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Indigenous Movements in Latin America, 1992-2004: Controversies, Ironies, New Directions

Author(s): Jean E. Jackson and Kay B. Warren


Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 34 (2005), pp. 549-573
Published by: Annual Reviews
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in
Indigenous Movements
1992-2004:
Latin America,
Ironies,

Controversies,
New Directions

Jean E. Jackson1 and Kay B.Warren2


1
Institute of Technology, Cambridge,
Anthropology Program, Massachusetts
Massachusetts
02139; email: jjackson@mit.edu
2
Watson
Institute of International Studies, Brown University, Providence,
Rhode Island 02912-1970; email: Kay_Warren@brown.edu

Annu. Rev. Anthropol.


2005. 34:549-73

Key Words
new

The Annual Review of


Anthropology is online at
anthro.annualreviews.org

cultural

social movements,

intellectuals,

versus

diversity

rights,

politics,

indigenous

public

essentialism

Abstract

doi: 10.1146/
annurev.anthro.34.081804.120529
Copyright ? 2005 by
Annual Reviews. All rights
reserved

This

examines

review

America from
nic

in particular

activism,

communities

indigenous
0084-6570/05/1021
0549S20.00

literature

on

indigenous

the reindianization

as well

as the

and

para-statal

zations
and

armed

digenous

conflict.
discourses

role

of

processes

the region. We

throughout

pact that states and indigenous mobilizing


other,

movements

in Latin

1992 to 2004. It addresses ethnic identity and eth

transnational

in

occurring
explore

the

im

efforts have had on each


nongovernmental
more

neoliberalism
organizations,
in ethnoracial,
Shifts
political,
are examined,
attention
special

and

organi
broadly,
in
cultural

being

to

paid

new deployments of rhetorics concerned with political imaginaries,


customary

law, culture,

and

identity.

Self-representational

strategies

will be numerous and dynamic, identities themselves multiple, fluid,


and abundantly positional. The challenges these dynamics present
for anthropological field research and ethnographic writing are dis
cussed,

as is the
dialogue

between

scholars,

activists, indigenous and not. Conclusions


research

directions

for

the

indigenous

and

suggest potentially fruitful

future.

549

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and not,

look more

Contents

guages

INTRODUCTION.
DISCOURSE
SHIFTS?STATE,

550

551
553

SHIFTS IN
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
DISCOURSEAND PRACTICE. 556
DISCOURSE SHIFTS:
LANGUAGESOF POLITICAL
PRACTICEAND

Law.

Customary

562
.. 562

or

rhetorics

and

entirely

the discursive

terrains on which they are deployed (political


customary
are

tity). We

law, culture,

and

concerned

to

particularly

iden
high

light the serious limitations of several analytic


useful
polarities,
previously
more
ments
than anything

now

but

impedi

else.

In 1995, Van Cott characterized the goals


be

self-determination
on

emphasis

cultural

cal reforms

that

territorial

state;

to

movements
indigenous
and autonomy,
with

American

of Latin

distinctiveness;

an

politi

involve

of the
restructuring
re
and access to natural

rights

over economic
control
de
including
and
reforms
of
and
velopment;
police
military
over
powers
(p. 12). Our
peoples
indigenous
sources,

563

of Culture

Indigenous Deployment
564
Identity.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS.

to as lan

refer

altered

implementation:

performative

imaginarles,

NATIONAL,
TRANSNATIONAL.
SHIFTS?PUEBLOS
DISCOURSE

IMPLEMENTATION.
Indigenous Political Imaginarles

new

we

at what

closely

of

563
565

primary aim has been to highlight what we,


a decade

see

later,

to be

the most

important

changes.
to page

Owing

INTRODUCTION

law:

Customary
gives local

to

authorities

rights
judge, detain, settle
disputes, establish

by
not
a cross-section

examines

on

literature

indigenous

movements

normative

spans

poral

framing
from
ments,

the

important

Columbian

indigenous
peoples:
culturally
diverse political
minorities
who trace
and

of

the most

issues. Enlisting

glected

before

ture

our

from

and
of the

New World

of

through the

the

we

and

scholarly
we
argument,

three

subject

present.
see to be

some

gory

that

includes

nous,

national

and

adopt

positions:

indigenous
foreign

the

shift

struc

perspectives
states
in
and

and nonindige
then
scholars). We

and
1This Spanish term means both "town/community"
"people." Villal?n discusses this term in the Venezuelan
context (2002, pp. 18, 32). Indigenous peoples in Latin
America have tended to organize politically around the idea
of belonging to pueblos rather than to minority or racial

SSO

Jackson

We

many
for

nor

indigenous
cannot

significant
the

some

crucial

topics.

to

limit

ing Latin

Finally,
our
ability

American

nonindigenous,

The

now

brightest

young

political
on
ship

science.
these

industry.

this

various

deeply
to cite the

hav

burgeon
and

indigenous

topic.

some

interest
scholars
Latin

subjects
Surely

spectacularly

mobilizations
indigenous

on

regret

topics of ethnic identity and ethnic

activism

several

or do more

country,

literature,
on

or ty
na

the

the work
we

per

models

characterize

of

of

research

construct

pologies,
systematically
movements
in each
than mention

organiz
comprehen

implications

historicized

can we

it

does

epistemolog

example,

tional

tual

groups.

history

imposed
review
is

nor

literature,

America.

to more

spectives,

ing
to

actors,

(henceforth

issues,

the

of

discuss

ical

the notion of shifts


discourses

the

in Latin

ing

of

survey

We

communities
indigenous
and
scholars
(a cate
"pueblos"1),

ternational

address

sively

of indigenous
aspects
important
ne
and to several
undeservedly

organizing,

in activist

cultural
the conquest
colonization

tem
mo

quincentenary

and the end of the Cold War


stepped-up
globalization
our focus
to what
confine

(Latin American)

identifications

the

in Latin

historical

systems

their histories

of

America from 1992 through 2004. This

sanctions, and punish


on the basis of their
distinctive

review

This

constraints
length
Reviews
this
format,

the Annual

in

of

the

best

Americanist
alone

one

and
and

anthropology

scholar

has become

reason
successful

for

this

a vir
is the

indigenous

during the 1990s, such as the

uprisings

in Ecuador

(Selverston

Scher 2001; Van Cott 2005; Whitten


2004,
pp. 62-64) and Bolivia (Van Cott 2000, Calla

Warren

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2000).

Other

gling

to have

cases

well-known
a

sustained

are still

impact.

The Zapatista uprising in Chiapas


to protest the signing of the North
can Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
1999, Harvey 1998, Rus et al. 2003,
is one

2002)

but

example,
an
to achieve

aged

in 1994
Ameri
(Collier

Mobi

lizing continues to make headlines; in 2000,


indigenous people helped force the Bolivian
to cancel

government
tel Corporation

plans

sell

the

to allow

country's

ethno-racial
raza

to its

own citizens (Laurie et al. 2002, pp. 265-69).


In several
livia

countries,

and Ecuador,

most
the

to create

has worked

in

ference,

spectacularly
movement
indigenous

tional

ethno-political

tions

parties

that participate at every electoral level (Albo


2002).

NGOs:
nongovernmental
organizations

race,"

"la

see Alonso

to identities that valorized dif


Indianess.

particular

reforms

Constitu

plural

citizenries

Nicaragua,

Brazil,

containing

Ecuador,

Paraguay,

na

multicultural

recognizing

in Guatemala,
Mexico,

cosmic

("the

2004)?shifted

in Bo

as in Vasconcelos'

difference,

c?smica^

occurred
Colombia,
Peru,

Argentina,

and Venezuela.
These

DISCOURSE SHIFTS?STATE,
NATIONAL, TRANSNATIONAL

though

the 1980s and 1990s, Latin American


and state policies discouraged
discourse
public
politicized indigenous identification. The in
digenist policies of the era were directed

between

concealment."

National

and

policy

class-based

organizing
encouraged
indige
to
Bolivians
and Peruvians
self-identify

nous
as

State

campesinos.

communities

indigenous

indigenous

"glorious
them

nationalism

in

the

associates
the

with

nation's

past," marginalizing
for museums,

present?except

tourism, and folkloric events (Alonso 1994).


Mallon (1992) provides an illuminating com
parison

of

state

tizo hegemony
The
markable
viously
campesinos

past

projects

inMexico,
three

decades

reversal.
seen

for a "modern"

In Ecuador

basically
have

been

as

mes

Peru, and Bolivia.


have

seen
groups

al

that,

away, were

withering

a re
pre

Quichua-speaking
into a set of
classified

state

the

increasingly

and
and

plural

ternational context"
Various

at assimilation. Gordillo & Hirsch


(2003)
talk of the "invisibilization" of Indians in
Argentina (the same occurred with blacks in
Colombia; seeWade 2002, p. 9). Sam Colop
(1996) speaks of a Guatemalan state "dis
of

hardly

in states

place

becom

ing "increasingly porous as the boundaries

Until

course

took

changes

social

women's

rights

movements

(hu

environmental
rights,
In many
the
ways

rights,
ism) have proliferated.

digenous

in

(Sieder 2002, p. 201).

transnational

man

[in an]

society
change
transnationalised

movement

itself

was

in

"born

transnational" (Biysk 1995, Tilley


2002).
Transnational organizing and coalition build
up
ing opened
los to influence
and

many

new

for

opportunities

national

legislative

nongovernmental

pueb

agendas,

organizations

(NGOs) that specialize in development or hu


man

rights

came

to see

indigenous

clients (Brysk 2000). Many


countries
treaties

peoples

as

Latin American

international
human
rights
signed
and covenants:
The
provided
leverage

by the 1989 International Labor Organiza


tion's Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Con
169 has been especially far-reaching
their claims
(Gray 1997, pp. 13-20). With
of collective grievances and rights, indige

vention

nous

organizations

challenged

democratic

liberalism's focus on the individual rights


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Latin American IndigenousMovements

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Free Trade

Agreement

State ideologies of mestizaje?which


empha
size cultural and biological mixing rather than

the Bech

water

NAFTA: North
American

(de la Cadena 2000, Plant 2002).

seen to have lost its indigenous population


(French 2004, p. 663; see also J.Warren 2001
on newly self-identified Brazilian Indians).

and self-definition
unthinkable.

previously

of reindi

processes

com
30 new
recognized
indigenous
a
in the northeast,
region
previously

munities
re

of

one underwent

campesino

Brazil

man

measure

important

pueblos and assigned territories (Macdonald


that
2003). Other Andean communities
had traded their indigenous identity for a
genization

Stephen

it nonetheless

gional self-administration
in a manner

strug

national

$$i

and

IMF:

International

Monetary
Neoliberal

Under

Fund
reforms:

to help
the fiscal,
and
legitimacy,

intended
resolve

governability

crises

"cit

Latin

crises,

many

1997,

adopt

neoliberal

liberalization,

Neoliberalism

to

agreed

to promote

reforms

economic

many
Authors,

de

measures

made,
ment

toward

move

to foster

taken

a more

soci

civil

participatory

alike,
nic

and

racial

to a

state

pluralist

further
ipates,
so it is not

in which

this

and

everyone

"social

adjustment"
in some

and policies have favored


Pressure

agendas.

goal,
cases

from

international

and bodies like theUnited Nations has


resulted in states recognizing rights to differ

NGOs

which

ence,

indigenous
claims
that enlist

to make

groups
about
with

allows

and

tradition

and

sol

idarity and social capital (Sieder 2002, p. 18).


Abundant
sustained

and

passing

reforms.

these

exists

and compromise

struggle
for the

necessary
of

evidence

Striking

that

showing
have

been

implementing
in

have

changes

deed occurred. A general shift from totalitar


ian and
ment

to democratic

authoritarian

took

aMarxist

place,
for

cultural

organizing
ery to be mistaken

and

and

govern
that

paradigm
historical

regressive

saw

recov
declined,

older assimilationist indigenism lost ground,


and new debates and new legal forms resulted
in a greater

inclusion

the national
increasingly
rary

political
came
to be

sociocultural
within

ticulated
come

Jackson

in
of indigenous
peoples
Ethnic
process.
groups

political

seen

as

configurations
national
society"
force

without

"contempo
ar
strongly
able to "be
renouncing

that

ways

eth
to be

continue

that the relationship


state

and

far

remains

of

from

especially

and

refugees

pro

and

deaths,

indigenous

indigenous

has

hundreds

repression,

political
of

conflict,

and Colombia,

Peru,

thousands

a million

armed

decades,

severe

over

internally

persons.

displaced

As Yashar points out (2005), the adoption


of multicultural citizenship reforms by Latin
did not

states

American
of outside

and

pressure,

about

reasons.

resonate

community

three

esized

discourses

that

community
on

discourses

neoliberal

activists

nonindigenous

of leaders being assassinated. And during the

duced

partic

that

surprising

neoliberal models
pueblos'

diversity,

remained.

democratic (Jelin 1996, pp. 109-10; Schirmer


1996). Indigenous organizing and resistance
continue to exact a high toll, with thousands

in Guatemala,

Appeals

structures

discrimination

embedded

past

to

deliberately

power

citizen

creases

services.

is particularly

indigenous
out the numerous

point

ety and to take up the slack resulting from de


in social

that

sometimes

and

so deeply

(Alvarez et al. 1998, p. 22) should be

in a way

of the older

between

and less bloated


corrupt
government,
on clientalist
to
less dependent
relations
done.
A
concomitant
"social
adjust
things

with

in

so (Assies et al. 2000, p. 297). In addition,

a less

get

peace

implementation

and ambiguous,

one

ment"

and

constitutions

complicate

norms

ternational

democ

vatization and decentralization will result in

SS2

may

vague

and

that pri

argues

But

988).

p.

their echoing of the idealized rhetoric of in

International

states

American

their identities or demands" (Diaz Polanco


accords

Monetary Fund (IMF) and theWorld Bank


to resolve fiscal, legitimacy, and governability

centralization.

countries

the

from

pressure

ratization,

faced by Latin
American

of undifferentiated

responsibilities

izens" (Hodgson 2002, p. 1092;Muehlebach


2001; Yashar 2005).

occur

solely

because

have

scholars

hypoth
domestic
contributing
believe
multicultural
scholars

possible

Some

to
reforms
elites
citizenship
appealed
ruling
as a way for the state to
that
its
citizens
signal
a
to their
it was
interests,
despite
attending
to meet
demands
material
decreasing
ability

(Van Cott 2000; D.L. Van Cott, forthcom


ing2). Authors such asHale (2002) argue that
states

provide

to

groups

digenous
mands

favorable

of others.

negative

reject

Other
of fiscal

impact

to certain

terms

the more
scholars

radical

argue

austerity

that

measures

in
de
the
on

pueblos' local autonomy and livelihoods pro


vided the impetus for increased ethnic mobi
lization,

some

of

states to negotiate

it successful

enough

to force

(Biysk 2000, Yashar 1999).

2
Van Cott DL. Forthcoming. Multiculturalism
against ne
inLatin America. InDoesMulticulturalism Erode
theWelfare State? ed. K Banting, W Kymlicka. New York:
Oxford Univ. Press.
oliberalism

Warren

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Yashar (1996) argues that those left: at the

ful language for socialmobilizing

stances

in which

bolstered

neo-liberal

ideol

ogy by reinforcing decentralized governance


and market policies (Giordani 2002, p. 86).
Plant (2002) provides a valuable country-by
country

of

comparison

tween

cultural

the

be

relationship

maintenance,

identity

legis

lation around land tiding, and the effects


of neoliberal policies aimed at dismantling
corporate

structures.

agrarian

in

reforms,

their

to

efforts

strengthen

civil society through policies of decentral


have

ization,

new

both

provided

Some

1092).

p.

to

Fox

terms

Mexican

Presi
of busi

"government

ness, by business, for business" (Speed 2002,


to be

223)

p.

the

tainly
ment,

an

negative

privatization,
on national

vices

Cer

disaster.

unmitigated

of structural

effects

adjust
of state ser

and rollbacks
economies

and

in adverse

local-level

result

for pueblos.

Sturm (SAR 2004, p. 16) ar

that

ogy's
and

neoliberalism

of

racism

variety.
on culture,

emphasis
choice,

she argues,

economic

of

racism,

a
thinly
Neoliberal

class

denies

at all. Neoliberalism's

veiled
ideol

issues

of

race,

power,

and

to put

circumstances

that

"will be forced
resources

these

at

the disposal of industry" (Dombrowski 2002,


p. 1068).

DISCOURSE SHIFTS?PUEBLOS
being pursued by pueblos?

politics

and

demanding

of

race

privilege

route

for achieving

of autonomy
degree
as well
as
convincing

and
fun

and

of the reasonableness
of
legislators
a tradi
of claims,
such as titling
collective
land tenure
system.
Securing

other

kinds

tional

collective land rights has proved more


convince

successfully
and

courts

the

likely

govern
of

va

the

lidity of indigenous understandings of native


identity and practices. These campaigns have
pushed

are

inter

and

national

attaining

national recognition of their identity and the


shown that
legitimacy of their claims?has
an
overall
of
cultural
and
strategy
adopting
historical recovery and revival is often the best

bureaucrats

reforms have been


Latin America's in
for
deeply contradictory
have
digenous people. They
opened political
neoliberal

by

ment

structural

obscured.

Overall,

on a confidence

rests

that

the persistence

neutrality allows unique historical and polit


ical forms of oppression to be glossed over.
An illusion of a level playing field is created,
and

seis

for

plans

most often the communities

pueblos

multicultural

professed

that

governments retain subsoil rights (Jackson


2002b, pp. 96-98). Critics argue that scruti
nizing the politics of development will reveal
that state and industry support follows a logic

when

marginalization
as the
meaningfulness

land alienations

Petroleum's

Occidental

individualism,

and

as well

rural

testing and well digging illustrate that


collective title to land may not suffice when

ders

consequences

offers

a new

resist

self-determination,

employment

gues

in

as unfunded

mic

The

neo-liberalism's

of what

strategy

dent Vicente

see

authors

tensions
such

constraints

and opportunities for pueblos seeking recog


nition and expanded power (Hodgson 2002,
move

and

taxes,

of development

impact of neoliberal reforms on in


digenous mobilizing is hotly debated. Clearly
The

the

local

control

diminish the resources on which their liveli


hoods depend (Benson 2004; Hodgson 2002,
p. 1092).The struggles of Colombia's U'wa to

in

discuss
and multi

indigenousness

have

culturalism

of authors

number

local

over the development

generating
over
issues

communities
mandates,

substantial

so-called

encouraged

while

process,

and political

demands.
A

and

Space

and decision making

of this new wave


of democratization
margins
soon discovered
was
a power
that ethnicity

for

a much

more

no

comprehensive

tion of territory. Rather than simply the land


itself,
dation
tal

territory
for

is seen

to be

and

and

cultural

recreation
values

space
of

the

foun

a "fundamen

self-determination,

and multidimensional

ation

a crucial

for

cre

economic,

social,

and practices

the

of

the

com

(Alvarez et al. 1998, p. 20). Mini


mally, pueblo autonomy should include land,
munities"

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$$3

and

and normative

resources,

manees

administrative

space [Cojti Cuxil 1994; Sieder 2002, p. 7; see


Kearney & V?rese (1995, p. 228) on the link
between

and

territory

ethnic

as

groups

juridi

be

of

indigenous

nents

who

take

litical

misconstrued

tactically

critics

by

empowerment.
the

that

position

asserriveness

Oppo
po

any

race

threatens

and

war,

cal subjects].
This kind of "politics of recognition"
(Taylor 1994) takes place in complex fields of

that

power and has required that indigenous iden


tity itself be turned into a strategy, a political

indigenous polemic must be taken literally


(Falk 2001). Criticism that conjures up im
ages of "balkanization" (Giordani 2002, p. 81),

structure?which

opportunity
that,
and

not mean

does

so

it somehow
doing,
content.
Even
historical
by

cultural

loses

more

goals

ex

plicitly development oriented, such as obtain


access

ing

to

resources

and

training

in terms

ticulated

that

insist

to mod
or

subsistence
modes
ify traditional
of
and
health
education
quality

raise

are ar

status,
on

these

goals

in culturally appropriate

being accomplished

and historical

cultural

are

if pueblos

that

recognizes

strat

recovery

to succeed

with their political agendas they need to per


form their indigenous difference to gain the
authority to speak and be listened to. Laurie
et al. (2002) argue that the political culture
within which indigenous struggles occur relies
of indige
such representations
upon
mostly
neousness
"rather than on established
criteria,
and/or

self-determination

to assume

that,

sees

Brazilian

Xavante

that

realized

such

employed

ceeded. Ticona
an urban-based

argumentation

suc

(2000) analyzes the failure of


Aymara

notwith

movement,

standing its politically self-conscious indige


nous majority base (cited inVan Cott 2003,
p. 227).
Pueblo

are intended

performances

for a va

riety of audiences: other indigenous groups


as well

as national

and

international

actors

(Conklin 1997, Graham 2002, Turner 2002).


Especially

Jackson

when

polemical,

these

for

unlike

secession,

in general,

politicians

as

leaders

country's

for good

newspaper

and

projects
moder

for mobiliz
fact,

indige
auton

and

secessionist

include

that

in the morning

copy

strategies
good
voters.
In

ing nonindigenous
nous
to self-determination
claims
do not

of

dupes
or

toward

journey

nity make

seem

even

projects,

though some indigenous intellectuals will ar


gue that that right must never be ceded (Cojti
Cuxil 1997). For the most part indigenous
activist

and

rhetoric
other

sized
ucation,

goals

have

practices

and

such

demands

and

restructuring,

judicial

empha
as ed
re

land

forms. Indigenous complaints

tend to decry

a state

in maintaining

interested
of

uNunca

the poor.

sin

nosotros!"

out

us!")

expresses

of

indigenous

jority

run
by
above
power
m?s un M?xico

state,

exclusionary

rejecting,

elites

("never

again
the aims

a Mexico

with

the

vast ma

of

(Rus

organizations

et al.

2003). Harvey (1998) argues that the Zapatista

emphasizing

positive stereotypes of Indians as ecologists


and as the first Brazilian nationalists would
optimally help them with their land claims
(see also Graham 2002). Not all mobiliz
that

a desire

indigenous

the

is

self-determination

from
other
countries,
"agitators"
asserts
that
revitalization
ethnic

the needs

self-identification

(in spite of what the legislation might sug


gest)" (p. 270; also see Briones 2003). Garfield
(2001) describes the process by which the

ing

to

omy

The
egy

tantamount

that

for

demand

any

impede
the

ways.

SS4

can

perfor

rebellion

represents

a new

form

of

rural

protest because it sparked broader efforts both


to

the way

change
ico were

pueblos
throughout
in state discourse
represented

to

about

bring

dorian

democratic

indigenous

activism

elections.
prioritizes

Mex
and
Ecua
inclu

sion and participation: The Pachacutik party


the

and
present

indigenous
themselves

legitimate

political

movement
"not

simply

party

but

in general
as a new and
also

as a van

guard for advancing broad popular participa


tion and democratization" (Macdonald 2003,
p. 10).Zamosc (2003) points out that Ecuado
rian

natives

who

protest

integration

are

re

jecting the agenda of cultural homogenizat?on

Warren

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embedded in it, not integration per se (p. 55).


(Confederation of Indigenous Na
tionalities of Ecuador) also followed a col

CONAIE

laboration politics, seeking to include other


sectors of civil society in the dialogues. De
la Cadena (2001) analyzes Peruvian indige
nous politicians' demands for political space
to
an

as literate

participate

status

oxymoronic

prior

"national

culture"

did

195)

(p.

ily reject the notion of a unified Guatemala.


An
tions

especially
of

telling
"threats

indigenous

reply
to

mass

demonstrations

ernments'

invitations

resource

subsoil

a form

express

tism
corrupt,

grabs.

of

nationalism

sell-out

incompetent,
the most

of

sition

papers

make

effective
out

coming

inclusive,

populist

and

speeches
the movement

first

and

foremost.

Such

fa

The

levantamientos

impressive

of

secessionist

their

strategies;

sell

ests

and protested

country's

to the

on

of

plat

to

common
Scholars

will

emphasis
sus the

most

on
pueblo

to continue

need

activists

organizing
level. We

particularly

their

encounter

see

such

in Guatemala

and

class

to thwart

solidarity

not

may

factionalism.

internal

research

ways

that
suggests
and sense of

repression

is also needed

into

(or indigenous
pueblo's
are vulnerable
to in
agendas

Clearly,

pueblo's

ability

to critique

and dependence on donor funds will


its self-representation,

tivist/conservationist

describes

both

to the out

and

alliance,

see

Chapin

are fluid

themselves

and temporary,

the

term

Maya

as

"an

any

(2004)

embattled

zone of contestation

analy

between

at the national

rise, which

of

binaries quickly dissolving. Casta?eda

enemy.

ses of the tensions

2002).

resent

represents
facing

to

legitimacy

(2004) on neoliberalism's impact on it].


The terms with which many pueblos rep

it. Here

could least withstand

in

side and to themselves [Ramos 1994, Raxche'


1995; seeV?rese (1996) on the indigenous ac

impoverished

that
indigenous
organizing
of a wider
the concerns
constituency

the

threat

ethnic

various

affect

adjustment

see

the

enough

NGOs

indifference

structural

sectors

those

citizens who
we

of

grassroots
Mayas

pressure to comply with


their political and economic agendas (Tilley

inter

foreign

governmental

consequences

squeezes

to

patrimony

Isthmus

ternational NGO

(upris

forms critiqued governmental willingness

greater

granted

organization's)

ings) in Ecuador and Bolivia (Brysk 2004,


2002) were the op
pp. 28-31; Macdonald
posite

and

popular

ofWorkers,
Peasants,
Students

(1995, 1996).
Pan-Mayanism
(1996) notes that as the Mexican

to be on

without

the

ply did not appear during the 1980s and early


1990s.

them

Ethnographic

sim

rhetoric

culturalists

ver

tensions

(Montejo

of belonging, identity,
and differentiation" (p. 41). Schwittay (2003)
describes Kollas as articulating the language
of national citizenship and the language of in
digeneity (p. 146). Pueblo discourse about in
digenous identity is especially fluid and mul
tiple in land claims. Ramirez (2002) describes
the

emergence

www.annualreviews.org

of

a new

indigenous

group

in

Latin American IndigenousMovements

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

of

COCEI: Coalition

com

the

of

Ecuador

ex

For

analyze

Indigenous
Nationalities

(Coalition ofWorkers, Peasants, and


Students of the Isthmus) internal tensions

of

in

and analyze its

CONAIE:
Confederation

COCEI

be

po

vor of putting the nation (one that is mul


ticultural, multilingual, and pluri-ethnic, of
course)

Guatemala's

urgency,

government.

of

to

able

contribution.

Camus

among

seemed

to a

&

relation

leftists,

government

patrio

arguments

Bastos

Campbell

protests
and

substantial

cap

1997) that is opposed

(Stephen

Some

Their

see factionalism developing

gov

as land

are perceived

ital to conduct what


or

protesting
to multinational

are

organizations

indigenous

plex
is

state"

found in indigenous leaders' rhetoric in the


many

with

ample,

accusa

the

of Aymara

espousal

superiority cost activists like Felipe Quispe


support from lowland pueblos (Langer &
Mu?oz
2003, p. 205). Ecuadorian activist
Nina Pacari urges Shuar to identify as Shuar,
not simply as indigenous citizens (Langer &

causes?a

necessar

to

2005). They are also

where

2003, p. 204).
Researchers who become deeply involved

257). Warren
(1998) points out thatMayas
who challenged the Guatemalan model of
not

apparent

(p.

struggle

in Bolivia,

Mu?oz

activists,

indigenous
to this

2005, Vel?zques Nimatuj

555

and
of the

Colombia's
dians

who,

Putumayo

of the state's

exist by virtue

"In

that

realizing

system,"

legal

acquired legal ethnic group status, despite


in the

pueblos

region

that

arguing

the

claim

was "imaginary" (pp. 142-47). Chaves (2001)


a

describes

between

tug-of-war

Colombia's

Choc?

an

offers

province

example of "white" and "Indian" families be


ing included in the definition of a "black com
munity" that is seeking land tide. The right to
"be black" for the purposes of the land claim
derives from black-indigenous intermarriage
or from

histories

of

cooperation,

exchange,

and sharing (Wade 2002, p. 19).Wade


scribes

how

state

the Colombian

de

approaches,

paying

how

they
constructed.

are constructed,

negotiated,
the cultural

put,

Simply
the political
K.B. Warren

ical and

is cultural

1998).

(2001)

and re

is polit
et al.
(Alvarez
re

as
Cul
turning
scholarship
"away from
to the
of
and
ture' as uniformity
social
study
con
the ethnographic
cultural
heterogeneity,
cent

cern with multiple


interaction

rather

as more

nicity

identities and their lines of


than

the

foundational

privileging
than other

of eth
identi

fications, and the engagement with competing


of identity

discourses

rather

than

essentialized

renderings of authenticity" (p. 94). The most


recent

interesting

work

employs

tion

of

search;
sites.

it

however,

takes

examine

Investigators

tradi
re

face-to-face

intense,

long-term,

at
multiple
place
a
of inter
variety

subjectivities involving, for example, indige


nous

activists;

tivist

"collaborators";

regional,

national,

tions. Marcus

yjd

Jackson

translocal,

sees

and
and
such

ac

nonindigenous
practitioners

international
"mobile

from
institu

ethnography"

understanding

communities,

local

including

Latin American

Although

assumed

always

that

anthropology

activism

and

schol

like Rodolfo
arship go together?scholars
Stavenhagen, Alcida Ramos, Myriam Jimeno,
Stefano

Nellie

V?rese,

Manuela

Carneiro

and

Arvelo-Jim?nez,
come

da Cunha

to mind?

only recently have North American and Eu


ropean scholars problematized and blurred
the distinction in their actual fieldwork, re

activities
(Of

course,

that

stressed

keep

their

their

"scientific"

to

from

separate

tive

anthropologists

concerns

activist
research

for

the
parti

through

as

such

Innova

decades.)
to

assign

designs

roles

secretary

the

anthro

or

transla

tor during meetings; participant inmarches,


demonstrations, and blockades; andworkshop
leader.

assumed

(2004)

Sawyer

ad

strong

vocacy position from the very beginning


her

on Ecuadorian

fieldwork

that were

bilizations

indigenous
multinational

protesting

oil extraction in the Oriente

of

mo

section of the

are
(see
England's
examples
re
in the Maya
involvement
2003)
language
for some 3 0 years,
and Speed's
vival movement
Other

country.

participation as an observer in aCivilian Peace


Camp in Chiapas inMay 1995 (2002). Ar
ticles and ethnographies emerging from this
sort of research are packed with the kind of
so often

information

methodolo

gies that continue the anthropological

deep

of knowledge.

pologist

and

characterizes

of

the discipline's

given
a

achieving

small-scale

systems

their

attention

to the fluidity of ethno-racial meanings

circulation

out the hemisphere have been writing about

have led the drive to embrace

culturalist

on

emphasis

work.

SHIFTS IN ANTHROPOLOGICAL
DISCOURSE AND PRACTICE
Anthropologists

are considerable,

lenges

san

more

the

earlier
orthodoxies
jecting
need
for activist
scholars

"indianizes"

communities.

these

to "examine

attempt

cultural meanings, objects, and identities in


diffuse time-space" (1998, p. 79). The chal

of

Putumayo

colonos(settlers) claiming to be indigenous and


the director of theNational Office of Indian
Affairs.

as an

ence

analyses

of

absent

these

in political

very

sci
There

processes.

would have been no way to observe 99% of


what

Sawyer
as a supporter.

researcher

had

she

It is difficult

to

reports

could

avoid

taking

not

signed
how
imagine

a stand

on

on
a

such

important issues (Starn 1991). Ethnographic


practice that bridges inquiry, activism, and
participatory
cultural

approaches

knowledge

Warren

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raises

to the
production
complex

questions,

of

and

epistemological
are not
exactly

answers

ethical,

to which

corner

the

around

as

1998; Hale 2004; Jackson 1999;Warren &


Jackson 2002b, pp. 8-11). But at least the
are

issues
tivist

being

productively
do try to be

researchers

possible,

as

in

and

earlier

analyses,

One

help.

illustrates

scholarship

dichotomies

usefully

uniquely

or

nous/nonindigenous"

an

underneath

structures.
nous

above

and,

nuanced,

The

and

all,

dynamic

nonindigenous

such
must
ral,

exists.

binary

resist

constantly
straightforward,

The

It does

literature

many

that

ex

fascinating

gree

For

ways.

does

able

being

be fluent in a colonizer
the

speaker?

Such

to what

example,
to
speak

may

fluency

traversed

has permanently
speaker
and ideological
boundary

its

(i.e.,

and

that

issue

subaltern
trates

puts

speak?"

the meagerness

chotomy

with

a new

on

spin

question.

the

no

the
illus

of the "same/other"

description

di
grada

in her work with a variety


of indigenous intellectuals in Cauca, Colom
bia. Field provides an example from western
tions of Otherness

Brazil
Nicaragua, which, like Northeastern
and El Salvador (Tilley 2002), was officially
seen

to have

lost

its indigenous

and

"being
to occur

saw

community

it

she charac

becoming
indigenous"
at the
level,
community

to

indige

examination.

require

on

write

language

and validate

confer,

signal,

the problematic
ethnic

populations.

One community Field studied (1998) did


not become involved with the indigenous

element

equa
Brown

identity.

in emerging

a
represents
people
seen as a
tragedy,

ethnic

presen

in all kinds
but

of ways,
is not
the

this

whole story. Garz?n et al. (1998) describe


a switch generation of indigenous Spanish
speakers

"Can

(2003) de

saw processes

(2002)

loss

domestic

Rappaport

of complex

of

can

longer be bilingual and bicultural (Rappaport


2005). This fraught aspect of the politics-of
culture

of

continue

a cultural

hence

members

authors

Many
tion

often

language) disqualify
mean

between

gradations

tation" (p. 206). It is obvious that language

de

to power

to

a crucial

amples of "indigenousness" being resignified


in novel

identity

indigenous

subtle

(1996) describes language "as both the exter


nal and internal symbol of a people [and as]

a natu
division.

uncomplicated

provides

is seen
nousness

that we

it as

seeing

(p. 432).

community-based

during discussions concerned with "declaring


ourselves a 'puebloind?gena?"(p. 212).
As with territory, ways inwhich language

unprob

mean

Speed
as

in Chiapas

indige

lematic, but this fact does not deny

how

ilarly,

complex,

is never

out

point

terizes

meaning

between

dichotomy

between

becoming Kolla when its claim to that iden


tity succeeded, regardless of whether they felt
a strong sense of Kolla identity (p. 160). Sim

divi

are

binaries

such

contrasts

scribes

sion. All theways inwhich pueblos are resigni


fying indigenousness unfailingly demonstrate
that

the mestiza

"same" and "other." Occhipinti

"indige

"same/other"

"proudly

origin of their ceramic production

also

constructs

dichotomy
in terms
of

craftswomen

though

maintained"

versus individual-based

employed
more
than

hinder

earlier

the regional indige

even

movement,

The

certain

why

simple

overly

difference

concepts,
now

nous

system

atic, theoretically engaged work that reflex


ively speaks to some of the dilemmas with
which they wrestle.
Recent

indigenous,

saw themselves
they
another
community

though
whereas

aligned its families with


had

as

objective

comprehensive,

producing

Ac

refrained.

even

movement,

(see Field

in Guatemala
family
activists

turalist
and,
nity's

as a result,
indigenous

that

economic
often
had

came

strategy.
from

to relearn

languages

a new

reflected

as

cul
Early
such families
commu

their
they

advocated

for official language recognition. Yet speaking


Guaran? in Paraguay orMexicano (N?huatl)
inMexico does not mark indigeneity, and
dominant
nous

societal appropriations of indige


to

lexicon

stigmatize

also oc

indigeneity

cur:Whitten's
(2003) examples of Quichua
used by elite Ecuadoreans (p. 69) resemble
the "mock Spanish" described by Hill (1999).
Various institutional authorities try to require
some
ers,

form
such

as

of

link

language,

www.annualreviews.org

between
and

cultural
cultural

mark

identities.

Latin American IndigenousMovements

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

s51

some

In the past,

states

a person

required

who

neither

traditional

indige

out of a community to speak its


language still or be classified as "used to be in

nous identities (also seeMartinez 2004). Starn


(2003; see also 1999), writing about Peru's

such policies
however,
may
Today,
so
are
be overruled,
these politics,
dynamic
In sum, cases exist where
local and national.

rondas

(self-defense

during

the period

digenous."

cases where

other

guage,
ulations

do

still other

pop

nonindigenous

a traditional
speak
cases where
people

and

language,

a lan

speaking

guage feign total ignorance of it (Casta?eda


2004, p. 41).
The processes by which collective histori
cal

a common

struggle,

confers

of suffering,
ancestry
are examined
sev
by

indigenousness

eral authors. Sam Colop (1996) andMontejo


& Akab' (1992,Montejo 1999) speak of a view
of indigenous identity as shaped by a history
of resistance to nation-states. Field (1998)
notes

that

this requires

"to

the anthropologist

uncover and describe the specific historical


conditions producing elements of identity,
attending to their dynamically continuous
transformations"
(p. 432). Rappaport &
(1996) speak of the "romance of resis
tance" enhancing amulti-pueblo Colombian

Dover

indigenous

sees

(1997)

to emerge
tices

sense

organization's

of

consciousness

of colonization"

they

are

the

is, we

truth

with

struggle

lost Tzeltal

their

recovering
"[t]he

indigenous

(p. 217).
The overly simple dichotomy
tional"

and

in most

recent

(1996) andWarren
gue

that Latin

urban,
and

seen

people"
of "tradi
satisfacto

and

professional.

are

V?rese (1995, pp. 215-21) describe the present


"postdevelopment

Jackson

era"

as

characterized

by

traditional

urban,

class

of Mayas,

cosmopolitan,
as do authors

in Fischer & Brown (1996) andWatanabe


& Fischer (2004). Plant's (2002) concise dis
of

cussion
nous
ticular

the

out

the

and

problems

in a relationship
also

environment,
with

indige
in a par

as based

or

system,

land

whether

seen

be

should

economic

with

over

debate

the

identity

standards

points
on

based

"traditional" behavior (pp. 212-14).


Authors also attend to official construc
of

the

"traditional."

notes

Briggs

that

the opposition between "traditional subjects,"


are

cal

and

a central

in local

embedded

inexorably

envi

has
subjects"
and politi

"cosmopolitan

epistemological
of modern
discourses

component

since

the seventeenth century (Bauman & Briggs


2003, p. 133, as cited in Briggs 2004, p. 176).
Would-be

en route

demonstrators,

Venezuela's
targeted

a cholera

of
handling
at
military

checkpoints

to protest
epidemic,
set up

to block "any body that looked ind?gena^from


leaving. Although these activists knew they
were participating in a transnational indige
the

movement,

had

government

other

plans: to fix them in "traditional" and "local"


spaces.

identity

larity
&

emerging

and professional

Another

bilingual
Kearney

an

of

amples

nous

Kearney

(2002b) ar

nor

modern

wholly

(p. 253); the same is true formany Colombian


pueblos (Gow & Rappaport 2002). Cojti Cuxil
(2002) andWarren
(1998) also provide ex

were

native
peoples
as transnationalized,

border-crossing,

proletarian,
trilingual,

publications.

& Jackson

America's
to be

increasingly

.in

the complex divisions de

rily characterize
scribed

not

does

"modern"

neither

been

culture

are Tzeltales..

cri

judiciously

in nondichotomous

reconstituted

being

terms,

ronments,

2004). Speed (2002) describes the inhabitants


of the town of Nicol?s Ruiz saying that
because

are

who

of

indigenousness
senses
the injus
people
see also Pallares
(p. 23;

"when

forces),

counter-insurgency

tiques Garcia Canclini's (1995) analytic model


based on this opposition. Laurie et al. (2002)
argue that indigenous identities in Bolivia

tions

being

through a history of struggle. Gray

united

that arose
organizations
extreme
involv
of
violence

ing "Shining Path" guerrillas and the state's

pueblos do not speak their traditional lan

Sj8

nor

modern

wholly

had moved

is

overly
that

oughly Western
inauthentic,
Western,

simple

between

conventional

"authentic"

po
(a

thor

concept) and its opposite?

fake,

invented,

etc. When

culture

Warren

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new,
becomes

modern,
a form

of

may

empowerment

employing the legal and political tools of their


oppressors in their land claim struggles. Maya

around
that
mobilizing
seem fraudulent
precisely

empowerment,

because it ispoliticized. State challenges made


to indigenous individuals and communities
take

may

the

"no

form

of

claims

that

are

they

challenges

on

variant

revealing

the

In

is
to

challenges

the

Argentine

sectors

of

Guaran?

that

citizens.

as

status

their

as critics

of the movement

ploy the "authenticity" card in their internal


and external politics (Turner 2002, Ramirez
2002).

dard
the

of

any one

time.

our

is on

the

focus

in in

authorities

and the experts

communities

digenous
who
determine

sees no absolute

dy
stan

Rather,

authenticity.
authenticates?on

more

its current

with
Anthropology,
namic notion
of culture,

what

beyond
at
authentic

is deemed

Critics

their narrow

with

model

of indigenous leadership have not accepted


that, in fact, indigenous leaders will range
from tribal headmen and ritual elders to urban

terpret

examples

amples

of

notions

to be moves

and

resisting

of co-optation

in

authors
movements'

indigenous

of occidental

appropriation
tic tradition
tradition

Several

leaders.

university-trained

toward

safeguarding
and not ex
"inau

thenticity." Assies (2000) describes indigenous


women

in Chiapas

contesting

a tradition

that

excludes them from participation in political


decision-making and in so doing vindicating
their

role

in processes

tion (p. 18).Garfield

of

ethnic

can

continuity

as

appear

that
representations
freeze and reify an
identity in a way that
hides the historical

their work

of

write-ups
intellectuals

illustrate

within

politics
it develops

with
com

the

some

when
modernity

reorganiza

(2001) saw the Xavante

and

people,
indigenous
to
to be
opposed

see

not,

"authenti

the

leader (Rappaport 2005).


intellectuals who work in
projects

development

at

develop

titudes and perspectives that allow them to


identify both as indigenous and as members
of mainstream

society.

Indigenous

can

do question

the

ties

of some

and

leaders'
de malet?n

gentes

communi

appropriateness
as "diri

them
seeing
corbata"
(briefcase

choices,

and

tie

leaders) (Giordani 2002, p. 80), but in general


their

not

will

indigenousness

be automatically

rejected.
"essentialism,"

By

mean

anthropologists

the process of freezing and reifying an identity


in away that hides the historical processes and
politics within which
one
this

it develops. Of course

are served
in
interests
study whose
Racist
forms
of
economic
process.
pro

has

to

and

state

authority

use

essentializing

strategies in public policy and clandestine op


erations
chies

to

justify

of human

violence,
value

perpetuate

and

reward,

hierar
and

leave

sectors
the neglect
of
of certain
unquestioned
as
their populations
than hu
less
something
man. The
au
focus on the "other"
by these

thorities seeks to obscure that here is a "self


acting

in its own

Indigenous
trast
is seen

www.annualreviews.org

interest.
"self-essentializing"

by many

by

anthropologists

con
as

Latin American IndigenousMovements

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

and

processes

transitions.

and

disjunctures,

duction

of authen

hegemony
and consequent

characterizing
identity

speeds up during times of ruptures,

merely

community

em

actively

Essentialism:
of

of cultural change (Wade 1997).


Ethnogenesis (Mallon 1996, Smith 1990,Hill
1997) is always an already-ongoing process; it

cally" indigenous
Some indigenous

Argen

tineans has been compromised (Hirsch 2003,


Schwittay 2003). Note that indigenous groups
as well

cultural

sum,

indigenous

Although their indigeneity is unproblematic,


they are accused of being so influenced by
Bolivian

reappropriate
a cultural
to create

plex imaginings and reimaginings of what


is involved in being "modern," especially

government's

its Guaran?

ofWest

elements

history

Researchers'

challenges to a group's authenticity (and hence


legitimacy)

own

elements

appropriate

the mode

a state's

of

theme

and

that is viable in the global political economy,


andmarked as uniquely theirs (Fischer 1996).

used by their opponents in attempts to dele


gitimize leaders. The argument that individ
uals do (or do not) represent their indigenous
people begs the processual question of who
represents whom in all facets of political life.
A

to

culture

their

of their "un
because
indigenous"
More
behavior.
political
specific
to urban-based
have been
activism

longer
traditional"

leaders work
ern

s59

which

political tactic used by indigenous movements


in Latin

America

tonomy

and

2004,

to

for

push

greater

pp.

124?30).

assumptions

that

of indigenous
women's
rights
during
the negotiations
between
the Zapatistas
and

the Mexican

Rubin

(see

self-government

favor

au

comments

encountered

Frequently

(2002)

a balance

finding

between

be traditional culture place-holders for their


pueblo exemplify an essentialist strategy.De la
Cadena (2000) describes how highland Peru

communal rights and individual rights con


nected to gender equality, religious freedom,
and property rights tends to be particularly
contentious (pp. 11-12). Nash (2001) doc

vian women

uments

women

indigenous

are constructed

must

as "more

Indian"

because they are less likely to speak Spanish


or

to urban

travel

wear

traditional

that are seen

"the

and

as more

argues
what

to

ment

"so

into

that

of women

are
mujer

and

can

soar

cyberspace."

a long tradition of research


Confronting
that finds women to be bearers of traditional
conservative,

culture,
out

and

of

rural,

monolingual,

place?alien?when

leave

they

their homes, Nelson


(1999) denaturalizes
these images, analyzing all the ways in
which

up not

prop

they

movement's

the pan-Mayan
only
but
Guatemalan

ideology,
as

national

well.

identity

women's

outside

due to the
the broader Maya Movement
difficulties in locating a place for weaving
and

women

see

also Dean

in

the

movement"

(2003)

on

(2000) on

and Radcliffe

163;

[p.

lowland Peru
the Ecuadorian

such

sectors,

marginalized

as

conditions

autonomy.

and pueblo,
are
all actors

can become

when

unstable

quite

repeatedly
modifying
to the
in response
ever-shifting

their

dis
terms

same

the

historical

time,

also made

point

by

(1995), who sees it as "an incredibly


notion"
(p. 6). Identity is better seen
slippery

Wilson
as a

rather
than a statement,
paradox
ismade,
for as soon as such a statement

women,

cultural

'tradition'?here
to

keep

process?in
political
own
demands
for

order
greater

the margins
to advance

producers

of
their
and

participation

(Sieder 2002,
p.
independence"
Hern?ndez
(1997) describes women
organic

in

prescriptions
on

women

movement

193).
from

arguing

in

insist,

he

says,

it blurs

authors

& Hirsch

respond
a certain

than

(2003)
a

represent

still find

to critics

rather

campesino

labels

some

that

example,

is "really"

such

to

having

for

Gordillo

now

even

However,
themselves

within indigenous communities in Chiapas


are beginning to "refashion and reclaim

Jackson

work

civil and political rights,

Many authors also wrestle with finding


effective ways to describe identity processes
that are flexible and fluid. We have accounts
of indianization occurring here and deindi
anization there (e.g., Radcliffe 2000). What
indigenous identity means, for both scholar

in which

also describe ways

Scholars

the

such
goals
in power,
those

of
better

inclusion,

organize

for

and dissolves.

situation].

tended

interests

to

of engagement. De laCadena (2001, p. 255)


notes that the idea of difference is complicated
if it is seen to emerge from coparticipation in

Mayan

costume?traje?"remains

best

accountability

cultural

courses

Hendrickson

how Guatemalan

(1996) describes

as greater

and

maneu

self-essentializing
these women's
chances
own

their

to render

that for scholars

argues

and higher wages,

move

to

maneuvered

these

democratic

role,

maya's

hackers

Maya

to

expected

She

illegitimate
vers limits
in

Nelson

the Maya

idioms

and

women

how Mayan

influence changes in their favor during this


period; she also notes a backlash of gender
hostility.

of which

societies.

ground

transnational

duties

assigned

status

urban

to

likely

traditional?all

women
that Maya
she terms
the

functions

which

be

in Andean

female"

play

and more

centers
dress

in a second-class

results

s6o

Sieder

government.
that

who

population
indigenous.

argue that all


particular

group's

is derived from the


positioning, which
which their meaning
relations
from
social
as historical subjects emerges. A positioning
of

campesino,
than a positioning

then,

Warren

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is

no

as a member

more
of

"valid"
a

"pueblo

180). A

(p.

originario"

of

number

cite

essays

Li (2000, p. 151) on this issue: "[A] group's


self-identification as tribal or indigenous is
not natural or inevitable, but neither is it
simply invented, adopted, or imposed. It is,
a

rather,
ically

draws

that

positioning

sedimented

practices,

repertoires

of meaning,

particular

patterns

histor

upon

of

emerges

poses

through
and

engagement

identities are not just fluid, nor


justmultiple, they are fluidly multiple and al
which

relational,
conceptual

pinpoints
ent actors
lar, often

challenge

presents
to

an

analytic

that
a

albeit
of

to very

dynamic

anthropologists.

define

and

competing,

situations.
to

try

Differ

impose

particu

Some

meanings.

terms'

dominant

meaning,

adamantly

Peru

"to be

into

slotted

the

'savage

slot' of the rebellious Indio" (p. 38).He argues


that Yucatec

Maya

have

not

only

another

iden

"multiple

critics?indigenous
communities

and

identi

for advanc

credit

the

dimensions

foundational

nonindigenous
on the national

scene. A collection of essays in the Journal

its own
see

to

set of
problems
a unit?individual
an

possessing

community?as

cent field research demonstrates


so

not

the need to
al

as

far

Re

identity.

of conceptualization,
to claim
that

this mode

challenge

be

"iden

though
not exist. Rather,
is
identity
tity" does
again,
to be seen as a fluid,
The
process.
dynamic

idea of there being multiple ways of being


indigenous is the optimal way to look at in
dividuals,

and

pueblos,

us

allows

perspective

to

organizations.

This

acknowledge

a pro

that takes us beyond


asserted at a particular

cess of self-definition
the identity being
time

and

other
and
cial
ral,

we

can

"After

what

to where

place

and
by whom?"
Literature
negotiations?"
serted

"As

ask,
kinds

of
in

examines

that

and
indigenous
identity
like
race,
components
religion,
identity
cru
how
demonstrates
gender
clearly
to see identities
in the
it is always
plu
in processual
and
their formation
terms,
than

between

asking

questions

like "What

char

acterizes X identity?" asking "What are the


ways of being X at this time and in this
place?"

pol

itics but another modality of identity.Warren


(1998) argues that identities and identity pol
itics are shaped by the tensions between dif
ferent historical generations of activists and
and

or

rather

indige

nous!" (p. 38). Casta?eda sees this position to


a refusal

as

raises
paradigm
cause
it continues

tersections

although

that "we are not

maintained

race

deserves

pro

composite

for study, but the race/ethnicity/class/gender

the dichotomy does not disappear entirely.


Casta?eda (2004) provocatively asks, "[A]re
all Maya Maya?" (p. 38), and describes a
friend who, although self-identifying asMaya,

alike?in

of identities

thinking in terms of ethnicity

ing beyond

tion, Little-Siebold
(2001) finds fluid and
bidirectional uses of identity labels (p. 193;
see also Smith 1990). These usages alter the

their

literature

framework

single
identity,
the notion
because

and

analytical

vian groups self-identify asmestizos but still


see themselves as indigenous (de la Cadena
2001, p. 263). Although theGuatemalan state
and wider publics find the "Indian-Ladino"
distinction useful for its homogenizing func

be

any

ties. Anthropology

Speed (2002) notes that "states, indigenous


groups, and even social scientists, often find
such fluidity contrary to their different un
derstandings and goals" (p. 222). Part of the
problem lieswith the analytic tasks at hand?
applying a language that specifies, defines, and

paired

in

appear

tities" still implies separate, distinct

Clearly,

and

often

any

one,

struggle."

ways

so

"paradox"

on such identity labels.


The reality of a multiplicity
disallows

and

landscapes,

and

of Latin American Anthropology (2001) on the


Guatemalan
indigenous-ladino
dichotomy
shows why words like "contradiction" and

Resonating with the need to think of mul


tiple ways of being indigenous is an equiv
alent need to analyze adequately the differ
ent kinds of citizenship emerging in new
"civil
have
often

society"
seen

discourses

and

practices.

that multiculturalist

inscribed

into

constitutions,

We

distinctions,
stipulate

that indigenous individuals and collectivities


www.annualreviews.org

Latin American IndigenousMovements

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$61

are
as
as

to

in

participate

both
special,

the

citizens

regular

of

process
political
a country
and

citizens.

indigenous

ar

Scholars

gue that differential treatment for histori


cally discriminated and marginalized groups
is necessary

for

ship. Rhetoric
civil

to attain

them

with

concerned
in fact,

society,

and

democracy

reveals

Several

moves

complex

to processes

attends

that

which
or

in

some

contexts

underspecified

ing evacuated of meaning


pp. 258-61).
In sum,

the

has

recent

anyone?scholars,
national

the

pueblos,

institutions?who

inter

state,

to get

attempts

fix on defining indigenousness. Anthropolo


gists

no

and historians,

less than governments

pursuing racialized nation-building


need

but

categories,

vides

the recent

evidence

ample

such

and

human

of

that

pro
are

signifiers

on

actual

ficatory

have

may

not

populations
It is very

clear

agendas.

ing who

is doing the pointing

"Indians"

were

created

other

classi

that

know

is crucial. Yes,

by European

colonial

ism and the New World-born


Spanish criollo
elites who assumed power following inde
And

pendence.

certainly

the

notions

of

"in

digenous" adopted in the indigenista policies


of many Latin American governments (and
many NGOs) prior to the 1980s no longer
work. But equally obvious is the impossibil
ity of substituting a new definition for highly
dialogic identity labels such as these. One les
son of such an attempt is that ethnic labels
are often

562

politicized

in ways

that make

about
to

the

them

of

basis

stances

The

have

Pan-Mayanists
of a separate

regional

the

outside,

totally

also

to operate

whether

Utopian
goal
or a radical
federalism,

however,

Strategically,

Mayan

both

sys

spoken
na

organized

Mayan

languages,

on

focused

they

creat

ing hundreds of small organizations dedicated


and

ing alternative

Mayan

shamans,

lishers,

and other

Opposition
only
forms

will

professional

shape

of

activist

pub

linguists,

professionals.

the ruling powers not

a movement's
but

resistance,

and

schools

elementary

from

found

revitalization,

language

training

also

and

self-image
at times

will

ensure
that a national
indige
paradoxically
nous
will
consciousness
Both Reed
develop.

(2002) and Horst (2003, p. 127) show how


the extremely difficult struggle during the
Stroessner regime in Paraguay helped indige
nous activists from disparate pueblos identify
themselves as a concerted lobby bloc opposed
to

an

nored

and

economic
their

concerns.

social

that

agenda

O'Connor

ig
notes

(2003)

that although resistance has a long history in


earlier

Ecuador,

strategies

lacking

alternative

solutions

tional

se.

tration

the development

were

primarily

re

or
widespread,
long-term,
to
too,
Here,
oppression.
of national
and even transna

actionary,

indexes for ideological alignments and loy


alties that stand outside ethnic identity per

Jackson

sec

which would give them administrative control


over thewestern highlands (Cojti Cuxil 1994).

always accepted by their intended signifieds?


the

to cultural

projects,

literature

significantly
for exam

or environmentalist

groups.

choices

in

stances

The

about,

unions

rights

influence

as
opposed
tem. Guatemalan

substantial problems and challenges faced by


the

de

a stance

society.
can

making

as labor

tors

tion
discusses

decision

movements

attitude,

movement

given

within,

of be

(Rajagopal 2003,

literature

an

ple, alliance building with nonindigenous

been

to the
point

by

influence

tion of graduated citizenship and illustrates


the need to problematize the notion of civil
society,

imaginary,
to the dominant

regard

Imaginarles
how

address

an

taken

produce

and contest differentiated citizenship, eth


nic citizenship, and cultural citizenship. This
is an interesting play on Ong's (1999) no

overused

authors

velop

around the citizenship trope. Scholarship in


creasingly

Political

Indigenous

citizen

equal

DISCOURSE SHIFTS:
LANGUAGES OF POLITICAL
PRACTICE AND
IMPLEMENTATION

strategies
following

Warren

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resulted
unsuccessful

in part

from

local

frus
actions.

that were

mobilizations

Political

protests,

in Bolivia

notably

strengthened

against

organizing

that

a common

teraction between the official juridical bodies

unify

in national

they

were

communities

been

ways
run

to
are

granted

their

internal
an

fashioning

interface

autonomy
countries

challenged
or intrusive

positivist

is detaining

between

law and indigenous legal systems that


local
authorities much more latitude than
give
Certain

must

to

in particular

cases.

be

no

observed:

enforcement

torture,

issues

these

addressing

with

to

respect

and

punish.

autonomy

to the

prevailing
an official

show

that

For

example,
to work

someone

forcing

serious

of

be

and

negotiation

as a

seen

and

evolving

liberal Western

greatest

apparatus

and

be

may

authoritarian,

discriminatory,
into private
space.

should

ralism

and

rights

extent in Latin America. Specific rulings by


the Court

decisions

renego

of contin

plurality

interconnected

processes

in wider power relations" (Sieder


2002, p. 201). An incompatibility between

p. 33) discusses how Colombia's Constitu


tional Court decisions resulted in indigenous
juridical

Local

as

enmeshed

(2002,

Stavenhagen

kind

ually

indigenous

authorities' right to judge, detain, establish


sanctions,

indi

tiation always reflects changing political and


economic circumstances (p. 39). "[L]egal plu

or

find contradictions in both the legislation and


its

in

resulting

crime against individual liberty or the legiti


mate act of ronda authorities (Yrigoyen 2002,
p. 174)? As Stavenhagen (2002) points out,
this

however,

rights,

executions,

Authors

banishment.

criminal

adjudicate

fundamental

courts.

to Western

most

degree
affairs,

have al

of

Western

before,

themselves,

viduals appealing their sentence by turning

indigenous communities

Although

resolution

Specific rulings employing customary law


are sometimes disputed within indigenous

enemy.

Law

Customary

in both,

and pueblos
transformation
produces
a more
of dispute
model
complex
is needed.

were

and Ecuador,

sense

the

by

to

able

highland and lowland populations

is

of universal

concepts

human

collective

culture-specific

is

rights

often the nub of the problem. Authors will cite


Kymlicka's (1996) argument that as long as an
can

individual

leave

then

community,

cer

instantiate
the
seriously
attempting
status as a multicultural
and pluri-ethnic
try's
nation.
Its encounters
with
law, de
customary

tain restrictions on individual freedoms within


it are justifiable, for example prohibitions on

rived from world views and cultural practices

curtailment of individual rights when they are

coun

to

that

are at times

Western

simply

incommensurate
for

make

culture,

fascinating

cosmological
shamanic
consultations,

thorizations
Western

sometimes

and

assumptions

notions

of

justice,

due

read

require
and au

prehensive

in the

examination

literature,
of

after

a com

in actual

situations:

integrity

the proposition

(2002)

rights

be

may

the

that
seen

as

that

concedes

a novel

such

idea

concern

to

indigenous

commu

nities, they often face uphill battles because


of liberal and neoliberal insistence on the
individual as the holder of rights.

institutionalized

plural jurisprudence being implemented in an


actual local setting, Sierra (1995) concluded
that the dichotomy between law and custom
dissolves

but he

are of great

Although positivist and customary law are


opposed

offering
of group

cultural

Stavenhagen

is difficult to integrate into Latin America's le


gal systems (p. 37). Although collective rights

2002a, p. 119).
always

recognition

rights,

and

process,

further,

threaten

the

a condition for the enjoyment of individual

1997; Jackson

(see Gray

the

of the group as awhole.


goes

allows

argument

perceived

that differ fundamentally from

conflict resolution

to

basic

with

ing (see S?nchez 2000). Local juridical sys


tems rely on methodologies
legitimated by
forces

land. The

selling

Given

that

in

Indigenous
The
in

Deployment

arrival of multiculturalism
transforming

www.annualreviews.org

stigmatized

of Culture
played a role
indigenous

Latin American IndigenousMovements

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

563

one

into

identity
moral

capital
sorely
sectors
of

ety.

as

racy,
proach

as

state

the

possess
soci

come

have

society

and

the

Authors

Church.

practice
and

culture,"

"indigenous
to revive
and

strengthen

their

own

their

in

stitutions. Garfield (2001) describes how the


Xavante revived rituals after finding out that
the outside world considered them "beautiful"
newer

at times

concept,

to

opposed

circulating widely is "in


multiculturality,
terculturality" (Rappaport 2005). WTiitten
(2004) describes how indigenous organiza
in Ecuador

tions

it to

oppose

"an

ethos

a movement

stresses
to

system

the

other

ways

of thought and action" (p. 440). WTiereas the


of social

ideologies

and cultural

"are national,

hybridity
formal

consciousness

local,

regional,

this

without,

however,

materials
nous

of

school

reforms

new

we

promoting

students.

to be

interculturality

ilation' now

can

be

the

above,

and

complex

relationship

and local identity


dynamic.

Many

authors describe how communities will travel


distance

down
as

the

indigenous

apparatus,

to

road
"others"

state

the

including

playing the role of ultimate juridical au


thority (Padilla 1996). A community might
have to obtain personer?a jur?dica, juridical
identity, before it can undertake any kind
of legal action [for Colombian
examples,
see Gros (2000) and Rappaport (1996)]. An
is

problem

the

on

tendency

the

part of both pueblos and the state to reify


identity. Although a pueblo's claim to self
not

does

it to freeze-dry
mon
response

Yet

reform

state
assim

'"neoliberal

is

its

in principle
this

traditions,

to criticism

that

is nontraditional

require
is a com

particular
and therefore

set

inauthentic.

Indige

education

intercultural

seen

have

state hegemony

of behaviors

auricular

promulgated by the Bolivian neoliberal


see

As

between

determination

diasporic,

in

for nonindigenous

critics

"is

(p. 440). States have

nomenclature

do

sues (e.g., Canessa 2000, Cleary & Steigenga


2004).

emerging

static",

interculturality

pluri-national,

global and dynamic"


used

and

regional
of

and

pluralism

need

to be
contentious,
particularly
around
these
increasing

incorporation?albeit
the state

from

another,

consti

is

?into

of

with

of understanding

purpose

explicit

seem

a considerable

hybridity or social or cultural pluralism_


Interculturality
one
cultural

no

side's

what

identity?revolves
to
actually

members

research

claims

(p. 134).
A

Each

"culture"?just

what

commu

to affirm (and reaffirm) their right to be


considered Huichol. Religious identity and

litical capital attained through the resignifi


efforts

leave.

Huichol

"essential"

cation

increase

to

have

activities
of Huichol

to

refuse

Evangelicals
in certain
"traditional"

tion

around

write about how indigenous leaders, noticing


the potential value of the symbolic and po
of

who

re

of

process

whether

nity

tutes

outlines

protestants

participate

institutions

hegemonic

ical

solving

to see

democ
legitimacy,
as amoral
re
serving

representing

and accountability,
to status quo

such

to

inWestern

lacking

Some

pueblos

seen

often

it is undeniable

munities,

being

officially

affects,

indigenous

in native languages"
(Gustafson 2002, p. 278; also see Lukyx 2000).
dressed

sense

members'

that,

weren't registered

they

as

recognized

sometimes

of who

com

for many

substantially,
are:

"Before,

we

[with the national bureau

we weren't
affairs],
anything.
indigenous
now
are
to be aware
of
starting
just
an
as
ourselves
community'"
'indigenous

of
We

Identity
Intra-pueblo

is

in good standing of a given pueblo

member
can

who

about

negotiations

hinge
an
tutes

on
adequate

who

decides
performance

what
of

consti
identity.

De la Pe?a's discussion of conflict between


Huichol
traditionalist elders and Evangel
$64

Jackson

2003,

(Occhipinti
communities

prefer

pp.
pueblo,

Some

159-60).

to "in

"people,"

digenous" because "pueblo" signals a political


discourse
coalition

that
of

configures

cultural

groups

the movement
rather

than

as a
as a

category of oppressed people suffering from

Warren

This content downloaded from 168.176.5.118 on Sat, 7 Mar 2015 18:48:09 PM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

based on their ethnicity or

discrimination

longer perform cultural difference via lan

race.
over

Negotiations
perennially

identity

to be "irresolvable,"

tity

insecure

be
shot

are

of

constitutive

seem

each

must

relationality

be

iden

for

present

to the
crossing-over

leads

difference

in

of signi

we

the

gains,

for

struggle

in

not

have

been

on

to agree

able

short

all too often truly effective political strategies


have not been developed (p. 34). In addition,
to
organize
In countries

continue

counteroffensives.

and mount
like Paraguay,

indigenous people have been labeled as ene


of

mies

pp. 80-83).

in

made

been

term and medium objectives. Also, poorly


considered actions taken by some leaders have
displeased some potential sympathizers, and

opponents

fies and the undermining of any pretensions


to boundedness" (p. 6; see alsoWade
1997,

has

progress

celebrate

should

leaders

tities" (p. 3).One of the several contradictions


of identity, according to Wilson
(1995), is
tity to exist, but the very basis of meaning

(see,

practice

digenous rights has barely begun, and in the


future the going will be rough. Indigenous

other,

dynamically feeding into one another. Iden


tities become interior to each other and im
plicitly influence the emergence of new iden

"that

much

Clearly,

ingly contradictory processes of othering and


hybridisation

culture

recognizing the rights of people to retain a


culture distinct from that of the dominant so
ciety. Stavenhagen (2002) notes that, although

an "inher
"The

5):

(p.

other

2002).

e.g., Tilley

(1995) sees iden

possessing

ontology"

to
and

contingent,

ambiguous,

through with ironies.Wilson


ently

seem

or

ritual,

guage,

the

in Guatemala,

and

state,

indige

nous organizing is still seen by some critics as a

The

three

past

in Latin

seen

have

decades

transformation

profound

American

vi

states'

sions of their indigenous populations. Many


of the most marginalized pueblos gained the
most basic right: the "right to have rights"
as citizens (Alvarez et al. 1998;Harvey 1998,
p.

35).

the

Establishing

right

at both the individual and community


for autonomy

demands

strengthened
determination
previous

it drove

because

modernist

corporatist
no

Indigenous
as minorities
mands

but

a stake
state

communities

many

and

projects

covery"

been

have
countries.

"inherent

discourses

and

they

come

at a

price.

has

relegated

other

discourses

de

indigenous

communities

who

times

against

can

situation

is often

and Van

dire,

(2002, p. 52) notes the failure of three


to

governments

violent

no

conflicts

the

establish

ago,

long

involving

are a continual

communities

In

armed

indige

worry.

Not

insurgents

indigenous

played very visible roles in Peru, Colombia,


nities
cause

commu
Indigenous
seen as subversives
be

and Mexico.

Guatemala,
in

racial discrimination and social and economic


exclusion to the back of the bus, resulting
in problems for Afro-Latinos and rural and
urban

the

successive

too

based

At

areas

The

the emphasis on validation by performing dif


ference

land groups, but in themore productive high


land

nous

on cultural difference do not lead to success


everywhere,

huge problems
vast areas to low

constitution.

successful

remarkably
However,

countries,
has ceded

into

de

rights"

Colombia

digenous Territorial Entities mandated by the

inherent rights. "Cultural and historical re


mands

class/ethnic

self

with

"people"

in several

increased
remain.

projects.
made

longer

as

level,

and

and

conflict (Warren 1998).


Although the amount of territory inalien
ably and collectively owned by pueblos has

Cott

to difference,

racism

that promotes

project

FUTURE DIRECTIONS

can

come

they

to be

are poor,

they

live

in rural

areas,

and theymount public demonstrations against


a

exploitative,

neglectful,

Accusations
serve

elites'

or

terrorist

state.

detailing pueblo subversion can


in maintaining

self-interest

"the

traditional source of cheap labor and politi


cal supporters

patron
p.

in well-oiled

relationships"

37) or can

www.annualreviews.org

ensure

that

systems

of client

(Stavenhagen
zero

resistance

2002,
will

Latin American IndigenousMovements

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

<??6$

greet

projects
mega-development
exploiting
or
resources.
subsoil,
forest,
hydroelectric
as
view
of pueblos
the romantic
Clearly,
and

cohesive

consensus-based

collectivities

can be sustained only from a distance. Any


indigenous community will be riddled with
conflicts?some
but not

and

exclude

but
anything
as defined
tarian,

and

ridden

have
in mind

less

more

ex

conflicts

such

allies.

Other potential threats include a disrup


tive

the movement

within

stratification

within

the communities
to

granted

can

pueblos

and weaken

the po

We

close

by

suggesting

with

articulates

search
tional

has

and multicultural
America.

Debates

concerning

processes of modernity
duced
a

level,

global

or

arguments

compelling

whether

the

debates

have

peoples
on
over

both

sides.

whether

eth

ments
that

ethnonationalisms.

Indigenous

in Latin

however,

ethnic

mobilization

the

challenges

relations

international

Jackson

U.S.-centric

Comparative

have

of violence,

of

a remil

have
new

these

been

configu
insur

by armed

forces

on

the war

in

produced

counterinsurgent

the war

In Colombia,

populations

crossfire

of

effects

and

directed

policing

indigenous

in the

and

(military

and narcotraffickers.
land rights?continues

Territory?gaining
to be the
prime
goal

of

indigenous

organiza

tions. Successful campaigns for collective title,


most spectacularly the Awas Tingi decision in
elsewhere
encouragement
to understand
these

need
as

as well

the ways

and

jurisdiction

Ameri

Latin

fail to link?territorial
In Mexico,

pueblos.

re

the

vised 1994 proposal to establish regional au


communities

for ethnolinguistic

tonomy

important

Many

does

research

present

opportunities
on violent

conflicts

that involve pueblos. Indigenous people have


internal

and

international

refugees,

facing life in refugee camps and employment


their

outside
tained

close

countries.

connections

have

Many
with

main

their homelands

and remitted earnings to their families and


asporas,
formations

genuine

for

themselves

community

suggest

foster

development
some
youths
of violence,

In these

projects.
have

experienced

like U.S.

urban

di
new

gangs,

and have introduced gangs into rural Latin

line of comparative

Another

S66

can

move

democratization.

grassroots

America.

America,

and

caught

become

pro

nic mobilizing has helped or hindered democ


ratization have often emphasized divisive and
violent

drugs,

America.

state

of

the

drugs

mentioned.

in Latin

and globalization have

meanings

homogenized

clearly

community

national politics

advisers

contributions,
on

not link it to actual territory; only the right of


pueblos to decide their destiny as peoples is

interna

activism
Indigenous
in
active
role
shaping

an

re

American

issues.

played

On

first

important

in Latin

military

can countries link?or

promis
area

especially
The

terrorism

processes,

sition of subordinates (Stavenhagen 2002).


research
directions.
ing future
concerns
in which
Latin
ways

on

provide
Nicaragua,
in the region. We

"Rights"
sectors

the

strengthen

power

possessing

already

and

themselves.

policies

by

and economic

valuable

investigations
like the war on

paramilitary),

to ei

or their
nonindigenous

the pueblos

also makes

on

brought

political

U.S.

gents,

upper

pueblo's
not at all evident

is often

tensions

example,

rations

who

interest

given

recent

for

itarization

are no

to enemies

ammunition

giving

do not

values

the more

U.S.

egali
in the West.

certainly

to represent

How

clusionary.)
without

and
are

that

or

valorized

and

It

actions

and

provides

in specific situations. Research

the Cold War,


into

different

America

pressures

that

members.

democratic,

fair,

institutions

(Western
conflict

most

values

display

are

ther

some

and marginalize
in short,

will,

hierar

mechanisms

decision-malting

histo
regional
crucial
analyses
out of
of the playing
transforma
geopolitical
as
the end of
such
the
of
tions,
consequences
and

in Latin

waves of neoliberal

resolved

as factions,

well

forgotten?as

chies,

and others

ongoing

cial movements

ries

scholarship

perspective
on
Latin
research
research

on

new

of

so

American

towns.

the

Given

sustained

periods

of state violence and armed conflict in Latin


America,

tigate

researchers

indigenous

Warren

This content downloaded from 168.176.5.118 on Sat, 7 Mar 2015 18:48:09 PM


All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

are

beginning

experiences

to inves

of individual

and collective healing,


of

former

the reincorporation
into

combatants

ties, and the impact of internationally bro


kered

peace

and

processes

commis

truth

sions (or lack of these processes) on postwar


reforms

economic

have

state

been

accompanied by innovative utilization of pri


vate
sumed

ests,

important

about

the

degree
on

exert

tions

social

national
cratic

We

persuasions.

of

control

these

community

Serious

governance.

problems

curwhen international NGOs


manitarianism,

move

development

on

to new

when
own

come

have

are

they

to

profit
ture

to

examine

tivism
a

of

kinds

remittance
and

of funds

from

the new

ways

state

of work

forms

issue is whether

find

The

altogether.

movements

other

or distance

themselves
younger

category,
heterogeneous
see
and
opportunities

which
into

cul
com

diasporic

nontraditional

At

activism,

compelling,

customers.
Research

numer

the

consumer

of

importance

growing

nous

their

indigenous
to restruc
new

con

this

indigenous
youth will follow existing forms of indige

example,

be forced
attract

on

research

that

approaches

for NGOs.

non

may

services

For

current

the

munities,

leaving

to generate

expenses,

organizations
their

on.

depend

compelled

operating

the
ture,

bereft of support

indigenous organizations
they

projects.

logging

is indigenous
activism,
youth
especially important given the
between
rich and poor, and
gaps
growing

and

crises

inter

by capitalist

A final research frontier

engaged in hu

reconstruction,

postwar

to

resistance

sexualized.

oc

often

is sponsored

as are

organiza

regional
state demo

and

movements,

projects
such as

is research

welcome
pueblo

ous ways all identities are gendered and often

and

life,

in which

stellation of topics is enormously promising,

more

to know

need

Also

situations

mestizaje,

process has involved transnational NGOs in


subscribing to a variety of political and re
ligious

programs,

Although we have not discussed race and

as
that have
companies
state
A similar
functions.

international

of tendencies.

versity
into

development.
Neoliberal

state

resist

is another fruitful direction, as iswork on de


entity.
mystifying the state as a monolithic
Such investigations reveal agencies with a di

communi

their

communities

digenous

very

agencies

compete with each other, at times helping in

different

cultural

and

more
from

ac
is

generation

the members
constraints
economic

of
from

vantage

points.

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