained what that Majesty is. is attributing to a creature an infinite knowledge. and equalling it to God himself. would follow as naturally from the personal union. e t TE<| . I shall only observe two things on this word repetition :+ the first. the Holy Soul of Jesus Christ can do all it will in the Church. plana. Cone. but. but that the soul of Jesus Christ knows. 782.. this is called. p. which in the Scrip­ tures is attributed to the word incarnate :" there we read those words. 600. for my part. whereof Jesus Christ is the redeemer and judge. p. which is here established. &c.— Jesus Christ. or wisdom. even according to his humanity. p. 752. and the angels themselves.-Another declaration about Ubiquity under the name of a repetition of the Confession of Augsburg. as the presence of Jesus Christ's humanity in all places. entitled—Of the Person of Jesus Christ. ac­ cording to the reasoning of the Lutherans. for it ought to be said by the same reason. 628. vii. is present to all creatures. T o make the human nature of Jesus Christ be necessarily wherever God is. and manifestly abusing the personal union. t 0 . de Ocena. are subject to this power. t The same doctrine of ubiquity may be seen. and the brief form of o r Christian doc­ trine.

that this co-operation ought only to be owned in the good works which we do afterwards. On this the Lutherans say two things. 1 THE VARIATIONS. from what ensues . They were always forced to come to repetitions. who had ventured to say. I hold myself obliged to say. that they make this Presence depend on the words of the institution only. were not a whit clearer than what went before. is to distinguish the moment of conversion. we are agreed: but then we do not see what need there was of distinguishing between the moment of conversion. 49.682. that they do not place ubiquity for the foundation of Jesus Christ's Pres­ ence in the Supper: it is certain. not only contrary to the article of God's Omnipotence. which will afford great light towards the finishing of our contests. they add. that it hath never been the luck of Protestants to have explained themselves aright the first time. that we cannot refuse it our attention. t Pp. and having taught. is explained in certain places after such a manner. $99 were afraid of making it appear that they were obliged to tack some new doctrine to it. 47. For the co-operation. since man neither operates.668.681. ETC. 656. I am going to pro­ pose them with as much order and clearness as I am able.VIII. that we are without action in our conversion. but they set up this ubiquity to stop the mouths of the Sacra­ mentarians. on the contrary. T o conceal no doctrine of the Lutherans of any importance in the book of Concord.680. 673.—Doctrine of the Lutherans.—Two memorable decisions ofthe Lutherans. it is hard enough to comprehend what they would be at. but also to the Majesty of Jesus Christ's person. If it be so.678. and all that followed after. I own. when all was said. pp.—The design of the Lutherans in setting up Ubiquity." as St. nor co-operates through the whole sequel. 583.662.| but " the co-operation which is made by our own natural strength and of ourselves. 680. et TE<> . and shall use my utmost endeavor to ease the reader's mind. on the co-operation ofFrce~WUL We must now consider what the Lutherans say concerning the co-operation of the will with grace: so weighty a question in our controversies. which.674. as seems to exclude nothing. 48. which they exclude from the moment of conversion. that man's co-operation hath no place in the conversion of a sinner. and all the novelties they had broached were thus made to pass under the name of a repetition. that it was impossible fof God to put Jesus Christ's body in more than one place at once. which might be wearied with the subtlety of these questions. any mora * Con. Paul speaks. which appeared to them. The second. The first thing the Lutherans do* in order to explain the co­ operation of the will with grace.

51. and to love : so that. what seems to be their meaning is. to believe."! This was setting out well: but what follows is not of a piece. to believe. would exclude that only which is at­ tributed to our own strength. since we can no more preserve grace by our own strength.—If we understand one mother. but not in the main after another manner. ** When Luther. not in any of its parts only. * Con. f Ibid. but by the grace of God. that a man who repents. " t fo. And it is plain. purely passive. our heart. p. there remains no dispute about co-operation. to hope. 680. who believes. in concluding for the co-operation of free-will. For after saying.—Conclusion. it must not be believed. what is very true. which a log or stone can nowise do. but in the whole. for. which they draw from a true principle. what the Lutherans mean when they say.—The confusion and contradiction of the Lutheran doctrine. 50. But if it follow from this principle. Nothing. " That man's conversion is an operation and gift of the Holy Ghost.* that in the moment of conversion man acts no more than a stone or clay. as two horjas concur to draw a c a r t . they conclude very preposterously. that we remain without action. this consequence reaches not only the moment of conversion. that man can do nothing of him­ self. then. believes. that man can do nothing of himself. after all. p. and whatever state we are in. In effect. his intention was not to say that no new motion was excited in our souls. it anticipates us in every thing. p. as in a subject that suffers. as the Lutherans pretend. and loves perfectly. is more ridiculous than to say with the Lu­ therans. that the Holy Ghost acts in our understanding. in one and the other state. since it cannot be denied. I know not. that " man converted. but only to give to understand. if the Holy Ghost operates. by an act of the will. but ex­ tends itself also. repents. man abiding without action. and no new operation therein begun. than when he begins to repent. and that grace anticipates him in all. than acquire it. and loves with more force. therefore. which. | Ibid. . co-operates with the Holy Ghost. 674. and in nowise acts ir the conversion. to the whole Christian life. I say again. but in the mo­ ment of conversion he begins to repent. to love by a true action. makes it plain they do not understand themselves. is incontestable. and sub­ jects himself to his grace. 662. or by his own natural strength. contrary to their notions. man co-operates with him." say they " affirms that the will is purely passive. it seems that the Lutherans.800 THE HISTORY [BOOR OF than in the moment of conversion." This bad conclusion. and our will.




that is a truth which no one disputes with them, since one of
these horses receives not the strength he has from the other:
whereas, we agree that man co-operating hath no strength which
is not given him by the Holy Ghost; and that nothing is more
true than what the Lutherans say in the same place,* viz.,
" When you co-operate with grace, it is not by your own natural
powers, but by new powers which the Holy Ghost bestows upon
Thus, the least right understanding between us clears this
point of all shadow of difficulty. When the Lutherans teach,
that our will does not act in the beginning of conversion, they
only mean to say, that God excites good motions in us, which,
though in us, are not from ourselves : the thing is unquestion­
able, and it is what is called exciting grace. If they will say*
that the will, when consenting to grace, and, by this means, be­
ginning to convert itself, acts not by its own natural strength,
this again is a point avowed by Catholics. If they will say, it
acts not at all. but is purely passive, they do not understand
themselves, and, contrary to their own principles, destroy all
action and co-operation, not only in the beginning of conversion,
but also through the whole course of a Christian life.
52.—The objection of Libertines, and the difficulty of weak Christians, concern'
ing co-operation.

The second thing which the Lutherans teach, concerning the
co-operation of the will, deserves to be observed, because it
discovers to us what a labyrinth man bewilders himself in when
ne forsakes his guide.
The book of Concord strives to clear the following objection
<aised by libertines on the foundation of Lutheran doctrine, f
If it be true," say they, " as is taught amongst you, that the
will of man hath no part in the conversion of sinners, but the
Holy Ghost does all therein, I have no occasion either to read
or hear sermons, or frequent the Sacraments, but will wait till
the Holy Ghost sends me his gifts."
This same doctrine involved the faithful in great perplexities:
for as they were taught, that as soon as ever the Holy Ghost
acted in them, he alone wrought upon them in such a manner,
that they had nothing at all to d o ; all those, who did not feel
this ardent faith within them, but rather nothing, only misery
and weakness, fell into these dismal thoughts, this dangerous
doubtfulness—Am I of the number of God's elect, and will
God ever send me his Holy Spirit?


13.—The Lutherans solution grounded on eight prepositions, the four first con­
taining general principles.

l a answer to these doubts of libertines and weak Christians,
* Con. p. 674.
t Ibid. p. 669.





who deferred their conversion, there was no saying to them that
they resisted the Holy Ghost, whose grace interiorly solicited
them to yield themselves up to him; since they were told, on
the contrary, that in these first moments of a sinner's conversion,
the Holy Ghost did all himself, and a man acted no more than
a log of wood. Wherefore, they take another medlod to make
sinners comprehend that it is their fault if they be not converted,
ind, in order to that, .hey lay down these positions :—
I.* God wills that all men be converted, and attain to eter­
nal salvation.
I I . For that end he hath commanded the Gospel to be
preached in public.
III. Preaching is the means whereby God gathers together
from amongst mankind a Church, the duration whereof has no
I V . Preaching and hearing the Gospel are the instruments
of the Holy Ghost, whereby he acts effectually in us, and con­
verts us."
Having laid down these four general positions touching the
efficacy of preaching, they apply them to the conversion of a
sinner, by four other more particular ones, viz.—




54.—Four other propositions in order to apply the first.

V.f Before ever a man is regenerated, he may read, or hear
the Gospel outwardly; and in these exterior things he hath, in
some manner, his free-will to assist at Church assemblies, and
there to hear, or not to hear, the word of God.
VI. They add to this : that by this preaching, and by the
attention given to it, God mollifies hearts ; a little spark of faith
is enkindled in them, whereby the promises of Jesus Christ are
embraced, and the Holy Ghost, who works these good senti­
ments, is, by this means, sent into the hearts of men.
VII. They observe, that, although it be true that neither the
preacher nor the hearer can do any thing of themselves, and
that it is necessary fox the Holy Ghost to act in us, to the end
we may believe the word; yet neither the preacher nor the hearer
ought to have any doubt of the Holy Ghost's being present by
his grace, when the word is announced in its purity according
to God's commandment, and men give ear to, and meditate
seriously thereon.
VIII. Lastly, they conclude that, in truth, this presence and
these girts of the Holy Ghost do not always make themselves
be felt, yet, nevertheless, it ought to be held for certain that the
word hearkened to is the instrument of the Holy Ghost, whereby
he displays his efficacy in the hearts of men."



* Con. p. 6C9, et seq.





>5.—The resolution of the Lutherans grounded on the eight preceding propiti*
Hons, is downright Demipelagian.

By this way, therefore, the whole difficulty, according to them,
is clearly solved, as well in regard to libertines as weak Chris­
tians. III regard to libertines, because by the first, second, third,
fourth, sUth, and seventh propositions, preaching, attentively
given eai to, operates grace. N o w , by the fifth, it is laid down
that man is free to hear preaching; he is. therefore, free to give
o himself that, by which grace is given him, and so libertines
«re content. Anc for weak Christians, who, although attentive
to the wferd, know not whether they be in grace, inasmuch as
they do not feel it; there is a remedy for their doubt from the
eighth proposition, which teaches them that it is not lawful to
doubt but the grace of the Holy Ghost, though not felt, does
accompany attention to the word : so that there remains no dif­
ficulty, according to the Lutheran principles, and neither the
libertine nor weak Christian have any thing to complain of; since,
for their conversion, all, in short, depends on attention to the
word, which itself depends on the free-will.

56.—A proof of the Lutherans' Demipelagianism.

And that it may not be doubted what attention it is they speak
of, I observe they speak of attention,* inasmuch as it precedes
the grace of the Holy Ghost: they speak of attention, applied
by the free-will to hear or not to hear; they speak of attention,
whereby one gives ear externally to the Gospel, whereby one
assists at Church assemblies, where the virtue of the Holy Ghost
displays itself, whereby an attentive ear is given to the word,
which is his organ. It is this free attention to which the Lu­
therans annex divine grace; and they are excessive in every
thing, since they will have it on one hand, when the Holy Ghost
begins to move us, that we do not act at all; on the other, that this
operation of the Holy Ghost, which converts us without any
co-operation on our side, is attracted necessarily by an act of
our will, in which the Holy Ghost has no part, and wherein our
liberty acts purely by its natural strength.
57.—Semipelagianism of the Lutherans.—An example proposed by Calixtus.j

This is the current doctrine of the Lutherans, and the most
learned of all of them, that have written in our days, has ex­
plained it by this comparison. He supposes all mankind plunged
into a deep lake, on the surface of which God has provided a
jalutary oil to swim, which by its virtue alone will deliver all
these wretches, provided they will use the natural strength that
is left them to draw near to this oil, and swallow but some drops
of it. This oil is the word announced by preachers. Men of
* Con. p. 671.

1 Calixt judic. n. 32, 33, 34.




themsehres may apply their attention to it; but as soon as they
approach by their natural strength, in order to listen thereto, of
itself, without their further intermeddling, it diffuses a virtue in
their hearts which heals them.
58.— The confusion of the new Sects passing from one extremity to the other.

Thus all the vain scruples, which made the Lutherans, under
pretext of honoring God, at first destroy free-will, and after­
wards grow fearful at least of allowing too much to it, and at
last in giving to it so great power, that to its action, and the most
natural exercise of it, all is annexed. This it is to walk without
rule, the rule of tradition once forsaken : they think to avoid the
error of Pelagians, but, winding about, they return to it another
way, and the compass they take brings them back to Demipelagianism,
59.—The Calvinists come into the Demipelagianism of the Lutherans.

This Demipelagianism of the Lutherans, by little and little,
spreads even to Calvinism, from the inclination that party hath
of uniting itself with the Lutherans ; in whose favor they have
begun to say already, that Demipelagianism does not damn, that
is, there is no harm in attributing to free-will the beginning of
60.—A difficulty in the book of Concord^ concerning the certainty of Salvation.

I find, moreover, another thing in the book of Concord,"}
which, were it not well understood, might cause a great confu
sion in the Lutheran doctrine. It is there said, that the faithful,
in the midst of their weaknesses and combats, " ouaht by no
means to doubt either of the justice which is imputed to them
hy faith, or of their eternal salvation." Whereby it might seem
that Lutherans admit the certainty of their salvation as well as
i 'alvinists. But this would be too visible a contradiction in their
doctrine, since, to believe the certainty of salvation in every one
of the faithful, as the Calvinists believe, they ought also to be­
lieve, with them, the inamissibility of justice, which, as hath
been seen, the Lutheran doctrine expressly rejects.
61.—A solution from the doctrine of Doctor John Andrew Gerard.

'Io adjust this contrariety, the Lutheran Doctors answer two
things : one, that by the doubt of salvation, which they exclude
from the faithful soul, they understood nothing but the anxiety,
agitation, and trouble, which we exclude as well as they ; J the
other, that the certainty they admit in all the just, is not an abso­
lute certainty, but conditional, and supposes that the faithful
soul does not depait from God by voluntary wickedness. The
f Jur. Syst de I'Eg. lib. ii. ch. iii. pp. 249, 253.

f Con. p. 585.

t Con. Cath. 1679,'Lib. ii. Part iii. Art. 22. c. 2. ThesL iii n. 2, 3, 4, and
Art xxiii. c. 5. Thesi. unic.-n. 6. pp. 1426 et 1499.





matter is thus explained by Doctor John Andrew Gerard, who has
published lately an entire body of controversy ; the meaning of
which is, that, in the Lutheran doctrine, the believer may vest
fully assured that God on his side will never be wanting to him,
if he be not first wanting to God—a thing not to be doubted of.
T o give the just more certainty, is too evidently contradicting
that doctrine which teaches us that, be we never so just, we may
faR irom justice, and lose the spirit of adoption; a point as little
questioned by Lutherans as Catholics.
62.—A brief account of the book of Concord.

Since the book of Concord has been compiled, I take it thfc
Lutherans in body have never made any new decision of faith.
The parts of which this book is composed are from different
authors and of different dates ; and the Lutherans' design was
to give us in this collection what is most authentic amongst
them. The book came out in 1579, after the famous assem­
blies held at Torg and Berg, in 1576 and 1577. This last place,
if I am not mistaken, was a monastery near Magdeburg. I
shall not relate in what manner this book was subscribed in Ger­
many, nor the tricks and force, which, as is reported, were put
on those who received it, nor the oppositions of some princes
and cities who refused to sign it. Hospinian* has written a
long history of it, which appears well enough grounded as to
the chief of its facts. Let the Lutherans who are concerned
therein, contradict it. The particular decisions, which relate to
the Supper and Ubiquity, were made near the time of Melanc
thon's death, viz., about the years 1558,1559,1560, and 1561
63.—The troubles in France begin.—Confession of Faith drawn by Calvin.

These years are famous amongst us for the beginnings of
our disturbances in France. In the year 1559, our pretendeo
Reformists drew up a confession of faith, which they presented
to Charles IX in 1561, at the Conference of Poissy.f This
was one of Calvin's productions, whom I have often already
spoken of; and the reflections I must make on this confession
of faith, oblige me to set forth more thoroughly the conduct and
ioctrine of this its author.
* Hosp. Concord, diacors. imp 1607.
t Bex. Hist Ecc. 1. iv. pt 6§fc






[In the Year 1561, Calvin's Doctrine and Character]
A brief summary.—Protestants begin to appear in France.—Calvin is then
head.—His notions concerning Justification, wherein he reasons more con*
sequently than the Lutherans; hut, grounding himself upon false principles,
falls into more manifest difficulties.—Three absurdities by him added
to the Lutheran doctrine.—The certainty of salvation, inamissibility of
justice.—Infant justification independently of Baptism.—Contradictions
this third point—In respect to the Eucharist, he equally condemns
Luther and Zuinglius, and aims at a medium between both.—He proves
the necessity of admitting the Real Presence, beyond what he does in
fact admit.—Strong expressions for maintaining it—Other expressions
which destroy i t — T h e pre-eminence of Catholic doctrine.—Those who
impugn it arc forced to speak our language and assume our principles.-—
Three different confessions of the Calvinists to satisfy three different sorts
of people, the Lutherans, the Zuinglians, and themselves.—Calvin's pride
and passion.—His genius compared with that of Luther.—The reason
why ne did not appear at the Conference of Poissy.—There Beza pre­
sents the Protestants' Confession of Faith: they tack to it a new and
long explication of their doctrine about the Eucharist—The Catholics ex*
press themselves intelligibly and in few words.—What happened with
relation to the Augsburg Confession.—Calvin's sentiments.
1.—Calvin's genius.—He subtilizes more than Luther.
C A L V I N ' S genius possibly might not have been so well adapted
ds Luther's was to excite people and inflame their minds:
but after these commotions were once set on foot, he raised
himself in many countries, in France especially, above even
Luther himself, and became the head of a party, which yields
but little to that of Luther.
By the pentration of his wit, and the boldness of his deci­
sions, he refined upon, and outstript all his contemporary
builders of new churches, and new-reformed the but new

2.—Tw« capital points of the Reformation.—Calvin's refinements on both ofthem.

The two points they laid the main stresses upon, were Justi­
fication and the Eucharist.
As for justification, Calvin looking upon it as the common
foundation of Protestancy, adhered to it at least equally with
Luther, but grafted on it three important articles.
S —Three things added by Calvin to imputed justice.—First, the certainty of

In the first place, that certainty which Luther owned for justification only, was by Carvin extended to eternal salvation ; that
is to say, whereas Luther require d no more of the faithful than
to believe with an infallible certainty that they were justified;
Calvin, besides this certainty of justification, required the like
M* their eternal predestination : insomuch that a perfect Cal-



rinist can 10 more doubt of his being saved, than a perfect
Lutheran of his being justified.*
4.—Ji memorable Confession of Faith made by Frederick III, Elector Palatine,

So that, were a Calvinist to make his particular confession
of faith, he would put in this article, 1 am assured of my sal­
vation." We have an example of it. In the Collection of
Geneva stands the confession of Prince Frederic III, Count
Palatine, and Elector of the Empire. This Prince explaining
•us creed, after setting forth how he believes in the Father, the
Son, and the Holy Ghost, when he comes to explain how he
believes the Catholic Church, says, " That he believes that
God m»ver ceases gathering it together, by his word and Holy
Ghost out of the mass of all mankind ; and that he believes
he is of that number, and ever shall be a living member of i t . " |
H e addts, he believes That God being appeased by the satis­
faction of Jesus Christ will not remember any of his sins, nor
all the wickedness with which I shall," says he, go on combat­
ing through the whole course of my life ; but that he will gra­
tuitously give me the justice of Jesus Christ, insomuch that 1
have no reason to apprehend the judgments of God. Lastly, I
know most certainly," continues h e , that I shall be saved, and
shall appear with a cheerful countenance before the tribunal of
Jesus Christ." There spoke a true Cakinist, and these are the
true sentiments inspired by Calvin's doctrine, which this Prince
had embraced.




.5.—The second Dogma by Caloin added to imputed justice, viz., That it never
can be lost.

Thence followed a second dogma, that whereas Luther al­
lowed that a justified believer might fall from grace, as we have
observed in the Augsburg Confession, Calvin maintains, on the
contrary, that grace once received can never be lost: so that,
whoever is justified and receives the Holy Ghost is justified,
and receives the Holy Ghost f< r ever. For which reason the
aforesaid Palatine placed amongst the articles of faith, that he
was a living and perpetual member of the Church." This is
he dogma called the inamissibility of justice ; namely, that doc­
trine by which it is believed that justice once received never can
be lost. This word hath such a sanction from its universal use
on this subject, that to avoid multiplying words we must accus­
tom our ears to it.

6.—The third Dogma of Calvin: viz. That Baptism is not 7iecessary to salvation.

There was also a third dogma, which Calvin established as a
corollary from imputed justice, viz., that baptism could not be
necessary to salvation, as the Lutherans maintain.
* Sup. 1. iii. n. 38. Instit 1. 3. S>. n. 1C. &c. 24. c. Antid. Con. Trid. in
Sepe. vi. cap 13, 14. opnsc. p. 1S5.
f Synt Gen. part u, pp. 149, 156.

and hope to obtain it as much. prayer and trust regard salvation no less than justification and forgiveness of sins. ought. that whosoever says these things ought also to say that infants enjoy grace independently of baptism. and be transmitted the same way. Dora. 8. I will be " thy God.—Calvin's reasons drawn from Luther's principles. Calvin was of opinion that the Lutherans could not reject these tenets. xvi.—A passage by which Calvin upholds this new Dogma. no less efficacious than the old. It is certain. according to him. that is.. and must reject the Lu­ therans who teach the contrary. If. in order to support his principles. The foundation of this doctrine. and in full as strong. that the children of the faithful were born in the Covenant. This made him broach that novelty. if we are justified by faith alone. n. 10." a doc­ trine by him held so certain. For which reason Calvin will not admit that it works in us forgiveness of sins. 22. that is. and to trust in the divine goodness. xvii. Baptism is neither necessary in fact nor desire. as soon as he asks it. but is a seal only. because* according to them. its Sjrace and covenant. T do * Inst iv xv. we must also believe we cannot fall from grace. which baptism did no more than seal in them . Again. 50." Calvin maintained* that the new alliance. Gen. 7. in that sanctity. to wit. without destroying their own principles. They re­ quire of the believer to be absolutely assured of his justification. that the Children of the Faithful are born in Grace. that we have received them.—With respect to the inamissibility of justice. whence he concluded that. the Sacrament of baptism . for we pray for our salvation. u 13. 3. and hope to obtain it: therefore we are as much assured of the one as of the other. When I name Calvin as the autho. to pass like that from father to son. &c 9. that he inserted it into his Catechism tn the same terms I have now worded it. that we cannot miss of salvation. N o r die Calvin make any difficulty of owning it. we believe. an unheard-of doctrine in the Church. but necessary for Calvin. then. 9. 11. is in that promise made to Abraham. . or infusion of grace. appertaining to infants. into the form of administering baptism.308 THE HISTORY [BOOK O? 7.—Why Calvin is looked upon as the Author of the three precedent Dogmas. as we pray for the for­ giveness of sins.of these three tenets. the sign of it could not be refused them. viz. for this reason. Now. the substance of baptism. and token. neither his prayer nor trust can admit of the least doubt. and the God of thy seed after thee. and first with respect to tke certainty of Salvation.—Against the necessity of Baptism.—The consequence from this Doctrine.

but also necessarily transmits it to his whole posterity.* that." But after all this he added. Trid. either in the whole. can cause them to fall from this grace. u : 6. and showed better than any one else the conformity they have with imputed justice. Calvin reasoned better than Luther. of owning justifying faith in a soul that has lost the fear of God. that the whole posterity of every true believer is predestinated! The demonstration is obvious. if he has it not only for himself.—Difficulty of that doctrine which teaches that Children are born in Grace. we have then grace extended to infinite generations. 14. in grace. which justifies us. to reconcile all these words of Calvin. a great difficulty result from man's being assured of his justification. smothered." An uncommon subtlety is requisite. is not lost. once justified. that no crime. faith " was over­ whelmed. but withal. 6. and which exposes human weakness to a more dangerous temp­ tation. I cannot help thinking that.—Difficulties attending the certainty of Salvation. whosoever has once had grace. and consequently. In fact. For my part. what a horror must this raise 1 it following necessarily from thence. for the Anabaptists. is born in the covenant. but the truth is. in Luther's doctrine. Calvin argued more consequently than Luther. in these three arti­ cles. but went further astray. there is a much greater one. 15. run himself into greater difficulties. Whosoever is born of a believer. by saying the Holy Ghost and justice can no more be lost than faith. " it was not extinct." The terms he made use of were indeed extraordinary : for he said. in being assured of his Salvation. can never lose it. & opusc pi 288. faith. ac­ cording to Calvin's principles.THE VARIATIONS. upon losing the fear of God. Nay. that the possession of it was lost. or in part. but I only say he gave them a new turn. the feeling and knowledge of it. in S< SB. as must necessarily happen to those who reason on false principles. he could not but allow something to that horror in man. had maintained them before. willing as he was to maintain his tenet. If. 13. . that is to say. and per­ suaded of their justification. all the descend* A n t Cone.—Difficulties attending Calvin's inamissibility of justice. an<? fallen into the worst of crimes. buried. 809 not mean to say he was the first that ever taught them. too. you oblige the faithful. Calvin maintained. be it ever so great. and others. c. If so much as one true believer be found in a whole lineage. If to these three points you join also that doctrine which teaches that the children of the faithful bring grace with them into the world at their birth. ETC.—Supposing these principles. to believe.

—Two Dogmas of the Calvinists relating to Children. which is baptism. An authentic declaration of them was no where made. These two doctrinal points are taught by Calvin in several places.—Whether these three Dogmas are to be found in the Confession of Faith. according to jheir maxims. 20. that the children of the faithful are born in the cov­ enant.—Agreement xoilh those of Geneva. 1 7. This agree­ ment contains the doctrine of both these churches. little conformable to their principles. as a groundwork of the Reformation. the second.* they rather insinuated thar expressly established the two first tenets. since such a person may have been baptized in his infancy who was not regenerated till old age. et Genev. and this for two reasons : the first. C a t Dim. As for the dogma. we find it in the Catechism which I have quoted verbatim. because the seal of baptism works not always a present effect. C a t Dim. even with regard to the pre­ destinated. has been the cause that. the respect they have for the Lutherans. the seal of baptism hath not its effect with regard to the predestinated. 50. For although they say on the one hand. is acquired to them by their being happily born of faithful parents. in the children of the faithful. it shall appear in its own place. But the horrid consequences of Calvin's doctrine condemn no less the Lutherans than the Calvinists . but because the thing itself. 11. if I am not mistaken. and the seal of grace. However. which owns. f Con. Cal. An. Notwithstanding that the Calvinists have embraced these three dogmas. between the Church of Geneva and that of Zurich. namely. Forme d« Bapt. 15fct .—Luther not less to be condemned for establishing these principles. n. Tigur. till in the Synod of Dort. grace inseparable from their birth. and the inamissibility of justice.Hoep. it must be conclided that all his an­ cestors were damned. 19. 754. and being * Conf. than CaU vin for drawing these consequences. p. in their confessions of faith.SIO THE HISTORY OF [BOOK ants of this person are predestinated. ard if these last are not to be excused for running themselves into such dreadful straits. 20. the certainty of salvation. because. and in the form of administering baptism. 18-20. namely. 5. it appears on the other hand. whence such consequences so clearly follow. they will not allow that the children of the faithful are always regenerated when they receive bap­ tism. I will not aver that Calvin and the Calvinists are very steadfast in this last tenet. Art 13 -22.—1554. opuic. properly speaking. If so much as one be found to die a reprobate. Art 17. 18. do Fr. grace and regeneration. the former are not less blameworthy for laying down the prin­ ciples.! but particularly in the agreement be made in 1554. is not due to them.

since no one knows whether he be of the number of the predestinated. and on the other. by the same sentence. when Calvin. already known by his Institutions. for so long a time. that many of those who receive it without putting any obstacle on their part to the grace it offers them. thai it is not certain they are bom in the covenant or in grace. for too much pressing the corporeal Presence : Zuinglius and CEcolampadius. and that the heads of both parties were in the wrong. but also. they may be reckoned among the articles of faith of the Caivinistic Church. opusc p. insomuch that the two aforesaid points of doctrine being there expressly taught. above the Zuinglians. 24. made himself umpire. which he pub­ lished. were joined to the sign. and which after that he madt + Tract de Ccen.—Calvin's refinement on the other point of the Reformation. it has the full authority of a confession of faith. after fifteen years disputing. Dom. that is. ETO Sll received by both. of itself. and decided that they had not understood each other. which implies a necessary obligation of giving them baptism : the second. for not having suffi­ ciently expressed that the thing itself. the Lutherans and Zuinglians had not understood one another. makes himself more considerable by his Treatise on the Supper. They had disputed for fifteen years successively on the arti­ cle of the Real Presence without ever being able to agree. This work of Calvin was printed in French in 1540. which. 1. On the subject of the Eucha­ rist. had divided the whole Reformation. 22. but fell withal much lower than they had done. that the children of the faithful are certainly born in the covenant and in grace. the Body and Blood.* then but young. condemned both parties. Luther. on the one side. whatever could be done to reconcile them. But leaving to Cal­ vinists the trouble of reconciling their own jarring tenets. Hitherto Calvin soared above the Lutherans. he not only raised himself above them. being to be acknowledged. this Church teaches two things that ate contradictory.« . 23. and. It is then plain.—Calvin. that Baptism. ] THE VARIATIONS. for the first time. 21. 85.) yet receive from it no effect. There is besides a great inconsistency in saying.—Contradictions in the Calvinist doctrine.—Another contradiction. is a certain sign of grace. The first. and afterwards translated into Latin by the author himself. which is that of the Eucharist. a certain Presence of Jesus Christ in the Supper. . I rest satisfied with relating what I find in their confessions of faith. in 1534. (as in the case of infants.—Calvin's Treatise in order to show that. which they had not sufficiently compre* bended. H e had already gained a great repute by his Institutions.

had said altogether as much as thai in their writings. by confessing. 324. The difficulty then lay.318 THE HISTORY OT [BOOK frequeut editk ns of.* and although he • Ep ad I lust Pnnc. that the signs in the Eucharist are not empty. undertake to condemn the Chiefs of both parties of the Reformation. whom he acknowledged. 30. became an efficacious sign. so little advanced in age. and had endeavored to come up to the idea of reality. a Substantial Presence common to a 11 communicants. and deserves the more to be considered. as he had done at the Wittenberg agree­ ment. This is. in this Sacrament. with considerable additions. 1 26. was what had been so fully said by Zuinglius and (Ecolampadius. by virtue of the words of the institution. not in discovering to us how grace. If Calvin had only said. or that the union we there have with Jesus Christ is effective and real. T o say that. and full of virtue. one of the most memorable points of the new Reformation.—Calvin is not content with receiving a sign in the Supper. and the whole world was big with expectation of the novelty he was going to produce. for hit master. whom Calvin was not quite satisfied with. . Bucer. worthy and unworthy. Germ.—Calvin's doctrine partakes something of that of Bucer and the articles of Wittenberg. But Calvin thought he said too much. p. when they saw one. had he not required something more than this. as he says in his prefaces. the virtue and merit of Jesus Christ were in it received by faith. the signs are no empty. and what all Christians were accus­ tomed to look for in it. with which the words of our Saviour naturally fill the miud. and not imaginary. but in showing how the Body and Blood were effectually communicated to us in this Sacrament: for this was the thing peculiar to this Sacrament. the more it seems forgotten by the Calvinists now-a-days. and the merits of Jesus Christ applied to us therein. this would be nothing: we have seen that Zuinglius and (Ecolampadius. that. 29. But men's eyes were more turned upon him.—Calvin s doctrine about the Eucharist almost forgotten by his followers.—Not even an efficacious sign.—Nor the virtue and merit of Jesus Christ. in some measure. together with fche figure. and none ever hath denied but the fruit we gather from it is very real. although it makes one of the most essential parts of their confession of faith. being ixtremely particular in pleasing himself. suffice to make us understand. that Calvin could have found nothing wanting in their doctrine. The graces we receive by the Eucharist. thereby established a Real Presence inde­ pendent of faith. indeed. united to the sacrament. 28. 27.

given in so many places." T o understand the principle of It. was peculiar to the Eucharist. under the species of br3ad. and modelling it after his own fashion. and the virtue. as. and that it was for us the Son of God made a sacrifice of them on the cross. and that it should be as truly given us to eat.] THff VARIATIONS. was M • Matt xxvi. 97 . as the flesh of the victims had been given in the Jewish dispensation. 29. 2 ' . " This is my Body. A human body. this is my Blood. Wherefore. 2 3 : Luke xxii. sacri­ ficed for the people. it was understood that the substance of this flesh and blood was given to us no where but in the Eucharist. by his Holy Spirit. in his heart. in the old law. and that they partook of the sacrifice . but this singular manner of receiving him.IX. whole and entire. the flesh of the victims. en­ deavored to strike out a new system peculiar to himself. sacrificed for us.—The state of the questiontesumed. but also the proper substance of the sacrificed victim. 31. it was requisite we should not only have the merits. in order to show that the quarrel relating to the Eucharist was concluded by them. " This is my Body given for you. in the proper and tru3 substance of his Body and Blood. xi. the spirit. " This is my Body. sux^e Jesus Christ said no whore else. by his grace. and not fea re­ peating something of what has been already said on this subject The matter in question was to know the sense of these words. by his Omnipotent virtue." Now. this is my Blood. which confirmed to us all the others which God hath wrought for our salvation." Catholics maintained the design of our Saviour was thereby to give us his Body and Blood to eat. being given us to take by the mouth with the Sacrament. By the same reason. and as truly my Blood. Thus was the Euchari3t looked upon as anew miracle. it will be necessary 1 0 trace back in a few words the state of the question. we receive Jesus Christ many ways through the wnole course of our lives. *• This is my Body. as it is true this Body was given for you. abide by this decision. by his illuminations. 1 Cor. As this manducation was to the ancients a sign that the victim was theirs. so the Body and Blood of our Saviour. ETC 313 approved of producing to the Lutherans the articles of Witten­ berg. he borrowed something from Bucer and this agreement. was given to them.—The sentiments of the Catholics on these tovrds. are to us a sign that they are ours. T o the end that this pledge of the love of Jesus Christ might be certain and efficacious. yet he did not. 26."* v i z This is as truly my Body. as it is true this Blood was shed for you. to so many people. this is my Blood shed for you. Thus were these words understood.

confirm to us that it was for us he took it. 10. " ye shall show the Lord's death until he come. to the end that we may have a certain pledge that this sacred victim is wholly ours. were to eat it as sacrificed. " This do in remembrance of me . had not God afforded lis the means of reaping advantage from it. and this is the only means of perfectly enjoying this inestimable pledge of oar salvation. and we have already seen. we ought to enter into the sentiments of an affectionate acknowledgment to our Saviour. nevertheless. . in themselves are independent of our faith . and of that immense charity which made me lay down my life for your redemption. " Do this in remembrance of me. and remember that he gives us his body. that the Fathers made use of the most surprising effects of the Divine Omnipotence. in remembrance of me sacrificed for you. Jesus Christ died.—The sentiment of Catholics concerning these words. by that. 1 I Cor. when he said. 32. and offered himself a sacrifice for u s . xi. and remember the oblation. 26. 24. and by the same reason. receive the substance of the body and blood of the lamb immaculate. this is my blood !"* he sub­ joined immediately after. " This is my body. independent of faith. And as the ancients eating the sacrificed victim. certi­ fying to us that Jesus Christ sacrificed is wholly ours. At the same time that we receive this precious earnest. in sacrifice for them . 1 Cor.314 THE HISTORY OF [BOO* enough to startle every mind. and this we could not hope for. those likewise who. and call to mind that the Son of God had made a sacrifice of it to his Father. Jesus Christ took flesh. Jesus Christ does give us the substance of his Body to be eaten in the Eucharist. conformably to the saying of St."f We must therefore be very careful not to receive only the sacred body of our Saviour into our bodies . but also of each one of the faithful in particular .—What Faith does in this mystery." Little would have availed so great a miracle wrought in ou? oehalf. we must apply our minds to this inestimable testimony of the divine love." that is. like all the rest. which had been made to God. not only of the whole world in general. for it was requisite he should. But whilst we stir up this pious reflection in our minds. This mystery was. whether we believe it or not. and for us he sacrificed it: the tokens of the divine love. must receive it as sacrificed. for which reason. to explain this by. but by faith. for the salvation. Paul. we must also unite ourselves to it in mind. Believe or not believe it. at th» holy table.—In what manner the possessing of ChrisVs body is spiritual and permanent And although the actual reception of this body and blood bo * Luke xxii. 25. our faith is only requisite to receive the benefit of them. xi. 33. as the sequel makes appear.

the union of bodies is not less real. Jesus Christ wishes to find in us that love with which he abounds at his approach. our thankfulness is not confined to so short a time .] THE VARIATIONS. the state of the question is. and the having received this sacred pledge at certain moments. This it is which makes the difference between those who communicate. 34. rigorously speaking. on the one hand. and the adorable sub­ stance of his body and blood . to others as a rigorous judge. Thus the mind and body unite themselves to enjoy their Saviour. discerning. This is what was necessary to be re-considered concerning the mystery of the Eucharist. applying to himself. like the rest. instead of being fruitful. whether the gift which Jesus Christ bestows upon us in the Eucharist of his bor'y and blood be a mystery. ETC. to know. Jesus Christ exercises on all that almightincss given to him in heaven and on earth. but those who touch him without faith. press and importune him : those who.IX. By this means. the body of the Lord . are " the crowd that press him those that have this faith are the sick woman that touches him.—The precise state of the question laid down from the precedent doctrine. Whoever. does not unite himself in mind to Jesus Christ. it is odious and insulting to the Son of God. u 35. touch him truly.—The body and mind must be united to Jesus Christ. . with the body and blood. the grace which ac­ companies them naturally. because they touch alike his heart and body. s enough to perpetuate the spiritual enjoyment of so great a good through all the moments of our lives. but as the union of bodies is the foundation. and it is plain. look upon this touch of his flesh as an earnest of that virtue which goes out of him unto those who love him.31. 30. When he finds it not. 315 not allowed us but in certain moments. or rendering themselves guilty of the sacrilegious attempt to profane them. to some as a Saviour. enjoys not as he ought so great a gift: like to those brutal and treacherous spouses who unite bodies without uniting hearts. or. namelj."* All touch him. Those who draw near to his body without this lively faith. but. For though the actual reception of the body and blood be but momentary. in order to understand what I have now to say . like to that sacred right one has over another by the bond of marriage. or not discerning. Luke viii. yet the right we have V* receive it is perpetual. and only requiring faith to profit by it. that of minds is the perfection of so great a work. receiving. therefore.46. m communion. whether the whole mys * Mark v. 45. whose sacred body he receives. independent of faith in its substance. not content with touching him.

he admits* that we really partake of the true body and blood of Jesus Christ. he means not to speak o f the parts you there have : " In his merits. together with the signs. . that we have the proper substance. op use 846. that the Lutherans almost believed he sided with them : for he repeats a hundred and a hundred times. Int opuia Inst iv." He carries his thought so far. and are made partakers of i t : that Jesus Christ unites himself to us whole a n d entire. that the flesh of Jesus Christ is distributed in the Sacrament. c 17. except in figure in the sacrament. without any thng else intervening on his pan but spiritual promises. "darken the communion which he requires we should have with him. and complains of the Lutherans. but also o f his flesh . &c. de C a n . Admoi*. Adm. but will have the substance joined to i t .—Calvin settles to reconcile Luther and Zuinglius. &a Dilua Exp. figured by the Sacrament. says he. dis­ heartened at the impenetrable loftiness of a mystery so far raised above our senses. and for that end unites himself to u s in body and mind . 1540. &c f Tr. it is denied that Jesus Christ is no way united to u s . M Caen*. seeks a middle way. in his power.—One must be united to the body of Jesus Christ more than by virtue and thought He not only acknowledges in the Supper. 17. in his efficacy." Calvin rejects all these ideas. 36. had from the words of our Saviour so strong an impression of it. &c. Domini. n. could never enter into it. and this he expressed with such energy. hat it penetrates u s . 594. and if there be one in the world that confesses this truth sincerely. that he never could give it up. We have seen that Luther. Domini int Ep. that he * Instit lib.—How strongly Calvin speaks of the reality. whatever design he might have o reject tt»e Substantial Presence.316 THE HISTORY OF [BOOB tery consists in the union we have with Jeous Christ by faith alone. int. he is the man. urged on the one side with the impression of reality. 18. cont Westp. In the first place. reproaching him that he gave nothing to the faithful but a share in the moriU of Jesus Christ. who. opusc. bid. and on the other with the difficulties which thwart our senses. Calvin. Diluc Expos. by the second. p. not only of the spirit of Jesus Christ. " The virtue of the body and blood. that we must not doubt but we receive his proper body . that under these signs we truly receive the body and b l o o d o f Jesus Christ. xvi. By the first of these sentiments the real and substantial presence is established. and announced by the word. 37." 58. in his virtue. and in spirit by faith. We have seen that Zuinglius and CEcolampadius. in the fruit o f his death. that we are partakers. difficult enough to make agree in all its parts."!* when he speaks of the manner of receiving Jesus Christ in the Supper. " and declares. that " Truth must be given u s . Brev. iv.

and the confession of faith which he gave to his disciples. not by fancy and imagination. by a true and substantial union.—If we understand Calvin's expressions naturally. or by thought. nor are these strong expressions only to be found in Calvin's books.J " Is given to us in the Supper to ascertain to us that we have part in his sacrifice. "united to Jesus Christ. with it. Df£ cont Westph. But Calvinf cannot suffer this reasoning. ETC." and in the reconciliation it bring.] THE VARIATIONS.* if they do not signify that the flesh of Jesus Christ is in us.*Z." 42. 51. and owning that our fathers re­ ceived Jesus Christ in the desert. and our manducation is substantial. but also in his Catechisms. is as much as to say. not only by the imagination. which shows how literally they are to be understood. f 2. we must distinguish what is on God's side from what is on ours. Yet he still says we are united to him only by faith. but that Jesus Christ.—A new effect of Faith. which naturally speaking. 52. he will not have that which is united to us by faith. whence it followed that we receive them not in substance. according to Calvin. For." says he. an * Dim. as if faith were any thing else than a thouglt or an act of our minds divine indeed and supernatural. 53. Cont xxxvi.—He will have us to receive the body and blood of Jesus Christ otherwise than the ancient Hebrews could do it.—Calvin requires the proper substance. but the thing is. since we now have " the substance of his flesh. Zuinglius and (Ecolampadius had often objected to Catholics and Lutherans that we received the body and blood of Jesus Christ as the ancient Hebrews received them in the desert. 40. that may bu had with Jesus Christ. be united to us barely by thought. he teaches that this body once offered for us. Secondly. from a notion as odd as it is novel. and that it is not our faith which renders Jesus Christ present to us in the Eu­ charist. which that of the an­ cients could not be. and by its proper sub* stance. or the sole apprehension of the mind. There is no knowing what all these expressions of Calvin mean. but still a thought. we must believe that the reception of the body and blood is independent of faith. but in itself. 4!. p. their substance not existing then. otherwise present as a sacied oledge of divine love. whi< h the Heavenly Father alone can inspire. not only by its virtue." 39. serves as a support to our faith. 319 excludes even as insufficient all the unioi. 77fr t Cat Dim. he maintains they did not re­ ceive him like us. 27* . or by the sole apprehension of the mind. " Wc are. but in spirit only. but also by the thought.52. but really and in effect. which but little agrees with his other expressions .

n. and at least established Luther's coasubstantiation : foi to say we have in the Sacrament. and of Jesus Christ who is in the highest heavens. and Calvin's doctrine leads us to this conclusion by another way. being excited by so great a present. and. Luther and the Lutherans had taken them from a famous passage of St. It is to this that expression tends which we find in Calvin." We have seen these words in the Wittcnburg agreement. that the body is under the sign of the read. i v . then. and. This explanation of theirs was disputed by the Catholics . or that there are two things in this Sacrament.>:$. to teach that Jesus Christ gives us his body and blood in this mystery. as the Hvly Glwst is under that of the dove. n. without entering here into this controversy against the Lutherans. it manifestly overthrew the Zuinglian figure. and under the sign of the wine we take the blood. namely. wherein it is said that the " Eucharist is composed of a celestial and a terres­ trial t h i n g n a m e l y . 44.. Irenaeus. II 14. the material bread and the wine which we behold with our eyes. would be an expression completely extravagant. Dim. Catoch. that is. in truth. it appears manifestly that the gift of the body and blood is independent of faith in the sa­ crament . to the end we may enjoy Jesus Christ whole and entire. Hereby. the Son of God made himself man to certify to IU that ho loved our nature. and that the figure is there joined with the thing itself. distinctly one from the other. at the right hand of his Father. as they explained it. ** that under the sign of the bread we take the body. wherewith our souls are nourished interiorly. but to say that the sacrament is composed of bread. is owning that the body and blood are given us. c 34 . which we see before our eyes. as means given us whereby to suppoit it. which by such an earnest we are made certain of. but to the end that our faith. not because we believe. may rest more assured of the divine love. according to the Lutherans' sense. to ascertain to us that we have part in the sacrifice he made of them. in like manner. and Jesus Christ. tho thing terrestrial together with the celestial.118 THE HIS ORY OF [BOOB when we say. as well of the sub­ stance of bread as that of the body. 23 Lib. in the sign itself. withal.—According to Calvin's expressions. 17. if to them this explana­ tion seemed contrary to Catholic transuhstantiation. c. we own his incarnation as independent of our faith. the material bread with the very body of Jesus Christ. is manifestly placing both substances together.*' k Inpt. Sup. .—Another expression of Calvin. iv. lih.* and repeats it frequently. that "the Holy Supper is composed of two things. the true body must be in the Sacrament For he says in the third place. 43. They must therefore say that both substances are indeed in the sacrament. lib.

but in his proper substance. ot s* q.—Another expression of Calvin. 8 4 4 * Ibid. but about the manner both of the one and the other. nobody doubting but the Holy Ghost was substantially present under the form of the dove. aanae doct. as God was present in the ark. Diluc. 17. v '' Inst iv. that Calvin says here. which makes Jesus Christ present under the bread. Opusc. And Calvin says all these things in a work. wherein he purposes to explain more clearly than ever how Jesus Christ is received. as it was not a symbolical spirit which appeared in the baptism of o\x Lord: the Holy Ghost was then truly and substantially present. a hundred times Over. " I dispute not. J Inst. according to ours. and even to this day our reformed are angry when we tell them the body of Jesus Christ. etc." says he. that he agrees to the thing. but only of the manner.—Calvin says he only disputes the manner." 45. | " Jesus Christ is present in the sacrament. it is with u s . In the same book he s a y s . but admits the thing as much as we* And it is for this reason. where. 839. nor the substantial manducation. 314 And the thing heie most remarkable is. in a book which bears this title.] THE VARIATIONS. cxp.IX. is not as sub' stantially with them. which snows that it is a dictate of the spirit of Christianity to make Jesus Christ as present in the Eucharist as possible. " A clear Exposition of the manner how we partake of the body of our Lord." says he. Ibid. E C. . 46.J and every where else." If the body of Jesus Christ is as present to us under the bread as the Holy Ghost was present under the form of a dove. 844. p. since he says them after having long disputed with the Lutherans on this subject. in the fourth place. in a particular manner. when this mystery is very clearly and very plainly to be spoken of. 777. and only questions which way it is accomplished. expressions are natu­ rally employed. c." says he. that he disputes not of the thing. The words he makes use of are precise : " we do net pre­ tend. •he rendered himself truly present." which necessarily imports a substantial presence. p. 17. opusc. p. 16. pp." Thus. as the Holy Ghost is under the dove. which lead the mind to the Real Presence. I know not what more can be desired for a real and substantial presence. and not only in figure. " about th* presence. 839. as God was in the ark. because he truly appeared under the symbol.. and under the external form of the dove. as. that Calvin says* thtt body of " Jesus Christ is under the bread. and that his words naturally guide us to what is most substantial. " that a symbolical body is received . according to v eir faith. and was seen in the baptism of Jesus Christ. but he rendered himself present by a visible symbol. as. n. et." He repeats. God ever was when he appeared under some figure. All his disciples speak the same language.

nevertheless.*f that this mystery. Accordingly we s e e . comprehended. and not fully. but by faith. indeed. that i s .[BOOK THE HI8TORT OF 47 -Crftina unit t an ineffable and miraculous presence of the body* The tee it comes. t !>»»• 536 Ibid 52. but the cause i s above his reach. a secret impenetrable to the mind of man ." And laboring to explain. to ascertain to u s that we receive the fru. since faith.—Calvin admits a Presence which is proper and peculiar to the Supper. . he would h e as fully given to us then as iai the Eucharist.—The sequel of Calvin's expressions. 44 50. that it i s a n incomprehensible work of the divine power. 44 for there it i s tte says what has been already cited. he in­ serts in the Confession of Eaith. and. f Art 36." Here then is that fulness which w* • Inrt. A philosopher would easily comprehend that the divine power is not confined within the limits of place: the meanest capacities understand how they may be united in spirit and in thought. though greatly transcending his expressions. the effects. that Jesus Christ gives m* his b >dy and blood. conjoins things separated by distance of place." 44 44 44 48. Accordingly. either speaks without meaning. to what is most distant from them. surpasses the measure of our senses. which. in Ctrder to explain this fulness. Uher* of. that he admits§ a participation in the Eucharist which i s neither in baptism nor preaching.^ how it is possible that Jesus Christ should make u s partakers of his proper substance. that h e rather experiences what this union is.* H e i s not like the Swiss. by its loftiness. That although Jesus Christ be therein truly communicated to u s . iv. in the Catechism." which shows that he is otherwise given to us in the Supper than by faith. cannot b e ap­ prehended. or excludes the union by faith alone. forasmuch as it is celestial. and Calvin. that words are wanting to express his thoughts . is yet stronger. h e answers. H e is continually repeating that the mystery of the Eu­ charist surpasses the senses. and w e on earth. it i s but in part. than understands it:" which shows h e feels. being a s lively and perfect in baptism and preaching. that Calvin admits of a presence that s wholy uiraculoiis and divine. leading u s by his expressions to a more miraculous union. con sidering that his body i s in heaven. sixthly. and the whole order of nature . or thinks h e feels. 49. What he ad is. and his thoughts. fifthly. 17. who ar*s ai gry when you speak to them of a miracle in the Sup­ per: on the contrary. M. he i s vexed when you tell him there is none. tall far beneath the summit of this unutterable mystery : " insomuch/' says h e .—Jl reflection on these words of Calvin. since he says in the Catechism. '* This is done by the incomprehensible virtue of his spirit.

nevertheless. according to Calvin. 32) receive in the Eucharist. Lastly. JesusChrist is ready to come to them. even to the unworthy. Opusc. in­ dependently of faith. and is also received. how real. Calvin confirms this again in another place. which the whole world cannot violate. that we have part in the sacrifice which was made of them. de ComSt Domini. which upholds the truth of the body )nng receivM by the unworthy. . if it be not also true. than to the rest of the Apostles. but the word alone by its all-powerful energy: insomuch that faith adds nothing to the truth of the body and "blood. is not the faith we have in his word. 52. the brce of truth. where he writes thus :f In this consists the integrity of the Sacrament. what Calvin lets fall. that what makes the sacred s^ift. 51. 13 JO.J that the Eucharist is not less "the body of our Lord to Judas. In order then to understand the truth of the mystery which Jesus Christ works in the Eucharist. that faith alone does not give us the body and blood of our Saviour. n. although he be not received with fruit. t ins!. ascertain to us. to wit. that what is given us in this Sacrament is the proper body of the Son of the body and blood of Jesus Christ. 10. de verb. and nothing is more true than this saying of St. that what is given them is the flesh and blood of the Son of God independently of faith.* that the unworthy not having faith. although not received with fruit: wnich cannot be true. and not in baptism or preaching whence it follows. 11. which we receive in the Encharis*. iv. or at least do not exercise it in this state. ETC. that " He is truly offered and given to all those who are seated at the holy table. i Au£. but that this body and blood being given to us after a special manner in the Eucharist. that they have not faith. obliges him to say.THE VARIATIONS. although what ne most inculcates is. xi. it must be believed that his proper body is therein truly offered and given. Augustin. is to be believed in this Sacrament: for. independent of faith.—Jl comparison of Calvin. to wit. but does not come in effect. since it is certain.—The Communion of the unworthy. 33. speaking even of the unworthy^ makes appear how far a miraculous presence." Whence it follows. Dom. but only makes them profitable to u s . give us a certain faith." 44 53." which is the very way of speaking that we employ. The comparison which Calvin makes use of in the same place * Inrt. Thus have Catholics reason to say. ibid. but by the faithful only.—Continuation of Calvin's expressions concerning the Communion of the unworthy. Serin. that the flesh and blood of Jesus Christ are as truly given to the unworthy as to the faithful and elect. according to Calvin.

if he means that Jesus Christ is not re­ ceived by the unworthy in the same sense that St.. runs off without penetrating: in like manner. as really as rain falls npon a rock. in the same place."* Observe. &xp opuac p. iv. iv. by their infidelity. who are guilty of his body and blood."§ that is. c. lil>. where ho says. and that. and so. . ** which. this happens alike as with rain. If we consider the body only. " That they are not less given to the unworthy than to the worthy." says he. opusc \>. it falls no less on rocks and barren places. without owning Jesus Christ is most really pres­ ent both to the one and th^ other. are that pious woman that touches him."|| from being truly received. by con­ sequence. Jesus Christ must be no loss substantially present to the obdurate than to the faithful who receive his Sacrament. even in the midst of the world that knew him not and crucified him : in like man­ ner must it be said. 33. falling on a rock. except by the elect alone . For. Def. and his own received him not. 17. that the un­ worthy who partake of his Sacrament. and the faithful. than on those where it fructifies. "this is my body. f Dilm. and that these words." he adds. he is in the right. that these words. because they only touch him fruitfully. 1 lo came unto his own. 33. nev­ ertheless. which." he hath also said that it is not received. all touch him alike: but there is reason to say. must be given to the unworthy. John has said in the G o s p e l . I am well aware that when Calvin speaks thus strongly of the body being given to the impious as truly as to saints. 731. are those troublesome people who press him in the Gospel. than to the worthy who 44 44 14 • lint. but this is an abuse of words. aftei having said of the body and blood. J Ins* i b . nay. a. " the impious repel the grace of God. with regard to his per­ sonal presence. the flesh of Jesus Christ is as truly given to the unworthy as to the elect. n. As to the substance of the rain. 11. Can one speak in this manner. according to this comparison. his coming a* truly to them as to the rest. Augustin.[BOOB THfc H I S T O K j T O F still more strengthens the reality : for. this is my body. in the iniddt of the world. he here speaks of the body and blood. nor did they hinder the word made flesh to dwell among us. believed not in him. who re­ ceive him worthily. 848. c 17. But as those who received not Jesus Christ after this manner." have always infallibly the effect expressed by them ? 44 54. $ John i. though only in these it fructifies.—Calvin speaks inconsequently. did not hinder.J he." render him not less present to the unworthy. those who touch him with faith alone touch him truly. to speak consequently. 2. distinguishes betwixt giving and receiving. what we have just seen. The same Calvinf tells us again with St. II Ibid. and hinder its penetrating into thern.

which Jesus Christ gives them. p 247.. which vindicates us from a reproach he and his followers are continually laying at our door. that thronged about him. Sut this virtue went not forth. but it prof­ iteth together with the spirit. ours must be opened by a lively faith. his . . So. and barely with respect to the corooreal presence." This is exactly what we say. But. iv. if it be not received together with his spirit. carries with him life and grace. and not only that life which makes the body live. which v. 56. And if his spirit be not always received together with his flesh. and. ETC. this is not because it is not always there.known to be animated.opuso. it irf very true. he will have this substance only united to us by faith .IX. he is equally received by both. for Jesus Christ comes to us full of spirit and grace. according to us. It is not. or. xvii. Ex. on all these points. and what ought to be concluded from these words: not that Jesus Christ does not give us the proper substance of his fltvh independently of our faith. as we do. but.—Calvin weakens his own expressions. a carcass. receive onh the carcass of Jesus Christ. dies now no more . {low often do they object to us these words. 55. in spite of these great words ." but in behalf of that woman who touched him with faith. and in him. Jesus Christ.—Calvin explains. of itself alone. to the unworthy. he does not speak them. even in the sentiments of Calvin himself. 323 approach them with faith. when they receive the sacred flesh of Jesus Christ without profiting: no more than it is a carcass and a body without soul and spirit. risen from the dead. as Calvin speaks. 44 44 57. " The flesh profiteth nothing ?" and yet Calvin explains them thus.* Oiluc. Ep. wherever he comes. I shall here observe one word of Calvin's. even according to Calvin. he hath life in him. he comes to them with the same virtue and spirit which he sheds on the faithful. l i e brought with. for Jesus Christ. a body without a soul. Cnlvia must speak the same things we do. al­ though he sa3's we are partakers of the proper substance of the body and blood of Jesus Christ.—jSn expression of Balrin. True. but this virtue and spirit act only on those who believe ." which we make the unworthy receive.* " The flesh profiteth nothing. and after all. p. when Jesus Christ gives him­ self to the unworthy. that it profiteth nothing to re­ ceive his flesh. therefore.] THE VARIATIONS.vhole virtue with respect to the crowd. in order to receive that spirit which he brings. The flesh profiteth nothing. n 33. for he has given it. 859 1 Inst. that the unworthy. but that life aUo which enlivens the soul. ad Mart Schal. these words.f It is but a vain exaggeration to call that body a car­ cass. but because. to speak consequently. that.

—He elndt* tft*> mirrtclr which he ow/nt in the Sapper. and which. that the soul. does not regard that virtue precisely which the flesh of Jesus Christ derives from the incarnation. " this is my body.824 THE BISTORT OF [BOOK of Proper Substance. even that great change which of nothing made all things. at the same time. and that so powerful a virtue flows from heaven on the earth ?" But he deludes us and himself too. He has expressed as much in sev* rpj places of his works.* we are par­ takers of the proper substance" of Jesus Christ." In this consists the miracle of the Eucharist. 775. is what essentially flows from the verj mystery of the incarnation. It was in order to explain these incomprehensible wonders. The singular miracle which the Holy Fathers. that Jesus Christ makes us partakers of the proper substance of his body. considering his body is in heaven. to speak the truth. opusc 84t Dim. 5& 44 44 44 . and we on earth. this in my body. this miracle i Calvin thinks he has expressed it in these words :f Js it reason which teaches us. immortal and spiritual by its creation. p. What does Calvin answer to this. on incomprehensible secret. to own nothing else in the Eucharist hut a presence of virtue. after them." when nothing but mere bread appears to the eye. Exp. * Diluc. " h o is really and substantially present as if the participation were not of like nature with the presence. B it Calvin's miracle is not of this nature. It is true. nor a sequel fron these words. it is. he refuses to say. And what is this secret. all Christians ever believed in the Eucharist. conjoins things separated by * 2 D«*>t. is enlivened by the flesh of Jesus Christ. and in the giv­ ing the same body. and the proper substance of a thing could ever be received when it is present only by its virtue. to so many different per­ sons. 4 44 5^ —Calvin is sensible of the insufficiency of his Doctrine to explain the miracb of the Eucharist. his design is. that the Fathers alleged all the other miracles of the divine power. likewise. that after he had said." Jt is a miracle which is wrought in the Eucharist and out of the Eucharist. the changing of water into wine. not even a miracle thi * is peculiar to the sacrament of the Eucharist. a miracle surpassing all scjjse and understanding of man. and. and all the other changes." says h e . indeed. The miracle consists in the verifying of these words. but paiticularly in the Catechism : J Ho comes it to pass. By the same artifice he shifts off that great miracle which he nimself is sensible he is obliged to own in the Eucharist. Calvin himself was aware that some other miiacle was to bn sought in the Eucharist. said he. u 58.t opusc. and what do all Calvinists answer with him? That the incomprehensible vir­ tue of the Holy Ghost.

very well saw with all the Fathers and all the faithful. 858. "this is my body. opusc. neither Calvin nor the Cal­ vinists do admit of any miracle in the Eucharist. all his sermons. otherwise. would never hear it mentioned. at least. that. but a chimerical and con­ tradictory proposition. it was necessary. which puts the sign for the thing. of which he makes no account. he cannot divest himself of them. substance to subtance? This is no miracle of the Almighty. as they were sensible one ought to be admitted. at as great a distance. in these words. the sun has as much virtue. united. are. why does he continually upbraid us that we confound the laws of nature. and ac­ knowledge the true miracle of the Eucharist. and. wh*n 44 * Diluc." T o answer this idea. Calvin. he is very sensible that receding them in matters of religion. nevertheless. But in reality. in this more penetrating. on one hand. All his books.—The perplexities and contradictions of Calvin in the defence of the figurative swse. This is iny Body. Calvin. to sound high the name of a miracle . nobody was less disposed than Calvin to believe one in the Eu­ charist ." there was as clear a mark of omnipotence. men naturally sincere. A presence by faith. but in the main. which nobody can understand." are to be explained. the Holy Ghost can every where render present what he has a mind to give in substance? I understand him. and. Uti distance of place. for which reason the Swiss. SO —The Calvinists did not so much admit a miracle in the Eucharist. Jesus Christ be only present in virtue. nor philosophical reasons.* that he will not make use of natural. p. 28 . are full of the figurative interpretation. who have no other use for words than to speak just as they think.«•] THE VARIATIONS. nor so far raise himself above man as to despise them . and a presence by virtue. on the other hand." Does he mean to speak like a Catholic. who all along employs it. a3 in these " let there be light. declares in many places. and produces as great effects. is not only destroying the mystery of the Eucharist. but all the mys­ teries of Christianity at once. This is the way of speaking. and the figure metonymy. there can be no miracle in the Eucharist. Exp. is not miraculous . And why! because. Would he sa) that things separated. 44 The same confusion appears when these words. therefore. nevertheless. nor be given us whole and entire under the form of a morsel of bread l Is not this reasoning derived from philoso­ phy ? Undoubtedly. 44 f51. all his discourses. If." but of Scripture only." *hich he will have the Apostles beforehand well accustomed to. that a body cannot be in several places. and remaining separated as far as heaven is from earth. and say. to speak the truth. ETC. which he calls sacramental.

Never will such fooleries be found in our writings. viz.sober. that the figure metonymy must here be owned. it is because he docs not find in his own expositions what can please him. pp. nevertheless. a Lutheran minister. 8GI. " Behold.—nor on other expressions of the like nature." M u 62. etc.—I am the door. without escaping under the covert of a figure. p. are all the same ways of speak­ ing .—What it was that puzzled him. in a word. but. opusc. a certain and particular way of speaking." already by me quoted. what would be clear to the whole world. that a child even could not be mistaken. I am the vine. and is ashamed of his own doctrine. in plain words. must be followed. and which was written against Hcshusiua. t 2 Westph. ** The Forger imagined he was prattling at table. Ho disowns here what he says through every page . he rejects that figure with contempt which he is forced to betake himself to again the same moment. CalvinJ bethought himself of these forms of • Diluc. which always carry their own expositions with them so clear and man­ ifest. Exp. this is what we say. had given him leisure more fully to digest this matter." Circumcision is the Covenant. 63. 81*. etc.ult. he plainly saw that would be nothing but filling the whole gospel with confusion. This is my Body. For he does not stand so much upon allegories and parables.336 THE HISTORY OF [BC ft Jesus Christ instituted the Supper* The Rock was Chiist. 781." eays Calvin. if because Jesus Christ made use of allegories and parables. p. t Admon. and spending his wit among his guests. Calvin would certainly have told him in plain terms he was drunk. the dispute which had been so long on foot. but Calvin was . usual in Scripture. . and when he confounds himself. It must be owned. I must own. we think it enough to say. S13. This is my Body.* ft is taken out of u book entitled. T o remedy this. Circumcision is the Covenant. Whether or not he wore fully satisfied with this. that he was more exact thar the rest of the Sacramentarians. did not these beasts obscure even the sun himself. whereby the name of the thing is given to the sign. p. when we talk of Sacraments. opuac. and besides the superiority of his wit.—He saw further into the dijfmdty than the rest of the Sacramentarians Ilow he endeavored to clear it. tht Lamb is the Passover."!* And besides. every thing was to be understood in that sense ." according to him. there is a figure like to this .opusc. Had Heshusius fallen into such a contradiction. and this is what you find in every pa^e. the Rock was Christ. In this phrase. "how this hog makes us speak. he can stand to nothing he says. the Lamb is the Pass­ over. Thus. 812. 818.. A clear Explanation. the following passage will make appear.

which beyond doubt." says h e . nis Apostles would not have understood aim." but having not done this.. . xviL 13. the name of the thing is immediately given to the sign without preparing the mind for it. it must be concluded against Calvin. without being forewarned. Catholics main­ tained there could not. The question was. it is to be believed he intended to leave the words in their natural and obvious sense. And. Ibid. Calvin owns as much himself. prepared to the understanding of what ensued : from whence it follows. without bringing tb« same into a precedent for other matters. since Almighty God. and in all intricacies. by this exordium. that our Saviour should have prepared the minds of the apostles. 11. and this with the proper word by which this sign is instituted. whethei any such example could be found in scripture. my Covenant shall be in your flesh. that he says in other places. since by saying that the apostles ought already to have been accus­ tomed to these sacramental ways of speaking. wherein. and the mind. by him called sacramental. it shall be a sign of the covenant." The sign was therefore instituted before the name of the thing was given to it.-That >/ Circumcision which confutes instead of serving him. had he designed to have given this sense to these words.—Another example which makes nothing to the question. had they not been ac­ customed to. he believes he has found a cer­ tain means of establishing in it a figure.—The examples which he drew from Scripture. although he placed his chief strength in these ways of speaking. The chief difficulty 'ay in finding out a sign of institution. viz.them. 44 4 4 44 44 ? 65. ever guided himself by this clue. 64.rX. As it then manifestly appears they could not be accustomed to give the name of a thing to the sign of institution. named it the Covenant:— My covenant. that Jesus Christ ought not to have spoken in this sense. in order to take the sign for the thing. and Calvin thought to convince them by this text of Genesis.— " This is my Body—this is my Blood . by admitting them in the Eucht /ist.] THE HISTORY OF 387 expression which he calls " sacramental. he owns it would have been incongruous to employ such."* But he was plainly mistaken. from Calvin's own principles." wherein he sign ii put for the thing." had said already. speaking of cir­ cumcision which he instit ted. is a sacrament. in which Almighty God. at the institution itself. indeed. shall be in your flesh. the truth is. he is so little satisfled therewith. and had e done it. and. and there being no example of this nature in the Old or N e w Testament. before he had s a i d . that the Church is also called the Body of Jesus Christ. that the scriptures * Gen. H e also brought more apposite examples from scripture than any of the Protestant writers before him.

f as it were. I a m obliged to say. What can then be the reason.328 THE m i tnr or [noon naming the Church the Body of our Lord. than that it pene­ trates us by its virtue . what little coherence soever they nifiy have ? 66. and the vioent expressions he makes use of plainly discover it. by which a whole nation. he seems in some places to make Jesas Christ a s present in Baptism as in the Supper.—He cannot answer the idea of Reality. notwithstanding all thesi.—Calvin makes new efforts to preserve the idea of the Reality. but this manner of speaking appearing wcaK to him. opuac p. 864. but only. in order to mix the substance therewith. tha after Calvin had laid his main stress on these sacramental ways of speaking. and all the graces which Jesus Christ brings to us. that to support a figure o f which he stands in need. 67. for. that the grounds of doctrine not being able to supply him wherewith to answer the idea of reality he was so full of. \ Inst. a s well in the Sacrament of Baptism. and from its substance life flow down upon us . he supplied this delect by far-fetched. sanctification. "an extract of the Flesh o f Jesus Christ. however. and the effect. as he is her head. which is Jesus Christ. 17 * Diluc Expos. and extravagant expressions. he calls to his assistance all the figurative ways of speech. shows him. I have taken notice that. iv. are represented as a kind of natural body. and the prince who governs them. he means no more by them. c. which hath its head and members. great words. conscious of his weakness. Is the Church the sign of our Lord's body." as if we received the quintessence and the choicest part of his flesh. unheard-of. and he teaches of Baptism 44 • Inst. as Calvin makes the bread to be ?* By no means . she is his body. The rest of his doctrine gives him no less pain. 11. that it remain in heaven. of what nature soever they be." Calvin acknowledges all these *hings. xvil n. in general. is (he chief support of his doctrine* T o make this his chief defence. which our Saviour's institution impresses on the mind. which consists in the promises . with his death and resurrection . lib. . by that so common a way of speaking. I will not say he believed it s o . That I may not here dissemble any part o f Calvin's doctrine. We have seen how he will have the flesh of Jesus Christ to penetrate us by its substance. iv. the r