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The Indian Administrative


Service (IAS) in the
st

21 Century: Living in
an Intergovernmental
Environment
Beryl A. Radin

School of Public Affairs, American University ,


Washington, DC, USA
Published online: 13 Dec 2007.

To cite this article: Beryl A. Radin (2007) The Indian Administrative Service (IAS) in
st

the 21 Century: Living in an Intergovernmental Environment, International Journal of


Public Administration, 30:12-14, 1525-1548, DOI: 10.1080/01900690701229848
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Intl Journal of Public Administration, 30: 15251548, 2007


Copyright Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
ISSN 0190-0692 print / 1532-4265 online
DOI: 10.1080/01900690701229848

The Indian Administrative Service (IAS) in


the 21st Century: Living in an
Intergovernmental Environment

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1532-4265
0190-0692
LPAD
Intl
Journal of Public Administration
Administration, Vol. 30, No. 12-14, September 2007: pp. 140

The Indian Administrative Service


Radin

Beryl A. Radin
School of Public Affairs, American University, Washington, DC, USA

Abstract: This article examines the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) one of the
very few administrative systems that was established as an instrument of federalism,
serving as an intermediary between states and the national government. It analyzes its
early development and the changes that have taken place in the Indian society that have
had an impact on the IAS and its role in the Indian federal system. Further, it discusses
the contemporary global developments in intergovernmental relations and how the IAS
might respond to them. There are many different interpretations of the current developments within India and whether the IAS has the ability to adapt to these changes. The
article reviews these interpretations and the limitations of data that would allow an
assessment of the alternative formulations.
Keywords: Indian Administrative Service, Indian civil service system

Most political systems have been premised on the doctrine of administrative


dualism where each level of government is equipped with its own set of
administrative instrumentalities and mechanisms. Countries such as Australia
and the United States have separate and distinct levels of public administration that reflect the interests and concerns of the specific levels of government. The separate administrative structures have tended to emphasize the
differences between the levels of government rather than to accentuate areas
of interdependencies.
I would like to thank Otima Bordia and Maitreyi Bordia Das as well as a number of
Washington-based IAS officers for their comments on earlier drafts of this article. This
paper was originally written for a conference, Transforming a Federation: Indias
Experience, held in New Delhi, February 2003, sponsored by the Center for the
Advanced Study of India.
Address correspondence to Beryl A. Radin, School of Public Affairs, American University, Ward 327, 4400 Mass. Ave., NW, Washington, DC 20016; E-mail: radin@american.edu

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Radin

Increasingly, however, students of governance have come to recognize


the importance of developing administrative mechanisms that can cope with
the emerging political realities. Pure unitary systems and pure federal systems
are becoming less effective in dealing with the problems of the coming 21st
century. Concepts such as collaborative decisionmaking, networks, and other
mechanisms that link levels of government have been associated with the field
of intergovernmental management in recent years. These are classic concerns
in the public administration world involving intergovernmental relations as
well as boundary spanning.
This article examines the Indian Administrative Service (IAS) one of
the very few administrative systems that was established as an instrument of
federalism, serving as an intermediary between states and the national government. It analyzes its early development and the changes that have taken place
in the Indian society that have had an impact on the IAS and its role in the
Indian federal system. Further, it discusses the contemporary global developments in intergovernmental relations and how the IAS might respond to them.
There are many different interpretations of the current developments within
India and whether the IAS has the ability to adapt to these changes. The article
reviews these interpretations and the limitations of data that would allow an
assessment of the alternative formulations.[1]

BACKGROUND
More than 50 years ago India grappled with issues related to the relationship
between states and the national government (called the Centre) at Independence.
Concern about mechanisms that would preserve unity and, at the same time,
acknowledge the diversity and specific interests of the provinces (now called
States) were balanced through the transformation of the Raj (British) civil service system. It was retained in the form of two services, the Central Services
and the All-India Services, which included the Indian Administrative Service
(IAS) and the Indian Police Service (IPS). The framers of Indias Constitution
opted for continuity, building on the system that relied on the structures and
experience of the British.[2] Based upon the selection of highly competent
individuals who would exert appropriate discretion, that colonial system was
devised to respond to the size and diversity of the Indian subcontinent.
The decision to build on a unified administrative system was advanced by
the Home Minister, Vallabhbhai Patel. He argued in favor of giving the civil
service experience at the Centre as well as the districts, thus enabling its members to be a liaison between the then-provinces and the Centre.[3] This position
came to be known as the steel frame argument, providing a mechanism for
national integration through members of the services allocated to the various
states, attracted on the basis of ability. These individuals were believed to provide the nation with an all-India outlook. The members of the service were

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viewed as generalists who could assume a diverse array of responsibilities


over their careers and could move around the country from various state
assignments to the nations capital.
The constitutional debate reflected a distinction made by the provinces
between recruitment and control, supporting recruitment of personnel on an
all-India basis but provincial control over such personnel. However, even at
the time of independence, it has been noted, the provinces evinced little
enthusiasm for the All-India Services; the latter were pushed down their reluctant throats by Vallabhbhai Patel.[4]
The IAS was constructed on a number of assumptions. First, it was
designed as an all-India service as a way of developing a national outlook.
Second, it was meant to recruit the best and the brightest in the country. And
third, it was meant to create a sense of independence and impartiality. The
system that was established (and continues today) recruits and examines
applicants through a single examination held at a number of locations across
the country. The model that was developed was premised on the idea of a neutral public service a system that sought to separate politics from administration, to develop a highly skilled work force, and to emphasize the value of
efficiency over all other values.
Top performers on the written examination appear for an oral exam.
According to one observer, historically this examination is rightly regarded
as representing an equal opportunity for obtaining public employment and
access to highest bureaucratic levels at the Central as well as the States levels, by all sections of society and all regions of the country, and it arouses
country-wide interest on a sustained basis.[5]
The IAS and IPS individuals who are selected begin an intensive training
course at the Academy in Mussoorie and are immediately allocated to a state
within the union. During some eras, individuals who score highest on the
exam may be given their preferences for assignment to particular states (usually the state of their origin). This policy change is no longer in place but,
given the pattern, is likely to return again. The specific allocation of individuals to states is based on a complex formula after consultation between the
Centre and the individual states. Candidates who are assigned to a state (called
the state cadre) are given instruction in, and must demonstrate competency in,
the regional language.
Held at the Academy at Mussoorie, the initial training period (called the
foundational course) emphasizes the constitutional, economic and social
framework within which the officers function and also covers such matters as
the rights and obligations of the civil services and the ethics of the profession.
After completing this course, the IAS trainees are sent for a year of district
training in the state to which they have been assigned; that experience
includes time at the state training academies where the trainees are socialized
to the state laws, language, and cultures. After completing a set of exams on
the state issues, they then return to the national training academy for the second

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phase of training. When they complete this training, they are full fledged
officers of the service. During their careers they are likely to come back a
number of times to the state level training academies. Typical IAS officers
will have a range of postings that require them to develop new skills that are
appropriate for their job. Although the pattern of specific postings and assignments of the members of the IAS varies by time period as well as by state,
there is a model often theoretical of career development that structures
the process.
New officers are expected to spend approximately seven years in the district, often assuming different roles in that most decentralized level. Following
that experience, they are assigned to jobs in the state secretariat for a number
of years or to a number of state level bodies. After at least 9 years of service,
individuals are eligible for a job in the Central government; they have to be
nominated by the state government and the Department of Personnel and Training does the actual selection. Supposedly states are obligated to fulfill a quota
for deputation to the Centre. Individuals may work for a limited period in Delhi
(or another location in which there is a Central government function) and return
to their states for a higher level state job. A small number of individuals may
return to the Central government for further assignments; this usually happens
after 18 years of service. They are chosen after being empaneled by the Department of Personnel and Training (see description in Figure 1).
This process has had many supporters over the years. A typical argument
for the system follows:
The system of secondment and recirculation is of great value in bringing
about an exchange of experience between the Centre and the States, and
in giving to the Centre access to the most recent experience of policymaking at the State level and the ground level situation in different
areas. This informal, personal insight into regional conditions becomes
available to the Central Ministries and serves as a valuable supplement
to the information obtained through formal communications, reports
and reviews, as well as assessments made in the course of discussions in
inter-governmental conferences. For States, the access to a broader perspective and experience of Central policy imperatives and the development situation in the other States is a parallel gain. Of course, this
mutual reinforcement of experience is of direct value mostly in respect
of the work done by these officers in fields of common or joint endeavour of the Centre and the States.[7]
An essential part of the system focuses on confidence in the abilities of
the individuals selected for the two services. At least one student of the system
noted that concern about levels of representativeness is less important in a
developing country because efficiency values are the most important. Let us
be grateful if such selection produces a fairly representative bureaucracy, but

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In the Government of India (i.e. in the ministries) you will deal with the formulation of policies and supervise their implementation. In each Ministry you will
supervise the allotment and utilization of funds by the field offices in your Ministry. You will also be asked to furnish information to the Parliament in response to
queries relating to your Ministry. You will have to work late into the night and
under much pressure when Parliament is in session. Sometimes your work will
entail visits to the States. Depending on your rank, you might even be the government nominee on the Board of Directors of some Public Sector Corporation. You
will also at times be nominated to independently represent India at international
forums or accompany the Minister for such meetings. From the rank of Deputy
Secretary to the Government of India, you can sign international agreements on
behalf of the Government of India.
However, more than half of your career life will be spent in the State you are
allocated, where you will look after law and order, general administration, revenue
work and developmental functions. During the course of your two year probation
you will be attached to various training schools, to the Secretariat and field offices
and to a district collectors office. Here you will do the work of a sub magistrate.
On completion of your two years probation you will be appointed as a Sub
Divisional Magistrate (SDM). As SDM you will look after law and order, general
administration, revenue work and such development work as may be assigned to
you. In the next three scales i.e. Senior Scale, Junior Administrative Grade and
Selection Grade you will serve as District Magistrate, Chief Development Officer,
Director of a department, Managing Director of a Unit or a Senior officer in the
State Secretariat. In other words, you could be a District Magistrate in your fifth
year of service and remain a DM till you are promoted to the Super Time Scale in
the 17th year of your service.
What your rank in the State Secretariat will be varies widely from State to State.[6]
Figure 1 Information from the Institute for Career Studies of India.

let us not go madly after it by diluting or manipulating the selection.[8] Two


types of deputations were also allowed: those that involved interstate placements and those in the officers home state. Officers were allowed to spend a
number of years in their home state or in another state.
Although the system sought to assign most individuals to states other than
their own, historically the composition of the services does not reflect the geographical, caste or class dimensions of the Indian nation. Geography, for
example, was based on the declaration of regional affiliation by the recruit;
one observer noted that it does not disentangle the different components that
constitute regional affiliation, nor does it help one to study inter-State movements and involvements meaningfully.[9]
Although there was concern about the geographical representation of the
various states in the central government, Indian policymakers were much
more focused on problems of representation of those in castes and groups that
had been excluded from the benefits of citizenship in the society. The Constitution

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itself dealt with public employment by calling for reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the
opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the
State.[10] The first amendment to the Constitution further allowed special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.[11]
The preferential treatment that followed these constitutional provisions was
also justified in the quest for unity of the nation.

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS INVOLVING THE IAS AND


FEDERALISM
It is clear that questions related to the IAS are not separable from broader issues
involving changes that have taken place in the political process, the economy
and the society in general. Five areas of change are of particular interest[12]:
The Level of Centralization. Many Indians perceive a pattern of growing
decentralization to the states, moving away from centralization of the 1960s
and 1970s. Centralization was associated with the Emergency and the imposition of Presidents rule, Both of these processes provide the mechanism by
which the central government can take over the administration of a state. The
changes that have occurred over the past decade or so have been described as
an evolutionary process of devolving from a unitary government. If decentralization was occurring, the appropriate role of the IAS was not clear.
This development appears to some to contribute to perceptions that the
IAS infringes on state autonomy and, as well, has contributed to the politicization of the bureaucracy. Opposition to the services appeared to increase during
periods of political tension. During the past decade, there is clear evidence of
the demise of the one-party state dominated by the states of the north. The
Congress Party no longer can be viewed as the controlling political force
within the society. Regional political parties, formerly found only in the
southern states, now are present throughout the nation based on religious,
caste and ideological perspectives. Political differences between state leaders
and central government leaders are now common.
These shifts have raised a number of issues for members of the Indian
Administrative Service. State cadre members are dependent on decisions of
state political leaders for postings. At least two aspects of postings are
affected by political shifts. First, state political leaders may not be willing to
move individuals who are valuable to them to central government posts controlled by political rivals. Cadre members who had invested in relationships
with political figures as a method of assuring good postings in Delhi may now
find themselves without political patronage. Similarly, when new political
leaders come into power within the state, cadre members sometimes find

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themselves subject to unexpected job transfers.[13] Some have noted that statelevel politicians from different political parties can always blame the central
government for their problems; the officers of the IAS are convenient whipping
boys for that blame.
Even before the recent shifts, however, the practice of postings to the
Centre was not really experienced by all higher civil servants. The idea of a
neutral public service had already been tested. Two groups appear to have
developed: one that seeks central postings and finds ways to stay out of their
home state. The other group avoids these postings and does not want to
come to Centre at all.
This behavior compounds what some already found to be a problem. In
his 1974 book, A Tale Told by an Idiot, R. P. Norondha, who retired as Chief
Secretary of Madhya Pradesh wrote:
Today the politician distrusts the IAS man . . . He distrusts him because
he belongs to an All India Service, whose loyalty must be more to the
Centre than to the state. This is utter nonsense, but the politician
believes it, and it is what he believes that is the important thing, not the
truth. . . . At state level, therefore, the IAS is a foundling so far as the
Centre is concerned.
He has been put out for adoption and they wash their hands of him. The
state can kick him around as much as they (sic) please and the Centre
will not interfere, even unofficially.[14]
At the same time, it is not clear whether the political shifts will create new
pressures for elimination of the All-India Services. The concept of the AllIndia Services was to foster national integration by recruitment of personnel
through a nationwide competition that puts those selected under state control.
However, selection of state service members for promotion into the IAS was
expected to balance a national perspective with more local views. Despite policy
shifts during some years that increased the percentage of insiders (including
new IAS candidates selected via national competition but from the state who
were allowed to choose their cadres as well as the promotees), in a number of
states the outsiders exceed the local component. In addition, several commentators have noted that in practice new candidates opt for assignment to a
neighboring state and are not really outsiders in the manner that the concept
of the All-India Services imagined. In addition, women officers have been
allowed to list three cadre preferences. Some of this has contributed to
increasing conflict between the IAS and the state administrative services over
quality of assignments, pay and status.
Shifts in the Organization of the Economy. Much of the expansion of the IAS
during the 1960s was attributed to the expansion of tasks associated with

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economic management in a centrally controlled economy. For some participants, the recent liberalization moves suggested a new role for the bureaucracy,
emphasizing the strategic management of the economy in less prescriptive and
more market driven approaches. During recent years, states have been able to
collect taxes on their own and devise programs unique to that state. In those
settings, the IAS plays a role that highlights the state rather than the central
government policies. At the same time, while the powers of agencies such as
the National Planning Commission have decreased, there continue to be policies that have been developed at the national government level that are implemented within the states.
Despite the rhetoric, some note that deregulation of the economy has
not moved the IAS very far at the state level. In part this is because top level
bureaucrats within states have been socialized to act in a manner that accentuates command and control methods, rather than processes that create
opportunities for citizens. The changes in the economic structure raise new
demands related to control and accountability of the services as well as new
definitions of professional obligations. A 1995 statement on Reforms for
the Indian Administrative Service, issued by the Lal Bahadur Shastri
National Academy of Administration, Mussoorie, contrasted the work culture of young IAS officers with those coming out of the Indian Institutes of
Management:
Both come from the same social and educational background, and both
enter their respective organizations at senior positions at a young age,
while their other colleagues and subordinates are much older to (sic)
them. The young manager has to establish himself by proving his effectiveness and utility to the organization by generating more sales or
showing greater savings etc. With no prospects of a time bound promotion, he must strive hard to earn a name for himself in the market and
keep growing. The young administrator, on the other hand, relies more
on acquiring traditional and astrictive traits which distinguish him from
others; aloofness, greater use of English, calling on seniors and trying to
achieve social integration with them, and at the same time enforcing
symbols of subordination on others.[15]
Development of the Third Tier of Government. The expansion of the Panchayats suggested that new definitions were required of Indian federalism.
These local levels of government were established by constitutional amendments that called for elections and democratic procedures for local government. These bodies were expected to make different demands on the
bureaucracy. While the constitutional amendments establishing this decentralized form establish a new level of elected officials, at this writing the relationship between the officers and this tier is not clear.[16] Some states have well
developed Panchayats while others have them in name only. While it is clear

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that the states vary in terms of the relationship between Panchayats and the
IAS officers, the patterns of this variation are not well documented.
At the present time, the youngest (and least experienced) officers are usually assigned to district level posts; some observers of the process believe that
the creation of the Panchayats will require skill and experience from administrators and thus require postings from more senior officials. Over the past
decade, the Foundation training has emphasized issues related to decentralized
administration more than it had earlier.
Reservations, Mandalization[17] and Communalism. Changes
in
both
employment and political opportunities for lower caste individuals were
thought by some to place new pressures on federalism as well on the IAS.
These changes related to the composition of the services (moving it from an
elite bureaucracy to more of a representative bureaucracy) and the way that
officers responded to these communities.[18]
During the 20 years from 1971 to 1991, the representation of the Scheduled Castes in the higher levels of the federal government public service
moved from 2.6% to 9.1% while the Scheduled Tribes increased from .4% to
2.5%.[19] In 1963, the Indian Supreme Court ruled that total reservations
(including three categories: Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other
Backward Castes) shall be less than 50% of positions. To that point, however,
the reservations did not include the category called Other Backward Castes.
Some state governments had already established reservation quotas above the
50% limit set by the Supreme Court. Andhra Pradesh announced a policy in
1986 to raise the quota in government positions and all professional colleges
to 71%. Tamil Nadu had already raised its total to 69%.
In 1990, the National Front government dusted off a ten year old report
from the Mandal Commission and included the Other Backward Castes
(OBC) category in its reservation policy. This policy provoked extensive division within Indian society. The Mandal Report acknowledged that after
40 years of independence, the society still remained caste-based but it also
locked in a policy that every member of a lower caste, regardless of economic
or educational standing, would be eligible for the benefits of reservation.[20]
To some, the cumulative affect of the changes has meant that the IAS has
moved from an elite bureaucracy to one that is more of a representative
bureaucracy, with an array of members who are more like the broader society
than the earlier form.
The individuals who have joined the services in recent years exhibit a
somewhat different profile than those in the past. Creation of new opportunities in the private sector have combined with the fruits of the reservation policy to explain this. A trend analysis of IAS recruits from the 1987 to the 1991
batches indicated that increasingly they were from a lower socio-economic
status, from families of government servants, from engineering backgrounds
and decreasingly from liberal arts backgrounds. Some of this is due to shifts in

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the Indian society; other explanations point to changes in the main written
exam. In early periods, an essay was required that gave liberal arts graduates a
stronger position over objective tests. An essay has recently been reintroduced
and some expect this to lead to more liberal arts graduates in the service. During this period, Uttar Pradesh produced the largest number of recruits, followed by Bihar and Andhra Pradesh. Goa had not sent a single person to the
IAS during the period of the study.[21]

THE IMPACT OF CHANGES


Given the changes that have taken place within the Indian society, it is obvious that there would be changes in the IAS. The service has changed because
the politics, educational patterns and the economy have changed. The IAS has
had to deal with changes in the distribution of power within the country; as the
center has decreased in power, the officers have adapted to procedures and
political realities that do not allow central control. At the same time, the members of the service are required to deal with issues such as those involving the
public infrastructure, development policies, and scientific and educational
development. The increase of technical people within the IAS reflects the
overall increase in the number of technical people within the country and the
emphasis on technical development.
The IAS main examination now provides more technical options for test
takers. Observers note that highly qualified technical people still choose to
enter the IAS. Some officers perceive that the recruitment system is now
weighted in favor of those with a background in technical education rather
than those with a liberal arts education.[22] But this reflects a general bias in
the society, not in the selection process.
For some observers, these changes in Indias society and economy have
led to an increase in corruption and criminalization within the IAS. Others
acknowledge that corruption exists in India but that it also exists in all
other institutions (politics, the judiciary, the private sector) as well as the IAS.
They note that all countries (both developed and developing countries) have
had to deal with corrupt practices.
The Vohra Committee report in 1993 described a set of relationships that
they termed an Indian Mafia. They called it an extensive network of contacts
with the bureaucrats/Government functionaries at the local levels, politicians,
media persons and strategically located individuals in the non-State sector.[23]
While it is probably true that some IAS officers are guilty of illegal behavior,
the extent of this problem is not known. The Central Vigilance Commission
has advised launching of 65 criminal proceedings against IAS officers since 1
January 1990; of those one individual was convicted and one was pending trial.
The rest of the charges were awaiting information. The Commission advised
imposition of a major penalty against 20 IAS officers during that same period;

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of those, three had a cut in pension, two had a reduction in pay, and one had
another penalty. The rest were awaiting information.[24] Given the size of the
IAS (the estimate is that there were approximately 6,000 in that group including both active IAS officers and retirees since 1990), this does not appear to be
a pervasive pattern if the Commission was operating with some diligence.
One of the difficulties involved in assessing the degree of corruption is
that many of the reports on this issue deal with multiple services. For example,
a call for a National Campaign for Good Governance lists the IAS, the IPS,
IFS, IA and AS, Income tax, Customs, Excise, Postal, CSS, and State Civil
Services as potential players in the perceived politicization and corruption.[25]
Others, however, believe that political corruption is widespread in India.[26]
The changes that have occurred in the Indian society since Independence
have made some commentators question the wisdom of continuing the existing
administrative system. For example, on June 5, 1996, India Abroad reported
that During its term of office, the United Front government will advance the
principles of political, administrative and economic federalism. In each of these
spheres, powers will be devolved and authority will be decentralized.
The 2002 Final Report of the National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution was also critical of the IAS. They wrote that we
allowed the colonial legacy of administration to continue to hold sway in the
post-independence era. Further, they noted that the present structure of the
All India Services would appear to be incompatible with the development of
full-fledged democratic representative government at the district level.[27]
Does the current system allow enough flexibility for the All-India Services to adapt to these developments? Do the states have adequate powers in
terms of discipline and control of members of the services? With increasing
devolution from a unitary government, do the existing services actually
restrict state autonomy? Is it possible to maintain high standards of performance (particularly in those areas requiring skill as modernizing agents) and,
at the same time, create an administrative apparatus that plays an appropriate
role as integrating forces in a new set of governing relationships? Does the
increase in state autonomy play a role in the perception that IAS officers are
more likely to be guilty of criminalization and corruption?[28]

WHERE IS THE IAS TODAY?: GLOBAL MANAGEMENT SHIFTS


The dramatic changes that India has experienced in its economic, political,
and sociological structure since independence have, ironically, created
demands on its administrative apparatus that are familiar to public managers
in other democracies.[29] These demands have created an approach to management that has been termed intergovernmental management.
It replaces a system which focused almost entirely on vertical relationships between levels of government and, occasionally, on horizontal

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relationships between levels of government. The metaphor that was developed in the US literature that captured this set of relationships was picket
fence federalism alliances between program specialists or professionals
that transcended the level of government in which they serve.[30]
The initial literatures that developed this frame of reference assumed that
traditional approaches to institutional authority would remain. The first writings on intergovernmental management did not focus on changes in systems,
structures, policies, or programs. However, they did highlight management
activities that effectively blended politics and administration by focusing on
managers in the policy process. These managers include program and policy
professionals as well as administrative generalists drawn from governmental
entities. While much of this literature highlighted the role of national governments, it increasingly moved toward a flatter and less top-down approach to
intergovernmental relationships. In fact, much of the literature accentuated a
bottom-up, more collegial approach to these relationships. All of the changes
that have taken place during the past few decades work to erode the concept of
the neutral public servant and rather emphasize the ability of a public servant
to balance professional, political, and legal accountability expectations.
There are three sets of changes that have occurred within the past decade
that are crucial to understanding this context and are relevant to the Indian
experience:
1. an increase in boundary spanning activities;
2. the new management skills required as a result of the boundary spanning
changes; and
3. the international expression of these changes.

An Increase in Boundary Spanning Activities


The landscape of the public sector that is in place in democracies around the
world at the beginning of the 21st century appears to be quite different from that
found several decades earlier. Several aspects of this changed landscape have
contributed to the context for intergovernmental management. Indias Constitution actually acknowledges the boundary-spanning process as it stipulated that
some policy or program areas actually required activity by both the central government and the states. While it did define functions that were viewed as unique
to the states and to the Centre, it also defined areas which required both.
Shifting Policy Boundaries. In the early period of intergovernmental management, relationships could be established that followed clear demarcations of
policies and programs. Rural policy, for example, was defined as a part of
agricultural policy and the relationships across levels of government were
found within that policy sphere. By the end of the 20th century, however,

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many countries found that rural policy was no longer defined solely within the
agriculture sphere. Rather, it involved sectors including economic development, health, education, housing and infrastructure.
Similar movement out of a single policy world has been found in other
areas such as drug policy, crime, and welfare. Health policies, such as those
involving HIV/AIDs are examples of these kinds of issues. Development policies in India are examples of this shift in policy boundaries. It is increasingly
viewed not as a separate track but as a set of policies that involve multiple
players and move across traditionally separate systems.
Shifting Views about the Role of Government
The shifts that have taken place within the past decade have reflected quite
dramatic changes in the way that both citizens and governments themselves
think about the role of government in democratic societies. The traditional
hierarchical bureaucratic structures with powers concentrated at the top of
organizations have been subjected to criticism. Criticism not only about the
structure of government but also its span of powers has contributed to what
has been called the hollowing of government. This has led to a shrinking of
the direct role of public agencies in actually delivering services to the public
as well as a diminution of the span of responsibilities of the public sector.
Privatization and contracting out of government roles have become increasingly common, utilizing public funds but relying on for profit or non profit
entities to deliver services. Hollowing out involves a number of changes,
including transfer of functions, loss of expertise, and the breakdown of traditional relationships. The growth of the private sector in India and the deregulation of economic activities have contributed to this problem within the
country. In India the public sector is still important but it cannot operate alone.
Rather it must involve others, particularly in the private sector.
Interdependence Between Levels of Government
The initial development of intergovernmental management represented an
acknowledgement that many policies and programs required management
activities that moved beyond a single level of government or a single jurisdiction, leading to alternative approaches to autonomous and separate governmental authority. In the years that have ensued, more and more policies have
exhibited characteristics of interdependence between levels of government.
This means that multiple levels of government are involved simultaneously in
programs and policies and that a single level of government rarely has single
power and influence over the way that programs are designed, funded, managed and delivered. Some Indian states have found that they are required to
work collaboratively with other states in some policy areas, e.g., policies
involving water from rivers that cross state boundary lines.

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Public-Private Interdependence
The changes that have occurred in the reach and structure of government have
made it obvious that the activities involving intergovernmental management
do not end with players only from the public sector or government agencies.
Rather, management of public sector programs involves a wide range of players from both the for-profit and non-profit sectors. Each of these players now
comes to the policy table with its own agenda and imperatives. In some cases,
the representatives from the for-profit sector have had minimal experience
with the limited authority and constraints placed on public sector officials.
Reciprocally, the public sector officials have not had experience with
these players. Private sector players both for-profit groups and nongovernment organizations have increased over the past decade in India. As
a result, IAS officers can no longer expect to give orders to those nongovernment players; rather, they see themselves in partnership with those
players.
A Focus on Performance
The concern about performance is closely linked to the reinvention movement
popularized by Osborne and Gaebler[31] and others who have emphasized
reinvention of government at the state and local government levels. The reinvention movement accentuates the importance of measuring results. This rhetoric style employs a vocabulary that highlights outcomes rather than inputs,
processes, or even outputs. It focuses on the benefits derived from the use of
public sector funds and seeks to establish a framework that moves away from
traditional incremental decision-making in which budgets are created largely
on the basis of past allocation patterns. It has been used as way to counter the
publics disillusion with government as well as the government bashing that
has been employed by political figures at all ends of the political spectrum.
But while the concern about performance is pervasive, it is not expressed
consistently; it takes many different forms and is attached to efforts at all levels of government. The Indian system has not moved significantly in this area;
political assessment of effectiveness rather than data-driven performance
assessment drives the system. In addition, longevity rather than performance
reviews serves as the main basis for the formal performance assessment of
IAS officers.

The Need for New Management Skills


These changes have placed new demands on intergovernmental managers.
Managers have found that the traditional command and control paradigm,
accentuating the authority of the individuals at the top of the hierarchy, did not

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provide an adequate framework to deal with the major issues found in the
intergovernmental debate around the world. Neither did it capture the tension
between national and local governmental units in unitary systems. This is the
autonomy versus control debate asking the question as to what extent
should higher levels of government empower lower levels of government and
then get out of the way so that they can get their jobs done? This involves the
on-going question about the level of decentralization to be developed in countries around the world.
Over the past decade, an approach has developed around intergovernmental relations that emphasizes the importance of bargaining, compromise and
networking as essential processes of decision-making rather than traditional
hierarchical command and control approaches on formal structures as venues
for decision-making. This highlights a movement away from a sorting-out
of intergovernmental roles to an interdependent approach. It focuses on the
development of interorganizational networks that include both governmental
and non-governmental actors and proceed along a path that includes the
acceptance of the independent and separate character of the various members,
avoidance of superior-subordinate relationships, interfacing of political and
career actors, inclusion of appropriate specialists when needed to focus on
technical issues, and agreement to abide by tasks and goals.[32]
This approach includes both the process and substantive nature of contemporary issues. It suggests that different processes must be used to reach
decisions. But it also draws on the policy notion of issue networks. This concept, developed by Hugh Heclo, is viewed as a web of largely autonomous
participants with variable degrees of mutual commitment or dependence on
each other.[33]

WHAT ABOUT INDIA?


Examination of these global shifts suggests that a number of the developments
that have occurred around the world are now a part of the Indian reality. Yet
there is little indication that those who are responsible for the IAS have
attempted to acknowledge that the more than 50-year-old system has been or
should be modified to deal with these developments. Some argue against the
continuation of the IAS. The 2002 report of the National Commission to
Review the Working of the Constitution argued that the steel frame of the
IAS was not even a cosmetic change from the colonial era ICS and is thus a
relic of a colonial past.[34] Others, however, have disagreed and have pointed
to the training for IAS officers as something very different than that offered
under the ICS.
Some observers believe that the IAS as a national force is no longer an
appropriate institutional form. Others agree that the steel frame is not a suitable metaphor for the system but that the IAS could and should continue in a

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new form that is relevant to the circumstances that the nation faces in the 21st
century. The limited discussion of this topic takes a number of different forms.
There are at least three different forms involved.
The first form highlights structural changes including the changes in the
economy, political changes, alternative career paths, and pressure to move
away from an elite administrative corps. An analysis of the composition of the
2001 IAS batch indicates that the batch itself is very different than it was in the
past. Data on 140 individuals were available on the website of the Department
of Personnel and Training, giving the Civil Services Results for 2001 and identifying those individuals by community (ST, SC, OBC, and General). Those
data were compared to the individuals who were actually selected and joined
the IAS 2001 batch. Data were available for 46 of the 55 individuals in the
batch. Of that group, 17 individuals were OBCs, 5 were Scheduled Caste members, and 3 were Scheduled Tribe members. That means that 25 of the 46 individuals were in reserved categories. That appears to be higher than ever before
but since data is not available to make such a comparison, that is simply a guestimate. It is not clear what this means for the system as a whole. By the 1990s,
individuals who sat for the exam were given the opportunity to take it in their
local language and were required to have competency in English in only one
subject. Most individuals, however, were quite comfortable with English.
The second form focuses on political realities and pressures. Again it is
difficult to know whether the accounts of political pressure that are heard are
at a level that is different or higher than before. It is not surprising that politicians seek individuals whom they trust; that happens in all democracies that
are both developed and developing systems. And in a democracy, the administrators are accountable to the political system individuals who were elected
by the people. This frame of reference is quite different than that argued by
the National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution which
critically wrote that the services would do the politicians biddings rather
than adhere to rules.[35] Critics of the National Commission report have
argued that this assessment is an overblown criticism of what has been occurring; they note that there appeared to be no acknowledgement that the authority for writing the rules in a democracy comes from elected officials. They
also note that despite the problems the underlying system continues to operate;
the authority of the Constitution can be invoked to protect officers since they
are formally appointed by the President of the country and can only be
removed by the President.
In the early period of the IAS, not only were most politicians from the
Congress party but they were also from some of the same caste and communities as the IAS members. Both were composed of elites within the Indian society.
Today, however, given the conflicts between politicians in the states and those
at the Centre, it is not surprising that some individuals perceive a higher level
of political conflict because the politicians and IAS members come from different communities.

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The third form focuses on the policies and programs of the Department of
Personnel and Training related to implementation of the system. Two areas
are highlighted: posting patterns to the Centre and the substance and style of
training provided to IAS officers. There is little indication that the Department
of Personnel and Training has either acknowledged these global developments
or the changes that have taken place in India. Indeed, it is difficult to uncover
information about the system despite the reality that the IAS structure provides a format should be extremely conducive to developing intergovernmental relationships.
In-depth conversations with a number of relatively senior IAS officers
posted in Washington, DC focused on their career paths and suggested several
areas of change that relate to the global developments that should be adopted
or at least considered by India. They also point to the limitations in the system
in terms of posting patterns and training experiences. At the same time, they
emphasized the importance of continuing the IAS in India. While it may not
be described as a steel frame, they argued that the service continues to be
essential for maintaining the unity of the country. The IAS, according to these
informants, provides a way to deal with issues such as communalism that are
extremely difficult to solve through the political process. As one individual
put it, We need people whose loyalty is to the Constitution and who try to
provide both service and national unity.

Posting Patterns
In some ways, India was ahead of many countries because of its Constitution
which not only created the IAS as an instrument of federalism but also noted
that some functions are appropriate for joint or shared Centre-state relationships. The system that was devised to allow officers to move between the district, the state and the Centre was an intriguing way to build in the sense of
interdependency between levels of government.
At the present time, however, it is not clear that this system is actually the
norm for IAS officers. It is alleged that increasingly officers from some states
(e.g., Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala) do not want to leave
their states for a Government of India posting in Delhi. Several explanations
have been given for this pattern: avoiding disruption for family members;
working with politicians with whom they have more in common than those in
the Centre; more cosmopolitan opportunities in the state. Conversely, individuals who are in some cadres (e.g., the Northeast, Rajasthan, and Uttar
Pradesh) seek opportunities with the Government of India. Data are not easily
available to determine whether these patterns are true but it has been argued
that it has become increasingly difficult to convince officers to come to Delhi
for their first posting at the Centre. Some policies of the IAS also act as a
deterrent for individuals to come to Delhi.

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As one officer commented,


While the Department of Personnel and Training usually sent panels to
various ministries/departments in a seemingly unbiased manner, based
on the officers experience, it was hard to tell why the names in the
panel were listed in a particular order. It was widely believed that political/
bureaucratic influence may play a role in whose name figures at the top
of a panel. The receiving ministry/department had the final say. Selection based on caste was definitely rumored. A pattern of selection of
officers from a particular cadre was, however, more discernible. Word
of mouth played a clear and major role in the selections in Delhi.
It has also been alleged that the presence of the IAS in the Centre has
been considerably eroded in recent years and replaced by technocrats and
members of Central services such as Income Tax, Audit and Accounts, Railways, etc. The National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution actually called for the removal of the current posting process. They wrote
that The question of appointments, transfers and placements is not to be left
to the discretion of the politicians or administrative bosses but be entrusted to
independent and autonomous boards.[36]
Distribution of officers to specific state cadres also can have an impact on
the posting pattern. For example, there were 45 new officers in the Uttar
Pradesh (the largest state) cadre in the1990 batch and 15 individuals from
Jharkhand in that batch. By contrast, Gujarat had 11 individuals, Kerala had 7,
Maharashtra 8, Rajasthan 10, and Tamil Nadu 12. When it was time for individuals from that batch to have a posting in Delhi, it was likely that a large
number of individuals from the UP cadre would be posted to Deputy Secretary
positions in the Government of India. If the pattern continues, there may be a
disproportion of north India individuals working for the Government of India
and other states would not be represented there.
Policies about posting that are implemented by the Department of Personnel and Training appear to change over the years. The criteria that are used for
posting and the relative importance of a Delhi posting do not appear to be
clear to IAS officers beyond their own experience during a specific batch.
This is true for both the postings at the Deputy Secretary level and at the Joint
Secretary level. The ideal type of career that is described by Department
may or may not be the norm; without data to analyze the career patterns it is
difficult to know what is actually happening.

Training
As has been noted, a number of countries have identified specific skills that
are needed for public sector managers in the 21st century. These include

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subjects such as public/private partnerships, dealing with politicians, managing in networks and other forms of intergovernmental relationships, understanding the differences between jurisdictions (such as cultures of states),
dealing with non-government organizations, and issues related to multiple
accountability expectations (including issues of corruption). Managers have
learned that there are many ways of dealing with issues that move beyond the
traditional hierarchical command and control mode. Some countries have
devised postings to the private sector and to NGOs to provide public sector
managers with hands-on experience with those sectors.
While it is true that the training experience for IAS officers occurs not
only in formal settings but also through highly variegated experiences during
their careers, the training that takes during the first two years of their careers
does set the framework for their future development.[37]
An examination of the Course Manual for the 72nd Foundation Course at
the National Academy of Administration in Mussoorie suggests that there has
been very little attention to these issues. The syllabus for the program does not
appear to this writer to be much different than it was more than a decade ago
(and that may have been similar to even older course outlines). The subjects
included do not give a sense that the Indian society and economy have changed.
The public administration section of the syllabus communicates a continued
command and control approach. There is no indication that problems of corruption, working with Panchayat officials, dealing with politicians, serving as a
bridge between the people and the politicians, and issues of secularism will face
the new officers. Neither does it deal with need for officers to find ways to creatively integrate separate national policies at the local level. The economics section of the syllabus does not include detailed attention to the new global
economy and Indias role within it. The only mention of Centre-state relations
is found in the subject area called political concepts and constitution of India.
While the curriculum does include some attention to Panchayat (local
government) administration, some officers believe that it does not focus on
the appropriate issues involved. One, for example, says that the training curriculum has an assumption of politically neutral, objective decisionmaking
whereas, in my experience, conflicts between the State and Panchayat are usually rooted in their respective political alignments rather than in issues. Civil
servants often find themselves walking the tightrope and experience is the
only training they can rely on in such situations.
Most of the faculty at the Academy are individuals who are veterans of
the service who not surprisingly focus on the subjects and the teaching
style that they experienced during their own training period. It does not seem
that the new officers are exposed to teaching methods that are interactive and
involve problem solving techniques rather than traditional lecture classes.
Some faculty appear to view the Foundation Course as a way of preparing
officers for their first district level experience; others do not seem to emphasize that experience.

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It is not clear whether the two years of training at the beginning of a


career is supposed to prepare an individual for all experiences within the IAS
or whether there are differentiated training opportunities that are required for
all officers at particular points in their career.

CONCLUSION
Given the dramatic changes that have occurred within the Indian society, it is
not surprising that the IAS has changed. The members are drawn from a more
diverse array of communities within the society; they have been trained and
educated in more technical fields. And they operate within a central government that has less direct power vis a vis the states than at the time of Independence, particularly in terms of central planning. At the same time, the IAS
provides the staff for a range of important functions within the society.
There are few individuals who would argue that the traditional description of the IAS as the steel frame is a useful metaphor for the 21st century.
Some actually argue that the steel frame did not really describe the world
during Patels era. Indeed, for some the concept has negative connotations:
red tape, obstructionism, blind adherence to rules and regulations without
focusing on the substance of performance. Officers report that they are
rewarded for inaction, rather than action. As one individual put it, the old IAS
motto was Discipline in Action; today it is Discipline in Inaction. Others
focused on the failure of the performance assessment system. Relying only on
seniority rather than weeding out cynical and inactive civil servants does not
foster the potential of the service.
Many of the changes that have taken place in the society that have had a
dramatic impact on the IAS led some to be skeptical about the ability of the
IAS to continue as a national force within the country. Even by the mid 1990s,
observers pointed to the differences between the north and the south within
the country and behaviors in which states no longer looked to the Centre for
leadership. This occurred both in terms of political relationships as well as
economic development patterns. And some were concerned about the impact
of reservation policies on the quality of the officers who were selected for the
service. Others, by contrast, found that the quality had not diminished but
some acknowledged that the newer recruits have a relatively more provincial
and regional approach rather than a national vision.
For some, the changes in the Indian society support a social and institutional reality that would make it difficult to move in the direction taken by
some other countries. Despite its inheritance as a sophisticated system that
built in the interdependency between levels of government, there are a group
of observers who believe that the Indian society would be better served by
separate central, state and local government bureaucracies.[38] Pointing to state
and regional differences and patterns of identification with local political leaders

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and communities, this argument emphasizes the current reality which creates
limited opportunities to develop an all-India, national approach within the
context of decentralization to states. They emphasize the differences between
the south and the north of the country and the belief that states no longer look
to the Centre for leadership. This approach suggests that it will not be possible
for India to retread itself to move from a command and control strategy to a
more interactive, interdependent system. One commentator has noted that the
prospect of the public services curing themselves from within is bleak.[39]
Concern about criminalization and corruption has led some to argue that there
is a widespread loss of public confidence in the bureaucracy and in the legitimacy of the State itself.[40]
Others, however, argue that India like many other countries can
adapt to the new realities. While this may mean the end of the steel frame
metaphor, these individuals envision a role for an all-India service, Such a
service would provide service and national unity, particularly at times when
democracy is at test. Differences between states do occur but the IAS officer
continues to be an intermediary between the state and the central
government. Those who believe that the IAS still has an important role in
the Indian society point to the role of the IAS in assuring that elections are
free and fair. Such a modification might take some time but it would focus
on creating an infrastructure that provides support for the officers in the new
environment.
Some officers perceive that the Department of Personnel and Training
and the Academy have not taken a leadership role in this process. They have
failed to clearly define the criteria that are used for assignment to cadres, posting,
and training. They have failed to develop alternative expectations to the command and control mode of operation. They have ignored the potential of
developing networks that are useful for individuals within batches, suggesting
that officers might find it useful to work collaboratively with individuals in
other cadres on shared problems. They have failed to find ways to use communication technology to allow officers to share experiences and approaches.
It very well may be that these judgments about the Department of Personnel
and Training are unfair and harsh. But because the Department has not been
willing to share data about the experiences of officers, it is difficult to know
how the system is actually operating.
At this writing, one cannot predict which scenario is likely to occur. In
large part it is because there is no data available that allows one to move
beyond limited studies or personal anecdotes about career patterns. There is
also little data that allows one to describe the predominant patterns and differences between states. The extent of corruption and criminalization with the
IAS is perceived as pervasive by some and of limited scope by others. Without an investment in research that seeks to document the details of career patterns, much of the debate on the future of the IAS rests on assumptions and
ideology rather than on data. That analysis is sorely needed.

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REFERENCES
1. The developments in India are not always obvious and are often subject to
controversy. This paper relies on a range of sources including interviews
with IAS officers posted at the World Bank as well as an earlier questionnaire submitted to new entrants into the IAS.
2. The British actually built the district level system on the structures devised by
the Mogols for tax collection. The British used that decentralized system to
perform tasks of social control (e.g. law and order) as well as tax collection.
3. Maheshwari, S. Indian Administration; Orient Longman: New Delhi,
1990, 237 pp.
4. Maheshwari, S. R. Problems and Issues in Administrative Federalism;
Allied Publishers Limited: New Delhi, 1992.
5. Dar, R. K. The All India Services in India, with Special Reference to
Their Role in Promoting Intergovernment Co-operation, Centre for
Research on Federal Financial Relations, The Australian National University, Reprint Series: 1979, 28, 7 pp.
6. http://www.icscareersonline.com/civil_services_ias.htm, 2003. (Accessed
December 2004).
7. Dar, R. K. The All India Services in India, with Special Reference to
Their Role in Promoting Intergovernment Co-operation, Centre for
Research on Federal Financial Relations, The Australian National
University, Reprint Series: 1979, 28, 910. See also Banik, D. The
Transfer Raj: Indian Civil Servants on the Move. The European Journal
of Development Research, 2001, 13(1), 106134 for a discussion of
victimization associated with transfer decisions.
8. Subramanian, V. Social Background of Indias Administrators; New Delhi,
India: Publications Division, Government of India, 1971, 6 pp.
9. ibid Subramanian, 1971.
10. Section 4, Article 16.
11. Section 4, Article 15.
12. In January 1995, a two day workshop was held in New Delhi entitled
National Bureaucracies in Federal Systems: The All-India Services.
A book was published summarizing that meeting, Arora B.; Radin, B. eds.
The Changing Role of the All-India Services: An Assessment and Agenda
for Future Research on Federalism and the All-India Services; CASI/UPIASI/
CPR: New Delhi, xivxv, 2000. The preface to the book summarizing that
meeting noted that the various views included in the volume reflected the
diversity of experience that serves as the basis for individual analyses: The
range of positions begins with different interpretations of the formative
years of Indian democracy, and a residual belief at least for some that
the AIS carry with them the baggage of foreign rule and colonial-style
behaviour. While many view them as a foundational element of the Indian
Union, others question their compatibility with the federal principle.

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13.

14.
15.
16.
17.

18.

19.
20.
21.

22.
23.
24.
25.

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Although most of the authors of the papers acknowledge the important role
of a national bureaucracy in reaching developmental objectives, there is no
shared vision of the appropriate role of such a bureaucracy as India's federal
democracy matures. . . . The interrelationship between issues of federalism
and those of administrative reforms was noted, but it was not possible to
determine a clear sense of the path its development might take. The argument that the AIS serves as a steel frame that allows the Indian system to
maintain unity and integrity as a nation, transcending cleavages and differences which form the basis for states identities, seemed much less convincing in the contemporary situation to both the paper-writers and many of the
workshop participants than it might have been at Independence. See also
Radin, B. A. Bureaucracies as Instruments of Federalism: Administrative
Experience from India, in I. Copland; J. Rikard, ed., Federalism: Comparative Perspectives from India and Australia; Manohar: Delhi, 1999.
When Mulayam Singh Yadav came into power as Chief Minister in Uttar
Pradesh, transfers of some IAS officers were frequent. Indeed, some service members decided not to move their families to the posting because
they could not assume that the assignment would go through a full school
year. Because data is not available, it is not clear how prevalent these patterns actually were.
Maheshwari, S. Problems and Issues in Administrative Federalism,
Allied Publishers Limited: Bombay, 1992, 139 pp.
Reforms for the Indian Administrative Service, The LBS National Academy of Administration: Mussoorie, 1995, 13 pp.
deSouza, P. R. The 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments: A Large
Step for Local Government (forthcoming).
Mandalization is the term used to efer to the policy developed by a Commission named the Mandal Commission to reserve a percentage of jobs
for individuals from lower caste communities.
Tummala, K. K. Politics of Preference in Public Service: Mandal and
Since in India, paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American
Political Science Association, Chicago, August 1995.
Data from the Planning Commission, Government of India, quoted in
Tummala.
See discussion in Tummala.
IAS Probationers: A Trend Analysis (198791 Batches). Training,
Research and Development Cell; Lai Bahadur Shastri National Academy
of Administration: 1992, Mussoorie, India.
The scoring system that is used to evaluate the exams allows math and science majors to give more precise answers than those from liberal arts majors.
Vohra Committee Report, Ministry of Home Affairs, 9 July 1993.
See http://cvc.nic.in/vscvc/lasma.htm. (Accessed December 2004).
See Guhan, S. Towards a National Campaign for Good Governance, in
Guhan and Paul, editors, Corruption in India, 1997, New Delhi.

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26. Consultation Paper on Probity in Governance, based on a paper prepared by Justice Shri P. B. Jeevan Reddy, Member of the Commission,
(http://www.lawmin.nic.in/ncrwc/finalreport/v2b1-12.htm).
27. National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution, Final
Report, Volume I, Chapter 6, pp. 78. (http://lawmin.nic.in/ncrwc/final
report/vol1ch6.htm). (Accessed December 2004).
28. The research proposal that was advanced by Arora and Radin during the
CASI/CPR conference did not come to fruition as it was not able to
acquire either financial or political resources. Thus detailed and systematic
data on the current status of the IAS continues to elude analysts of this
important set of behaviors. Radin was able to collect some data in July
1995 from the 1993 batch of IAS officers. Two research questions
informed the questionnaire that was completed at the LBS National Academy of Administration in Mussoorie in July 1995 by 57 of 80 individuals
who were a part of the 1993 batch 1. How has India reconciled a nation
wide and nationally recruited bureaucracy with a federal system which has
regionally diverse, strong state governments? How does this interaction
work in practice in Delhi and the states? 2. How do different accountability theories and practices explain the perceptions and behavior of administrators who are required to function at different levels of government?
29. This draws on Radin, B. A. The Instruments of Intergovernmental Management, in B. G. Peters J. Pierre, ed., Handbook of Public Administration. Sage Publications: Thousand Oaks, CA, 2003.
30. Wright, D. S. Understanding Intergovernmental Relations, Third Edition;
Brooks/Cole Publishing Company: Pacific Grove, CA, 1988, 83 pp.
31. Osbourne, D. Gaebler, T. Reinventing Government; Addison-Wesley:
Reading, MA, 1992.
32. Agranoff, R.; Intergovernmental Management: Human Services ProblemSolving in Six Metropolitan Areas; State University of New York Press:
Albany, NY, 1986.
33. Heclo, H. Issue Networks and the Executive Establishment, in Anthony
King, ed., The New American Political System. American Enterprise
Institute for Public Policy Research: Washington, DC, 1979, 87124.
34. National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution, p. 8.
35. National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution, p. 8.
36. National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution, p. 8.
37. IAS officers have patterns of posting to many different agencies and levels of government. This on the job experience requires them to develop
skills that are appropriate for their particular job.
38. Mukarji, N. Restructuring the Bureaucracy: Do We Need the All-India
Services?; in Arora Radin, 2000, 191203.
39. Vohra, N. N. The Rusting Steel Frame, in V. N. Narayanan, J. Sabharwal,
eds., India at 50: Bliss of Hope and Burden of Reality; New Delhi: Sterling
Publishers 1997, 168 pp.