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Copyright 2004, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.
In their comments, Frohlich (this issue), Monk (this issue), Tractinsky (this
issue), Overbeeke and Wensveen (this issue) addressed a wide variety of interesting issues relevant to the study of beauty. The methodological aspects
are especially valuable. Besides the regular debate of what constitutes good
research, they reveal many unresolved higher-level conceptual discrepancies.
To resolve those and to find a shared understanding of what beauty is and
how to study it is the key to guaranteeing the impact of our research in the
field of humancomputer interaction (HCI). Only if studies can be compared
and integrated into a common model ,or even theory, others will begin to
benefit.
The present reply is selective. I address the following six loosely connected, conceptual aspects, which I consider important.
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users or owners self. Objects become a part of an extended self (Belk, 1988)
and will get symbolic value (see Holbrook & Hirschman, 1993). Objects can
be used for maintaining important self-definitions. Borcherding and
Schumacher (2002), for example, found that students who believe that others
hold unfavorable opinions about them, such as a lack of humor or empty social lives, present more links to humorous Web sites and more personal information (links to friends, pictures, longer description of likes and dislikes) on
their personal Web sites than others. This symbolic self-completion
(Wicklund & Gollwitzer, 1982) is regarded as an important aspect of use and
ownership. Thus, any object will inevitably make a statement about its user.
The perceived ability of a product to make a favorable statement to relevant
others (hedonicidentification) captures this. Moreover, the very same aspect
correlated highest with beauty judgments, which makes beauty socialat least
from the perspective of the judges. Social competence lies at the core of the
what is beautiful is good stereotype in person perception (e.g., Eagly,
Ashmore, Makhijani, & Longo, 1991). Beautiful people are assumed to get
along better with others, to be more popular, and so forth. Maybe people apply this general notion to objects as well, in the sense that possessing beautiful
things will help one to get along better with people and will make its owner
more popular. I would even go a step further: simplicity, usability, and usefulness could actually be a correlate of beauty but not because getting things done
is beautiful but because of the statement made by a usable product. Gelernter
(1998), for example, spoke of machine beauty, made of simplicity and elegance.
This is surely a statement about Gelernter as well as an inquiry into the nature
of beauty.
To my mind, in the debate about beauty in HCI two perspectives have to
be separated: a normative and a descriptive. Overbeeke and colleagues
(Overbeeke, Djajadiningrat, Hummels, & Wensveen, 2000), for example,
published a manifesto titled Beauty in Usability: Forget About Ease of Use,
which clearly makes a series of normative claims. Amongst other things, they
argue for focusing on the beauty in interaction (good) instead of the beauty
in appearance (bad). By that, they try to redefine beauty, to convince us to
change our understanding of beauty. After all, they are designers. They make
things. As a psychologist, I am more interested in describing how individuals
actually think, what they experience and do. Unfortunately, individuals seem
to equate beauty with appearance and not with interaction. In Study 2, reported in the target article, actual experience did not take effect on the beauty
judgment. However, if Overbeeke and colleagues mission is going to be successful, future studies may reflect a change in the content of the beauty judgment in the desired direction: from appearance to interaction.
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with a clearly arranged user interface may also be assumed to be easy to learn
without having any experience or knowledge of its actual ease of learning. For
people, conciseness is coupled to learnability. These theories allow them to
make inferences beyond the merely perceived. The classical studies of the
what is beautiful is good stereotype follow this logic. In Dion, Berscheid,
and Walster (1972), for example, each participant had to rate an unattractive,
average, or attractive stimulus person on attributes such as marital competence. Variance in the attractiveness of the stimuli accounted for variance in
marital-competence ratings. This shows that beauty can lead to impressions
of higher marital competence, without knowing anything about the stimulus
person. Beauty and usability could follow the same logic, as Tractinsky (2004)
suggests. Beauty could be a cue for usability. (Note that I do not imply causality in the way Tractinsky suggest in his comment. Beauty can be a signal for
usability and a usable product may be judged as beautiful. However, I suggest
beauty to be a more general and abstract property compared to the perception of usability-related product attributes, such as simplicity.) A designer can
exploit any implicit relationship between attributes. If the what is beautiful is
usable stereotype would be correct, designing beautiful products would automatically lead to the assumption of increased product usability on behalf of
its user and vice versa. Brand marketing works this way. Thus, without attempting to resolve the issue of which perspective is the more appropriate, I
would argue that knowledge about implicit product theories could be helpful
for designers too.
To conclude, I am not yet convinced that focusing on stereotypes or implicit theories, as I suggest, is of no value to designers. I believe implicit theories could be exploited. Nevertheless, I agree that product-focused analyses
are certainly more helpful in the context of the formative evaluation of specific products (see Hassenzahl, 2002). Monk (2004) is certainly correct in
pointing out that future studies, especially those correlational in nature,
should put more emphasis on the sample of products studied. The inconsistency in the findings reported in the target article and by Tractinsky and colleagues (e.g., Tractinsky, Katz, & Ikar, 1999) is surely in part due to the differences in product domains studied (ATMs vs. MP3-players skins), which is
supported by newer data of Tractinsky and Zmiri (in press), who find overlap
with my results in their study of MP3-players skins.
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