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Concerning Pigs, the Pizarros, and the Agro-Pastoral Background of the Conquerors of Peru

Author(s): David E. Vassberg


Source: Latin American Research Review, Vol. 13, No. 3 (1978), pp. 47-61
Published by: The Latin American Studies Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2503184 .
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CONCERNING
AND
THE
BACKGROUND

THE PIZARROS,
PIGS,
AGRO-PASTORAL
OF THE CONQUERORS
OF

PERU

David E. Vassberg
Pan AmericanUniversity

The historyof the Pizarros,conquerorsof Peru, is inseparablybound with


Gomara,the Pizarro-pig
imagesof swine. If we are to believethe chronicler
infantFranciscowas abandonedat a
associationbegan when the illegitimate
churchdoor,wherehe survivedby sucklinga sow forseveraldays. Later,
but
recognizedhisoffspring,
accordingto G6mara,theyoungFrancisco'sfather
of thesetwo storiesis
onlyto make himhis swineherd.'Thoughthe former
probablyfantasy,
thelattershouldnotbe rejectedout ofhand,2as willbecome
clearlater.Butwhethertrueor not,the legendof the swineherd-turned-conimagination
forcenturies.3
quistadorhas sparkedthehistorian's
One of the mostdramaticof the Pizarro-pigimagesis thatof Gonzalo
Pizarrosettingforthon his ill-fatedAmazonianexpeditionat the head of a
motleycombinationof men and animals,includinga droveof hogs whose
numberwas estimatedat fromthreeto fivethousand.4Fivethousandpigs!The
The veryfactthata droveofthousandsof
thoughtis positively
mind-boggling.
swinecouldbe assembledin Peruas earlyas 1540tellsus thattheleadersofthe
and
conquest-thePizarros-musthavetakenspecialpainsfortheimportation
5
propagation
oftheanimal,forpigswerenotnativetotheAmericas.
people.
The truthof the matteris thatthe Pizarroswere hog-oriented
in theconTheywerehardlyuniquein thatrespect,forotherExtremadurans
ofthepigas a dependablesourceoffreshmeat.
questalso recognizedtheutility
De Soto,Coronado,Cortes,and otherstookdrovesofswinewiththemin their
notonlytheanimals'
explorations.6Thepresenceofhogsintheconquestreflects
and adaptability,
butalso thefactthatbythelate
amazinghardiness,fecundity,
fifteenth
century,
ChristianSpaniardshad developedan uncommonpredilectionforpork(whichpersiststo thisday),undoubtedly
in largemeasurebecause
thisdietary
themfromtheirMoslemandJewish
preference
clearlydistinguished
neighbors.
In Spain, Extremadura
was hog countrypar excellence.It is a commonThe
ofExtremadurans.
placethattheconquestofAmericawas theachievement
PizarroswerefromTrujillo,and mostoftheircompanionsin Peruwereeither
then,to
fromTrujilloor fromnearbyplacesin Extremadura.7
It is worthwhile,
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LatinAmericanResearchReview
Trutakea hardlookat thebirthplace
oftheconquistadores-athog-centered
jillo-to see whatkindofenvironment
producedthePizarrosandtheirfellows.
Trujillo,
situatedin theheartofExtremadura
aboutmidwaybetweenthe
riversTajoand Guadiana,had longbeen an important
centerofadministration
and defense,and was dominatedbyan imposingfortress
(stillstanding)builtby
theMoslemson Romanruins.The Christian
Reconquestcamein theyear1232,
the
largelythanksto thehelp of a Mozarabicfifth
column.As was customary,
Crowntriedto induceotherChristians
to settlein theareabyoffering
generous
and many
economicand politicalprivilegesto bothhidalgosand commoners,
camefromvariousplacesin thenorth.Trujiliowas establishedas a villarealenga
over an extensivetierra(territory)
(Crowntown) in 1234. It had jurisdiction
spanningsome fourteenleagues fromeast to west and sixteenleagues from
northto south,eventuallyincludingdozens of subjectvillagesand towns.8In
and
1294AlfonsoX granteda fuero(law code) to Trujillo,
defining
itsprivileges,
in 1430thetown'sstatuswas raisedfroma villato a ciudad(city),in considera9
tionofservicesrenderedtoDon Alvarode Lunaon behalfofthemonarch.
In thefifteenth
and sixteenth
centuries,
theterritory
ofTrujillo,
likethat
ofmostofExtremadura,
was dominatedbymonte
(woodlands)ofliveoaks and
othertrees(primarily
Travellers
and alcornoques).
encinas,
robles,
passingthrough
the area waxed enthusiasticover the wealthand the varietyof the natural
oftherollingcountryside.
fields
vegetation
Thenormwas themonte;cultivated
orimprovedpasturewereexceptional
inthosedays.10
In spiteofitsregionalleadershipand itsoutstanding
contribution
to the
was nota largecityfortheday.In theearly1500sit
conquestofAmerica,Trujillo
had onlyaroundtwo thousandvecinos
(familyheads, each equivalentto about
fiveinhabitants).
Thoughit was largerthan Caiceres,it was farsmallerthan
Burgos,Segovia, Salamanca,and Valladolid,and onlyabout halfthe size of
ofTrujillowas enhanced
Medinadel Campo.1"In 1465theregionalimportance
when HenryIV grantedit the covetedprivilegeof holdinga weeklymercado
the city'scommercial
franco(tax-free
market),whichstimulated
development.
Underthisencouragement,
theeconomyofTrujillogrewto thepointwherethe
Churchhad to modifyitstithescheduleto includepreviously
nonexistent
proin thearea. Thoughthefreemarketwas abolishedby the
ductsand industries
in 1480,itwas restored
Catholicmonarchs
byCharlesV. 12
Itwas itscontroloverthetownsand villagesinitstierrathatmadeTrujillo
an important
city.In 1485 Queen Isabella could call upon the cityto supply
twelvehundredlancersand crossbowmen
forthecampaignagainsttheMoorish
kingdomofGranada.Thesesoldierswereapportioned
amongsometwenty-five
townsand villagesofthetierraofTrujillo.13
Duringthe courseof the sixteenth
century,
the positionof Trujillowas
erodedas theCrownsold exemptions
fromthecity'sjurisdiction
to townsin its
tierrawho wishedto have theirown courts,jails, and otherprivilegesof the
villa.Trujillotriedin vainto getthefirst
oftheseexemptions
(in 1538)annulled.
Itdidsucceedpartially,
foraftera paymentofsixthousandducados,theEmperor
promisednotto sell anymoresuchexemptions;
butthefinancial
exigenciesof
PhilipII forcedhimto disregardhis father'spledge,and thecitycontinuedto
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PIGS AND PIZARROS

lose controlover its towns.14 The consequences of this loss, as will be seen later,
were grave.
Afterthe founding of the municipalityfollowing the Reconquest, the
governmentof Trujillo was controlled by representativesof its three leading
noble families: the Altamiranos,the Bejaranos, and the Afiascos. But by the
1400s this traditionalpower structurehad been broadened to include additional
councilmen(regidores).This allowed the addition of some lesser nobles. In 1434,
forexample, one of the eightcouncilnen was a certainFernando Alonso Pizarro,
grandfatherof the conquistadorFrancisco.'5
Ideally, one would describe the economy and society of early modern
Extremaduraonly afterdrawing upon a number of studies covering a broad
topical and chronologicalspan. But this is not possible, because historianshave
not shown themselvesto be veryinterestedin the subject.16Untilthereare more
studies on ruralsociety,and untilthe relevantarchivesare betterorganized and
and
cataloged, scholarswill have to be contentwitha picturethatis fragmentary
distorted,with many elements eithermissing or of poor quality. Nevertheless,
in spite of these limitations,we can constructan approximationof what things
were likefouror fivecenturiesago.
The FrenchscholarJean-PaulLe Flem has published an interestinganalysis of a census (padr6n)of Trujillotaken fortax purposes in 1557. This shows that
Trujillowas considerablymore aristocraticthan neighboringCaceres or Plasencia. The cityboasted seventy-sixmen and women in the hidalgo class, about
two thirdsof whom were in the lower nobility.This census divided the population of Trujillointo fourclasses, based upon wealth. Firstwere the rich (los que
tienenbuenahacienda),representingonly 4.4 percentof the vecinos. Most of the
rich were hidalgos, but there were also four merchants,a shoemaker, and a
locksmith.Eight were peruleros(returningconquistadores) and their families.
These nouveaux riches, the Pizarros at the head, had already taken theirplace
among the city'swealthiestfamilies.The second group, in comfortablecircummade up 5 percentof the vecinos.
stances (losque tienende comer,o medianamente),
It included peasants, artisans, merchants,and ten hidalgos. The thirdgroup,
with some property(los que tienenalgo), constituted34 percentof the vecinos. It
included representativesof the same professions as the previous group, and
twenty-sixhidalgos. Those in the thirdgroup lived decently,to be sure, normally
owning a house and a bit of land. And finallytherewere the poor (lospobres).In
Spain, a "poor" person was one who had no lands-neither
sixteenth-century
his own nor rented-and who lived as a mere wage earner;44.9 percentwere in
this category,including workers in agriculture,industry,and commerce. Ten
were hidalgos. So there were hidalgos in all categories of wealth, albeit they
were more numerous in the highest. In the society of the day, there was a
distinctseparation between nobilityand wealth-the people did not confuse
them. In the public mind, one's social standing was determinedby blood as
much as by income. In addition to social prestige,the hidalgos enjoyed certain
tax exemptions and other local privileges, but contraryto what is sometimes
thought,theywere not exemptfromall taxation.17
The general trend of the region was one of demographic growthduring
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mostofthesixteenth
totheIndies.Thereis evidence
despiteemigration
century,
thatthe comparative
attracted
settlersfrom
economicvitality
of Extremadura
less prosperouspartsof Spain. Unfortunately,
as in therestoftherealm,there
was also a tendencytowardincreasedpauperism.By the earlyseventeenth
Extremadurans
were fleeingas itinerant
century,
workersto the
agricultural
vineyards
ofAndalucia.'8
An outstanding
characteristic
of the cityof Trujilloin the earlymodern
periodwas its strongties withthe countryside.
Despiteits role as the urban
centerofits tierra,virtually
theentirepopulationseemsto have been in some
way connectedwithagriculture
or stockraising.Arounda fourth
of theactive
populationworkedin the pasturesand fieldsforthe majorsourceof their
income.Additionally,
it was perfectly
normalfortrujillanos
withdistinctly
nonagricultural
occupationstohavea vineyard,
a smallfieldofgrain,an orchard,or
someanimalsto supplementtheirincomeand fortheirlarder.Thuswe should
notbe surprised
thata clergyman,
a notary,
and a tavernkeeperall ownedsmall
parcelsofruralproperty,
orthata localpriestownedovera hundredhogs.19
TheExtremaduran
nobility
notonlyhad strongeconomictiestothecountrysidethroughtheirinvestments
in agriculture
and stockraising,theyalso felt
a specialattraction
towardscountry
living.It seemstohavebeennormalforthe
aristocratic
familiesofTrujilloto spenda good partoftheyearawayfromtheir
citymansionsin therusticatmosphere
oftheirestates,wheretheywouldenjoy
theopen airand freely
socializewiththeirhiredhelp.Theyevenenjoyedeating
outofdoors,whentheweatherpermitted.
20
Post-Reconquest
Extremadura
was fundamentally
a pastoralzone,where
bothmigratory
and nativeflocksgrazed.Therewas arableagriculture,
to provide forthe local population,but it was subordinated
to livestockraisingand
was almostlostin thedense montes.A late sixteenth-century
writerdescribed
the hillsnearTrujilloas having"fertile
and abundantpastures,butnotmuch
wheatand barley."21
It shouldnotbe thought,however,thattheinferior
positionofarableagriculture
was theconsequenceof a conflict
betweenstockmen
and farmers.
The clichethatearlymodernSpanishagriculture
was ruinedby
oftheflocksofthemesta(stockowners'
depredations
association)is simplynot
true.22
Therewas undeniablya conflict
betweenarableand pastoralagriculture,
buttheavailableevidencesuggeststhattheformer
was generally
victorious
in
the1500s.23
Therewas a sustainedantagonism
betweentheownersofmigratory
flocksand thelocalagriculturalists
oftheareasthroughwhichtheypassed. But
thiswas not,strictly
speaking,an arable-pastoral
conflict,
because the typical
agriculturalist
in earlymodernCastilehad bothcultivated
fieldsandflocks.The
grainfarmer
needed some animalsfordraftpower,meat,dairyproducts,and
wool and leather;and thestockraiserneeded some fieldsto providegrainfor
his bread.This complementary,
ratherthanantagonistic,
relationship
between
localstockraisingand arableagriculture
was as trueoftherichas itwas ofthe
poor.24

Thoughtherewas probablysome irrigation,


a holdoverfromMoslem
days.alongtheriversin thetierraofTrujillo,
theoverwhelming
bulkofagricul50

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PIGS AND PIZARROS

ture must have been dryland. It was a primitive,inefficientagriculturebased


upon the local conditions of scanty rainfall,poor soil, plentifulland, and the
need for pasture. Yet this ancient agriculturalsystem was suitable enough to
prevail well into the twentiethcentury.Grain was typicallyplanted in strips
(hojas), which would be harvested, then allowed to fallow forfromone to four
years (depending upon the qualityof the soil) beforeplantingagain. During the
fallow period, flockshad the rightto graze on the grain stubble and spontaneous vegetation while the soil regained its fertility.
Occasionally there was a
longer fallow, of eight to ten years or more, on soils which had become exhausted.25

In the fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies,the difficulty


of transportation
imposed a "closed" self-sufficient
economy, in which most of what was consumed had to be produced locally.In addition to cereals, the inhabitantsof old
Trujillohad fruittrees (most notablycitrusand figs),vineyards,and the inevitable olives. The citydwellers' orchardsand vines were normallyplanted in the
rockyarea (berrocal)
adjacent to the cityitself.26
Local livestock mentioned in period documents include oxen (as draft
animals), sheep, goats, cows, horses, mules (as saddle and pack animals), asses,
and hogs. There were specially designated pastures forthese animals. Nevertheless, therewere numerous squabbles growingout of impropersupervision,
when one person's animals would invade another's pasture, fields,or vines.27
In winter,Trujilloand otherplaces in Extremadurawere invaded by the mesta's
flocksof northernsheep, who would remainuntilthe spring,when theirmountainpastures in the northhad greened enough fortheirreturn.28
But the most importantand the most widespread economic activityfor
people of all socioeconomic levels in Trujilloand its territory
was hog raising.
That was what explained theirprosperityand enabled themto pay taxes.29Even
the hidalgos did not shrinkfromthe hog business. In a region where arable
agriculturewas marginallyprofitable,hog raisingrepresentedwealth, and even
social prestige.In partitwas swine who made possible the wealth ofthe Pizarros
and otherimportantfamiliesof Trujillo.Some went so faras to include two or
threepig heads in theircoats of arms! Naturallythe perulerosinvesteda portion
of theirAmericanloot in hogs. Inventoriesof propertyof the high-bornalmost
inevitablyincluded pigs along with other more noble animals. It is hardly surprisingthatTrujillo's1499 ordinances, which long continued to be the law, gave
hogs a privileged position, above that of other livestock,in pasture and water
rights.30

Hog raising in old Trujillowas not at all like the pig farmingof today's
northernEurope and America. Whereas pigs in the latterlead sedentarylives,
having theirmeals broughtto theirpens, in the traditionalExtremaduransystem
the animals were herded in droves (viaras,manadas,or hatos) to the source of
theirfood and water. This centuries-oldsystem,which has survivedintactinto
the mid-twentiethcentury,was based upon the utilizationof the natural pastures of the monte and of the stubble and fallow vegetationin grainfieldsafter
harvest. In the fifteenthand sixteenthcenturies, the monte was much more
importantthan the fields,because therewas farless area under cultivationthan
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pastureof
in recenttimes.The grainfields,afterharvest,yieldeda nutritious
fallengrain,roots,and spontaneousvegetation.
The monte,on theotherhand,
offeredthe hogs a richand varied diet of roots,berriesand seeds, natural
the
grassesand weeds, and above all, the acornsof thelive oaks dominating
region.31

fromtwenty-five
to
Hogs weredividedintodrovesnormally
numbering
fifty
animals.Earlyin themorning
theywereled fromtheirpens in or nearthe
cityout topasturein thefieldsor monte,dependingon theseason. Each drove

was usually in the charge of one or two swineherds (vorquerosor porquerizos):

tobe sure,of
hiredhelpin thecase ofwealthystockmen;
members
ofthefamily,
the moremodestpeasants.Thereis evidencethatsome of the highlymobile
Extremaduran
hog drovesmadetheirwaytothefairsofLa Mancha.Itwouldbe
to knowhow prevalentthiswas.32Extremadura
was not the only
interesting
partof Spain wherehogs were raisedin thatmanner.Wheretherewere oak
woodlandstopermitit,thesamesystemwas employedalso in Andalucia.33
Only the importanceof the hog tradein Trujillocan explainthe city's
obsessionwiththe protectionof its montes,as the cityacknowledgedin a
to theAudienciaofGranadain theearly1570s.The monteswerethe
statement
This ownershipof
property
of the city,by royalgrantafterthe Reconquest.34
themontesdid notnecessarily
meanownershipofthe soil on whichthetrees
grew.The citydid own largetractsof land,buttherewerealso extensivelarge
and smallblocksofprivateproperty
Yetin spiteof
withinTrujillo's
jurisdiction.
thefactthattheland mightbe privately
owned,thetreeson thatlandwerethe
themforhisown
property
ofthecity,and thelandownercouldnotappropriate
use. The city'sprimeconcern,reflected
in its monteordinances,was thatthe
oaksnotbe indiscriminately
ortoincrease
cutdownforlumber,tools,firewood,
arable land or open pasture.The cuttingdown or burningof oak treesfor
whateverpurposecould be done onlyunderspeciallicenseof the municipal
government.
The cityeven had the authority
to compelthe people underits
togo outtocleanthemontesand toplantnew treestoreplacethose
jurisdiction
thathad been destroyed.35
forbidding
thecutting
of
Therewerealso regulations
branches(el ramoneo)
foranimalfeed.However,a limitednumberand size of
branchescouldbe cut forcertainspecifiedpurposes,such as toolhandlesand
forthecampfires
firewood
ofshepherdsand swineherds.36
theuse ofitsmonteswas to
One ofthecity'smajorconcernsinregulating
controltheacornharvest(la montanera)-amatteroftranscendental
importance
thefinalfilling-out
because acornsconstituted
dietofTrujillo'sgreatdrovesof
swine.Itwas thegoal ofthecityto enableall pigownersto shareequallyin the
harvest.Towardthatend, even the harveston privatepropertywas strictly
ofOctober,and the
supervised.The first
acornswereripearoundthebeginning
season lasted untilthe end of the year.The swineherdsoftenhastenedthe
harvest by flailingthe branches (el vareo))to make the acorns fall into reach of

theiranimals.37
Not everything
in themontewas beneficial.
Wolvesand foxes
annoyedstockownersby preyingupon theiranimals.The citytookactionby
a bountyforthekillingofthesepredators.38
offering
one in
Trujillo
assignedthetaskofpolicingitsmontesto twomayordomos:
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PIGS AND PIZARROS

charge of cuttingand burningviolations (de cortosy quemas);the other charged


with supervisingthe acorn harvest(de la montarazia).These positions were auctioned, or rented,each year to the highestbidder,who would then have a right
to a specified percentage of the fines collected during that term. Each mayordomo had a numberof city-paidguards and constables (normallycalled guardas
and alguaciles,but sometimes fielesand corredores)
to do the actual patrolling,
both on footand on horseback. During the highlyimportantacorn season, the
citywould also send its councilmenand otherofficialsto aid the regularguards.
When the guards discovered a violation of the city's monte ordinances, they
would make a reportto theirmayordomo,who would denounce the violatorsto
the citygovernment.Unless the accused appeared to contestthe charge, a fine
would be levied with no furtherhearing,accordingto rates specifiedin the city's
ordinances. Fines were normallymonetaryforburning and cutting,but when
violations involved animals, a quinto(literallya fifth,but usually only about a
tenthof the flock) mightbe charged. The citymight,in the face of mitigating
circumstances,reduce the severityof the penalty.In cases of cuttingand burning, it was difficultto apprehend the guiltyparty,and Trujillooftengot around
this problem by holding the governmentof the nearest town responsible-a
practicewhich caused manyill feelings.39
The municipalownership of the montes was but one piece in the complex
pictureof propertyownership in Trujillo.There, as in the restof the kingdomof
Castile, the patternof landholding was an intricateblend of public and private
ownership. Throughoutmost of the sixteenthcentury,the prevalentpatternfor
most parts of Castile seems to have been characterizedby the existenceof large
municipal and communal holdingSsand a numerous and relativelyprosperous
class of independent peasants (labradores)who owned or rented theirland, or
used communitylands, in addition to the inevitablelatifundiawhich are often
assumed to have been practicallythe exclusivefeatureofthe landscape.40
Trujillo,like virtuallyall municipalitiesof the day, owned two types of
property:common property,for the free use of all its vecinos; and propios,
propertywhich was normallyrented out, with the proceeds going to the municipal government.Among the formerwere the exido(a multi-purposepiece of
land situated near the exit fromthe city),special dehesas(enclosed pastures) to
encourage the raising of horses, the dehesaboyal(a pasture reserved foroxen
the plow animals), and the montes. As towns in its jurisdictiongrew in size,
Trujilloestablished separate exidos and dehesas boyales forthem. The commons
were normallyavailable for the free use of all vecinos of the tierraof Trujillo
(outsiders were rigidlyexcluded). Hence, theywere of incalculable value to the
landless poor. But both the hidalgos, who tended to be propertyowners, and
the upper-class-dominatedmunicipal governmentschampioned the integrityof
the commons.41 The propios of the cityincluded not only land, granted at the
establishmentof the municipalityafterthe Reconquest, but also houses, corrals,
propertymortgages,accounts receivableon loans, and the income fromvarious
taxes and fines. Trujillowas jealous of its propios, tried to defend and add to
them,and was successfulenough to become extraordinarily
wealthy.42
The most importantof the city's propios were thirty-six
dehesas known
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LatinAmericanResearchReview
as caballerias,
so named possiblybecause theyhad originally
been grantedto
in theReconquest.Atan earlydate,hownoblewarriors
who had participated
and thecityrented
ever,thecaballeriaswerelistedamongthepropiosofTrujillo
ofthemunicipality
tobe appliedto
themout,theproceedsgoingintothecoffers
In 1485,forexample,incomefromthe
variousprojectsin thecommoninterest.
caballeriaswas used to helppay thesoldiersfromtheareawho wentto fightin
ofTrujillo
Granada.Despitelaws designedto preventsuchabuses,theofficials
fellintothepracticeof rentingthecaballeriasalmostexclusively
to theirnoble
friendsand relatives.In 1502the Catholicmonarchsorderedan end to such
be givenpreferthatcommoners
favoritism
by stipulating
livingin thevicinity
ofthecentury,
therentersseemto have been all nonence. Fortheremainder
hidalgos.Itwas customary
forgroupsofas manyas a dozen labradoresto form
partnerships
in rentingthecaballerias,thearea and expensebeingbeyondthe
ofmostindividuals.Some caballeriaswererentedbythecouncilsof
capabilities
townsin thetierraof Trujillo,who would thenassignthemto localresidents.
Rentalcontracts,
awardedon thebasisofcompetitive
bidding,wereforas long
ofboth.
as sevenyears,and couldbe forpasture,forarable,orfora combination
butoccasionally
was partlyin grain.Therewere
Payment
was usuallymonetary,
also seasonal leases forpasture,especiallydesignedforthe itinerant
mesta
flocks.Becausethecityownedboththevegetation
and thesoilofthecaballerias,
it seemsto have enforceditsmonteordinanceswithgreaterrigortherethanin
otherplacesinitsjurisdiction.43
In additiontoitscommonsand itspropios,Trujilloexercisedcontrolover
the tierras
baldiasin its territory.
These lands, whichexistedthroughout
the
kingdomofCastile,werenormally
tractsofinferior
qualitythathad neverbeen
includedin thevariousroyalgrantsmade sincetheReconquest.Ownershipof
thetierrasbaldiaswas vague. The Crownclaimedthem,butexercisedvirtually
no controloverthem,tacitlyallowingthemunicipalities
to supervisetheiruse.
Trujillo
assertedthesametypeofcontroloverthetierras
baldiasas itdidoverits
own property,
generallytreatingthemas commonsavailableforthe use of
vecinosofall townsinitsjurisdiction.44
The city'sauthority
over the territory
underits controland even the
ownershipofitscommonsand propioswerecontinually
put to thetest.There
was an incessanttendencyforthecommunitarian
systemto breakdownand to
be replacedbya systemofprivateownershipand individualcontrol.Themonte
was constantly
underattackby sheepmenand grainfarmers,
bothof whom
consideredthetreesand underbrush
as an obstacletobe destroyed
by"accidental" fires.Hog raiserssenttheiranimalsto eat acornsout of season whenever
theycould, even bribingthe city'sguards forthatforbiddenprivilege.The
vecinosof the tierraof Trujillosurreptitiously
plowedexidosand specialcommonpastures,and evenbuiltfencesand houseson commonlands.Grainfarmersoftenenlargedtheirfieldsbyplowingadditionalfurrows
intotheadjoining
commons,evenmovingtheproperty
markers
(mojones)
totrytoperpetuate
their
gains.Allofthesepractices
wereillegal,and thecityprosecutedtheoffenders
it
apprehended,subjectingthemto lengthytrialsand heavyfines.Nevertheless,
the abuses continuedand even increasedas populationpressureduringthe
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PIGS AND PIZARROS

sixteenthcenturybroughtnew demands upon the existingstructures.45


The increasingtendencyof towns to purchase exemptionsfromthe legal
jurisdictionof Trujilloaccelerated the erosion of the old communitariansystem.
The newly independent villas were land hungryand shortof funds. They illegally rented out parts of theirdehesas boyales and exidos. They contested the
city'scontrolover its montes, tierrasbaldias, and caballerias. The late 1400s and
the entire1500s were marked by bitterand extended suits between Trujilloand
its formertowns who now wished to wrest land fromthe city's control.There
were frequentcases of contestedjurisdictionover areas where both Trujilloand
the new villas placed guards. The naturallybellicose Extremaduransfrequently
turnedto violence to support theirclaims. Trujillooftencomplained thatarmed
bands of townspeople did whatevertheywished in the montes and caballerias,
and the city's guards were impotent to controlviolations in the face of such
force. The consequence was oftenirreparabledamage to the montes; and the
elaborate systemof common use, which depended upon goodwill and cooperation,was dealt a severe blow.46
In many respects,the towns were justifiedin assertingtheirrightsagainst
the pretensionsof Trujillo,foreven at best, the communitariansystempresided
over by the citywas marredby gross inequities. For example, the cityallowed its
own vecinos the privilegeof runningboth sexes of theircherished hogs in the
caballerias,whereas vecinos of subject towns could only run theirfemalehogs.
Even more discriminatory
was the factthatwhile Trujillokept all hogs out of its
own dehesa boyal, "because theyroot around and cause so much damage," the
cityinsistedthatits vecinos' hogs had the rightto pasture in the dehesas boyales
ofitstowns.47
Throughoutthe late 1400s and the entire1500s, the cityof Trujillomaintained a runningfeud with the mesta, whose sheep winteredin the area. Partly
the differencesstemmed fromthe natural antagonism between local residents
and migrantscompetingforgrazingrights,and partlytheywere a reflectionof a
competitionforland between pastoral and arable interests.In these confrontations, the cityand its vecinos oftenacted arbitrarily,
subjectingthe shepherds
and theirflocksto various formsof harrassment.The mesta defended its ancient
prerogativesas best it could, but its star was on the wane; in the sixteenth
centurythe Crown no longer favored the organizationas it previouslyhad. In
1506, forexample, the Council of Trujillosuddenly began takingoffensewhen
the migrantshepherds cut branches offtreesin the monte. The mesta promptly
appealed to the Audiencia (Supreme Court), confidentthat it would win the
case on the basis of an ancientroyally-approvedprivilegeofbranch-cutting.But
theAudiencia ruled in Trujillo'sfavorin 1521,aftera lengthylegal battlebetween
the two sides. The mesta often complained that sheep and shepherds were
being mistreatedby officialsfromTrujillo,and there were numerous examples
of deliberate plowings of mesta trails and pastures and of the usurpation of
mesta pastures. In short,the cityand its vecinos acted arrogantlyand highhandedly toward the mesta, often gettingthe best of it throughbrute forcein the
fieldsand throughlegal maneuversin the courts.48
It would be a mistake,however, to thinkthatthe treatmentmeted out to
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LatinAmericanResearchReview
the mestawas unusualforTrujillo.No, it was quite normal.The cityand its
vecinoswere accustomedto arrogant,aggressivebehavior.The documentsof
the periodshow the inhabitants
of the area to have been highlycontentious,
litigiousin theextreme,even bellicose,and everwatchfulto sieze anyopportunityforpersonalgain,whetherlegalornot.One can hardlybe surprisedthat
thesonsofTrujillo
figured
highlyintheconquestofAmerica.
It is notdifficult
to documenttheroleofthePizarrofamily
in old Trujillo.
The familydates back to the Reconquest,and is noble,but notof thehighest
level.Theydidnot,forexample,havetherighttoerecta fortified
residence(casa
fuerte),
nor did theirrolein theReconquestgivethemsuzerainty
overvassals.
Afterthe conquestof America,severalbranchesof the Pizarrofamilygained
suzeraintyover townsand villages,but thiswas throughpurchasefromthe
Crown.The earlyPizarros,ofthe1400s,werefromthelessernobility
and only
moderatelywell-to-do.Nevertheless,as we have alreadynoted,therewere
Pizarroson thecitycouncilin the1400s.One ofthecouncilmen
approvingthe
city'shog-favoring
1499ordinanceswas a Pizarro.Afterthefamily'ssuccessin
Peru,however,thePizarrosbecamethewealthiestpeople in Trujillo,
and their
namewas so important
thatPizarrodaughters
wantedtheirchildrentobearitas
49
theirfirst
surname.
The newlyenrichedheirsoftheconquerorsnotonlycontinuedtheirties
to theruraleconomyofTrujillo,
butvastlyincreasedthemthrough
thepurchase
ofnew landsand animals.Documentsfromthemid-and late-sixteenth
century
showthatthePizarros,trueto theirheritage,
in thesquabbles,
regularly
figured
controversies,
legalbattles,and irregularities
thatcharacterized,the
agro-pastoral
systemoftheday.In 1565,forexample,a mestajudgefoundthata certainDiego
Pizarrohad been illegallyfarming
a portionof a sheep trail.And eightyears
later,one GabrielPizarrowas convicted
ofhavingorderedhisherdersto pasture
a largedroveofhogs,cows,and otheranimalsin a pasturerentedbythemesta.
Whenconfronted
withtheevidenceofhis guilt,he deniedeverything,
proudly
statingthata personofhis qualitywould notneed to stoopto robbingothers'
pastures.50

Unfortunately,
thoughwe can easilyprovethatthePizarrofamily,
both
beforeand aftertheAmerican
conquest,was involvedwithhograisinginTrujillo,
we can not documentthe allegationthatFranciscoPizarrowas a swineherd.
Somedaysuchproofmayturnup. Butin themeanwhile,we willhaveto tryto
reconcilethelegendwithwhatwe knowaboutthesocietyand economyoflate
fifteenth-century
Trujillo,forwe knowalmostnothingaboutFrancisco'searly
life.Theonlyreliableinformation
is thetestimony
ofwitnessesfora 1529investigationmade when the conquerorapplied formembership
in the Orderof
Santiago.Itestablishes
onlythatFranciscowas theillegitimate
sonofthehidalgo
GonzaloPizarroand ofFranciscaGonzalez,thedaughterofOld Christian
labradores of modestcircumstances.
Untildisgracedby her pregnancy,
Francisca
workedas a maidin a localconvent.She gave birthto thefutureconquerorof
Peruin thehomeofone JuanCasco,who apparently
had marriedherwidowed
mother.51The witnessesoffer
nothingaboutFrancisco'sboyhood,and we have
no reliableevidenceofwhatbecameof himuntilhe appearedin America.His
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PIGS AND PIZARROS

father,Gonzalo Pizarro, went on to serve with distinctionas an artillerycolonel


in the Italian campaigns, and some writershave suggested thatthe young Francisco accompanied him. But thisis mere conjecture.52
It is reasonable to assume thatyoung Francisco grew up at his mother's
side, in the home of the labrador-husbandof his maternalgrandmother.Though
he knew that he was a Pizarro, forhe bore the name, he surelydid not receive
much attentionfromhis father.He probablynever even went to school, forhe
remained illiterate.As a member of a humble labrador household, Francisco
musthave taken partin the normalactivitiesof the family,helping withplanting
and harvestingcrops and caring foranimals. The animals almost certainlyincluded hogs, and it would have been perfectlynormal forthe boy to help tend
them. It is even conceivable that he hired himselfout as a swineherd, there
being nothing ignoble about the business in the eyes of Trujillansociety.Like
thousands of his countrymen,he was ambitious to better himself and took
advantage of the opportunityof America, where he was spectacularlysuccessful.
We should shrink fromasserting that herding swine in the montes of
Trujillo provided the preparatorytrainingneeded for the conquest of Peru.
Nevertheless,it can be argued thatthatkind of pastoral activityproduced men
who were physicallyrobust, mentallyalert,resourceful,and aggressivelycompetitive.Historyis fullof examples of other relativelyunculturedruralherding
peoples who were able to topple great empires. But even if theirbackground
was not the determiningfactor,we can still marvel at the magnitude of the
accomplishmentsof the hog raisersof Trujillo.
The rural matrixof fifteenthand sixteenthcenturyTrujillowas of transcendentalimportancein shaping the characterand the values of the conquerors
of Peru. The implicationsforscholars of colonial Latin America are enormous.
Colonialists would do well to pay greaterheed to the Iberian background and
particularlyto the socioeconomic institutionsof the rural areas that supplied
most of the early colonists. The possibilitiesforcomparingIberian, pre-Columbian, and colonial ruralstructuresare intriguing.53
Unfortunately,
earlymodern
Spanish rural historyis an underworked area because most historians have
preferredto concentrateon politicaltopics. There are several scholarsnow working in the field,but thereis not yet a comprehensivestudy of the ruralworld of
Castile during this period, nor are there even any completely satisfactoryregional or local studies.54Fortunately,however, the primarysources forundertakingsuch studies are available in great abundance: in the centralarchives of
Simancas and the Audiencias; in local archives(municipal,parish, and notarial);
and in various private (or originallyprivate) collections.55The documents have
been waiting, largelyuntouched, forcenturies-the harvest is bounteous, but
the laborersare few.
NOTES

1.

FranciscoL6pez de G6mara.La historia


general
delas Indiasy nuevomundo,
conmdsla
conquista
delPerui
ydeM6xico:
agoranuevamenta
aniadida
yemendada
porelmismo
autor...
(Zaragoza, 1554), capitulo 145, folio65 verso.

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LatinAmericanResearchReview
2.

3.

4.

TheIncaGarcilasode la VegarejectedbothpartsofG6mara'sPizarro-pig
story,
blaming it on maliceand envy(thePizarroshad fallenfromroyalgrace).Moreover,it
fortheInca to accepttheidea thatthegloriousempireof
wouldhave been difficult
his forebearshad been conqueredby an individualwith such a discreditable
background.
See hisHistoria
general
delPeru... (C6rdoba,1617),folio91 verso.
Amongrecentwriters,
JoseManuelQuintanaacceptstheentireG6marapigstoryas
partoftheromanceoftheconquest,VidadeFrancisco
Pizarro,
3a ed. (Madrid,1959),
pp. 9, 10. RicardoMajo Framis,Francisco
Pizarro(Madrid,1972),p. 16,acceptsonly
theswineherdpartof the story,as does JoseAntonioBustoDuthurburu,
Francisco
Pizarro.El MarquesGobernador
To
(Madrid,1965),pp. 9-13,albeitwithreservations.
R. VidalCuineo,VidadelConquistador
delPeru,donFrancisco
Pizarro
(Barcelona,1925),
sus hijosy
p. 90 and Clodoaldo Naranjo Alonso,Solarde conquistadores.
Trujillo,
monumentos,
2a ed. (Serradilla[Caceres], 1929), p. 521, the idea of a Pizarro
swineherdis patentlyabsurd.The redoubtableWilliamH. Prescott,
History
ofthe
Conquest
ofPeru,2 vols. (New York,1847),1:203f,citestheG6marastorieswiththe
warningthat"littleis toldofFrancisco's
earlyyears,and thatlittlenotalwaysdeservingofcredit."
Garcilaso,Historia
folio83 and 83 verso;Augustinde Zarate,Historia
deldegeneral,
scubrimiento
delPerui. .. (Sevilla,1577),folios32 verso,34
y conquista
delasprovincias
verso;Antoniode Herrera[yTordesillasi,
deloshechos
deloscastellanos
Historia
general
en las Islas i tierrafirnedelMar Oceano,4 vols. (Madrid, 1601-15), 3, decada 6, libro8,

5.

6.
7.
8.
9.
10.

11.
12.
13.
14.

15.
16.

capitulos6 y 7, pp. 232-34.


The firstpigs in Americawerebroughtby Columbuson his secondvoyage.These
seemto have multiplied
rapidly,
probably
augmentedbynew stockfromSpain,and
theAntillies
becamepigsupplydepotsfortheSpanishconquestofthemainland.See
FrayBartolome
de las Casas, Historia
delasIndias,3 vols,ed. AgustinMillaresCarlo
K. Bennett,
(M6xico,1965),libro1, capitulo73(1:351ofthised.); and Merrill
"Aspects
ofthePig,"Agricultural
History
44,no. 2 (April1970):230.
libro2, capitulo6
Bennett,
"AspectsofthePig,"pp. 228-31;and Las Casas,Historia,
(2:225fin thecitededition).
folio2 verso.
Zarate,Historia,
Naranjo,Solar,pp. 93-121.
"El ReyDon Alonsoel lo. Fueroque di6 ala ciudadde Truxillo,"
27 July1294,BibliotecaNacional(Madrid)(henceforth
BN),MSS 430,folios49-52;Naranjo,Solar,pp.
202-4.
See thedescriptive
travelogue,
begunin 1517by Columbus'son, FernandoCol6n,
Descripci6n
y cosmografia
deEspana,3 vols.(Madrid,1910),1:177-79,181,209f.See also
a copy of Trujillo's1499Ordenanzasde Montesin Archivode la Mesta (Madrid)
16 December1521;and AntonioRodriguezAM), Executorias,
Trujillo,
(henceforth
"Extremadura
en el sigloXVI.Noticiasde viajerosy ge6grafos
Mofiino,
(1495-1600),"
Revista
deestudios
extremenos
(henceforth
REE) 8 (1952):281-376,
10 (1954):329-411.
Col6n,Descripci6n
1:177,2:181;Jean-Paul
Le Flem,"Caceres,Plasenciay Trujillo
en la
segundamitaddel sigloXVI,"trans.Claude Le Flem,Cuadernos
dehistoria
deEspania
(BuenosAires),1967,pp. 253ff.
Naranjo,Solar,pp. 221-23.
EugenioEscobarPrieto,"Los ReyesCat6licosen Trujillo,"
Revistade Extremadura
(henceforth
RE) 6 (1904):483-99.
See a copyofa 1538Previlegio
toTrujillo
in "Escritura
de Venta... a Juande Vargas
... ,"' 13 October1559,Archivodel Ayuntamiento
de Trujillo(henceforth
AAT),
1-3-82,no. 51;and ClodoaldoNaranjoAlonso,Trujillo
ysu tierra.
Historia.
Monumentose hijosilustres,
2 vols. (Trujillo,
s.a.) 1:336-45;Naranjo,Solar,pp. 221-23.
See a copyofan Ordenanzaof1434in"La Cd. de Trujillo
contralas villasylugaresde
su tierra,"variousdates1552-1631,Archivode la Chancilleria
de Granada(henceforth
ACHGR),3-958-1;and Naranjo,Solar,pp. 265-71.
Severalimpressive
regionalbibliographies
thereis surprising
little
notwithstanding,
ofvalueaboutruralsocietyin Extremadura
in theearlymodernperiod.See Vicente

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PIGS AND PIZARROS

Barrantes
[Moreno],Aparato
bibliogrdfico
parala historia
deExtremadura,
3 vols. (Madrid, 1875-77); Domingo Sanchez Loro, Bibliografia
de Extremadura(Caceres, 1951);

17.

JustoCorch6nGarcia,Bibliografia
geogrdfica
de unaIntroduccion
extremena,
precedida
al
estudio
geogrdfico
dela AltaExtremadura
(Badajoz,1955).
Le Flem, "Caceres," pp. 261-70. My definitionof the pobrecomes fromJos6 Ortega

Valcarcel, La Bureba.Estudiogeogrdfico
(Valladolid, 1966), p. 105.

18. Le Flem, "Caceres," pp. 255ff,265; Pedro HerreraPuga, Sociedady delicuencia


en elsiglo
19.

deoro.Aspectos
dela vidasevillana
enlossiglosXVIy XVII(Granada,1971),pp. 431ff.

"Escriturade venta para FrancOde Amarilla... ," 6 February1556, AAT, 1-3-82, no.
21; "Carta de venta que otorg6Albar Garcia de Solis ... ," 22 November 1574, AAT,
1-3-82, no. 31; "La Cd. de TrujillocontraD. JuanAlonso de Orellana," various dates
1570-1608, ACHGR, 3-443-3; Le Flem, "Cfceres," pp. 261f.
20. For Trujillo,see Miguel Mufioz de San Pedro, Diego GarciadeParedes.Herculesy Sans6n
de Espania(Madrid, s.a. [1946]), p. 70. Compare also with Miguel Angel Orti Bel-

21.

monte,La vidaenCdceres
enlossiglosXIIIy XVIal XVIII(Caceres,1949),pp. 96f.

Fray Gabriel de Talavera, Historiade nuestraSenorade Guadalupe. .. (Toledo, 1597),


quoted in Rodriquez-Mofiino,"Extremaduraen el siglo XVI," p. 392.
22. JuliusKlein, the mesta historian,was conservativein assessing the impact of mesta

herdson cultivated
fields.See TheMesta:A StudyinSpanishEconomic
History,
1273-

1836 (Cambridge, Mass., 1920), pp. 336-42. But some otherhistorianshave been carried away by the pathos of the theoreticalpossibilitythat the mesta destroyedrural
Castile.
23. I plan to treatthe subject in depth in a futurearticle,but thereare some referencesto
the problem in my "The TierrasBaldias: CommunityPropertyand Public Lands in
16th Century Castile," Agricultural
History48, no. 3, (July1974): 383-401 and "The
Sale ofTierrasBaldiasin Sixteenth-Century
Castile,"Journal
ofModernHistory47, no. 4
(December 1975):629-54.
24. A few examples out of many possible that show richand poor with both fieldsand
flocksin the Trujillo-Caceresarea: AM, Executorias,Trujillo,1 December 1578; AM
Executorias,Trujillo,21 February1584; Orti,Vidaen Cdceres,pp. 37-39; and El Bachiller de Trevejo (pseud. forDaniel Berjano), "Como vivian nuestros antepasados (Un
hogar noble de antafno),"RE 11 (1909):516-21, 530-36.
25. AM, Executorias,Trujillo,21 February1584 and 2 June1586; JustoCorch6n Garcia, El

Campode Arafnuelo
de una comarca
(Estudiogeogrdfico
extremeina)
(Madrid,1963),pp.

79-83, 196, 200f,260. For more on the Castilian rotation-fallowsystem,see Vassberg,

26.

27.
28.
29.
30.

31.

"TheTierras
Baldias."

"Hernan Perez con la Cd. de Trujilloy Alonso Hernandez, alguacil," various dates in
1588-89, ACHGR, 3-1298-2; AAT, 1-3-82 passim; and compare with RodriguezMofnino,"Extremaduraen el siglo XVI," p. 392; and An6nimo,Florestaespafiola(1607),
BN, MSS, 5.989, folios79, 80.
Out of many possible examples, see one reportedin AM, Executorias,Trujillo,1 December1578.
See Klein's TheMesta and Pedro de Medina, Librodegrandezasy cosasmemorables
de Espanla(Sevilla, 1549), foliolxxiii.
See a statementmade by the cityin the 1570s in "La Cd. de TrujillocontraD. Juan
Alonso de Orellana," various dates 1570-1609, ACHGR, 3-443-3.
See a copy of Trujillo's1499 Ordenanzas de Montes in AM, Executorias,Trujillo,16
December 1521. For the importanceof hogs in Trujilloand otherareas in Extremadura, see "El Rey y la Reina al Onrado Maestre [de Alcantara],"10 March 1491, BN,
MSS, 430, folios418 verso y 419; "El lugar de Villardel Rey con el de Badajoz sobre el
pasto de la bellota ... " various dates 1537-38, ACHGR, 3-780-12; Miguel Angel
Orti Belmonte, "Caceres bajo la Reina Cat6lica y su Camarero Sancho Paredes Golfin,"REE 10 (1954):245; Le Flem, "Caceres," pp. 261-69; El Bachiller,"Como vivian,"
pp. 520f;and Orti Belmonte,Vidaen Cdceres,pp. 37-39.
The brothersJuan and AlfredoCalles Mariscal, both hog raisers fromTrujillo,have
published an extremelyvaluable littlebook describingthe traditionalExtremaduran

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32.

33.

34.
35.

systemofswineherding,
Ganadoporcino
extremeiio
(Madrid,1946).Comparealso the
virtually
identicalsystemdescribedin Corch6n,CampodeAraniuelo,
pp. 233f.
contraFranciscoSanchezRosillo,"various
Ibid.,and "Alonsode Tapia,v?de Trujillo,
enlas
dates,1566-69,ACHGR,3-998-6;RicardodelArcoy Garay,La sociedad
espaniola
obrasdramdticas
deLopedeVega(Madrid,1941),p. 863;OrtiBelmonte,
"Caceresbajo la
Reina Cat6lica,"p. 245; FranciscoQuir6s,"Sobre geografiaagrariadel Campo de
Calatravay Vallede Alcudia,Estudios
geograficos
(Madrid)(henceforth
EG) 26,no. 99
(mayo1965):227.
"BartolomeSerranocon el Co de la Cd. de C6rdoba,"various dates 1573-74,
ACHGR,3-1493-9;JamesD. Parsons,"La economiade las montaneras
en los encinaresdel suroestede Espafia,"EG 27,no. 103(mayo1966):309-29;
"Ventaque el Lic.
de la FuenteVergaraotorg6al DoctorHemandode Martosde Varreda,"
25 January
1591,ArchivoGeneralde Simancas,Contadurias
Generales,legajo371.
"El ReyDon Alonsoel lo. Fueroque di6 ala ciudadde Truxillo,"
27 July1294,BN,
MSS, 430,folios49-52;"La Cd. de Trujillo
contraD. JuanAlonsode Orellana,"various dates1570-1609,ACHGR,3-443-3.
See thecopyofTrujillo's
16
1499Ordenanzasde MontesinAM,Executorias,
Trujillo,
December1521;and a letterfromthe cityto theAudienciain 1578in "La Cd. de
Trujillocontralas villasy lugaresde su tierra,"a bundleof documentsof various
dates1522-1631in ACHGR,3-958-1.Forthemonteordinancesofotherplaces,see
"Los Concejos de los Pueblos del Margen . .. con el Juezde residencia . . . " various

36.
37.
38.
39.

datesin 1572,ACHGR,508-1945-1;FernandoJimenez
de Gregorio,"La poblaci6n
en la zona suroccidental
de los montesde Toledo,"EG 26, no. 98 (febrero
1965):94f;
EstebanRodriguezAmaya,"La tierra
en Badajozdesde1230a 1500,"REE 7, nos. 3-4
de Felipe
(julio-diciembre
1951):438;and ArcadioGuerra,"Ordenanzasmunicipales
II a Los Santosde Maimona,"REE 8 (1952):506-8.
See the 1499 Ordenanzascitedabove in note 35, and otherdocumentsin AM,
16 December1521.
Executorias,
Trujillo,
"La Cd. de TrujillocontraD. JuanAlonsode Orellana,"variousdates1570-1609,
ACHGR, 3-443-3; Calles Mariscal,Ganadoporcino,
pp. 61-69; Corch6n,Campode
Arafiuelo,
pp. 202-7,234f.
See variousexpenditures
fortheyear1594in AAT,1-2-66,no. 1.
The1294Fuerode Trujillo,
citedin note9, providedforguardsto patrolthemontes.
froma number
My information
aboutmayordomos
and guardswas piecedtogether
of documents.See especially"La Cd. de Trujillocontralas villasy lugaresde su
tierra,"
variousdates1552-1631,ACHGR,3-958-1;"Alonsode Tapia,v? de Trujillo
contraFranciscoSanchezRosillo.. . ," variousdates1566-69,ACHGR,3-998-6;"La
Cd. de Trujillo
contrael Lugarde SantaCruz ... ," variousdates1541-44,ACHGR,
3-1408-6; "Mateo Torresy consortes contra la Cd. de Trujillo . . . ," various dates,

1585-89,ACHGR,3-1041-7;"Cuentasde Propiosde 1594,"AAT,1-2-66,no. 1; "La


Cd. de TrujillocontraD. JuanAlonso de Orellana,"various dates 1570-1609,
ACHGR,3-443-3;and AM, Executorias,
Trujillo,
16 August1548.
40. Thequestionofpublicand privateproperty
in earlymodernSpainneeds
ownership
farmorework,butan introduction
can be foundin
to thecharacteristic
institutions
mytwoarticles,
citedin note23.
41. Ibid.,and variousdocuments
fromthe1570sinAAT,1-3-82;the1575Ordenanzasof
Trujilloin AAT,1-2-72,no. 13; "HernanPerezcon la Cd. de Trujillo. .. ," various
dates1588-89,ACHGR,3-1298-2;
"Los Cavallerosy fijosdalgodelL. de Sta Cruzde
la Sierra [juris. of Trujillo] con el CO del dho lugar . .

.,"

various dates 1515-16,

ACHGR,3-398-4;Naranjo,Solar,pp. 124f,187f.
42. "El ReyDon Alonsoel lo. Fueroque di6 ala Cuidad de Truxillo,"
27 July1294,BN,
to
MSS, 430,folios49-52;Naranjo,Solar,pp. 124-26;and variousdocuments
relating
propiosin AAT,especiallytheCuentasde Propiosfor1594-1611in ATT,1-2-66,no.
1.

43. See Vassberg,"The Tierras


Baldias,"pp. 389f;"El ReyDon Alonsoel lo. Fuero.
(note9); Naranjo,Solar,pp. 124f;Naranjo,Trujillo
1:132,320f;EugenioEscobarPrieto,
contralos COS
RE 6 (1904);494;"La Cd. de Trujillo
"Los ReyesCat6licosen Trujillo,"

60

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PIGS AND PIZARROS

44.

45.

46.

47.

48.
49.

50.

51.
52.

53.
54.

55.

variousdates1552-1631,ACHGR,3-958-1;AM,
de las Villasy lugaresde su tierra,"
Executorias,
Trujillo,28 December1500;"Mateo Torrey consortescontrala Cd. de
vI' de
"AlonsoLoboy consortes,
Trujillo,"
variousdates1585-89,ACHGR,3-1041-7;
Logrusan,contrala Cd. de Trujillo,"variousdates in 1593,ACHGR, 508-2107-4;
1594.AAT.1-2-66.no. 1.
"Cuentasde Propiosde Trujillo,"
Baldias";and "El COde la
Baldias,"and "The Sale ofTierras
See Vassberg,
"The Tierras
Cd. de TrujillocontraD. JuanAlonso de Orellana,"various dates 1570-1608,
various
contralas villasy lugaresde su tierra,"
ACHGR,3-443-3;"La Cd. de Trujillo
dates1552-1631,ACHGR,3-958-1.
system,preofpeasantattackson thecommunitarian
The interesting
phenomenon
sent throughout
the kingdomof Castile,will be the subjectof a futurearticle.It
TheyaboundinAAT
wouldbe tedioustociteallmysourcesforpeasantusurpations.
however,"Visitade
and ACHGR,and manyhavebeencitedabove.See particularly,
la Cd. de Trujillo,
afnode 1585,"AAT,1-3-82,no. 54.
conflict
betweenolder establishedcitiesand
An identicaland contemporaneous
newly independenttowns in anotherpart of Spain was reportedby Antonio
geografico
(Zaragoza,1961),p. 143.The
HiguerasArnal,El AltoGuadalquivir.
Estudio
de
are thedocumentscitedin note44; "Escritura
majorsourcesforTrujillo'sconflict
Venta. . . a Juande Vargas,"13October1559,AAT,1-3-82,no. 51;"La Cd. de Trujillo
and a transconDoniaYnes de Camargo,"variousdates1577-78,ACHGR,3-1256-1;
1536,AAT,1-3-78,no. 1.
22 September
criptofa meetingoftheCouncilofTrujillo,
1552,
See a Cartade PoderfromtheLugarof Burdaloto PedroAlonso,6 January
no. 70: Dehesa Boyal,"1575,AAT,
ACHGR, 3-958-1;and "Ordenanzasde Trujillo,
1-2-72,no. 13; "Executoriacontrael concejode Garciaz... ," 20 December1530,
AAT,1-3-78,no. 1, folios31ff.
Klein,TheMesta,pp. 113-16; documentsfrom1495 to 1589 in AM, Executorias,
1565,libro5, folios242-49.
Trujillo;
AM, Relacionesde los AlcaldesEntregadores,
see MiguelMufiozde San
Forthebackground
and geneaologyofthePizarrofamily,
delsigloXVI(Caceres,1952),p. xxiii;Naranjo,Solar,pp.
Pedro,ed., Cr6nicas
trujillanas
16DecemTrujillo,
143-47.See also the1499OrdenanzascopiedinAM, Executorias,
ber1521.
ThetwoexamplescitedarefromAM, Relacionesde los AlcaldesEntregadores,
1565,
Trujillo,
16 November1575.Othersourcesfor
libro5, folio251;and AM,Executorias,
Pizarropropertycan be foundin the followingdocumentsin ACHGR: 3-443-3;
and 3-1682-2.See also Miguel
3-1520-11;
508-2025-1;
3-1136-4;3-756-15;507-1894-6;
disposiciones
del ultimoPizarrode la Conquista,"
Mufiozde San Pedro,"Las uiltimas
1950):387-425;and 127
de la Historia126 (enero-marzo
Boletinde la RealAcademia
(julio-septiembre
1950):527-60.
"Provanqaque va de la qibdad de trugilloal concejo de las hordenessobre la
agostode 1529,ArchivoHist6ricoNacional
geneologiadel capitanfrancOpibarro,"
Santiago,Expediente
6524.
(Madrid),OrdenesMilitares,
It is truethatFernandoPizarroy Orellanaaffirmed
the storyin "Vida del ilustre
var6nD. Francisco
ilustres
delNuevoMundo(Madrid,1639),p. 128,
Pizarro,"inVarones
but I suspectthathe was excessivelyzealous in tryingto establishthe illustrious
ilofhisantecessor.
Forexample,he failedto mentioneitherFrancisco's
background
birthor thecommonoriginoftheconqueror'smother.Othersourcesfor
legitimate
Francisco
arecitedin notes1, 2, and 3.
Pizarro'sbackground
1hopetobe ableto do someworkin thisareasometime
in thefuture,
especiallywith
ownership.
regardto systemsofcommunalproperty
My two baldioarticleslist some basic sources. See also my bibliographicalhistoriographical
essay "StudiesofRuralLifein EarlyModem Castile:Historyand
of the SocietyforSpanishand PortugueseHistorical
OtherDisciplines,"
Newsletter
Studies3, nos. 7-8 (Spring1977).
On primary
agrariade
sources,see AngelCabo Alonso,"Fuentesparalo geografia
ThePeasants
and MichaelR. Weisser,
of
1961):223-49;
Espafia,"EG 22,no. 82 (febrero
theMontes:TheRootsofRuralRebellion
inSpain(Chicago,1976),pp. 123-26.

61

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