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Political Assassinations in Kenya

Political

Assassinations
in

K e n y a

C h r is

Kumekucha
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Political Assassinations in Kenya

First published in 2011 by Kumekucha


This edition published in 2010 by Kumekucha

Copyright Kumekucha 2011

c
All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this
publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of
this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with
written permission.

Kumekucha Email: umissedthis@yahoo.com

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Dedication
My dad, who taught me politics

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CONTENTS
Introduction.........................................................................Pg 7
Chapter one: Pio Gama Pinto.........................................Pg 8
Chapter Two: Tom Mboya......................................Pg 17
Chapter Three: State Security Murderers..............Pg 34
Chapter Four: JM Kariuki.....................................Pg 43
Chapter Five: Mr Fix it Njoroge Mungai................Pg 49
Chapter Six: Robert Ouko.....................................Pg 60
Chapter Seven: Masinde Muliro...........................Pg 92

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Introduction
Shortly before the new Kenyan constitution was promulgated in
August 2010 a friend quipped in my hearing that constitutions
are often written in blood.
How true. For our beloved motherland to reach where it has
many Kenyans have had to lose their lives fighting for a better
Kenya. In this book I focus on four who in my view were the most
important. And in doing this I acknowledge that there were many
others who have gotten killed just because of their politics. I did
not leave them out because their deaths did not matter. On the
contrary their blood is
I have written this book in simple English and in a style I hope is
entertaining and easy to read. All this because my wish is that as
many Kenyans as possible read this book so that we never forget
where we have come from.
That way we will never lose track of where we are going.
Chris Kumekucha.

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Chapter One:
Pio Gama Pinto

The first political assassination happened in Kenya when the


country was barely 2 years old.
It was a scene straight out of the movies.
The backdrop was early morning, February 25, 1965 and Pio
Gama Pinto hurriedly finished his breakfast and hurried to his
car with his 6 year old daughter. He was going to drop her in
school on his way to work.
He reversed his Volkswagen Beetle out of his driveway which was
situated around where Sarit Centre stands today in Westlands
Nairobi. Eye witnesses say that somebody who was standing at

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Pio Gama Pinto

the gate suddenly called out his name and as Pinto looked he was
shot at close range. He died on the spot.
We now know that an innocent man called Kisilu Mutua was
arrested and charged for Pintos murder and sentenced to life
imprisonment. He was released shortly after Mwai Kibaki took
over power in 2003 and used his then immense powers to grant
him a presidential pardon. It was clear that like many observers
the third president of Kenya was convinced of the mans
innocence.
In retrospect this was the very first major political assassination
and it was a real mystery. Nobody could quite figure out what had
happened. But as the years rolled on the dark shadowy figures
behind Pintos death begun to emerge. They got cocky and sure of
themselves as they felled one Kenyan after another. Impunity

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grew to the point where it could no longer remain hidden in the
shadows.
Early Life
But let us take a brief look at the life of Pio Gama Pinto before we
discover why he had to stop an assassins bullet.
At the age of eight, he was sent from Kenya to India for his
education and spent the next nine years there. He studied the
arts for two years before joining the Indian Air Force in 1944 for
a short time. When seventeen, he started agitating against the
system which kept so many people of Goa in poverty.
In 1949 he returned to Kenya and, after a succession of clerical
jobs, became involved in the local politics aimed at overthrowing
colonialism. Kenya at that time was still under British rule. He
turned to journalism and worked with the Colonial Times and the
Daily Chronicle. In 1954, five months after his marriage, he was
rounded up in the notorious Operation Anvil and spent the next
four years in detention on Manda Island. He was kept in
restriction from early 1958 until October 1959 at the remote
Kabarnet.
In 1960 he founded the Kenya African National Union (KANU)
newspaper Sauti Ya KANU, and later, Pan African Press, of which
he subsequently became Director and Secretary. He was actively
involved in the 1961 Elections and contributed immensely to the
KANU victory. In 1963 he was elected a Member of the Central
Legislative Assembly. In July 1964, he was appointed a Specially

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Elected Member of the House of Representatives. Also in 1964,
he worked late hours to establish the Lumumba Institute, which
was principally used to train Party Officials. He was a member of
the Board of Governors and took keen interest in its functions.
Assassination
In Nairobi, on February 25, 1965, Pinto was shot down at close
range while reversing from his driveway. He was with his
daughter in his car at the time of his killing.
Pinto was survived by his wife, Emma; his eldest daughter, Linda,
age six; the second, Malusha, age four and a half; and the
youngest, Tereshka, one and a half years old.
In the course of working on my Kumekucha blog I came across
some fascinating information that clearly explains why Pinto was
killed and those behind his assassination.
Both Tom Mboya and Pio Gama Pinto feared for their lives and
suspected that they would be killed a few weeks before their
deaths.
Fascinatingly, a week before Pintos murder Mboya warned Pinto
that he would be assassinated, according to my impeccable
source. This information shocked me because Pintos murder has
always been a mystery and Mboyas name has even been
mentioned as one of the people in the then powerful Kanu
Kenyatta camp that sanctioned the assassination. The theory
went that since Mboya supported the Americans and Pinto was

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left leaning and together with Jaramogi Oginga Odinga were
close to the Russians, Mboya decided to get rid of him. This
theory has never made any sense. What was the motive?
My source says that Mboya told Pinto that despite their
ideological differences Pinto needed to get out of the country
because he was going to be killed. Mboya said that it was not in
his power to prevent this happening. Pintos response was to ask
Mboya why he was warning him. Mboya then said that he could
not keep quiet about such a thing. Sadly Pinto did not believe
that Kenyattas inner circle were capable of murder. He told
Mboya that his assassination would cause too much of an uproar
in the country. Mboya insisted that they were still going to do it.
But even more shocking are revelations of a confrontation
between Pinto and Kenyatta in parliament buildings shortly
before Pinto was warned by Mboya. (Few people know that Pinto
and Kenyatta had a long history. Right from the days when
Kenyatta was detained, Pinto used to run errands for him and
fund raise for him as well). Pinto had discovered that Kenyatta
had allocated himself a total of 50 farms in Central province and
Rift valley. Some of the farms had poor Kikuyu squatters who
were to be evicted. Others were farms that had been owned by
whites and sold back to the Kenyan government. Pinto was
incensed by this and despite making overtures to Kenyatta not to
go ahead with the evil he was doing, Kenyatta adamantly stuck to
his guns. Pinto decided to move a vote of no confidence in
Kenyatta. Kenyatta confronted him within the precincts of
parliament and challenged him over his planned censure motion
against Kenyatta. When Pinto refused to back down Kenyatta

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called him a bastard to which Pinto immediately responded by
telling Kenyatta in front of witnesses and other cabinet ministers
that he (Kenyatta) was also a bastard. A stunned friend pulled
Pinto aside and asked him how he could call Kenyatta a bastard
to which Pinto retorted, he called me one first. It was shortly
after this incident that the decision was made to kill Pinto.
Jaramogi Oginga Odinga had arranged for Pinto to hide in
Mombasa and if necessary sneak out of the country from there.
However Joseph Murumbi (who was to be appointed Vice
President later that year) heard about this and said it was not
possible for Kenyatta to kill Pinto. He promised to speak to
Kenyatta himself and diffuse the situation. He told Odinga to put
Pinto on the train back to Nairobi and pick him up from the
station.
The day of Pintos death he was to move the motion in the
afternoon session. Two fiat cars drew up at his house that
morning. They were both taxis. The drivers had been paid Kshs
7,000 each to do the job. There were plain clothes CID officers
with them in the car to ensure their escape. Pinto was killed in
cold blood. It has never been revealed before but it was the
realization that Pintos assassination had been carried out by
Kenyatta insiders that led to the resignation of Joseph Murumbi
as Vice President. (More on Murumbi in a minute).
Some months later a friend of Pintos got a phone call from a
man who claimed he knew Pintos killers. They agreed to meet.
The man said he was a taxi driver and knew who had pulled the

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trigger. They (Pintos friend and the taxi driver) then went to a
brothel where the man said the killer frequented. He said he
always wore a red shirt. Some time later the man came out of the
brothel somewhere in Westlands. The man surprisingly admitted
to being the killer. He said that some CID officers had
approached him for a job and had paid him Kshs 7,000. He
argued that it was so much money for a poor man in those days
that he quickly agreed.
My informant confirmed that the main instigator of the
assassination within the Kenyatta kitchen cabinet was one
Njoroge Mungai, an MP, the presidents nephew and personal
physician. He was called Mr Fix it by his colleagues within the
dreaded inner circle of President Kenyatta. This mans name was
to come up again in Tom Mboyas assassination later as we shall
see. This group that surrounded Kenyas first president was also
referred to as the Kiambu mafia because they all hailed from
Kiambu where Kenyatta came from.
Who was Joseph Murumbi? Very little is known about Kenyas
second vice president. There is even a huge mystery surrounding
the circumstances that led to his abrupt resignation after serving
for only a few months in office. This article unearths some
fascinating revelations about the man.
After Jaramogi Oginga Odinga resigned from the Kenyatta
administration (actually he was forced out without being told
directly to leave by political frustration and pressure

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masterminded by one Tom Mboya) Kenyatta appointed Joseph
Zuzarte Murumbi as vice president.
Kenyas second Vice President was a fascinating character and it
is said that too little has been written about him (partly due to
the fact that the man kept his mouth firmly shut until his death
in 1990 at the age of 79.) He was the offspring of a Goan trader
and a Maasai mother but spent the first 16 years of his life in
India. After that he travelled the world extensively and at one
time worked in London as press and tourist officer in the
Moroccan embassy.
Mystery has always surrounded Murumbis sudden resignation
on August 31st 1966 after serving as VP for only 15 months. The
truth is that it had a lot to do with disillusionment for one who
had very high ideals when giving themselves to serving their
beloved motherland.
To understand the whole scenario better, picture a typical
Kenyan today in the Diaspora who gets a chance to get involved
in the politics of their homeland after years of working abroad.
That kind of person is bound to be extremely patriotic and eager
to do good for their country. They are also likely to be very
idealistic in their approach to things. Now you can begin to
understand the disillusionment Murumbi must have encountered
as VP to a president who together with equally bloodthirsty
selfish individuals surrounding him were amassing land and
wealth like there was no tomorrow. But the final straw for
Murumbi was probably the discovery (years after it had

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happened) that his close friend Pio Gama Pinto had been
murdered by the Kiambu mafia and that he was partly
responsible for that death by confidently calling him out of hiding
(as we saw in an earlier chapter of this book).
Lawyer Pheroze Nowrojee agrees and says; The assassination of
Pinto illustrated to Murumbi the shocking extent to which the
new government had departed from its promises. His feeling,
evidently, was that these were not the values for which so many
had suffered, and (from then on) his departure was effectively
only a matter of time.
Pinto was assassinated on February 25th 1965 and Murumbi was
not VP at the time. So what is meant here is that Murumbi was
already disillusioned with the Kenyatta government before his
appointment as VP and probably thought that he would change
things as the second in command. It is also possible that
Murumbi would not have known for sure who ordered the hit on
Pinto until he had served several months as Vice President where
he was bound to come across a lot more privileged information
than an ordinary minister would ordinarily have access to.

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Chapter Two
Tom Mboya

The day I was working on this chapter of the book, I saw in the
news that a magnificent statue of Tom Mboya had been erected
in central Nairobi actually 50 metres away from where Mboya
had been shot on July 5th 1969 at about 1 pm.
At long last!!!!
So if you are in Nairobi you can look at this monument in honour
of one of the truly great sons of Kenya. It is right outside
Standard Chattered Bank head office on Moi Avenue.
Thomas Odhiambo Mboya was born on August 15, 1930 in
Kilima Mbogo, near Thika town in what was called the White
Highlands of Kenya to a sisal picker from Mbita in Nyanza.

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Tom Mboya

From this humble beginnings Mboya rose to be one of the


founding fathers of the Kenyan nation and the main brains
behind the successful push for independence.
Staring out in the Trade Union movement, Mboyas
organizational skills were immediately evident, more so under
the very difficult conditions of the time. From a disorganized
almost non-existent movement Mboya ultimately changed the
face of trade unionism at the time within a very short time. He
increased membership dramatically and introduced effective
representation for the first time for many downtrodden,
mistreated African workers at the time.
It was within the trade unions that he developed his public
speaking skills and confirmed his amazing organizational skills
that were to serve him well in his political career later.

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The state of emergency had been declared in 1952. It remained in
1957 long after the colonial administration had ruthlessly
clamped down on the Mau Mau, basically a group that was
fighting for the return of their land taken over by European
settlers (and not independence as is widely claimed).
In fact by 1957 when elections were held that would see the first 8
Africans join Legco (the Legislative council or parliament of the
time), members of the Gikuyu, Embu and Meru tribes were not
allowed to take part in any political association unless they
obtained a loyalty certificate. These were the communities that
had been most active in Mau Mau and the fight for their ancestral
land to be given back.
What is important here is not the way Mboya brilliantly beat an
older, married and much more famous man in lawyer Arwings
Khodhek, or the fact that most of the voters were from the
Kikuyu tribe and still shunned their own Munyua Waiyaki, who
was also in the race, and chose Mboya instead. It was mainly that
the youngest politician was able to quickly send a telegraph to
each of the other 7 African elected leaders as the results came in.
Nairobi as always was announced first but the other territories
took time.
The only two names of the other elected leaders in March 1957
that will make sense to most Kenyans today are those of Daniel
Arap Moi and Jaramogi Oginga Odinga (Raila Odingas father).
In his congratulatory telegram, Mboya invited them to a meeting
in Nairobi. This single act did more than anything else to bring

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independence to Kenya, for a simple reason. The 8 leaders were
able to map out a strategy on their approach in the Legco that
would see them reject the two 3,500 sterling pounds a year
ministerial post offers. Thanks to Mboya and despite endless
difficulties, the 8 remained united and speaking in one voice (at
least most of the time).
One of the first things that the newly elected African leaders
asked for, was more representation in Legco, since Africans were
the majority in the country anyway. They asked for another 15
elected members in Legco.
Right up to independence the brains behind the African
leaders strategy was Tom Mboya. In 1957, when Mboya was
elected into Legco, he was only 27 years old. Imagine a youngster,
not yet 30 leading the fight for independence?
Naturally some people did not take it kindly. In fact some people
within the 8 African leaders in Legco were naturally very jealous
of the young man. Mboyas biographer David Goldsworthy
paints a perfect picture of the situation then. He clearly points
out in his book Tom Mboya the man Kenya wanted to forget
that Mboya was young ambitious, brilliant and proud and yet the
likes of Oginga Odinga who hailed from the same tribe was
continuously being upstaged and outsmarted by the youngster.
The older man felt that he deserved some respect from the
youngster.
Coming out of the London constitutional conference of 1960, as
Mboya made the cover of Time, it was clear in the eyes of many

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that this youngster (just 30 then) was the front runner to be the
first President of Kenya. Jomo Kenyatta was still languishing in
jail. This is what a leading British newspaper had to say about
Mboya and Kenyatta at the time.
As a thoroughly modern African, Mboya is often compared with
Jomo Kenyatta. Even those who consider Kenyata guiltless of any
connection with Mau mau have noted that he (Kenyatta)
passionately defended some irrational beliefs of the kikuyu tribe.
He justified female circumcision in his book, Facing Mount
Kenya. But Mboya has no respect for any of the traditions of
tribalism.
Then Odinga struck. He issued a statement to the press saying
that the African leaders wanted the release of Kenyatta before
independence. Rather than having a love for Kenyatta, this
statement was a political move targeted directly at Mboya. As an
African leader representing cosmopolitan Nairobi, the majority
of his votes came from the Kikuyu. Mboya knew that any
statement that was vaguely not in sync with that of Odinga on
Kenyatta would be political suicide for him.
So to cut a long story short, Kenyas first president (and all other
presidents after him to date) was a compromise candidate.
Kenyatta was released from detention on 22 August 1961.
Still Mboya had everything going for him. He was a young,
ambitious and brilliant politician who had almost singlehandedly master-minded the non-violent fight for Uhuru. It

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appeared that time was on his side. But sadly fate had other
ideas.
David Goldsworthy in his epic book, Tom Mboya: The Man
Kenya Wanted To Forget points out that Mboyas American
fiends had offered him extra security months before his
assassination, which he declined. It is clear that it was felt that
his security was a joke.
Why did Mboya not seem to be scared for his own life? The truth
is that Mboya was very worried for his life and told a number of
close friends that his life was in danger. Why then did he not
accept the extra body guards and strengthen his security? This is
a mystery that will probably never be solved.
Still there is no denying that Mboya was a very brave man
indeed. Having launched his political career in the 1950s against
the dreaded colonial government, and survived, it seems that
both his past and the huge and growing national popularity he
enjoyed may have conspired to give him a false sense of security.
Mboya probably felt, quite rightly, that despite the governments
uneasiness with him, they would surely not dare take his life.
Those close to the Kenyatta administration had already started
using their position and power to accumulate vast wealth.
Impunity had already started rearing its ugly head in Kenya.
Mboya was a hindrance, because he could see what was
happening and he was also a smart political operator. Actually he

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was the only thing that stood between them and untold riches. To
make matters worse, there was general election slated for later in
the year (1969) and there were all sorts of rumours flying around.
Including one to the effect that Mboya would challenge President
Kenyatta for the presidency.
Then there was this issue that ironically was the very same on
that was destined to cause the murder of foreign minister Robert
Ouko 21 years later. Everybody knew that Mboya held a lot of
sway with the Americans and it was even believed that he was a
CIA operative. This blogger has found evidence that supports
this.
This influence he had with super power America, really unnerved
Kenyatta and his kitchen cabinet. Just three years earlier the
Americans had ruthlessly influenced things in Zaire (Democratic
Republic of Congo) and had brought their man Mobutu Sese
Seko to power, causing the assassination of charismatic Prime
Minister Patrice Lumumba. This had been done right under the
watchful eyes of other European powers like the French and the
Belgians who had longer associations with Zaire. Lumumbas
assassination was extremely brutal because his body was cut into
many small pieces which were then burnt. The idea was to leave
no trace of the man.
The Kenyan government was very close to its former colonial
master Britain and it did not take too much imagination to
picture the same sort of thing happening in Kenya. Congo was
extremely significant to the Americans because it was rich in

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minerals and more so because of one particular type of mineral
that was found in Congo Uranium. In the same way, Kenyas
position made it a very strategic place for the Americans in the
event of a war with the Soviets.
If the Congo situation were to be repeated in Kenya, there was no
doubting whom the Americans would favor for the presidency. It
had to be their own man Mboya.
Mboya probably made things worse for himself from the
efficiently clinical and ruthless methods he had used to consign
his nemesis Jaramogi Oginga Odinga to political oblivion.
The Kenyatta administration had used Mboya as independent
Kenyas first minister for constitutional affairs to water down the
Lancaster House Independence constitution by dismantling the
federal-like aspects in the document pushed through by rival
KADU at the constitutional talks in London. This was done while
transferring a lot of power to the presidency. One master stroke
of constitutional-changing genius Mboya forced Jaramogi out.
Mboya simply proposed a new party structure where the party
would have 8 vice presidents, one from each province. This
amendment sailed through and effectively wiped out the power
base of the then party vice president. Jaramogi resigned in a huff.
But Mboyas craftiness did not end there. Yet another
constitutional amendment, this time in parliament swiftly sailed
through requiring that any candidate who changed political
parties would have to seek fresh mandate from the people. This
amendment still haunts politicians in parliament to this day.
There is a particularly messy situation in parliament that

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emerged in 2004 where there were virtually no MPs left in the
original Narc which won an overwhelming victory in the last
general elections.
In early 1969, Jaramogi swiftly registered the KPU (Kenya
Peoples Union), but Mboya was a step ahead and was already
working on water-tight technicalities (a different one for every
popular KPU candidate) that would disqualify them at the
nomination process, leaving the Kanu candidates to sail through
to election victory.
The writing was clearly on the wall having Mboya as an
opponent in any political contest was just plain suicide. It was
clear that this was a very dangerous man indeed. Something had
to be done.
Kenyattas inner circle just had to find a way to deal with Mboya,
if they planned to stay in power so as to continue with the
rampant corruption and land grabbing.
This is the most plausible of all motives for the assassination of
Mboya
Kingsway House: Building In Nairobi That Holds Dark
Secrets
JMs torture and shooting happened here. My impeccable
sources insist that Mboyas assassination was also planned and
executed from this eerie building.

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Kingsway house still stands proudly at the corner of Muindi
Mbingu street and University way with one side facing the
University of Nairobi.
If buildings could speak, then this particular building would have
plenty to say from its rather notorious history. Especially the
side that houses offices which are accessed through a small door
that is easy to miss along Muindi Mbingu street.
This building once housed the notorious dreaded Special Branch
and what has happened here in the past would make the Nyayo
House torture chamber look like a kindergarten. It is said that
this is the building where the late JM Kariuki was tortured and
interrogated, even shot, before being killed and dumped at Ngong
Forest. That was sometime in early March 1975.
It is also believed to be the building where the assassination plot
that took the life of one of Kenyas most illustrious politicians,
Tom Mboya was planned. A prominent reader of Kumekucha
with a fascinating past, passed on this information to me Brief
inquires and research supported this amazing allegation. In later
years this building came to house Kenya Times, the Kanu daily
paper and I personally visited this building many times over the
years.
Im really not the superstitious type but there is something about
that building that can only be described as eerie, and that was the
feeling I used to get years ago before I even discovered any of this
particular buildings dark secrets of the past.

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One set of secrets that many Kenyans would have liked Kingsway
House to reveal, if buildings would talk, was the planning of
details that led to the assassination Of Tom Mboya.
There is plenty of evidence to suggest that whoever planned and
executed the murder of Mboya had access to impeccable
intelligence information. The day before Mboya was
assassinated; he arrived at the then main Embakassi
International airport from a conference he had been attending in
Addis Ababa Ethiopia. The Standard newspaper on the morning
of his assassination carried a photograph of Mboya arriving and
waving to somebody who must have been at the waving bay in
the airport. However, to have planned and executed this
assassination, the person or persons who plotted must have had
the information about Mboyas arrival back into the country, the
day before.
More significantly, they must have also been aware of the fact
that on most Saturdays Mboya would release his bodyguard and
drive himself around the city alone, as he did on that fateful
lunch time in 1969. Mboyas white Mercedes Benz was easily
distinguishable in the considerably lower traffic in Nairobi in
those days. It is highly likely that the killers were also aware that
he was a frequent visitor to Chaanis Chemists where on the
fateful day he had gone to purchase an ointment for a skin
ailment he had had for years.
Mboya was a creature of habit and that is one of the aspects that
cost him his life. Whilst it is possible that Mboyas killers
followed him to Chaanis chemist, it is more likely, from eye

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witness accounts at the time, that the assassin waited nearby
knowing very well that Mboya was on his way. There were no
mobile phones in those days, and therefore once again, this
minor detail in the whole execution of this murder points straight
at official involvement by persons with access to the
governments (more specifically, the government security
personnels) communication network.
Eyewitness account indicate that as Mboya was in the chemist a
short man with a balding head and a brief case could be seen
hanging around outside, as if he was window shopping. He
waited and the minute Mboya stepped out into the streets again,
there were two loud bangs and Kenyas minister for economic
planning fell backwards on the door to the chemist. He was
quickly whisked back inside the chemist by the couple inside who
had known him for years. They claim he said nothing before
losing consciousness before their very eyes.
It is even more significant that the assassination did not take
place in the more deserted areas of the city in the drive from
Jogoo House, where the Treasury and Mboyas office as Minister
for Economic Planning was then situated, To Government Road
where he was shot. Instead it took place in the much busier
Government Road (Moi Avenue today, next to the Standard Bank
headquarters). As usual this place was busy with the Saturday
lunchtime crowd and interestingly enough plenty of security
personnel, who arrived at the scene of the shooting within
moments of the incidence. If you get my drift, this was no
amateur job. It was a well-orchestrated, intricately planned well
executed assassination that had access to vast resources.

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It is instructive to note here that there had been an earlier
attempt on Mboyas life either early in 1969 or towards the end of
1968. A policeman guarding his house apparently went berserk
and emptied several bullets at his official vehicles back seat. But
Mboya was not in the vehicle at the time. The policeman was
later arrested and charged. The intricate planning and execution
of this second successful attempt seems to suggest that the
plotters were categorical that there should be no slip-ups this
second time.
Some people have suggested that there were some foreign powers
involved in his assassination. There is nothing to suggest this. In
fact the point where he was shot seems to point a finger straight
in the direction of the government of the day. It was like
somebody wanted this thing done as far away from government
offices as was possible. The Saturday lunchtime crowd was also
an advantage because in the confusion, the killer would quickly
get away (which he did).
There is even a theory that there was more than one gunman at
the scene on that day in July just in case the first gunman failed
to hit his mark.
All this detail are hidden away, probably forever in the dark
corners of Kingsway House, Nairobi.
5th July 1969. Kenya had recently celebrated its sixth
anniversary of internal self rule (Madaraka day) the previous
month on June 1st. Kenyans were optimistic in those years and
were working hard to build their young nation and ensure a

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better future for their children. Little did they know that there
were serious problems and infighting amongst their key rulers
which was about to explode on the streets this sunny afternoon.
It was a Saturday like any other in the city centre in Nairobi.
Nairobi in those days was a neat nice place to be proud of and the
overcrowded bustling streets were yet to come. It was lunch time
and Kenyans were going about their business unaware of the fact
that the history of their country was about to be irreversibly
changed in a very dramatic and bloody way.
Minister of Economic Planning and MP for Bahati, a Nairobi
constituency Tom Mboya left his office for the weekend. He
released his driver and body guard and headed for Chaanis
chemist along Government Street (Moi Avenue today) driving his
white Mercedes. This chemist is still there today.
If he was carrying the days newspapers (like he liked to do) he
would have had a copy of the East African Standard with him. On
this broadsheet (it was a huge newspaper in those days and only
got reduced to the tabloid size many years later) there was a
photograph of him on page 1. It showed him striding confidently
along the runway at Embakasi International airport where he had
landed from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. He had been there on official
business.
As he parked the car, he would not have noticed a short bald man
with a brief case walking slowly towards the chemist where the
cabinet minister was about to enter. He bought his usual

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prescription medicine for a nagging skin ailment and had a
hearty chat with the Asian couple who owned the chemist. He
had known them for years.
Outside the bald man in a brief case waited.
Mboya stepped outside the chemist and there were two extremely
loud bangs of a revolver going off. Tom Mboya fell back on the
glass door of the chemist. Blood oozing out of his fatal wounds in
the chest and head.
He was rushed to Nairobi hospital in an ambulance but was
pronounced dead shortly after arrival. By about 3pm that
afternoon the remains of Tom Mboya were in the City Mortuary
along Ngong Road.
The country was in shock. Who had killed Mboya and why? A
state funeral was quickly organized even as violence broke out on
the streets of Nairobi, President Jomo Kenyatta personally issued
a statement on radio and TV saying the usual things. No stone
would be left unturned to bring Mboyas killers to book and the
other usual stuff about the dead man being a fallen hero and all.
He lied to the whole nation when he knew very well exactly who
was responsible for Mboyas brutal killing and more importantly
why he had been murdered. Or rather the personal cause for
which he had had to lose his life.
Ironically probably the only man of Kikuyu descent who was
allowed to set foot on Rusinga Island to attend the Mboya funeral
the following weekend was another Kenyan by the name of

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Josiah Mwangi Kariuki or JM Kariuki. He had been Kenyattas
private secretary before he fell out with the old man. He did not
know it but barely six years later he would also be assassinated,
for the same cause that his good friend Tom Mboya had just died
for. His murder would be much more painful and he would have
his private parts cut out (it is widely believed that this was done
while he was still alive). His body would be found badly burnt by
acid and with his private parts stuffed into his mouth. A clear
message that he was silenced for something he said.
So Mboya rested with his ancestors on Rusinga Island. Death had
come too early, he was not yet even quite 40 yet. But what a
brilliant political career he had had in his very short life. In fact
he had almost become the first President and founding father of
Kenya. Almost... Sadly almost is never good enough and that is
why this man is basically forgotten. Younger generations of
Kenya do not know who the hell he was. They just know he got
shot in the streets.
All this was of course deliberate and that is why the only full
biography ever written on Mboya by a man who never met him a
professor from University In Australia is titled, Tom Mboya the man Kenya wanted to forget. David Goldsworthys book was
published in the 80s after Kenyattas death in 1978.
The Kenya of that time or rather the leaders of the time were
determined that Kenya should forget TJ as quickly as possible.
Two new presidents have come since that beastly incident - Moi
came and went and now Kibaki is president.

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Mboya was survived by his wife, Pamela Mboya and their five
children, including daughters Maureen Odero, a high court judge
in Mombasa, and Susan Mboya, a Coca-Cola executive who
continues the education airlift program initiated by Tom Mboya.
Their sons are Luke and twin brothers Peter (died in 2004 in a
motorcycle accident) and Patrick (died aged four). After Toms
death, Pamela had one child, Tom Mboya Jr., with Alphonse
Okuku, the brother of Tom Mboya. Pamela died of an illness in
January 2009 while seeking treatment in South Africa.

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Chapter Three:
State Security
Murderers
When Kenya became independent we inherited a system that
relied heavily on intelligence gathering from the British colonial
masters. The British have always been known for their efficient
intelligence services built over many decades. Its chief aim has
always been to protect her majestys interests. It took a very
short time for the young Kenyan nation to re-focus this
intelligence network towards the protection of the Presidents
interests. As I said earlier, because of the power vested in the
presidency by the Kenyan constitution then, anything that
touches on the presidents interests is a matter of state security.
To this day, President Kibaki gets security briefings on a regular
basis.

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To understand political assassinations well you must understand
what security of the state means in a country like Kenya. For this
reason it is imperative to focus on the assassination of popular
Nyandarua North MP Josiah Mwangi Kariuki, better known as
JM Kariuki.
It is ironic that the main action of both JMs murder and that of
Tom Mboya took place within metres of each other in the city
centre in Nairobi. Mboya was shot outside Chaanis Chemists
which still stands right next to the Standard Bank headquarters.
You can clearly see the location when you stand outside the
Hilton Hotel right across the street. The Hilton hotel is the place
where JM Kariuki was last seen alive in the company of the then
GSU commandant Ben Gethi. The two men entered a car and
drove away. We now know that they went to Kingsway House
where JM was tortured and shot in the arm in a curious incident.
It is reliably said that JM lost his temper when he was being
questioned about some cash donated to the Mau mau that was
entrusted to him. The MP happened to be carrying a firearm on
him (even in the interrogation room) which he drew but Ben
Gethi was faster on the draw and got to his weapon first and fired
at JMs arm to disarm him. The MP did not lose consciousness
but started bleeding profusely from the gunshot wound on his
arm.
Later he was dismembered, and dumbed on the edge of the
Ngong Forest in the outskirts of Nairobi where a Maasai
herdsboy found the body days after he had been reported
missing.

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So who was this Ben Gethi guy and what did the GSU have to do
with state security matters?
It is said that Ben Gethi was related in some way to president
Kenyatta and was therefore one of his most trusted lieutenants.
In retrospect it becomes a little clearer why he was such a high
profile GSU commandant. It appears to have been a cover of
some sort for his real role in government at that time. Gethi was
very well trained by none other than the Israelis. He played a
very important role in putting together the crack paramilitary
GSU which appears to have been a crack extra presidential guard
unit at the time. GSU stands for General Service Unit. To put it in
the words of our reader, Gethi was at the tip of the spear that was
state security in the Kenyatta era.
In view of this, It is very clear that Gethi must have known
something about the planning and execution of the Mboya
assassination. This writer now has reason to believe that the
whole plot revolved around him and Kenyattas inner cabinet,
including the likes of Mbiyu Koinange. In fact the description
given of the man seen by eyewitnesses gunning down Mboya, fits
that of Ben Gethi himself. And Gethi actually resembled the
convicted killer of Mboya, one Nahashon Njenga. Let us avoid
speculation here, but it is important to note that the operation to
assassinate Mboya was intricately planned and required
somebody with a lot of experience in using firearms (we have
already seen how Gethi beat JM to the draw easily and fired
accurately at his arm). Just try and imagine for a moment what

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the implications of a failed assassination attempt on Mboyas life
would have been at the time? It would have without doubt
brought down President Kenyattas 6 year old government at best
or brought about violent chaos and killings. Also the fact that two
shots were fired at close range tells you that the idea here was to
ensure that Mboyas chances of survival were nil. Those shots
were too accurate, fired by a professional. This profile
unfortunately does not fit Nahashon Njenga, a Kanu political
activist linked to the youth wing whom Mboya knew well.
It is now crystal clear that Gethi was part and parcel of the team
that were involved with state security at the time, the team that
would have had to find a solution to the Mboya threat. Gethi
played the important role of both foot soldier and co-ordinator
amongst the various security organs that were involved.
Ironically one of the chief investigators of the Mboya murder,
was one Ignatius Nderi. Nderi was destined to be the CID
director when the next major political assassination took place
with the murder of JM kariuki.
Gethi was of course taking his orders from above. Many refer to
Minister of State in the office of the President who was clearly in
charge of internal security then, Mbiyu Koiunange. In receiving
the JM report from the parliamentary select committee President
Kenyatta insisted that Mr Koinanges name be removed from the
report.
To date nobody has been brought on trial for JMs murder and
neither has the mystery of the big man Njenga kept on referring

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to as the one who ordered the hit on Mboya, ever been solved.
But you can fill in the dots.
Some cold cases (unsolved murders) have a way of almost
resolving themselves with the benefit of hindsight. Hindsight is
like a birds eye view. By looking at the whole picture or getting a
birds eye view of the situation one is able to put the pieces of the
jigsaw puzzle together much more easily.
For a long time now, I have carefully studied all the evidence
linked to the Mboya murder. The JM and Ouko case were a little
too obvious and to date these are virtually solved cases, the only
problem is that the perpetrators have not been brought to book.
The recent Standard newspapers raid, the Ouko murder, the
brutal JM killing and the Mboya assassination all have one thing
in common. All were matters of internal security or security of
the state and were handled as such. When you understand this
simple fact all the pieces of the jigsaw puzzle fall very neatly into
place.
I have just been studying details of all four cases once again and
they all bear uncanny resemblance. Before we go into that it may
be a good idea to define national security (state security, internal
security, they all mean the same thing).
Here is what the online encyclopedia Wikipedia has to say;
National security refers to the public policy of maintaining the
integrity and survival of the nation-state through the use of

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economic, military and political power and the exercise of
diplomacy, in times of peace and war.
Measures taken to ensure national security include:
using diplomacy to rally allies and isolate threats
maintaining effective armed forces
using intelligence services to detect and defeat or avoid threats
and espionage, and to protect classified information
I want you to take careful note of the third point mentioned. To
defeat and avoid threats. To protect classified information. All
three assassinated Kenyans were seen as threats. Threats to the
presidency and therefore threats to national security (more on
that later).
Ouko was murdered after a controversial trip to the United States
where it is rumoured that he had easier access to the then US
President George Bush Senior than did President Moi. That was a
threat to National security.
JM Kariuki was never the same person after the death of his close
friend Tom Mboya. It seems that the assassination so angered
him that he started agitating for change. JM started talking about
not wanting a Kenya where there were 10 millioniares and 10
million beggars. It is believed that he was referring to the persons
close to the then President Kenyatta who were using their
position to amass colossal amounts of wealth through
corruption. JM had been Kenyattas private secretary and must
have witnessed first hand the way the president was
accumulating land for himself like there was no tomorrow. It is
said that JM could even turn up at harambee meetings being

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presided over by the president and donate more money than the
president. Remember the threat to the internal security of King
Saul in Biblical times when the women sung that shepherd boy
David was killing tens of thousands but King Saul was killing only
thousands? And to think it was only a song.
The implication here was that JM was trying to prove in public
that he was better than the president. The guys he was dealing
with had already felled a Mugumo tree called Tom Mboya and
had no qualms doing the same with JM and this time, they
tortured him first. Even cutting out his private parts. We now
know that the same building where Mboyas murder was planned
and finalized as well as executed is the same building where JM
was taken in and tortured for hours on end.
What information were the security guys looking for by torturing
JM? A good guess is that they wanted to know what foreign
support he had. They had already decided to execute him and
were simply mining information out of him first.
Tom Mboya had been in line for the presidency when Jomo
Kenyatta was out of the picture and still in detention. Mboyas
greatest undoing and the reason why he was viewed as such a
huge threat to internal security was the fact that he was very
friendly with the Americans. In fact he had direct access to
American Presidents like John F. Kennedy and President
Johnson, who took over after Kennedy was assassinated. For
some unexplained reason, Mboya never really hit it off with
Richard Watergate Nixon, and must have turned in his grave

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when the Watergate scandal broke and brought down Nixons
presidency.
The Americans had just organized something in Zaire where
charismatic Patrice Lumumba had brutally been removed from
the picture and replaced by their darling, Mobuto Sese Seko. The
Americans could easily organize the same in Kenya. After all they
did not like the dominance of the British (who were very close to
the Kenyatta government.) This was the reason why Kenyatta
and the inner cabinet were so terrified of Mboya.
Were the British consulted on this one? It is very likely that they
were. Mboya as I have said was a Mugumo tree and the
government may have wanted reassurances that incase of any
serious backlash, they could count on the support of the British.
Here it is interesting to note that during Mboyas funeral service
at the Holy Family Basilica in Nairobi, President Kenyatta was
visibly so shaken (there was rioting going on outside, that was
how popular Mboya was) that he was unable to read the eulogy.
It was done for him by a cabinet minister and MP from Nyanza,
Mr Ayodo.
Now the big revelation here is the Standard raid. Here we have
the advantage that a cabinet minister admitted in public that it
was a matter of national security. Going by what has happened in
the past, chances are very high that whatever it is the Standard
newspapers were about to publish touched on (you guessed it)
the President. Now your guess is as good as mine as to what the
big issue was about exactly. Anglo-leasing? The Arturs? Who
knows.

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You will have noticed that internal security seems to mean the
same thing as presidential security. In young states in Africa, it
does. If you doubt it, look at what happened in Somalia.
Everybody cheered when strongman Siad Barre was overthrown,
but look what followed - chaos. To date order has not been
restored and there has been no peace.
Part of the problem is that there is too much power vested on the
presidency meaning that a threat to the presidency can truly be a
threat to the security of the state.

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Chapter Four:
JM Kariuki

Both Pio Gama Pinto and Tom Mboya had been shot. Any
investigator familiar with profiling in solving murder cases will
tell you that J.M. Kariukis killing was much more personal.
But why was it so personal? We shall attempt to answer that
question in this chapter.
J M Kariuki had obviously been tortured and although acid had
been poured over his body in an attempt to completely hide his
identity if his body was ever found, there were signs of torture on
his body. So badly burnt was he that his wife had to identify him
with a scar that was high up on his thigh. But most brutally of all
his private parts had been cut off. Many believe that this was
done when he was still alive.

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J.M. Kariuki

Early life
J. M. Kariuki was born in Kabati-ini town in Rift Valley province.
He was born to Kariuki Kigani and Mary Wanjiku. He was the
only boy in a family of five siblings. In 1938, he briefly enrolled in
Evansons Day School, but dropped out shortly due to lack of
school fees. He then started working for the settlers farm until
1946, when he won a bet in Nakuru Horse races. Using the bets
proceeds he then enrolled himself back to a string of schools and
was able to finish his primary school education in 1950. Later, he
joined Kings College in Ugandas Wakiso district for his
secondary education.

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Political life
J. M. Kariukis political life probably started in 1946 in earnest,
after listening to a Kenyatta speech denouncing the way colonial
government was handling the natives in a political rally. Its
however likely he was political earlier than that. His parents had
earlier on been forced to leave their home area, Chinga, located
in the Nyeri native reserve, back in 1928 to work in the white
highlands. There, they became squatters on a European settlers
farm and were expected, as was the case with other African
squatter families, to do the regular and seasonal jobs for wages.
Such a life trauma was certainly likely to have made him political.
While in Uganda for his secondary education, he closely followed
the struggles that local Kenyans were facing from the European
settlers. On 22 October 1952, he finished his secondary school
education and returned to Kenya. Shortly after that, Kenya was
placed under state of emergency by the new Governor, Sir Evelyn
Baring, and Kariuki joined the Mau Mau uprising. After Kariuki
took his oath, he started working as Mau Mau liaison officer
between Eldoret and Kisumu. He also helped in soliciting money,
boots and housing for Mau Mau. This led to his arrest in his
hotel, which was working as a front to his political work. He was
then detained in various camps (including Kowop and Langata)
from 1953 until his release, seven years later in 1960.
After his release, he managed to secure Kenyattas approval in
starting Nyeris Kenya African National Union (KANU) branch by
visiting him in detention. When Kenya became independent,

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Kariuki worked as Kenyattas private secretary between 1963 to
1969. In late 1960, Kariuki relationship with Kenyatta became
increasingly strained as Kariuki became increasingly vocal of
Kenyattas policy. Some of their disagreement were:
* Government corruption.
* The widening gap between rich and poor due to drought and
the oil shock of 1973.
* Deteriorating relations among East African Community
members.
* Unfair distribution of land: After independence, United
Kingdom government gave Kenyatta government funds to buy
back land from the white settlers and redistribute it back to the
natives. However, the land was never redistributed, but most of it
was handed over to Kenyatta and his close friends.
In 1974, he was elected as Nyandarwas Member of parliament
and became an assistant minister in the Kenyatta government
between 1974 and 1975.
That campaign was interesting and may have been what caused
the Kenyatta inner cabinet to make the decision to kill him. This
is because JM Kariuki was forbiddened to campaign and speak to
voters. The government feared quite rightly that he would speak
against the president and the land he had grabbed. And so all JM
did was print posters with his photograph and a caption that
said; If this man has done nothing for you, dont vote for him. He
won by a landslide.

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This was despite Kenyatta government pulling all strings at its
disposal to avoid his re-election as his popularity threatened to
overshadow the government of the day. He was last seen alive at
the Hilton Hotel, accompanied by Kenyattas bodyguard on
March 2, 1975. Several days later, Kariukis remains were found
by a Maasai herdsman, Musaita ole Tunda, in a thicket in the
Ngong Hills. His fingers had been chopped off and eyes gouged
out. His private parts had also been removed and stuffed in his
mouth.
Kariuki wrote Mau Mau Detainee, an account of his experience
in camps during the uprising that lead to Kenyas independence.
Quotes
* Kenya has become a nation of 10 millionaires and 10 million
beggars.
* Every Kenyan man, woman and child is entitled to a decent
and just living. That is a birthright. It is not a privilege. He is
entitled as far as is humanly possible to equal educational, job
and health opportunities irrespective of his parentage, race or
creed or his area of origin in this land. If that is so, deliberate
efforts should be made to eliminate all obstacles that today stand
in the way of this just goal. That is the primary task of the
machinery called Government: our Government.
* We fought for independence with sweat, blood and our lives.
Many of us suffered for inordinate days directly and indirectly.
Many of us are orphans, widows and children as a result of the

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struggle. We must ask: What did we suffer for, and were we
justified in that suffering?
Death Investigation
A Parliamentary Select Committee was immediately established
to investigate the circumstances surrounding Kariukis murder.
The Committees report implicated a senior police officer,
Joginder Singh Sokhi, senior administrative officers and
politicians, but no one was ever punished. It is most likely that
the committee was the means used by Kenyattas government to
mitigate a potential revolt. When the report was finally released,
the anger had subsided and likelihood of revolt much lower.

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Chapter Five:
Mr Fix it, Dr
Njoroge Mungai
I can already see myself inspecting a guard of honour.
Those were the words of a man who never became president but
deeply desired to become the occupant of State House. They were
confidently spoken in the mid seventies as President Kenyattas
health deteriorated as he drifted in and out of frequent comas.
The man who spoke those words is still alive today and his name
is Njoroge Mungai. The Stanford trained medical doctor who was
so ambitious that legend has it that he one day asked the aging
president to declare him heir apparent, was also a nephew to
founding father Mzee Jomo Kenyatta.

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Dr Njoroge Mungai
in a recent photo

In any event by the time Kenyatta died in 1978, peacefully in his


sleep, it looked like nothing could stop another Kiambu Kikuyu
ascending to the presidency and that is exactly how the
authoritative Time magazine analyzed it. Even when Moi took
over in an acting capacity, most analysts agreed he was simply a
passing cloud. They all put their money on the ruthless but smart
Dr Njoroge Mungai.
In fact in the mid 70s an oath had been taken amongst those
close to president Kenyatta declaring that the presidency would
never cross River Chania. Crossing River Chania would mean
that the presidency would pass on to a Kikuyu from Nyeri. In
other words they were sure that the presidency would remain in
the Kikuyu community and so crossing the river Chania as the
only threat.

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Then things started happening. Charles Njonjo, himself highly


ambitious and after the presidency played his political cards well
and red-carded the powerful Njoroge Mingai to political oblivion.
Njonjo himself was later red-carded by Mois kitchen cabinet led
by the likes of Nicholas Biwott. The other powerful figure, Mbiyu
Koinange died shortly after President Kenyattas death.
But who is Njoroge Mungai?
The following article will give you a deep insight into the man. It
was first published at:
http://stanmed.stanford.edu/2006spring/mungai.html

Some call him one of the last of the freedom fighters, for
Mungai took part in the movement to free the East African
nation from British rule in the early 1960s and was part of the
governments inner circle in the first decades of independence.
Hes the guy who is responsible for keeping Kenya on a safe path
when all around us was falling down like Somalia, Sudan and
Uganda, recalls Colin Forbes, MD, a professor of pediatrics at
the University of Nairobi whom Mungai recruited to Kenya some
40 years ago. He had a dynamism about him that was typical of
the Americans of the 60s.
Today, Mungai, 79, lives in semi-retirement on the outskirts of
Nairobi, where he grows roses for export on his 45-acre farm. His

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home a two-storey red brick and stone structure with a threecar garage rises up at the end of a long, dusty road. A full-size,
stuffed lion, flanked by cheetah- and leopard-skin rugs, greets
visitors in the foyer.
Medicine and politics
Hes still an elegant, slender man, dressed in a gray wool suit and
striped tie and wearing black metal-rimmed glasses. In typical
Kenyan style, he eschews all serious questions until his guests
have something to drink orange, pineapple and apple juice,
served on a veranda that overlooks a vast open field and the
greenhouses that supply his business, Magana Flowers. (Magana
is his rarely used first name, Njoroge, his middle name.)
Mungai, Stanford medical school class of 1957, is believed to be
the first American-trained physician in Kenya. He has fond
memories of Stanford, where he was the only black in his medical
school class of 60 students and one of few blacks in Stanfords
entire undergraduate program, from which he graduated in 1952
with a degree in biology.
I learned many things at Stanford, he says, soft-spoken but
deliberate in his speech. I learned medicine at Stanford. I
learned politics at Stanford. And I learned mixing with all kinds
of people communicating with people from various parts of the
world.
His Stanford training prepared him to serve as Kenyas minister
of health and housing, overseeing the establishment of a health
infrastructure in the country. Later, he led the ministries of

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defense and internal security, foreign affairs, and environment
and natural resources.
Mungai is from a distinguished Kenyan family; he is the first
cousin of the late Jomo Kenyatta, a leader of the Mau Mau
rebellion and Kenyas legendary first president.
Still, Mungai came from humble roots. His father was a cook at
the local Presbyterian mission in Nairobi and later opened a
general merchandise store. Mungais parents encouraged him
and his five siblings to get an education; because the young
Mungai could read and write, he started doing odd jobs at the
local hospital after being treated there for a leg infection.
After high school, he wanted to study medicine in the United
States but couldnt get a passport from the British colonial
authorities. So he went to South Africa, where he got his degree
in hygiene from the University of South Africa. Still determined
to go to medical school, he left for London and from there made
his way to the United States on borrowed funds. He arrived in
San Francisco with 3 cents.
After a year as a Stanford undergraduate, when he completed the
pre-med requirements, he entered medical school on
scholarship. He was well-respected among his peers, who
recognized that he was not your ordinary medical student, says
classmate Al Hackel, MD, an emeritus professor of
anesthesiology and pediatrics at Stanford who would later room
with Mungai during their internships at New Yorks Kings County
Hospital. Mungai specialized in internal medicine.

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He was different very mature. He was a little older, and he


knew how to have a smile and laugh. We knew he was someone
special, and we took good care of him, Hackel says. He was a
very friendly, bright man who obviously had a different future
than the rest of us.
While Mungai was in California, there was trouble brewing back
home, as the insurgent group known as the Mau Mau was
engaged in what would become a bloody fight for Kenyas
independence. As a student, Mungai says he used to go to
Berkeley and other cities around the United States countering the
widespread British propaganda about the Mau Mau through talks
and demonstrations. After his training, he returned to Kenya at
the height of the conflict.
Kenya was in a state of emergency, and I couldnt just be a
doctor in a place where you have an emergency. You had no say,
no control, he says.
So he joined the political fray. If you have to get independence,
you have to soil your hands, dirty your hands in politics, he says.
Its not very clean, but you have to do it if you are going to get
anything.
He became secretary to the Kenya African National Union, which
was launched in 1960. It served as the countrys ruling party for
the next 40 years. He also traveled to Britain in 1960 to take part
in drafting the countrys new constitution, the same document
that is the source of much political strife in Kenya today.

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Mungai served as the personal physician to Kenyatta, who was
imprisoned by the British for seven years for his political
activities. Mungai visited Kenyatta during his time in prison,
where he found him to be suffering from malnutrition; Kenyatta
recovered after his release.
Mungais connection to Kenyatta pulled him into politics. When
Kenya declared independence in December 1963, the new
president tapped him for the health minister post.
At the time, few Kenyans had access to health care as most
hospitals were mission hospitals located in major cities, he wrote
in a 1964 article in Stanford MD, the medical schools alumni
magazine at that time. So he set about establishing a national
system of government-run hospitals in the countrys 74 local
districts a system that continues to this day.
Before becoming health minister, he also worked with private
interests to build a clinic and maternity hospital in Thika, as well
as a clinic in Riruta, both near Nairobi. To help counter the
countrys serious shortage of doctors, Mungai looked to the West
for a partner to help him start Kenyas first medical school, at the
University of Nairobi. He approached Stanford, among others,
and ended up inking an agreement with the medical school at
McGill University in Montreal, which supplied some 50 faculty
members to teach at the new African school. The medical school
opened in 1967. Today, it turns out 100 graduates each year.

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Mungai gave up the practice of medicine in 1964, as he turned his
attention to the world scene as the countrys minister of defense
and internal security and later, foreign affairs. Kenyatta preferred
to stay close to home, so Mungai represented Kenya abroad. His
dining room is peppered with pictures of him posing with foreign
dignitaries Britains Prince Charles and former Prime Minister
Margaret Thatcher, and Americas Ralph Bunche, the United
Nations diplomat and Nobel Peace Prize winner.
It was a time when the Cold War was at its peak, and though
African countries remained nonaligned, the continent was a
staging ground for many covert operations, he says. He
encountered spies from the Soviet Unions KGB, Israels Mossad,
Britains MI6 and everybody else. Hes proud of his role as
defense minister in helping suppress the misinformation
emanating from these spy networks which could have done a
lot of damage to Kenya, he says.
As minister of foreign affairs in the late 60s and early 70s,
Mungai believes one of his biggest accomplishments was bringing
the U.N.s Environment Program to Kenya, the only country
outside the West where the U.N. has a major presence or
headquarters.
The only competition that Kenya had was the U.S., and Kenya
won, Mungai recalls with a smile. That was a very bad thing to
do to the country that gave me an education. You seem
ungrateful, he says, chuckling at the idea of defeating a
superpower.

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While Kenya thrived economically after independence, it began
to lose ground in the mid-70s and early 80s. Mungai notes that
it was a blow to the country, for instance, when major U.S.
companies such as Ford Motor Co., Caterpillar and John Deere
moved their operations from Kenya to South Africa.
Kenya also became torn by political conflicts that continue to this
day, with disagreements over the proposed new constitution
presenting one of the countrys major challenges, says Mungai,
who retired from politics in 1993. He speaks with disappointment
about Kenyans simplistic and sometimes violent debate over the
proposed constitution. Before the vote on Nov. 21, 2005, he
argued for withdrawing the document and rewriting it to meet
the approval of the overwhelming majority of people.
You require something that binds people together, not opens
differences, he says.
Fifty-seven percent of the voters rejected the proposed new
constitution in the Nov. 21 referendum. In an e-mail, Mungai
says he was pleased with the outcome, as the proposed
constitution would have left far too much power in the hands of
the president. He notes there were several amendments to the
document during the previous administration of President Daniel
Arap Moi that made Moi a virtual dictator.
He also argues that the proposal to give one-third of
parliamentary seats to women would bring more disagreement
than unity making women appear inferior and weak, unable
to succeed in their own right, which has not been the case.

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The defeat of the constitution has thrown Kenyas government


into disarray and threatened the presidency of Mwai Kibaki, who
succeeded Moi.
Despite the political turmoil, he remains optimistic about Kenyas
future, predicting a return to a period of political and social
stability in which the countrys primary industries coffee, tea,
floriculture and horticulture can thrive.
Hes surrounded by flowers these days, though he knows all is
not rosy for the nation he helped shape. Still, as in his medical
school days, he knows how to have a laugh.
When a visitor asks the way to the powder room, he answers with
a smile: Go into the foyer and through the door. Just pass by the
lion if you dare.

To the outside world Njoroge Mungai is a respected Stanfordtrained medical doctor. But to those who are familiar with how
Njoroge Mungai operated within the Kenyatta regime he was the
ruthless Mr fix it behind all the poliical assassinations during
Jomo Kenyattas rule.
In the course of my research I met somebody who knew Mungai
very well when he was in the States and they read what I wrote

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about him in my blog and could not believe that the man had
turned into the brutal person I described.
It is clear that the man underwent a swift transformation being a
member of the inner cabinet and was a key figure in the
assassinations of Pio Gama Pinto, Tom Mboya and JM Kariuki.
So arrogant was Mungai that he would promptly take over
leadership of foreign delegation led by the then Vice President
Daniel arap Moi. He would make all the decisions and even bark
orders at the vice president. It is said that what used to irk him
most was the deep Kalenjin accent and stammering Vice
president whom Njoroge felt was portraying a bad image of
Kenya.
Njoroge Mungai could also not stand Tom Mboya and was one of
the cabinet ministers who used tribalism to put down politicians
from Luo Nyanza referring to them as uncircumcised. Indeed on
many occasions during cabinet meetings conversations would be
carried out in Kikuyu as the rest of the cabinet waited for
President Kenyatta to come in.
But most of all Mungai did not earn his nickname Mr Fix it for
nothing. He was the member of the inner cabinet who liked to
take on problems head on. Including threats to the security of the
state and presidency. He dealt with them ruthlessly and readers
of this book will have observed his handiwork from the political
assassinations described in this book.

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Chapter Six:
Robert Ouko
Robert Oukos assassination was the major political assassination
during the rule of president Daniel arap Moi.
Out of all the political assassinations that have taken place in
Kenya, the Dr Robert Ouko murder is unique in many ways.
One of the major differences is the fact that it is the only one
where foreign investigators were involved. And there lies the
biggest mistake that the Oukos killers made and it haunts them
to this day. It is the reason why they will forever always be
looking over their shoulders with lots of anxiety and fear. It is
also the reason why the chairman of the Parliamentary select
committee set up to investigate the murder, Gor Sunguh, has
been telling close friends and associates that he still receives
death threats two years after his committees business was

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Dr Robert Ouko

concluded. It matters little that the controversial select


committee set up in 2003 got absolutely nowhere.
This is also the reason why those who killed Ouko (who are well
known) will not retire from politics quietly but are in fact seeking
to influence the outcome of the forthcoming general elections.
The whole idea is to ensure that the mystery of the Ouko murder
remains just thata mystery and is never solved. And also so that
light will never be shed on the subsequent murders of numerous
other Kenyans and a few foreigners in direct connection to that
gruesome political assassination.
One of the consequences of bringing in foreign investigators is
that there is plenty of forensic evidence locked up somewhere in
Britain, so that even where virtually all the possible witnesses are

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now dead, the forensic evidence mainly supervised by one Doctor
Ian West (now deceased) is still available and waiting. Waiting
for that day that will inevitably and surely come. That day that
the killers dread so much
It is instructive that those involved in the murder of Tom Mboya
(some of whom are still alive today) are not as anxious as the
killers of Ouko. Neither are the cold blooded Kenyans who
murdered and dismembered the body of JM Kariuki so anxious
and paranoid of being brought to book, at least those who are still
alive and well in Kenya today. In fact these guys are very
comfortable and quietly enjoying themselves far from politics.
Yet in the case of Ouko there would appear to be absolutely no
reason at all to fret. After all Kenyans have forgotten about the
murder of the best foreign minister the country ever produced. It
is no longer in the agenda, so to speak, let alone being a priority.
Still, those with the blood of Robert Ouko on their hands
continue to have plenty of apprehension. Even with their vast illgotten wealth and resources, which ensure that they can easily go
to court anywhere in the world to sue anybody who may come up
with anything incriminating or pointing a finger in their
direction.
Before I tell you the real amazing reason why Ouko died it is
important to read a report from a Ugandan newspaper that was
faxed and photocopied and delivered all over Kenya that details
the killing of Ouko. It is not entirely accurate as we shall see later
in this chapter but it gives us a pretty good idea on how exactly
Ouko died and is a good place to start;

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Minister killed in Operation Bikini succession


Minister killed in Operation Bikini succession the inside story,
By a Correspondent in Nairobi, as published in Weekly Topic of
Uganda, September 6, 1991, (Reproduced verbatim)
Through errors of omissions and commission the late Kenyas
minister of Foreign Affairs and International Co-operation Dr.
Robert John Ouko caused his murder on February 12, 1990.
Oukos problems are said to have started in 1983 when he fell out
with Hezekiah Oyugi the then Permanent Secretary in the Office
of the President in charge of Internal Security and Provincial
Administration. Oyugi was then a Provincial Commissioner in
Mois home province of Rift Valley and was said to enjoy powers
beyond even his boss, Permanent Secretary J. Mathenge whom
the former later succeeded. Having been business associates in a
number of commercial ventures, Ouko and Oyugi parted ways.
The immediate consequence was the demotion of Ouko from the
glamourous Foreign Office to an obscure Labour Ministry in
October 1983. Oukos relegation was due to advice from Oyugi,
who is the only personality from Nyanza who enjoys Mois total
confidence.
In the next four-and-a-half years, Ouko was kept on his toes.
He shuffled around in every reshuffle to ministries of labour,
industry and economic planning - an average of a new ministry

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every 18 months. Meanwhile, Oyugi and his mentor were busy


looking for a replacement in Oukos Kisumu Rural Constituency.
The only man who was ready to challenge Ouko anytime and
anywhere was Joab Henry Onyango Omino, a popular former
civil servant and a successful businessman-cum-sports
administrator. Moi and Oyugi were not ready to back Omino
since the latter had the undesired qualities of being popular and
principled. But while Ouko was unpopular on the domestic front,
internationally he had as a career diplomat, cultivated a likeable
image and had many useful friends. It was on these friends that
his temporary political survival and also his eventual demise
would hinge.
Thatchers role

As a family friend of the Thatchers, Ouko saw his only hope on


the assistance of Margaret Thatcher, then British Prime Minister,
who had unlimited sway over the Moi government. So, when the
election campaigns began and he saw his political coffin being
made, Ouko flew to Britain and spent a night as the guest of
Dennis and Margaret Thatcher in their country home. The
purpose of the visit was to prevail upon Moi to return Ouko. The
Iron Lady, having her own imperialist designs in Kenya, went
beyond what Bob Ouko had asked for. Her country having
propelled Moi to presidency and her, personally, having
sustained him, Thatcher was once again shopping for Mois
successor, as the Kenyan dictator is said to suffer from acute
leukemia and cancer of the throat. Maggie was also aware that

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Moi was going to fire his Vice President Mwai Kibaki. She,
therefore, not only asked Moi to rig Ouko to parliament, but also
to appoint him (Ouko) the Vice President.
Moi complied only partly with the directive. He indeed rigged
Ouko back to parliament despite Ominos landslide victory. As
for the number Two slot, the Kenyan President had his own
scheme. He was paving a succession path to the presidency for
his nephew and long time manager of Mois personal estate,
Nicholas Kiprono arap Biwott. Instead, Ouko was handed back
the Foreign Affairs portfolio. The Number two post went into the
hands of Josephat Njuguna Karanja, a former Vice-Chancellor of
the University of Nairobi, who had recently been imposed upon
the people of Mathare as their Member of Parliament. Karanjas
tenure as the VP was shortlived as he was removed in very
humiliating manner only twelve months later. George Kinuthia
Muthengi Saitoti, an associate professor of topology and former
chairman of the Department of Mathematics at the University of
Nairobi was appointed to take over the vice presidency.
Maggie Thatcher and her mentor Ronald Reagan (and later
Reagans successor George Bush) were not amused by Mois
refusal to take their orders. They were also not comfortable with
Mois continued association and reward for people who massively
looted public coffers of billions of dollars. Whenever Moi sent
Ouko on the numerous begging missions to solicit more aid, the
donors showed concern about the diversion of the aid money to
foreign secret accounts in Europe. Among the leading looters
were Biwott; Saitoti ( who had headed the treasury since 1983);

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Eric Kotut, the Governor of Central Bank of Kenya (CBK);
Kipngeno arap Ngeny, the Managing Director of Kenya Posts
and Telecommunications Corporation (KPTC); Arthur Magugu,
once the Minister for Finance; Bethwel Kiplagat, Permanent
Secretary for Foreign Affairs; Benjamin Kipkorir, Chairman
Kenya Commercial Bank; Sam Ongeri, Minister for Technical
Training; Mark Too (Mois son who is Deputy Chairman, Lonrho)
and Hezekiah Oyugi, sarcastically known as the Governor. As at
the end of 1988, estimates by the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) showed that more than US $4 billion was held in overseas
accounts by Kenyans. Other sources indicated that in the first
half of the year 1988, alone, US $175 million was siphoned out of
Kenya into foreign accounts. Ouko confronted Moi the facts and
that was his error number one. Moi was not amused by this hard
evidence. This was in October 1989. Order was immediately
issued that Ouko be shadowed round-the-clock.
The Washington debacle

Things came to a climax when Moi and his team including Ouko
visited the US on January 1990. The main purpose of the visit
was to persuade President Bush to prevail upon the Congress not
to suspend aid to Kenya. The Congress and a number of donor
agencies had threatened to freeze assistance to Kenya due to
Kenyas well known record gross violation of human rights,
diversion of aid money to individuals foreign accounts,
corruption and lack of accountability in the government. While in
Washington, Moi and his delegation met three congressmen
Donald Tayne, Tonny Hall, and Paul Simon in an attempt to

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persuade them to convince the Congress not to block a US $60
million military aid Moi was soliciting from the US. They also
held talks with high-ranking officials of the World Bank and IMF.
The talks, however, did not bear much fruit and only ended in
Moi being given stiffer conditions to fulfill before any assistance
could come forth. A meeting with the US Assistant Secretary of
State in charge of African Affairs, Michael Cohen was equally
fruitless. Interpreting his presidents public humiliation as a
failure on his (Oukos) part as a Foreign Affairs Minister, Ouko
used his experience in the world of diplomacy to try and arrange
a face-saving private meeting between Moi and Bush. In such a
meeting, nobody would know whatever transpired between the
two Heads of State, and would believe whatever is reported. He,
therefore, secured an audience with the US Secretary of State
James Baker and managed to persuade the latter to prevail upon
President Bush. Ouko was, thus, invited to meet Bush.
The three - Bush, Baker and Ouko - are said to have met for forty
minutes before President Bush agreed to grant Moi an audience,
in the presence of Baker and Ouko. The meeting took only ten
minutes, according to reports. During the ten minute talks, Moi
is reported to have been given a number of conditions for
continued assistance, including putting someone with knowledge
of economics in charge of Treasury as opposed to topologist
Saitoti; democratization of Kenyas politics; release of all political
prisoners and improvement of Human Rights record; making
Ouko his Vice President as well as ensuring that money smuggled
out of Kenya was brought back. Moi was not particularly pleased
with the apparent rapport between Bush and Ouko.

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After the meeting, Moi addressed a news conference, where he
was in-undated with a barrage of what he considered
embarrassing questions like torture of suspects at Nyayo
House, mass imprisonment on trumped-up political charges,
street shooting by the police, discrimination of ethnic Somali
Kenyans, persecution of the clergy and rampant corruption. Moi
had no ready answers to these questions. Once again, in a bid to
save his boss from public embarrassment, Ouko intervened time
and again to elaborate on His Excellencys self explanatory
answer and articulately, albeit untruthfully, answered the
questions. The journalists in attendance were impressed by
Oukos articulate interventions and, as is typical with American
scribes, some remarked that ought to have been the president.
That was Oukos mistake number two. Moi could not hide his
rage. To be upstaged twice in half a day was not something he
was accustomed to. Oukos other detractors, chiefly Biwott and
Oyugi, did not waste away this opportunity.
After that Press Conference of February 2, 1990 Biwott is said to
have even sarcastically addressed Ouko as Your Excellency the
President. Moi on his part emotionally declared that he did not
want even to set eyes on Ouko and that he would not travel with
his foreign minister in the same plane. Ouko was, thus, left in
Washington. Worried by the inexplicable behaviour of his
President Ouko took the next flight and arrived in Nairobi two
days later, only a few minutes after Mois arrival. He infact found
Moi still being entertained at the airport and asked his escorts
who had come to the airport to meet him to show him where Moi
was being entertained (Kenya Times, October 23, 1990 page
18). That was Oukos third blunder.

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Nyanza exile

The following day, February 5, 1990, Ouko went to State House,


Nairobi, understandably to plead with Moi to forgive him
whatever sins he (Ouko) might have committed. His worry was
even more compounded by the fact that upon his arrival at Jomo
Kenyatta Airport, his passport was impounded for adjustment.
Instead of forgiving him, Moi ordered his Foreign minister to go
to his Nyanza home and never to appear in Nairobi unless and
until called back by Moi personally. Ouko left State House a
shaken and confused man and extremely worried. From State
House he went to his office along Harambee Avenue via his
lawyers, Oraro and Rachier Advocates. From his office, he is
reported to have taken his confidential file , bid his staff Kwaheri
ya kuonana and left. He was convinced that he was going to be
relieved of his ministerial post. The same day in the evening,
Ouko, his wife and two youngest children went to Mois Woodley
residence, along Kabarnet Road. He was of the illusion that on
seeing his two young children, Moi the lover of children Moi
have pity. The mission badly aborted and Moi was
uncompromising in his decision to send Ouko to Nyanza. Ouko is
said to have been silent all the way as he drove his family back
from Woodley to his Loresho Home. On arrival at Loresho, he
found his driver and one of his security escorts waiting. One of
the security escorts, George Otieno, had already been withdrawn.
The other two, including driver, Joseph Yogo Otieno were under
instruction to leave him as soon as (Ouko) arrives at his home in
Nyanza (Nyahera or Koru).

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On February 6, 1990 a meeting chaired by Biwott and attended
by Saitoti, Kotut, Kipngeno arap Ngeny, Noah Too, Frederick
Koskei (Saitotis Aide de Camp) and Bethwel Kiplagat was held at
Midwest Hotel, Kericho. It was at this meeting where the
decision to deal with the Ouko problem was taken. Noah Too
was appointed to head the project. Moi was briefed about the
meeting at his Woodley house on February 8 or 9 (Our informant
could not get the exact date) in the evening around 9 p.m.
Another meeting was held at Nyayo House, Nairobi, 24th Floor
on Saturday February 11, 1990 where specific tasks were
assigned. It was at this stage that Oyugi, Julius Kobia (the PC
Nyanza), John Anguka (the DC Nakuru) and Philip Kilonzo
(Commissioner of Police) were indoctrinated into the conspiracy,
which had been codenamed Operation Bikini Succession Bikini being Biwotts initials (BIwott, KIprono, NIcholas). Ouko,
meanwhile went to the official residence of Peter Lagat, the
Kericho District Commisioner, who is close kin of Biwotts on
February 9 to ask Lagat to plead with Biwott to save Oukos neck.
He had arrived at the Kericho DCs house at 7.25 a.m. Lagat
phoned Biwott who told him to leave Oukos matter alone.
Oukos worries multiplied as his earlier attempts to have Oyugi
plead with Moi for him had only drawn the remark: If you have
collided with Nyayo, shauri yako. I give you only two days. On
Saturday February 10, 1990, while officiating at a function
organized by Lions Club held at Kisumus Imperial Hotel, Ouko
attempted to apologise publicly by narrating how His
Excellency had articulately answered Kenyas critics. Ouko was
not a keen church goer. But on Sunday February 11, 1990, he
surprised his family when he went with them to AIC Koru church

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and even asked for special prayers after volunteering to preach.
During the week, Ouko had tried to get help from people like
Kibaki and Dalmas Otieno, but they were not of much help. He,
therefore, decided to fall back on Oyugi - this time asking the
latter to provide him with a GK vehicle for his escape. Oyugi
promised to oblige - and he indeed came in a white GK mercedes
! Oukos mistake number 4 and 5.
Closing In
By Monday February 12, 1990 Ouko was properly isolated and
focused on. By the directive from Managing Director Ngeny,
telephone links with Oukos Nyahera and Koru home had been
cut. His security escort had long been withdrawn and all his
movements were closely monitored. Biwott and Kobia had been
spotted together in Kisumu that Monday afternoon while Noah
arap Too, Frederick Koskei and other high ranking security
personnel were seen at Kapkelion in a white Subaru (KTN 865),
light blue Volkswagen Kombi (KQC 039) and green Audi (KQC
041). Between 3 and 4 a.m. on Tuesday February 13, a white
Mercedes Benz car from the Nyanza PCs office pulled at the gate
of Oukos Koru home. The occupants introduced themselves as
Security Intelligence officers who had been sent to call Ouko as
the president wanted to see him urgently. Within less than 2
minutes there were more than 15 men in GSU uniform at the
ministers gate and all security personnel attached to Ouko had
been whisked away. They were severely warned not to talk. The
only person the abductors forgot to lock up was Oukos housegirl,
Sebina Were who was sleeping in one of rooms in the main
house. She was woken up by an unusual bang as the abductors

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dragged Ouko away. She rushed out, only in time to see the white
car moving out of the main gate.
As he was confronted, Ouko asked his captors, who had told him
Moi wanted to see him, for time to change from his pyjamas.
Back in his bedroom Ouko wrote down the names of his captors,
who included Oyugi, Biwott, Kobia, Koskei and Noah Too. He
folded the note and put it behind a wall picture.
Missing genitals
Ouko was driven straight to Nakuru with a brief stop at Kericho,
at Shell Petrol Station along the Kericho-Nakuru highway just
opposite Kericho Police Station. One motorist who knew Ouko
saw him and went greet him. He was immediately chased away
but after he had gone close enough to notice that the minister
was handcuffed. This man later wrote an anonymous letter to
Oukos Koru address, giving a clue as to how the New Scotland
Yard detectives would trace him. Ouko was reportedly killed at
Nakuru with a pistol shot after intensive torture. His naked body
was later dumped at Nakuru mortuary, with genitals missing. By
a twist of fate, a nurse at Nakuru General Hospital, who was a
family friend of the Oukos recognised the body and telephoned
Christobel, Oukos wife. Mrs. Ouko immediately began enquiring
from the government about the whereabouts of her husband.
Alerted by this enquiry the murderers rushed to the mortuary
and removed the body. They sprayed it with highly corrosive
chemicals and then flew it in a Police Airwing helicopter for
dumping at Got Alila, a few kilometers from the late ministers
home where they discovered it two days later. The dumping of
the body was done on Wednesday February 14 and the spot

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remained guarded by GSU personnel until Friday February 16 at
12.30 p.m. when an announcement was made through public
address system at the scene that Oukos remains had been found.
When this writer visited the scene at 3.00 p.m. he found the
police had cordoned the spot and people, including the press,
were kept about 20 metres away from the spot. No vegetation
was burnt at the spot where the body was found despite the fact
that the body was burnt beyond recognition. As Commissioner
Kilonzo, Oyugi and Too collected the remains on a stretcher,
Oyugi personally lit fire on the spot where the body had been
found. Nobody understood the significance of this act but our
guess is that the Nyanza butcher wanted to burn the grass and
vegetation around that spot to sell the story that Ouko had shot
himself and burnt himself there. Two days later, Oyugi issued
what he termed the preliminary findings of police investigations
which tended to suggest that Ouko had committed suicide. What
followed were massive demonstrations demanding that the truth
be told. The government, through Moi himself, promised that no
stone would be left unturned to bring the culprits to book.
Troons fears
Moi asked the British government to send him detectives from
the New Scotland Yard hoping this would lull the people as he
bought time for emotions to cool down. Troon (John) the leader
of the team and his two colleagues began their work
conscientiously briefing the press at every stage. The government
was not impressed. Within two weeks of the detectives work, the
state ordered the Scotland Yard sleuths not to issue any more
press statements. Later, Troon felt he could not proceed further

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without interviewing Biwott. On three occasions when they had
appointments with the Energy minister, Biwott simply failed to
turn up. Meanwhile, through the British High Commission,
Kenya was asking Mrs. Thatcher to prevail upon the New
Scotland sleuths to write their report without mentioning
sensitive personalities. Mrs. Thatcher is reported to have been
reluctant to help in this, fearing the consequences should the
British people know. After several attempts to interview the
Kabarak Syndicate failed the British detectives saw no option
other than packing their bags and returning home. Troon refused
to come to Nairobi to deliver his incomplete report unless he was
guaranteed of his security as it was rumored both in Nairobi and
London that the Kabarak Syndicate was planning for him an
accident the Kenya style.
As soon as the report was delivered to Attorney General Mathew
Guy Muli, the government announced that the report was not to
be made public. This was a 180-degree turn from the earlier
assurances that the government had nothing to hide and would
make the entire report public. To appease people or so the
Nairobi regime deludes itself - Moi has appointed a Commission
of Inquiry to inquire into the mysterious disappearance and
subsequent death of minister Ouko. Another attempt at
diverting peoples attention from the truth behind Oukos murder
was the arrest and torture of Oukos younger brother, Barrack
Easton Mbajah, a former District Commissioner for allegedly
murdering his brother.
Ouko it would therefore seem fell victim to the bloodthirsty
murderers of the Nairobi regime.

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Here are two interviews I did with two people that shed
even more light on the assassination of Ouko. One was
very close to the late Dr Ouko and the other led the
investigation into his assassination.
Let us start with Marianne Briner-Mattern;
This is a very brave woman who still lives with threats that have
been constantly directed at her because of the information she
has. She has had to change where she lives and also take
extraordinary precautions to stay alive. Somebody once told her
that there was nowhere in the world he would be able to hide
from them. She however kindly agreed to answer some of my
questions.

Kumekucha: From reading your book The Shining Star in


Darkness, is it correct to say that you still feel somehow guilty
concerning the death of Dr. Robert Ouko?
Marianne Briner-Mattern: In a certain way yes - if I would
not have pushed to get the information about the thriving
corruption with Mr. Biwott as the center of all these illegal
demands and payments to be known to the President, and if I
would not have finally convinced Dr. Ouko to also write his own
Report about all this - maybe he would still be alive.
What I did not know at that time was the fact that Dr. Ouko not
only compiled a Report on the Corruption but also on the private

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life of Mr. Moi and this may at the end have been the real reason
why he was killed. That such a Report existed has been confirmed
to me by his Sister Dorothy Randiek soon after he got killed and
has also been confirmed again to me by somebody very trustable
just now including some details which I did not know yet and
which are even worse than what I ever believed. If it is true that
Dr. Ouko knew also about these very dirty details and was willing
to expose them, then I am sure this was the reason why Mr. Moi
gave his consent for his killing.
As Mr. Troon clearly stated: Dr. Ouko was killed on executive
order by the man at the top (i.e. President Daniel T. arap Moi).
Kumekucha: The information that Dr. Ouko had on the
corruption must also have been in the hands of many other top
ranking government officials.
Marianne Briner-Mattern: Yes, but the corruption was not
just a matter between Mr. Moi and Mr. Biwott. There was a
closed circle around the two who participated in this. Others like
Dr. Ouko - did not belong to this. Mr. Biwott gave always the final
approval who wasnt and who was.
Dr. Ouko and a few others - Ministers who had been appointed
for only political (tribal balancing) reasons like Omanga,
Onyango did not belong to this. Take note of the fact that all
three were not only Luos but also old friends of Dr. Ouko.
I give you an example (which I gave also to the SunguhCommittee): the following commissions had to be secured before
even starting to discuss the Molasses Plant and new Cement

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Factory (the Mandate given to my Company connected these two
projects). Both projects had a total value of approx. US $300
Million - and the following people expected to receive 10 % each:
Moi, Biwott, Kiptanui, Prof. Saitoti (who even sent his personal
aid Surtan several times to the hotel to put more pressure on us)
and E. Mwangale (who was the one passing the message to us
one day after we attended a Cabinet Meeting where the
Representatives of the Groups involved were presenting their
Credentials and Dr. Ouko was given the green light to forward
their offers for approval).
The person in charge on behalf of the Government was
Mohammed Aslam, Chairman of PanAfrican Bank. Note: Mr.
Aslam died suddenly (supposedly on a heart-attack) on the
evening before having agreed to give evidence in front of the
Gicheru-Commission in Kisumu. His family then left Kenya and
Aslams name has now also come out in connection with the
Goldenberg Case and the Grand Regency Hotel financing that
Mr. Kiptanui has paid to them in London. This was several
million dollars. Also Mr. Mwangale died suddenly (again heart
attack) the same day when I mentioned his name at the SunguhInquiry now in Nairobi as the go-between for the commission
payments in connection with the Molasses Plant. Was that a
coincidence?
It is important to note that Mr. Troon has given to the SunguhCommittee in London the list with the names of 18 people where
the circumstances leading to their deaths are doubtful and
therefore their bodies should be exhumed for further
investigations.

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Kumekucha: Many Kenyans believe that former President Moi
changed a great deal after the 1982 attempted coup.
Marianne Briner-Mattern: Although I was not in Kenya
during that time since I had been asked to leave the country in
April 1981 on request of Mr. Biwott and only came back for the
first time in 1986, I have been told that it had indeed a great
impact on him. He started not to trust anybody anymore and Mr.
Biwott took even more advantage of that becoming the only one
who had influence on him after he got rid of Mr. Njonjo also
whose advise and friendship Mr. Moi had always valued very
high. So with the planting of Kiptanui, Oyugi and then Kulei as
his direct informants around the President and also appointing
his old associate from the coast Kivuvani to Nairobi (former
Special Branch, then CID), the circle around Moi was closed.
Kumekucha: When did you start suspecting that Dr. Ouko had
been murdered?
Marianne Briner-Mattern: I had been in contact with Mr.
J.F. Addley from Kaplan & Stratton since October 1989. I knew
that the former President used him as a proxy in some foreign
companies (a position later taken over by Kulei) and that he
therefore had direct access to Moi. The reason for my approach
was the deportation of my business partner, Mr. Domenico
Airaghi, in March 1989 for illegal involvement in Government
matters on request of Mr. Biwott.
I had tried in vain to get in contact with Moi by phone and also in
writing. I gave to Addley all information not only regarding the

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Molasses Plant but also regarding the other projects for which we
had not only presented the groups interested but also secured the
financing via various European Governments on grant and softloan basis (medium and low-rent housing, water projects, roads,
rehabilitation of KMC and Uplands Pig Factory as well as Textile
Factories, building of a steel factory, fish filleting plant, food
storage facilities etc. etc.).
Mr. Addley then had some meetings with Moi, which he
confirmed to me in writing. It came out that Moi never received
my letters nor was he informed that I had tried to call him. Moi
then proposed to have a personal meeting with me, which was
scheduled first to take place in January 1990. But since I had
other appointments already, I had to postpone.
So the meeting was then confirmed for the second half of
February after his return from Washington. On February 14,
Addley then called me and gave me the message that Dr. Ouko
was missing and a search was going on. Your meeting with H.E.
cannot take place now. Please wait for further information.
I called immediately Esther Ruvaga, Dr. Oukos secretary. She
confirmed this information and then two days later called me to
tell me his body has been found.
Addley then also informed me that he had a meeting with H.E.
and that first Moi wanted me to come immediately with all
information and documents, but then called him back to stop me
again from coming.

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I then received another fax by Addley after the Scotland Yard
people had arrived in Kenya. Again first instructing me to come
to meet Moi and then telling me not to come but to give all
information and documents via the British Embassy in Berne
(Switzerland) directly to the investigating Officers (John Troon).
The British Embassy declined to get involved and I contacted
Prof. Ogada, Kenyan Envoy to the UN-Mission in Geneva, whom
I had met once in Kisumu introduced by Dr. Ouko. Prof. Ogada
then came to my office and after having read all the documents
agreed to go to Nairobi and to hand them over to John Troon. I
had also prepared another envelope with the same documents for
H.E. which Prof. Ogada then gave in Nairobi to Ndolo Ayah who
had in the meantime been appointed as the new Minister for
Foreign Affairs.
Here it is interesting to note that Prof. Ogada soon after lost his
job in Geneva and died in a questionable car accident some years
ago in Kenya.
Also Addley has left Kenya soon after. All attempts to get him to
witness by Scotland Yard have been blocked. He also never gave
evidence to the Gicheru-Committee nor was it possible for the
Sunguh-Committee to get into contact with him.
Kumekucha: Can you comment about attempts on your life so
far due to the explosive information you have?
Marianne Briner-Mattern: I cannot comment on the
attempts on my life during my stay in Kenya. I have promised not
to give more details or to comment on this outside the book to
avoid legal problems.

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But I can confirm that there were attempts, there was the
bugging of my telephone also in the private house where I stayed
with friends in Karen, there was the protection by the German
Ambassador who hosted me at the end and thanks to whom I
reached the plane, we really had to pass two road-blockages since
they assumed me to be in the car of Gor Sunguh who drove in
front, there was the official request by Biwott to block me from
leaving the country since I had to be punished. See also more
details in my London Declaration.
Kumekucha: Can You comment about your relationship with
former President Moi?
Marianne Briner-Mattern: I have also problems in
commenting on some questions regarding the relationship with
Moi. This is also a reason why I never could give any interview in
any Television Channel although I had been invited. Kilonzo is
just waiting that I make a mistake to comment on this and other
subjects. This is also the reason why the Publisher has decided to
keep the story fictional. They were fearing Libel Court Cases like
Moi and Biwott had filed against Smith-Hempstone, Dr. Ian West
and others who then not only had to pay a lot of money but also
had to take the books from the market.
I can confirm to you that I never had a private relationship with
Dr. Ouko. We were friends in the best sense and this included
also his wife and the children. Mrs. Ouko has confirmed this in
her evidence when she said that I was for her like a family
member.

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I would propose that you publish my London Declaration


instead. This document has the privilege status and cannot be
challenged in any court. This fact is also protecting you. It also
answers practically all the questions you have put to me.
Additionally I can only say the following:
My relationship with Moi lasted from 1979 - 1981 and had
therefore nothing to do with my work as a Consultant which only
started in 1985. I had made it very clear before coming back to
Kenya that the private relationship was finished.
If you need more details, please ask but please also understand
that I have to be careful since I have been told that Biwott tries
hard to convince Moi to still file a case against me in Switzerland.
Although many people knew about Moi and me, it was a wellkept secret since officially nobody was supposed to know
(although the Swiss and German Ambassadors now confirmed to
me that everybody knew about it..........). But some dared to ask
me later like Rose Waruhiu, Grace Ogot and also Cristabel Ouko.
Always the same question of course how is he ?::::: - Needless
to say, I always just smiled and never made a comment......
Of course also Dr. Ouko knew - but he never said anything until
one day years later. We were driving back from Kisumu to
Nairobi when all of the sudden he turned to me and to my big
surprise said You know, you would have been perfect for him you would have been a wonderful First Lady and all Kenya would

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have been proud of you - just think what you could have done. - If
only he would not have let you go .......
I just shook my head It is too late now .....
And we never came back to this subject again.
You see, it is a very sad story - for many people.
I also managed an exclusive interview with Detective
Superintend John Troon, now in quiet retirement,
about this brutal murder, which Kenyans have chosen
to forget. Instructively there are some questions that
Troon opted not to answer. The questions were
obviously a little too sensitive, especially when you
consider the fact that Oukos killers are still alive and
well today and have considerable political power,
means and therefore reach.
In other words years after the death of Ouko and after so many
other persons have also lost their lives because of what they
knew, we still have people who fear for their safety over the case.
One brave woman, Marianne Briner who lives somewhere in
Europe, keeps on changing her residence and taking other
security precautions. But to date she has never given up the fight
to have Oukos killers brought to justice.
Troon reveals that contrary to what many Kenyans think, there is
actually enough available evidence available to convict Oukos

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killers. This is despite the fact that the list of would-be witnesses
who have died under mysterious circumstances is just too long.

Kumekucha: Is there any other case in your entire police career


that has affected you personally more than the Ouko murder
enquiry?
Troon: The Ouko case was not a simple and straightforward
investigation and was unique in the sense that I was also dealing
with corrupt Kenyan officials in the top echelons of Government
and law enforcement. There was no other case in my police
career, either in UK or overseas where corrupt officials at the
highest Establishment levels deliberately set out to frustrate and
obstruct my investigations.
Kumekucha: Despite the fact that so many would-be witnesses
in the Ouko case are now deceased, do you think (in your
opinion) that there is enough evidence to convict the murderers
today?
Troon: I am convinced, from what I know of the evidence thus
far adduced, not only from my investigations, but subsequent
Judicial and Select Committee investigations that there is
sufficient evidence to justify criminal proceedings for murder,
conspiracy to murder, and accessory before and after the fact (if
there is such an offence under the Kenyan criminal law) against
certain individuals domiciled in Kenya. I am not surprised that
no decision has yet been made (as far as I am aware) by the
Kenyan authorities to bring such charges particularly in the light

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of additional evidence both factual and circumstantial obtained
by the Select Committee.
Kumekucha: If the clock was turned back and you were to
commence the Ouko investigations all over again today, what
would you do differently this time.
Troon: I would review the staffing of my team and exclude all
Kenyan police officers from my independent investigations. It
was very unfortunate that almost all of the Kenyan police officers
seconded to my team were corrupt and specifically briefed to
report back to my main suspects through the late Commissioner
of Police, and to obstruct and frustrate my investigation by
intimidating potential witnesses. There is no doubt that the
murder scene was set up knowingly by certain Kenyan police
officers and Special Branch to support the Establishment
conclusion of suicide. I would have insisted that all my team
should have been brought from the UK to retain independence
and preserve the integrity of the investigation. On reflection I
would have applied to the Kenyan High Court for Judicial Orders
compelling my main suspects to present themselves for
interview, as you know I had powers of arrest invested in me but
was forbidden to use these against my main suspects due to
political intervention.
Kumekucha: What are the reasons that made you conclude
that Ouko was most likely killed by executive order from the
highest authority in the land at the time?

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Troon: My reasons for this conclusion are fully set out in my
evidence to the Select Committee, you only have to study the
facts and degree of Establishment intervention.
Kumekucha: During your investigations there was a point
where you took a long walk from the place where the body was
found to Dr Oukos home while timing yourself. What were you
trying to establish at this point?
Troon: I was conducting my own independent examination of
the scene where the body was discovered. There was no doubt in
my mind at this early stage that the scene had been tampered
with and not properly screened off, I also wanted to time the
distance from Dr Ouko residence by foot and by vehicle. In
addition to disprove the Kenyan police statements that no
vehicles could access the scene at the time of the murder because
there were large stones and boulders blocking the access
route(My walk proved that this was not the case).
Kumekucha: What was you initial reaction when you were
confronted with the suicide theory by local authorities? Did you
think that maybe this was a case of gross incompetence or did
you suspect foul play immediately?
Troon: My initial and subsequent reaction was that suicide was
obviously not the cause of death, the Kenyan Establishment
insistence that it was suicide based on no evidence, convinced me
that there must have been a cover up decision at the highest level
to convince me by force that it was suicide for obvious reasons.
There was incompetence by the Kenyan authorities, not only in

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setting up an amateurish false scene, but to continue the
insistence of the suicide theory and at the same time providing
me with false information as to who was responsible for the
murder (i.e. Dr Oukos brother, girl friend etc) obvious red
herrings.
Kumekucha: Any parting remarks?
Troon: Please give my kindest regards to all the friends (Yes I
did have some!) that I made whilst in Kenya, they know who they
are.
The real reason why Robert Ouko was murdered.
Scotland Yard detective, John Troon clearly told the Sunguh
committee that he had evidence to suggest that the order to kill
the foreign minister came right from the top. It was an executive
order.
But why? How does a man who is well known for his forgiveness
and magnanimity turn killer. Indeed most Kenyans believe that
Moi was capable of many things but not murder. Even this writer
was totally convinced of that one fact because a man called James
Mungai, former Assistant commissioner incharge of Rift Valley is
still alive today holed up somewhere in the up-market Nyali in
Mombasa even after personally assaulting Moi many times when
he was VP. The things this man did to Moi in the Kenyatta days,
cannot be published even here. But let me say he once had the VP
stripped stark naked and searched for alleged guns that he had
come with into the country after a foreign trip. Many other

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people on ascending to power would have just had the man shot
on site. Not Moi.
Before we go into the details of what turned the Moi presidency
into such a bloody affair, let us look at the reason why Ouko had
to die. Most Kenyans believe that it is because he was given
preferential treatment by the Americans and especially the older
George Bush, who shunned Moi and feted Ouko. No matter how
angry the President was, this was an easy one to deal with, after
all others had tried the same before Ouko. Remember Dr
Josephat Karanja Vice President before George Saitoti?
Remember Charles Njonjo, once a powerful AG and member of
President Kenyattas kitchen cabinet? All these guys tried to lift a
finger against Moi when he was president and lived to tell the
story, they were just dealt with politically without having them
murdered. Dealing with Ouko would have even been easier
because the man WAS NOT a popular politician. In fact it is said
that he had been rigged in 1988, in an election where it is widely
believed he lost.
And neither was it corruption, because everybody has
information on Mois corrupt practices and they are still very
much alive. No there was something more sinister, some dirty
secret that Ouko had access to which Moi could not afford having
out there in the world.
The facts are all in the declaration by a witness but for now let me
summarize them quickly. A woman who says she is Mois former
lover and who testified to that effect infront of the Sunguh

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committee reveals that the bachelor president had some
Ugandan women supplied for his physical needs by Nicholas
Biwott. The whole stranger-than-fiction saga started when the
president stumbled on some information that Biwott was
involved in running a highly profitable prostitution ring at the
Coast. Moi was naturally very angry but some samples were
quickly supplied to him to shut him up. It is because of this
terrible secret which the former president could not bear to have
come out, that Biwott has had such a hold over Moi all these
years. This is the information the witness supplied to Ouko who
did his own additional digging and came up with some shocking
sleazy details for which he had to die.
Moi wants to protect his image and legacy at all costs and is
terrified at such information becoming public. You can read the
details for yourself but in a nut shell that is what it is. It is
amazing how the truth is usually stranger than fiction.
The other piece of the jigsaw puzzle that in fact puzzled the
presidents former lover who felt that she knew him well enough
to know what he was capable of and what he was not capable of is
as follows. Moi changed compeletely as a person after the failed
coup of August 1982. On that August 1st Sunday, the former
president stared at death right in the face and had in fact said his
final prayers. It is said that the army officers who came to collect
him and transport him back to Nairobi from his Kabarak farm
had to gently slap him out of his stupor as he requested them to
kill him there at his farm rather than take him elsewhere.

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The man who emerged from that ordeal was ruthless survivor-atall-costs who went on to win two multi-party elections against
stiff competition and at great cost to the people of Kenya. Former
Minister in Mois government Burudi Nabwera is on record as
saying that the arrows imported into the country to be used in
the Rift Valley clashes to evict Kikuyus, were imported into the
country on orders from Moi.
So it is not only Oukos blood that was spilt, many other Kenyans
died so that Moi could remain in power.
I have no doubt that wherever Moi is now, Robert Oukos murder
is the biggest regret of his presidency. It is probably puzzling to
him that other political murders of much bigger politicians have
been largely forgotten although some of the killers are still alive
and well in Kenya today. These are assassinations like that of JM
Kariuki and Tom Mboya.
I volunteer to give the answer. In those other assassinations, the
persons killed were real political giants, capable of fighting back
and amassing support to bring down the government. They were
real threats. Ouko on the other hand was a nobody, politically.
Oukos blood was therefore innocent blood and he was
completely unable to fight back politically or defend himself in
any other way. That is why I firmly believe that Oukos killers will
face justice first although there were earlier assassinations.
I dont know if you believe in God but this writer knows that
when the innocent and defenseless are touched, the Almighty

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God himself steps in, and it may look like it is taking a long time,
but finally justice will be done. This Bible verse comes to mind;
Then the Lord said to Cain, Where is Abel your brother? He
said, I do not know. Am I my brothers keeper?
And He said, What have you done? The voice of your brothers
blood cries out to Me from the ground
Genesis 4:9-10
I am sure that the voice of Robert Oukos blood has been crying
out to God from the ground for years now.

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Political Assassinations in Kenya

Chapter 7
Masinde Muliro

The sad thing about Masinde Muliro is that when people think of
political assassinations in Kenya he is never mentioned. People
have forgotten this unsung hero of the freedom struggle.
Yet there is no doubt on my mind that Muliro was assassinated.
Masinde Muliro (1922 - August 14, 1992) was a Kenyan
politician, one of the central figures in the shaping of the political
landscape in Kenya. A renowned freedom fighter, he campaigned
for the restoration of multi-party democracy in Kenya in his later
years. He was a ruthless negotiator and a proponent of peaceful
but focused politics. He had a reputation for integrity rivaled only

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Political Assassinations in Kenya

by Ronald Ngala. Considered by some as one of the best leaders


that never became president.
Henry Pius Masinde Muliro was born in Kimilili area of Kenya,
the son of Muliro Kisingilie and his wife Makinia. His parents
died when he was young, and he was brought up by an older
stepbrother, Aibu Naburuku. After elementary and high school
studies in Kenya and Uganda, he joined the University of Cape
Town in South Africa in 1949. He enrolled for a Bachelor of Arts
degree in English, History and Political Philosophy, and
graduated in 1953 with degrees in Arts and Education. In 1954 he
returned home with a South African wife, and taught for a while
at a government school. In 1957, he quit his job to join politics.
In 1948, Muliro had joined the Kenya African Union (KAU), a
body formed to champion the interests of Africans in colonial
Kenya. When he quit teaching in 1957, he contested the Nyanza
North Legislative Council seat which was then held by W.W.W.
Awori (Elder brother of the former Kenyan vice president Moody
Awori). Muliro won the election. Among his fellow legislators
were Daniel arap Moi representing the Rift valley, Tom Mboya
representing Nairobi area, Bernard Mate representing Central
Province, Ronald Ngala representing Coast Province, James Nzau
Muimi representing Eastern Province, Lawrence Oguda
representing Nyanza South, and Oginga Odinga representing
Nyanza Central. In 1958 Muliro formed the Kenya National Party
with the support of 9 Legco members. He later on dissolved his
party to join the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU). He

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Political Assassinations in Kenya


was subsequently appointed minister of commerce just before
Kenya gained independence in 1963. Muliro worked in various
positions in later governments, but was frequently on the wrong
side of President Jomo Kenyatta. After Kenyattas death, Muliro
went back to Parliament after winning a petition in court. He
served as the Kitale East Constituency until 1988, when the
constituency was split. He won the newly created Cherangany
Constituency parliamentary seat in 1988, but held the position
only for two years. At the 1990 by-elections, the Cherangany seat
was won by Kipruto Arap Kirwa
In 1989, Muliro teamed up with Kenneth Matiba, Charles Rubia,
Martin Shikuku, Phillip Gachoka and Oginga Odinga to form
FORD (Forum for restoration of democracy), a pressure-group
agitating for a return to pluralist politics. After violent clashes
pitting FORD supporters against police and government
supporters, the KANU government accepted multi-partysm in
1991. FORD became a party with Muliro as its vice chairman.
Disagreements soon cropped up with two main rivals Oginga
Odinga and Kenneth Matiba each wanting to run for presidency
and not wanting to listen to reason. It was Shortly after this that
Muliro left for London for a fundraising mission for the newly
formed Ford political party. It was to be an ill-fated trip: on his
return, upon his arrival at the Nairobi airport on the morning of
August 14, 1992 he collapsed and died. The controversy of his
death was heightened by the absence of an official post mortem.
Muliro was buried on his farm in the Kitale area of Kenya.

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The party, then split into two factions after Muliro died due to a
disagreement on who was to run for the presidency against
President Moi. Kenneth Matiba and Martin Shikuku claiming
that they are the real owners of Ford splitting to form Ford Asili
and Odinga and others forming Ford Kenya. Had Masinde Muliro
not died, the original FORD would have remained united and
possibly would have removed president Moi in 1992.
In the run up to the first multi-party elections since
independence in 1992, Western Kenya politician and the main
strategist and glue that held the then opposition together,
Masinde Muliro was returning from an overseas trip aboard a
British Airways flight. Shortly after landing, the veteran politician
collapsed and died. The mystery has never been solved to this
day, but this was definitely an assassination, more so when you
closely examine what happened next. The then united Ford
(Forum For Restoration Of Democracy) opposition party
crumbled and split into countless, harmless units.
This assassination was one of the few that actually accomplish
their objective. It was well executed, clinical and left no evidence
of an assassination (the late Masinde Muliro was said to be
suffering from some heart ailment). It had national security job
written all over it.
Interestingly Nicholas Biwott was on the same flight as Masindi
Muliro on that day he died. Was it a mere coincidence? That is
one mystery that will probably never be solved.

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