Tilly and Bourdieu

Author(s): Mustafa Emirbayer
Source: The American Sociologist, Vol. 41, No. 4, Remembering Charles Tilly (December 2010),
pp. 400-422
Published by: Springer
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40983490 .
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AmSoc(2010)41:40(M22
DOI 10.1007/s12 108-010-9114-x

Tillyand Bourdieu
MustafaEmirbayer

Publishedonline:14 December2010
Science+Business
© Springer
Media,LLC 2010

similarities
AbstractThe firstpart of this essay discussesthe most important
betweenthesociologicalvisionsof PierreBourdieuand CharlesTilly;thesecond
a criticalassessment
The conclusionthenoffers
of
partsurveysthekeydifferences.
to social science.
contributions
thesetwothinkers'
respective
• Political
sociology• Civilsociety• Modernity
Keywords Tilly• Bourdieu• Historical





conflictCollectiveaction Cultural
analysisRelationalsociologyFields
• Social
• Pragmatism
• Interaction
order• Socialpsychology
Mechanisms

stratification
Symbolicviolence
Bornhardlya year
is irresistible.
CharlesTillyand PierreBourdieu:thecomparison
largelybereftof
apart,raisedin familiesof middlingmeansand in circumstances
with
culturalrefinement
and sophistication;
academically
giftedand accomplished,
of theirrespective
educationalinstitutions
degreesearnedat the mostprestigious
and government
countries
aid); imbuedfroma
(thanksin largepartto scholarships
ofthe
andself-importance
theprétentions
skepticism
regarding
youngage withhealthy
their
scholasticlife,a traitthatwouldmarktheirlaterworkas well,notto mention
obliviousto
wholeapproach
totheinstitution;
withpeersandstudents
andtheir
relations
within
the
themselves
andreluctant
to confine
thepressures
ofacademicspecialization
in
andevenheterodox
andsubdisciplinary
boundsofdisciplinary
domains;innovative
of social inquiry;
to theenterprise
committed
theirthinking
yetalwaysprofoundly
as well as
theoretical
of theircraftin all its dimensions,
practitioners
exemplary
of their
eventhemostaccomplished
to a degreethatastonished
substantive;
prolific
of
theforemost
becamearguably
thesetwosocialthinkers
sociologists
contemporaries:
similarities
In thisessay,I considerthemanyremarkable
thelate-twentieth
century.
betweentheirrespective
sociologicalapproachesas well as some of thesubtlebut
in mind,I also offersome closing
Withsuch comparisons
differences.
important
reflections
on Tilly'slife'sworkinparticular.1
of his familyoriginsand childhoodin Tilly(1985), as well as in Stave(1998).
^illy spokebriefly
Bourdieudiscussedthosesametopicsat greatest
lengthin (2007 [2004]).
M. Emirbayer
(El)
of Sociology,University
of Wisconsin-Madison,
Madison,WI, USA
Department
e-mail:emirbaye@ssc.wisc.edu
& Springer

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Bourdieu invested "the same interestand attentionin drawing up a coding schedule or conductingan interviewas in constructinga theoreticalmodel" (Bourdieu 2007 [2004]. 103). In his earlyresearchesin themidstof theAlgerianwar of independence. this extended even to the of greaterdetail.) thatthe social world is the site of a process of progressivedifferentation. & Springer This content downloaded from 168. "is a disastrousdivision" (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992.2Far away in France.and to a considerable extentin France as well. . on theprinciple thatone mustknowone's enemywell." he wrote. not afforded the same benefits of geographic distance.Bourdieu never tiredof were "issued out of the historicalwork of succeeding stressingthatsocial structures while even habitus were nothing if not history embodied and generations. Robert Merton.Durkheim.painstakingempirical work. thathe madeita pointalwaysto takegraduate coursesthatParsons however. the elaborationof a radicallytemporalizedtheoryof social life: "The separationof sociology and history. embodimentstogetherof the opposition then extantbetween theoreticismand empiricism(with Merton as the mediatingfigure). . Such a division could not be rectifiedsimplyby positinggrand historicaltrajectoriesand then building one's own sociological theoriesatop them.Tilly and Bourdieu shared a profoundlyhistorical better historicist As I shall later discuss in might say sensibility(Steinmetz2010). The evolution of 2 Bourdieu (1991a.5."He was in Franceforabouta year Tillydid not.all the while evincingno "disdain for patient.one From the beginning.The reference strictly metaphorical.and Paul Lazarsfeld. sensibility problem sociological concept formation. 139). . "is the observation(which is alreadyfoundin Spencer. Bourdieu sought deliberatelyto resisttheir influence. 82]. . 103). and affiliational" Parsons 's AGIL schema closely parallel [Tilly 1964. Time was his great obsession.It is truethatBourdieu conceived of the rise of the modernworld as a process of the differentiation and autonomizationof fieldsof "At the foundation of the practice. while Tilly.) .Weber.3Both developed a lifelongaversion to abstract theorizing.such as those collected in Algeria 1960 (1979 [1963]). althoughin different degrees in the two thinkers. 378).176.the fourcore chaptersofthat workon the "foursystemsof social relationshipswithinthe [southernAnjou] community.of course."he wrote in An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology.Am Soc (2010) 41:40(M22 401 I Both Tilly and Bourdieu came of age intellectuallyin the 1950s. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . studies focused on specificinstancesof political dominationand struggle. very theory of fields. offered.the scene was dominatedby what Bourdieu would later call the "Capitoline triad" of TalcottParsons. . his firstmajor work (Tilly 1964). which he disdained. at a time when. Tillyoncetoldthisauthor. at least in American sociology." as Bourdieu would later put it (Bourdieu 2007 [2004].see also Calhoun and VanAntwerpen (2007)." and incorporated(Bourdieu Wacquant 1992. economic. religious.even as they also eschewed the positivistictendenciesso prominentin theirday.spendliterally to "nine long years"is (1955-56) while fundedby an SSRC Dissertation Fellowship. . Both plunged into studiesof concretehistoricalprocesses. while Tilly spentnine long years in the archivespreparingThe Vendee. 90).118 on Mon. nonethelessrefrainedwhile at Harvard fromhaving Parsons serve on his dissertationcommittee.4 (Ironically. presumably nineyears"in thearchives.nonetheless would essentially political. On mid-twentieth centuryAmericansociology.

48).. I meanI reallyhad a verysimplemodernization I was halfwayout of it.suchas modernization "historical" thenfashionable reasoning whichhe deridedas "nineteenth-century in a new theory.say. . .9 Sociologicalanalyses"shouldbe concretein having realtimes." Tillyhimselfsaid as muchin a but it's "I had a stupididea.. at Outcomesat a givenpointin timeconstrain outcomes later possible pointsintime" in boldface 1984. ."no garb"(Tilly 1984.118 on Mon.places."we have no warrantfor thinkingof process is fundamental. publishedversion "teleological"reasoning.. It mightalso be notedthat.as is. recognizing . indeed. And throughout Steinmetz betweenhistory and (2010) has notedin thisvolume.lawlikesocial process"(Tilly 1984. differentiation general. to politicalsociologyor the sociologyof religion. historical" (Tilly 1981a.. 14. I object to having study coherentsubject subdisciplines emergefromtechniquesand approachesratherthanfromtheoretically matters" (Tilly1981b. 6). as George 2010).and postulated processesagainst experiences should be historical in to their people. evolutionary thinking was a highlyusefulconcept.They limiting scope an era boundedby the of out certain well-defined and in fromtheoutsetthat playing processes..Tilly cast his lot withthe mosthistorically suchas GeorgeHomans.at least accordingto one commentator. ' As AndreasKoller October2010) has pointedout.he also stressedthat dedifferentiation can easilyoccur..too. 49.he stressed. the eventual Stave (1998. 8 "I wouldbe It impliestheexistenceofa separatefieldof happierifthephrasehad neverbeeninvented. this assertionof (personalcommunication.but there'sstilla lot of thatapparatusin it" timeI finishedthedissertation.402 Am Soc (2010) 41:40(M22 societiestendsto makeuniverses (whichI call fields)emergewhichareautonomous and have theirown laws" (Bourdieu1998a. . 19)..The Vendéeitself .Jr. [any] analysisis place and timeof the actionenterinto its explanations.D. he would make the same pointin respectof democratization. Tilly's "implacable"oppositionto modernization theorydoes not apply as far back as his Ph.parallel.and peopleas theirreferents and in testingthecoherenceof the structures and the ofrealtimes.(Thiswouldlead manylaterto associatetheirideaswith Marxianpoliticaleconomy.See Sewell (1996).. boldfacein original).176.stillbore tracesin its conceptualframework of unhistorical.was an implacablefoe of dehistoricized ways of thinkingin sociology. £ Springer This content downloaded from 168.5 However.PitirimSorokin. . 48. BothTillyandBourdieudirected theiranalyticattention to theempirical nexusof modernstatesand classes. 83). fromthestartof his career.Norwas differentiation (Laterinhiscareer.)"In the case of Westerncountriesover the last few 5 See also Bourdieu (2000 [1997].places.mentors Moore." in itselfas a coherent.These includeda fortiorithe variousformsof in thesocialsciences.100). 9 Quotedalso in Steinmetz (2010.the verycategoryof a "historical "thatthe sociology. of theculturalfield."Tillywrotein As SociologyMeetsHistory. 17-24). 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Barrington Harvard.] . view.7 Althoughdifferentiation he asserted. irreversible. .6 Tilly. By the stilltherein thedissertation[.thatwhenthings timematters within a how affects happen sequence theyhappen.thatthedistinction sociologyis an artificialone. "Tilly ways of thinking was not as 'implacable'as he himselfwishedto be in retrospect. ."8"To theextent. (Tilly original). and SamuelBeer (Steinmetz his life.) As farback as mindedthinkers at graduateschool.. in whichthedehistoricized of thatapproachwerestillmanifest: dissertation. 192).5. .andwas alreadyin dangerofoccurring in certain realmsof contemporary culturaland intellectual life. whichI refutedin rewriting laterinterview: my doctoraldissertation.see For a statement of Bourdieus concernsaboutthepotential loss of autonomy Bourdieu(2003 [2001]).

" wroteBourdieu in a late work on The Social Structuresof the Economy. we have rather to the dichotomy.11Anotherof his major works. the Durkheimian that dictum is God" quotingapprovingly "society (Bourdieu 2000 [1997]. 10 wentto emphasize.176. 1996 [1989]).neitherBourdieu pedigreeof thatconcept in the historyof Westernsocial thought nor Tilly foundit to be verycompellinganalytically."to determineconcretely where the state ends and 'civil society' begins.The programcontinuesby locating times.10 Bourdieu.. 14-15). Similarly.as "claim making that somehow involves governments"(Tilly 2008a..5.see BourdieuÍ1998bi.Pascalian Meditations. places. speak language of differentialaccess to bureaucratic resources law.which the canonical distinction. likewise.see Bourdieu(1998 [1989]. Huge Comparisons. .118 on Mon.connected national states dominated all other social processes and shaped all social structures.his most famous book.however. theory â Springer This content downloaded from 168. abandoning the .thatthis"by no meansimpliesthatgovernments must Tillyimmediately of contentious claims"(Tilly2008a.. and people within those two master processes and working out the logics of the processes. "the program [of a concrete and historical social science] begins by recognizingthatthe developmentof capitalismand the formation of powerful. would be arrayedand pittedagainst one anotherin a ceaseless struggleforstatepower.thisemphasis on statesand classes meanta studiousavoidance of the idea (and discourse) of civil society.leads us to forget"(Bourdieu 2005. while states in turn massively structurethe very termsof (and partiesto) those struggles. Distinction.Am Soc (2010) 41:400-422 403 hundredyears. a developmentoccasioned largelyby the collapse of communismand the successfultransitionsto democracyin Easternand Southern Europe as well as in Latin America.and despite also the long and distinguished . Toward such an end.specifically and to power over these resources. etc. Bourdieu developed the concept of a "field of power.Despite the upsurge of interestin civil societyduringthe 1980s and 90s. 7).12He spoke also of coalitionsor movementsin which the dominatedamong the dominants would align themselveswith actors fromoutside the field of power in attemptsto gain greatershares of resources and influence. 7).Tilly preferredto speak of societal actors' increasingbargainingpower vis-a-vis states faced with a growingneed for resources in supportof war-making and war-preparationeffortsratherthan to posit the rise in the modern West of a sphere of social life organized around the principlesof solidarity." or a space in which the dominantsof society.conceived of societies as class."It is not easy.as noble as it is empty. figureas themakersor receivers ForBourdieu'stheory of thestate.administrativepowers." Tilly remarkedin his methodologicalstudy.associationalism.Big Structures. 163-65).spoke of society as itselfa field of structured social classes (Bourdieu 1984 [1979]) . In fact. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 245). regulations. 12ForBourdieu's of thefieldof power.ended by identifying the State with society. For boththinkers. Even contentiouspolitics was to be defined by reference to states.then tracing the relationship of otherprocesses [to them]" (Tilly 1984.and stressed that societal strugglesmost often center around states and aspire to influence them. It goes on by following the creation and destructionof differentsorts of structuresby capitalism and statemaking.Rarely if ever did he speak in a sustainedand systematicway of the civil sphere or of democracy..the preeminentholders of its major assets or varietiesof capital.Large Processes.

paradigm-shaping works as his primeron collective action.see thesectionon "PublicPolitics:Civil Society Fora condensedsummary democratization.it also retainedTilly's earlierconcernwith strategic.but also how politics and the statewere (at least indirectly)influential in shaping the field's historicaltrajectoryand present-daydynamics. footnote. In sum.politically well-connected networks."Tilly once declared. Tilly argued thatthe integrationof trustnetworksinto public politics was a crucial factorin the growthof democracy.404 Am Soc (20 10) 4 1:400-422 and citizenship. the signatureobject of his scholarly work was always contentious politics.15But not only did thisinsightdivergefromcivil societytheoryin depictingtrustas a propertyof social ties ratherthan as an individualattitude. afterstudyon the structural mobilization to resource approachesthatunderscoredthematerialbases Sympathetic in takingseriouslythe political structures of social movements. Like Bourdieu.118 on Mon. Citations exampleofsucha discussion. trustnetworksand publicpoliticswere Tilly's alternative meansof dealingwithcivilsociety.Not even the most sacralized and loftyrealms of high art. Whereas Bourdieu devoted only partof one major work.5. As for Tilly.and benefits. to discussing episodes of political conflict(and even then with a conspicuous emphasis on "maladjusted expectations. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . From Mobilization to Revolution (Tilly 1978). States needed to extract the means of rule from their subject populations.the area of studyhe made his own throughsuch classic.2005a."in Tilly (2009).one thinkshere of Flaubert's literary world.was a New School forSocial Research forumto honorthe publicationof Cohen and Arato's finetreatiseon civil society(1992).2007).ch. One senses that this. Tilly and Bourdieu bothfocusedmuch of theirlife's work on thestudyof political conflict. are givenin thesubsequent thehistorical sociologyof democracy 15 ofpublicpoliticsfromcategorical inequality Tilly(2004a. and Democracy. €j Springer This content downloaded from 168.4).and this helped to accord the lattera capacity to gain in returnnew or enhanced rights.Even when the specificobject of Bourdieu's investigationshappened not to not only the respects be thepolitical fieldper se. "is normativelyadmirablebut analyticallyuseless" (Tilly 1992). Tillyaddedthattheinsulation to and the reductionof autonomouspowercenterswere two otherimportant processescontributing ofthisview.privileges.14 In late works such as Contentionand Democracy in Europe. Tilly approached many of the same .interest-basedinteraction:statescould be expected to be more accountable to citizenspreciselywhen the latterorganized themselvesinto extensive. Tilly focused in study and organizationalelementsunderlyingcollectiveaction.Where was civil society in any of this? "The concept of civil society. too. Trust and Rule. in which that field was a structureof power and a space of (at least implicit) contestation.could properlybe understoodwithoutgraspinghow theywere implicatedin largerand more encompassing scenes of political conflict(Bourdieu 1996 [1992]).as thepresentauthorrecallswell. he remainedintenton illuminating."precisely the sort of socialpsychological explanationthatalways made Tilly nervous). and DemocracyRevisited.he wenteven further withinwhich collective action unfolds.but in a fashion decidedly unsympatheticto problemsas did civil society theory many of its claims. Tilly's remarks stirred antagonistic up intensecontroversy. is the direction 13The occasionof this talk.13 Even his (not inconsiderable)contributionsto the historicalsociology of democracy were pitched more in terms of bargaining processes thanof voluntarismor any imputationto citizens of a commitmentto the common good. 14Forone to someotherworksbyTillyon see Tilly(1990.176.Homo Academicus (1988 [1984]).

however. Highly inconsistentin his theorizationof the relation between the symbolic and social.Tilly commencedhis own culturaland performative turn.Tilly was "remarkablyunconcernedwithreligiouscontention"(Tarrow2008). he vacillated between affirmingthe analytic independence of cultural formationsand arguing reductionisticallythat social positions are primary.quotedfromVivianaZelizer.markedby a conspicuouslymaterialistsensibility.given his concernto counterpose. Both gravitatedtowardmore practice-basedways of thinkingabout the topic.perhaps also not surprisingly.Not fornothing has William Sewell. earlystatement He declared.118 on Mon. Both rejected from a young age the structural-functionalist understandingof culture as a system of shared norms and values.as he put it in Distinction.") Still more . Nor is Sidney Tarrowoffthe mark in pointingout thateven in the much later Coercion."addingwryly thathere"thesupposedlyuseless Durkheim'sElementaryForms of theReligious Life 18 might[well] have come in handy"(Sewell 2010.Am Soc (2010) 41:4(XM22 405 Bourdieu would have followed had he concernedhimselfmore systematicallywith the studyof social movementsand revolutions.in the spiritof Marx and Weber."ChuckTillyandMozart. 1992.underscoredTilly's "lack of interestin the contentof the religiousideas and ritualsthatdid so muchto fueltheVendée rebellion.see Bourdieu(1987).that"in a situation of equilibrium. On the other hand.(This was encapsulated in one of his signature phrases. Capital.like positions in a social space. italicsin original.Bourdieu was more at home in cultural inquiry than was Tilly."19Indeed. he began to produce."Useless Durkheim" (1981b.His work untilroughlythe early 1990s was.5. 2). As Viviana Zelizer observes in her epilogue to this volume. thespace ofpositionstendsto command thespace ofposition-takings" Bourdieuand Wacquant(1992."in thisvolume. having imbibed Durkheimian thought from his earliest days at the École normale supérieure and having immersed himself in anthropologicaland ethnologicaltheorywhile still in Algeria. 105). he began to recognize that even certain of his own signatureideas. such as the artisticstylesand genres he investigatedin The Rules of Art (1996 [1992]) . Afterthe early 1990s. tions of various kinds.a materialistperspectiveto those who would invest high culturewith the charisma of the sacred16. he treated cultural expressions as reflectionsof socioeconomic differences. For his part. such as "repertoiresof contention. He included in nearly all his substantivewritingsallusions to sacralityand the profane. "principles of social vision and di-vision.Tillycame to culturalinquirysomewhatlate in his careerand seemingly moreout of grudgingrecognitionof the insightsand contributions of the culturalturn than fromany deep-seatedintellectualconversion. From the beginning.17In most cases."were "eminentlycultural. in fact. Tilly's similaritieswithBourdieu are evidentalso in theirrespectiveapproaches to cultural analysis.symbolic produche showed how what he called position-takings systematically. 4).forexample.a core elementin his work was the idea of symbolic classification. Jr. in striking 16Foran of thisconcern. 312)."tastes functionas markersof 'class'" (Bourdieu 1984 [1979]. as well as approaches that take culture out of social relations and interactionsand place it insteadinside individuals' heads.ch. The words"supposedly useless"are a reference to Tilly'spaper.he never worked out a fullysatisfactoryapproach to culturalanalysis.derive their significance. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . from their relations with and differencefrom other position-takingsin a semiotic system.private communication. â Springer This content downloaded from 168.176. CharlesTilly. and European States.

as he conceptualizedthem.was also influential Bourdieutowarda relational way of thinking.118 on Mon.or."but as occupants of positions withinbroaderrelationalconfigurations.are structuresof relationsnot between concretesubstancesor entities.Systemicaccounts posit a coherent.as in the he had rejected since his youth. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .21Tilly was favorablydisposed towardthisapproachbecause it led away from both holistic or group-centeredways of thinking. and Social Ties to those of Bourdieu in Language and SymbolicPower (Tilly 2005b. Bourdieu 1991b).forinstance.Tilly transformed.compare. fromearly and Bourdieu lies in theirpassionate commitment on.one in some respects as ambitious as thatof TalcottParsons. fromroughlymidway throughhis career.produce effectsupon one another from afar" (Bourdieu 1996 [1989]. e.White(1992).who at the time(the 1980s-90s) was elaboratingan contemporaries.like heavenly bodies belonging to the same gravitationalfield.between the nodes those entitieshappen to occupy.Both made the terma catchphrasefortheirlife's work.but rather. these are "network[s]of .of ritualpractices. 11 to thisauthorthatithad made See.or of "spaces offerees and of struggles.Tilly came to relationalthinkingthroughthe influenceof one of his HarrisonWhite.languages.. 132). in the spiritof American pragmatism. objective relations among entitiesthat.a 20One ofhis mentors in pointing at theÉcole normalesupérieure.Tillyremarked himrethink he had learned(or thought he had learned)his pastforty yearsin sociology. everything & Springer This content downloaded from 168.g. the structuralpositions themselves of a field. negotiated." Drawing explicitly on Ernst Cassirer's distinction between substantialistand relational thinking. "Crudely speaking. Perhaps the most remarkablesimilaritybetween the sociological visions of Tilly . self-sustainingentity such as a society. a world-economy.as in the styleof a "village monograph. As Tilly put it..of how culture is actively and creativelydeployed.general descriptions and explanationsof social processes divide into threecategories.Yet even then. In Bourdieu's view.176. he never satisfactorilygrasped the analyticimportanceof discourses.Bourdieu developed a relationalapproach to the studyof social fields. For his part.and both will forevermorebe associated with the idea of a "relationalsociology. GastonBachelard. in Tilly's. phenomenology) which had emerged over time as its paired opposite. forthatmatter. continuedto subordinatehis culturalinquiries to a fundamentallysocial-structural logic.Boundaries.406 Am Soc (2010) 41:40(M22 resemblanceto Bourdieu.and as in his late studies of contentiousperformances. are to be investigatedin termsof the distinctive profilesof capital associated with them.and vocabularies.He spoke as well.5."20As he describedthemin The State Nobility.to what they both called relationalthinking.in Bourdieu's case. More specifically. Atthetimethisbookcameout.powerful accounts of boundary-drawingand of the symbolic constructionof groups and identities. As Rogers Brubaker (2010) points out. including its dominantand dominated poles.and the various formsof structural-functionalism individualism(rational-choicetheory. expansive networks-basedtheoryof society. the point being thatone mustanalyze those entitiesnot in isolation..his essays in Identities.Capitals functionsboth as weapons and as stakes in strugglesforascendancy. fields.Hence any field (froma synchronieperspective) is a structureor temporarystate of power relations within what is also (from a diachronic perspective) an ongoing struggle for domination waged by the deploymentof relevantcapitals.

not throughthe development of what he called "invariant models". or at the limita person. he noted. inside thatentityby theirlocation withinthe entityas a whole.treatingboth events at those sites and durable characteristics of those sites as outcomes of interactions. In Bourdieu's work. italics in original). From Merton. As an example of this approach. singly or in concatenation.thepointbeing to build up an inventoryof such mechanisms.explainingevents community. .circumstances. (4) explain the behavior of the unit on the basis of its conformityto that invariantmodel" (Tilly 1995. McAdamet al.to specifytheiroperations"withreflectivecare and multipleexamples." and to invoke themas warranted. . social unit. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .(3) self-propelling invoke or inventan invariantmodel of that condition or process.when they focus on persistentfeaturesof transactionsbetween specific social sites" (Tilly 2005c. 1602). . Competing dispositional accounts featuremotives. was "not to give a 'complete' account (whateverthat might be) but to get the main connections right" (Tilly 1990.in this case more oftenindividuals than accounts similarlyposit coherententities any others but explain the actions of those entitiesby means of theirorientations just before the point of action. £} Springer This content downloaded from 168.but throughthe invocationof "recurrentcauses" which. All the more so in his lateryears. (2001). 55).(2) attributea generalconditionor process to thatunit. seeks to generalize fromthe particular to thegeneralby invokingan arrayof field-specific(and oftenfield-spanning)causal processes.. Tilly identifiedRobert Merton as a key progenitorof this mechanismic approach." "deep causes" would provide the keys to explanation.and culturaltemplates. There was no doubt as to where Tilly's own sympathieslay.176.Am Soc (2010) 41:4(KM22 407 an organization. and Tilly(2008b).sociological inquiry. Tillyand Tarrow(2007).durable. .a household. emotions.118 on Mon. one learns how to develop "theoreticallysophisticatedaccounts of social processes somewhere between the stratosphereof global abstractionand the undergroundof thick description"(Tilly 2010. 14. explanationsfollowingtherecipe: "(1) assume a coherent.he held. The proper aim of explanation.and sequences. Transactional accounts take interactionsamong social sites as theirstartingpoints. Tilly insistedthatanalysts seek to generalize. 1595).the greatmeritof transactionalapproaches was thattheyallowed one to centersociological analysis around the identificationand delineation of relational mechanisms. Bourdieu specified and explored carefully the workings of various mechanisms of vulgarization whereby the 22 his mechanisms PerhapstheworksinwhichTillymostforcefully presented agendawere:Tilly(1998). For Tilly. decision logics. Yet it is fair to say that Bourdieu's own writingsare also fairlybrimmingwith mechanisms of different sorts. Dispositional .much as a hydrologistwould invoke mechanismsof water flow to analyze specific instancesof flooding(Tilly 1995.anothertermwidely employed in this context. 36).22Here too one findsa deep commonalitybetweenhis way of thinking and thatof Bourdieu.as he practicedit. thepsychoanalyst whodrawsuponan arrayofmechanisms ofdefense lillymightalso havementioned to explainspecificinstances of neurotic behavior. the program of a mechanisms-based social science was propoundedless explicitlyand insistentlythan in Tilly's. .5.23 In a paper presented the year beforehe died. In different "combinations. Transactionalaccounts become relational.thatis. produce variable but explicable effects.

"gettingthe connectionsright"meant Strikingly.he also triedhis hand at such formalmethodsof relational sociology as networkanalysis "see Tilly (1997)". For his part.176. From early on. he also pursued more conventional archival researches.lamenting memorablythatone oftenfindsin sociology "monomaniacs of log-linearmodeling. In his own sociological practice. . 311). for both Tilly and Bourdieu. When one interpreterof Bourdieu underscoredthe close association of his work with critical realism. We musttry.In lateryears. Bourdieu decried the tendencyof research methodological traditionsin his day to crystallizearound this or thatspecific technique.he investigatedthe subtleand littleunderstoodprocesses of "euphemization.he has been a realistall along" (Vandenberghe1999. Tilly pioneered the development of quantitativesocial science history.pointingout in a favorablelightMerton'sabiding concernto "reject . 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .This was one ofthekeyanalyticcontributions ofDistinction."he added. a school of thoughtin the philosophy of science that posits the realityof underlyingcausal and mechanisms. of discourse analysis.24 (Much the same linkagewithcriticalrealismhas also been highlightedin the case of Tilly's laterwritings[Steinmetz2010].as in his coauthoredwork. structures that. Tilly 1986a).an "impositionof form"emblematicof the way in which any culturalproducergives voice to his or her politicalstance withoutseemingto do so.whose workhe ha[d] recentlydiscovered. 226.. 1975. of open-ended or in-depth or of ethnographicdescription.Yet he did not have to be: he led powerfullyby example."For him the important thingwasn't the methodologybut the object to be explained" (Sewell 2010. 62).118 on Mon. of and sublimation. .boththinkerswere drawn powerfullyto the use of relationalmethods. see also Tilly et al. affirming "like [Roy] Bhaskar.25 In fact. of social network Tillyand Wood(2003).408 Am Soc (20 10) 4 1:400-422 privilegedmaintaina certainsocial as well as culturaldistancefromthedominated. As one commentatorhas put it.making use over the course of his career of virtuallythe full of panoply quantitativeas well as qualitativeapproaches. both concept-lessempiricism and data-lesstheoreticism" (Bourdieu 2004 [2001]. of participant observation. "in every interviewing.so skillfullyused by negation(in the Freudiansense of Verneinung) philosopherMartinHeideggerin givingexpressionto his contemptforthemasses and for social welfare.Tilly was less explicitabout the need formethodologicalpluralism. 96). 24Bhaskar 's seminalworkson criticalrealismareA RealistTheoryofScience(1975) and ThePossibility ofNaturalism (1998). to a adhering program of broad ecumenicalism with respect to the use of tools and approaches. .Bourdieu fullyacknowledgedthe affinity. Strikesin France (Shorterand Tilly 1994.Or.Bourdieu at one point famouslystating that correspondenceanalysis. 25See also studies. of Bourdieu's monograph. to takeanotherexample. all the techniquesthatare relevantand practicallyusable. .) Again.Bourdieu was unusuallywide-rangingin his deployment of different methods. Watchout definitionof the object and thepracticalconditionsof data collection for methodologicalwatchdogs!" (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992.5. verylate in life Bourdieu also came to realize the hidden similaritiesin this respect between his sociology and that of Merton (at least in intent). was the relational methodpar excellence (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992.The Political Ontologyof This was a signal contribution Martin Heidegger (Bourdieu 1991 [1988]). 13). 227)."thatis. Tillywas alwaysan ardententhusiast & Springer This content downloaded from 168. one of his favoriteapproaches. given the to mobilize case.

Indeed. Commons. ¿l See. e.togetherwiththe economistJohnR.26 II However intriguingmay have been the similaritiesbetweenTilly and Bourdieu. and in theirfocus on how people engage in (sometimescreativeand experimental)effortsat or organizationalproblem-solving. in theirinterestin relationalthinking(Dewey. at several points in his life's work. yet anotherthinkerclosely aligned with institutional the pragmatistintellectualtradition(Tilly 1998.5.176.. in theirconcern to specifythe causal mechanismsbehindhistoricaloutcomes (as Neil Gross has emphasized in this volume [2010]).These may be categorized. x). James. 18). It is no accidentperhapsthatthe sweeping influenceof Tilly and Bourdieu in present-daysocial thoughtcoincides so closely with the worldwide upsurge of interestin classical pragmatistphilosophy. In Durable Inequality.bothacknowledgedhow close they were to the pragmatistsin theirconcern to returnto experience (perhaps again in reactionto Parsons). 122). Theoretically." taking pains also to mention the pragmatism-influenced Burke and C.I would surely . Ô Springer This content downloaded from 168. it is instructiveas well to note theirsignificantdifferences. . includingin Pascalian Meditations. and in Invitation. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .he affirmedthat"the affinitiesand convergences [of his work with pragmatism]are quite striking"(Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992.and moral-practical. .g.Tilly remarkedin his preface social.in even more directterms.the key differencebetween Tilly and Bourdieu has to do with their respective understandingsof relational sociology. roughlyspeaking.methodological. to Why?: "If this were an academic treatise.118 on Mon.Tilly also cited Charles Sanders Peirce as an inspirationforhis relationalthinking.as discussedabove. as theoretical.Am Soc (2010) 41:4(KM22 409 . given ofthecivilsocietyconcept(and alongwithit. As we have noted.Bourdieu(2005. Bourdieu invoked the pragmatists. interactional.Interactionsbetween discreteentities or actors(individualor collective) matteredfarless. with additional differencesas well in terms of intellectual styles and temper.workon democracy Tilly'sandBourdieu'ssharedrejection and thepublicsphere).substantive. Bourdieu never tiredof over interaction. Bourdieu stressedthat configurationsof objective relations among positions in a social or culturalspace were of paramountimportance. Althoughtheycame to realize it only laterin life.especially Dewey. 148). where. trace my line of argumentback throughAmericanpragmatismvia JohnDewey and George Herbert writersKenneth Mead. WrightMills (Tilly 2006a.where he connected his critiquesof scholasticism with the pragmatists'analyses of theoreticalknowledge. stressingthepriorityof structure declaringrepeatedlythat"the truth of the interactionis not to be foundin the interactionitself. For his own part.was but one This "whatever works" aspect of their thinking indicatorof Tilly's and Bourdieu's profoundaffinitieswith American pragmatism.and practice.and Mead had always made thisa centralthemeof theirwork). in their interestin practical action guided less by means-ends reasoningthanby the forceof dispositionsand (largelyunconscious) habits."27Occupants of one or several objective positions could have no directrelationswith one anotherbut still 26More side of pragmatist complexwas theirrelationto the democratic-participatory thought.

a development inspired in considerable part by Goffinan's writings. as Randall Collins has observed. services. 118).he stopped shortof examiningthose acts involved in the makingof specificallyaestheticjudgments.were.By contrast. by extension. 2008c). However.he took up questionsnot of the explanationsgiven for behaviorbut of thejustice or injusticeascribed to it. in his posthumouswork. undertoweven in its most structuralist A second theoreticaldifferencebetween Tilly and Bourdieu is closely bound up withthis divergencein theirrespectiveunderstandingsof relationality.. in a way Erving Goffinan.thestudyof theseunderlying and flows(of information. As a result. in his career.he examined reason-givingpractices. it resembled White's thinkingmore than it did Bourdieu's.more "associated with Chicago and the West" (Collins 2010. 5).410 Am Soc (2010) 41:400-422 be mutuallydeterminative.at othernetworkanalysts:"Though he sees the [fieldin question] as a 'self-reproducingsocial structure.In several of his final works.5.118 on Mon.directedat White and. Tilly moved explicitly onto interactional terrain. And in related work fromhis later years.176. not in the constraintsinherentin theirstructural position. "" order"comestrom(iottman(iy»3). Tilly moved even more energeticallyinto the realm of "the interaction order.whenthisauthoraskedWhiteand Tillyfortheirresponseto through thispassage.as well as the ways in which these vary depending on the social relations extant between reason-giversand reason-receiversand the effectsof reason-givingupon those relations.as Jack Goldstone (2010) has suggested in this volume."Once.Early unexpectedlyreminiscentof his othergreat contemporary. 5).) resources. for oftenhe would depictperformancesin a conspicuouslyinstrumentalist fashion. Having gone two-thirdsof the way towardcompletingthe full Kantian triad. The performativeturn in the social sciences.Tillypaid extremelyclose attentionto "the nuances of human interaction"as displayed in "claim-makingperformances" (Tilly 2008a.Yet these two gems of interactionalanalysis amounted to some of the most imaginativework on the topic since the seminal writingsof Goffinanhimself.114: to theanalysisof the has been sacrificed structures "In network analysis. particular linkages(betweenagentsor institutions) whichtheybecomevisible. In this regard." 29SeeBrubaker(2010).and was subject to the same criticismsthatBourdieu.28 Tilly never developed the sort of field-theoretic approach that marked the social thoughtof Bourdieu. as evincing an interactionist moments. who. Tilly(2006a. duringhis formativeperiod at Harvard.Tilly's relationalismwas as much about transactionsas about structuredpatternsof relations.29)In two paired works writtenduringthe closing decade of his life.Tillyrepliedsimply:"metaphysics. (Whetheror not Tilly succeeded in overcominghis earlier tendencies is anotherquestion.his later work (after his relational turn in the 1980s) could fairly be characterized.In the second work.ContentiousPerformances. 207)..etc.'[he] seeks the underlyingprinciplebehind [actors'] strategies. Whyand Creditand Blame. he spoke as well of "contentiousconversations"and of "the theatricalside of contention"(Tilly 2002a. 28Bourdieuoffers toReflexive termsinAnInvitation inmoreimpersonal similarcriticisms Sociology.he had kept a studieddistance fromthe symbolic interactionists.but in the observationand decipheringof signals given out by the behavior of other [actors]" (Bourdieu 2005. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ."30In the firstof these works.here seems to have swept up that most unlikelyof objects: the studyof social movementsand collectiveaction. The phrase"interaction & Springer This content downloaded from 168. in The Social Structuresof theEconomy.

Boudieu devotedso muchattention thinkers such as MauriceMerleau-Ponty to itthat it became perhapshis signaturetheoreticalconcept. it is even anticipated in his earliestwritings on Algeria. . to investigate.g.Althoughhe did speak in some of his laterwritings of identities.32No comparablenotionis to be foundin Tilly'smassivelife'swork.constitutes writings yet anotherexceptionto the generalrule of structure overinteraction.. In a forceful statementpropoundinga dialecticalperspectiveon objectivismand subjectivism. In otherwords. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .despite his expressed misgivingsabout rational choice theory.. privileging The conceptof thehabitusappearsin nearlyall of Bourdieu 's writings."theoreticalstrainsare Jeffrey oftenunacknowledged[by them. e.Bourdieu never fullyrecantedon his formulaof the priorityof structure over interaction.. As a result.Appropriating of thehabitusfromAristotelian-Thomistic and from social thought twentieth-century . 300).both in its course. . in which he devoted a full chapter to examining the conversational interactionsbetween the sellers and buyers of single-familyhomes.an always uncertainactualization. . view.to which the habitus concept lent 31VivianaZelizer October2010) has suggestedthatone of Bourdieu 's early (personalcommunication. or as a communicativeactionthatcould be explained effectuation of the structure withouttakingaccountof the structural necessityexpressedin it.he never developed a systematicaccount of the social psychologyof domination.a monographon photography .in principle. For how dominationis perpetuatedlay in the habitus. . theoreticalcriticismsof [their]work [they]may implicitly [thesethinkers] alter[their]commitments. and usuallyin thetheoreticalinterstices. Yet theyare privatelyexperienced.]. see.. .thinking.Tilly(2002b).throughsecondarytraining.his implicittheoryof action always retaineda somewhat rationalisticcast." (Bourdieu 2005. •" Une sees this perhapsmostclearlym Tilly(1978). ForTilly'sperspective on theconceptof identity.118 on Mon..Am Soc (2010) 41:400-422 411 In all fairness.or in rarecases reshaped.Intentionsand choices were not fertility strategies.As Alexanderhas observedof mastertheoristsin general. One othertheoretical respectin whichTillydiffered markedlyfromBourdieuwas in the lesser significancehe accorded the social-psychologicallevel of analysis. The problemis thattheserevisionsare ad hoc. See Bourdieu(1990 [1965]). . Bourdieu. .rather.34 And the studyof everydayformsof domination. his acknowledgmenthere of interactionindicatedmore an implicitconcessionon his partthan an avowed and explicitshiftin his thinking. .5.thecategories will introduce be residual to the main line of theoreticalargument" they merely (Alexander1982.31 theyare.the interactionis an . .The Social Structuresof the interactionist Economy.structure mutuallypresupposeone another.Given thisinterrelation. 5). and as confront.suchas thestudiescollectedin Algeria1960. .33Relatedly..too. moved subtletyonto terrainin one of his final publications. . .. t¿ Springer This content downloaded from 168.176.. McAdamet al. feeling generator strategiesof action(maritalstrategies.. They occurinconsistently. educational and so forth). theimportant sourcewas to be foundin habitual modes of engagementinternalizedthroughprimarysocialization and tweaked or theidea modified. and interaction 175).he argued: "Action or interactioncannot be understoodeitheras a mere mechanical . actualizationof thatstructure whichis fullof suspenseand surprises.equally important Despite these insights. eh. (2001.however. .and that in his as the of served.the key to understanding thatsystemof dispositionsand taken-for-granted ways of perceiving.it must be acknowledgedthatBourdieu. Far frombeing a mere ratificationof the structureof the economic relation.and in its veryexistence. strategies. themajorwellspringsof action.

of statistical this analysisprompted concern (in France.Tillymade causal mechanisms rallying-cry.e.mechanisms wereall-important. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . fact. anything a Weberian spaces in this unlike differentiation of societal Bourdieu. wereexplicitly level. in of statistical invocation reasoning highlyacclaimedworksof historical sociology suchas Theda Skocpol'sStatesand Social Revolutions (Skocpol 1979). On a biographical as S..by contrast. ownefforts at that Parsons 's also of should be remembered (It sociology modernity.176. Tilly's relating It that focused on also be mentioned fields. McAdamet al. 35Foran discussionof symbolicviolence. less stressuponthem.compare.35 So muchfortheprincipaltheoretical differences betweenTillyand Bourdieu.who was respectquite theory outa historical with in and later his middle working years. Bourdieu(1993 [1984]) withTilly capturethedifference (1981c). Hencean idea suchas symbolicviolence.one findsmiddle-range generalizations of protesteventsand of observations based on dozens. visionof a generaltheoryof fields. like of social he never elaborated or microcosms life.) might Tilly "large-n"projectsto a far than did who instead to overcome theuniversalism/ Bourdieu. .412 Am Soc (20 10) 4 1:40(M22 himnearlyso muchas theinvestigation itselfespecially. First.preferring insteadto thinkinterms Bourdieulaidconsiderably offielddynamics. sought greater degree in so as to observe bothwhat fields divide depth by studying specific particularism In Bourdieu.hiswritings chockfullof exhortations to movetowarda fullymechanismic social science..the idea thatdomination is perhapsthe verylinchpinof Bourdieu'ssociology if in the active of the dominated never part through reproduced unwitting complicity or implicitly.one findsthe madethemlikeotherfieldsandwhatmadethemdistinct.5.and perhapson accountof Tilly'slack of interest idea of autonomous around the a field-theoretic one centered relatively approach. Whatever his methodological while thereason.g.118 on Mon.not to mentionalso compoundedsets of mechanisms. whichwere termed"processes. Forthe emphasestheyplaced specification respective laterTilly. Tillyand Tarrow(2007).as mentioned the on of causal mechanisms. and colleagues.in Tilly.thismightwell a to formulate have been an important factorleadingTillyaway fromanyattempt out that in must also be fairness it of pointed although sweepingtheory modernity.afterthe1980s." across studies.g. (The senseon thepartofmanyreadersofDynamicsofContention and othersuchmechanism-based worksthattheyfeature a disorderly cacophanyof in to mechanisms be not back to mechanisms might traceable.in the Perhapsthefundamental methodological lay. Eisenstadt. were Indeed.His collaborative writings(withDoug McAdam and SidneyTarrow)on contentious centered politics squarelyon this agenda.perhapsitwas thestrategic or.likethoseof his followers Weberian. (2001). closerto home. othersuchinstancesof collectiveaction.one mechanismafteranother. neverpreoccupied of largescale politicaldevelopments and conflict. in anyof Tilly'svoluminous appeared. £ Springer This content downloaded from 168.37 Substantively speaking.see Bourdieu(2001 f19981). sociologyenjoyednowherenearthesamelevel quantitative somewhat ofprestige and influence). variable-based Americansocialscience. increasingly preoccupied.explicitly writings.such historical and sociologicalanalysis.the divergencesbetweenTilly and Bourdieu were in developing considerable.36 identified those several at least in being Perhapsthehegemony. 37To in sensibility and vision.sometimes even hundreds. e.N. difference earlier. especiallyilluminating 36 See.

or the ritualprocess (in analyses of what of institution. see also themoreextended see Bouraieu(jyyib.5.to analyzeculturalstructures.and in the extentand scope of processes of democratization. and he respondedto the former as negativelyas he did to thelatter. with subtitles such as "1768-2004. Indeed. the Forms 1995 of (in [Durkheim Elementary (1912)]) religious systems of classificationprovedof lastingimportanceto him. has Bourdieu been at least in the wrongly.176.this was his only sustainedwork on an episode of politicalcontention. Bourdieu. indeed.. fromthat of habitus itself(deployed by Durkheim in The Evolutionof Educational Thought[Durkheim1977 (1938)]) to such ideas as organic solidarity(Bourdieu characterizedthe innerlife of the field of power as an "organic in thedivisionof thelaborof domination"). A finalset of substantivedifferencesbetween Tilly and Bourdieu has to do with their markedly contrastingdegrees of interestin collective action and societal on the one hand. For Tilly.was concernedas earlyas his youthfulexercisesin ethnology.He was far too ambivalent toward grand theorizingto conceive of anythinglike a comprehensivetheoryof themodernworld.39 or thesacredand theprofane(a solidarity crucial idea in his theoryof social stratification.e. depicted.102-15).thebinaryimage inspiredby Claude Levi-Strauss. 4-5). 39 discussion inBourdieu(1996 [1989].in particular. chs. and social stratification. Meanwhile. The former'scontributionsto the sociological under38See Tilly(2004b.like so many othersin the Frenchintellectualscene.Even as Tilly moved toward a greater appreciationof culture.in repertoiresof contentiondrawnupon by actorsinvolved in political conflict. was deeply influencedby Durkheimand never feltthe need to repudiatehim. c)." "1650-2000.even as his own laterwork shifted to the studyof modernEuropeansocieties.118 on Mon.25). As mentionedearlier.Bourdieu (1993a. he tended to emphasize performance(symbolic actions) over systemsof classification(symbolic structures). 1990)." and even "AD 990-1990. he made frequentempiricaluse of Durkheimianconcepts. Anglo-Americanscene.however. evenpenningin the 1970s a vigorouslyworded critiqueentitled"Useless Durkheim"(Tilly 1981b).2004a. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . On the contrary. see also (lwo Liv»yj." "1492-1992.386-88). ß Springer This content downloaded from 168. as a theorist" on account of his relentless focus on the mechanisms "reproduction dominants in various kinds of social worlds maintain theirascendancy.referencesto "consecration" processes abound in Bourdieu's writings).His whereby work was actually full of engagementswith historicalprocesses and social change. as proceedingfromtheconvergenceof (originallycausally independent)field-specific developments(Bourdieu 1988 [1984].38) What one finds in Tilly are historicallygrounded accountsof large-scaleshiftsin the characterand structureof states.Bourdieu. on the other. 1993a. Perhaps transformation. sharplycontrasting Durkheimunequivocallysignifiedstructural-fiinctionalism.by contrast.Am Soc (2010) 41:400-422 413 his own later works of historical analysis.40 TheirrespectiveattitudestowardDurkheimalso had profoundconsequencesforTilly's and Bourdieu's effortsat culturalanalysis.Tilly was far more concerned over the course of his career with studyingcontentious politics than was Bourdieu." were themselves no less expansive in temporalscope.g.And clearly. See." or boundary-formation Bourdieutermed'*rites processesthatseparatethe consecratedfromtheprofanized). A second substantivedifference betweenTilly and Bourdieu has to do with their of modes engagementwith Durkheimiansociology. Homo Academicus set fortha compellingview of historicalruptures and.

"These analyses fail . tothisvolumeprovidesa usefuloverviewofthiscollaborative 's (2010) contribution see weredeemed"secondary ofdivision as raceandgender toclass. 44See Marx (1990 [1867]).The State Nobility.To date.hisstudy (Bourdieu [1984(1979)].and othermajor writings. In Durable Inequality.5. Bourdieu was more politicallyengaged thanwas Tilly and. exploitation mechanismswhich Tilly identifies moderntimes?Unlike. .suchprinciples properties".come to be predominantin .42 (The ascendantpetit bourgeoisie was by no means to be understoodas identical to the declining petit bourgeoisie. (2001[1998]). with the differentclass groupings objectivelydistinguishedfromone anotherby the volume and type of capital they possess. Much like Bourdieu. By contrast ofthe inMasculine Domination Distinction However.g. had become the leading public intellectualin France. attainmenttradition)as insuffiently extentthat essential causal business takes place not inside individuals] . 6.Despite fielding challenges from a number of quarters.a set of tools for exploringsubstantivetopics such as chain migrationor hoardingby ethnicgroups.one only reinforced further by his latercollaborationswithMcAdam and Tarrow.g.Indeed.social movements. by the time of his passing. forinstance. . moral-political issues. it remains more a specificationof mechanisms one must consider.social-organizational of categoricalinequalities.44 Yet another set of differencesbetween Tilly and Bourdieu concerns their respective stances on normative.Tilly's approachhas been picked and reproduction up by more thana few prominentresearchers. 33). virtually the entiretyof his output was concerned in one way or anotherwith how dominationworks in social life.ch. outwardlysimilar. Although some have argued that political engagementwas woven deeply into the fabricof his thoughtfromthe outset and let us not forgetthat the Algerian flag. In Distinction.41 By contrast.and otherformsof politicalconflictwere of those of any social thinkerover the second half of the perhapsthe most important twentiethcentury. enduring.thana major new historicallygroundedtheory opportunity structuresand processes of modern societies. as well as by theirtrajectorythroughthe social space. Tilly's way of thinkingabout collectiveaction attainedto a hegemonicstatusin the field.even thoughthe asset structuresof those two class fractionsmightbe late in his career.. Rejecting to the relational.he elaborated a vision of modern society as stratifiedin terms of class.Bourdieu was much more engaged across his life's work with the study of social stratification.414 Am Soc (2010) 41:400-422 standingof revolutions. symbol of the Algerian independence 41Goldstone venture.43)Tilly came to the studyof social stratification althoughit can also be argued thathe had dealt with issues of power and inequality ever since his earliestwork.114ff).among others.he sought nothingless than to reorient the entire field.118 on Mon.he accountof theproduction proposedinsteada mechanisms-based. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . 43See Bourdieu (1984 [1979]).Marx in Capital. portraying genderas farmorecentral spaceof genderrelations. & Springer This content downloaded from 168. and Bourdieuseemedto suggestotherwise.e. in what came to be known as the "dynamicsof contention"program.. change. he does not say.as Kim Voss (2010) points out in this volume. he set out to understandhow structural inequitablerelationscan be so enduringeven in the midstof far-reaching the status stratification research social conventional (e. Why have the of the stratification . but within social relations among persons and sets of persons" (Tilly 1998. Nonetheless...most prominentlyfromcollective identityapproaches during the 1980s.176.

1999 (1993)].he claimed. 46See Poupeauand Discepolo(2005). 48In a humorously self-deprecating passagein one of his essays. in which he staked a claim on behalf of moral and political universalismwhile suggestingthat the universal advances in history. to conventionalacademic thinking.in debates on the meaning of 9/11 immediatelyfollowing those terroristattacks. ForWeber'sclassicformulation of thedoctrine of valuefreedom.as always.596)..47 It was clear which hand.and causalarguments.118 on Mon."Tilly(1996.was the fundamentalsignificanceof normativereasoningto Tilly's and Bourdieu's intellectualprojects. selections .176.by the end. he had moved decisivelyinto social commentaryand political intervention.Tillyonce imaginedthattheactivefile maintainedon him by the Michigan State Police would include "a single sheet saying STOP SURVEILLANCE. italics in original). he became more involved later in life in speakingto the key issues of the day.Tillydid speak in somewhatgreater Weber'sideaoftherelation betweensocialscienceandethicalorpoliticalideals. to differingdegrees depending on theirposition and trajectory. value-freespirit."thereare social microcosms which.politicians. on the one on the other"(Tilly 200 1).Tilly began very much as a professionalsociologist. [T]o theextentthatit amongpossibleactions. in reason.2003 [2001]. themselves withweapons which are nothingotherthanthe most truth.virtue. was emblazoned upon the cover of his veryfirstbook.engage universalconquests of theprevious struggles"(Bourdieu 2000 [1997]. and [scientificformulations]." However.not throughthe pure intentionsof scientists. and his involvement in collective effortsby European intellectualson behalf of progressive societal change. and he remainedone throughouthis career."In a Weberian.Perhapsinterpreting Weber somewhat toonarrowly in thatpassage.however. 123.engaged scholarshipwas to be subordinated. . intervening. could one 45See Bourdieu (1998c.Like Bourdieu. of these alternativesTilly favored. see Weber(1949 [1904]).but because.civil servants. aiming to "identifyerrorsin the public discussion". The Weightof the World[Bourdieu et al. have a particular interestin the universal.46For his part. As Zelizer detailin anotherworkregarding (2010) pointsout in thisvolume. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . reliableknowledgeof causes and possibilities^] social scienceobviouslybearson ethicaland generates politicalchoices. The Algerians.in spite of theirintrinsicambiguity. forinstance..linked to theirenclosure in the privilege and satisfiedegoism of a separationby status.are the site of strugglesin which the prize is the universal and in which agents who.503).2008 [2002]). Only throughsuch a theoryof reason in history.THIS GUY IS HARMLESS. and Political Interventions).Bourdieu developed a theoryof what he called the Realpolitikof reason.it is certainlyalso truethat. social scientists have a professional opportunity and obligation to distinguishbetween theirpreferencesfor certainactions and outcomes. as evidenced by the many topical pieces he penned (now collected in Acts of Resistance. he also stressed that he "wasn't advocating anything. liesbeyond"themereselectionof efficient meansforrealizing ends:"[S]ocialscientists havemuchto sayaboutethically pregiven implicated theories of possibility." Tilly(1993b. warning against demagogic reactions. The Firing his leadershipof a collaborativeinquiryintothe Line.45 effectsof neoliberalism in contemporarysociety (culminatingin his best-selling volume. Ö Springer This content downloaded from 168. and hopingto "stimulatemore creativeand constructivethinkingabout alternatives.Am Soc (2010) 41:400-422 415 movementand of anticolonialresistanceto France. as he put it in Pascalian Meditations.5.jurists.he wrote: "When confrontedwith momentouspolitical and moral choices.he arguedthat"muchmore.48 Even more importantthan the sheer volume of theirtopical writingsor political engagements. .and the like.

Ideally. 13). Bourdieu stressed that such reflexive labor might be undertaken most effectivelynot by the solitary. an notionhe derivedfromDurkheim "prenotions. & Springer This content downloaded from 168.176. forces otherwiseworkingthroughthem the control over unacknowledged gaining and behind their backs.criticalreflexivity would make visible the effectson one's thinking of occupying a certainposition in the social space. thatI havebeenabletoresolvethe of reason. 16).of our freedomfromdetermination. the place in his thinkingof normativecum philosophicalreflectionwas marginal.at least to some Indeed." philosophy [20011).and by the intellectualdispositions conditions of their intellectualproduction produced by those conditions to elaborate thoroughlyahistoricaland atemporal ways of thinking."52Much as Freud had once declared.and even in where such issues mightwell have been raised.he his writingson democratization.118 on Mon. . "Where id was.50 (His heavy stress on generalizablemechanismicexplanationsstems in part fromthis very concernabout postmodernism.51 Likely because of his abiding commitmentto the idea of a Realpolitikof reason. Tilly. Bourdieu hoped that this mechanism of collective socioanalysis would help to emancipate social scientists from the structuresthat constitutetheir own intellectualand scholarly unconscious. who also sounded that theme on occasion.Tilly(2007).especiallyin thenineteenth century. itas a historical constituted becauseI have.arguing strenuouslyagainst postmodernisthistoricismand inveighingin one of his lateressays againstversionsof relativismthatquestion"the of statementsabout social life. Bourdieu was deeply concernedto promotethe practice of reflexivityin scientific life. so prominent with of"breaking" theimportance he stressed fromtheverybeginning. philosophers. italicsin original. chose insteadto proceed strictlyas an empiricaland historicalanalyst.416 Am Soc (2010) 41:40(M22 hope to "extendand radicalizethe criticalintentionof Kantianrationalism"(Bourdieu 2000 [1997]. "of which the academic world representsthe institutionalizedform"(Bourdieu 2000 [1997]. too.the"assumption thattheonly or mentalism thefallacyof radicalindividualism Tillyalso criticized See Tilly(2002c. 16).g. to an even greaterdegree than was Tilly." GastonBachelard.a problemas old as or of thehistoricity betweenreasonand history problemof therelationship Bourdieu(2004 has haunted andone which. as wellas histeacherat theÉcole normalesupérieure. e.forsociologists were oftendrawnby the .He said littleor nothingabout theprogressiverole of theuniversalin history. and of being shaped by lifeexperiences marked by distance frompractical necessities (skholè). of adheringto the doxa that define specific and delimitedfields withinthatspace.reflexivitywould mark a crucial step towardthe opening-upof inquiryand an enlargement.quitemodestly.)However. there ego shall be" (Freud 1965 [1933].was crucialto him Thisthemeof reflexivity. it would allow scholarsto begin degree." a fallacy leading. directlyto "softcore solipsism" (Tilly 2002c. The last of thesewas especially significant. As earlyas TheCraftofSociology.itseemstome.54.By shedding light on these effects. 120).Nothingcould be more congenial to 49On theoccasionofhisfinallectures itupthisway:"Itis. heroic intellectual but by a community of inquirers bound together by a logic of peer competition and "regulated struggle. . was aware of the importance of directing a critical gaze back upon the assumptionsguiding social scientificresearch. 50 .5. in his verifiability intersubjective view. historical eventsorcausesconsistof mentalstatesandtheiralterations. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . problem." significant 51 See. overtheentirecourseof Bourdieu'scareer.See Bourdieuet al.49 Tilly was similarlyconcernedto vindicatethe role of reason at least in social thought.. hesummed attheCollègede France. (1991 [1968]). despite the vigor with which Tilly assertedhis critiques. 71).

see BourdieuÍ1996 F19921.somethingof a literarystylisthimself.. Perhaps because of havingstudiedphilosophyat the École normalesupérieure.g. 0)54 muchtheempiricalsociologistto devote timeand energyto ponderingthefinerpoints of connectionbetweenhis own work and the Westerncanon. and althoughhe came also to invoke ideas on occasion from . Despite producingnotoriouslycomplex and forbiddingprose.therelationof his ideas to establishedcurrentsin philosophyand social thought. prose lengthystringsof citations (although his endnoteswere oftenfullof references)or thenames of any but themost fundamental of thinkers(Aristotle.Am Soc (2010) 41:400-422 417 him.177-78Y 56Foran on social sciencewriting. and Wittgenstein.a certain measure of literarygrace.likeTillyhimself. in fact. Leibnitz. and An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology. more down-to-earth. preferredinsteada more punchyand efficient He also liked to cite the work of style.Gaston Bachelard and Geoiges Canguilhem. A classic exemplar of French intellectual Bourdieu raised empiricalsociology to a level equal to thatof themost aristocratism. which. e. Pascalian Meditations. by contrast.Kant. See also thediscussionof Aristotle s theory of theemotionsin Tilly(1999). the was nowherenear as developed or as prominentin his thinking themeof reflexivity as it was in Bourdieu's. Indeed. The Logic of Practice. Tilly(2006a). Descartes. seeking. normsof Anglo-Americansocial science writing. such as the pragmatists.than the project of radically questioningthe "standardstories" we so oftentell about the social world and our own interventions withinit.55 By contrast. enough get past one never in finds his Moreover.Put simply.(Tilly2002d.hewed close to the less exalted.5. while whichhe deplored.at least forthose patientand persevering elegance in his formulations to the initial difficulties. 2000 [1997]. Not only were his philosophy teachers. exampleof Tilly'sthoughts & Springer This content downloaded from 168.Bourdieu was the more theoreticallysystematicof the two.176.53 A finalset of differences betweenTillyand Bourdieuhas to do withtheirrespective intellectualstyles.always to avoid fallingintotheoreticism.to buthe also alluded frequently writings. Bourdieu's writingswere consistently morephilosophicallyrichand subtlethanthose of Tilly. see Tilly(1986b).AlthoughTilly later came to see certainlines of continuity betweenhis own insightsand thoseof variousphilosophers. 1990 [1980]. to presentinghis distinctivetheoreticalideas and perspective(Bourdieu 1977 [1972].he was highly self-consciousabout theepistemologicalunderpinnings of his work.56 relativelyyoung and unrecognizedscholars.Tilly. This discrepancyalso sheds lighton othernotable differencesbetween the two sociologists. and Weber frequently appear therebut only rarely the most recentauthorsin AJS or ASK).25-42). Bourdieu fashioned himself something of the literarystylist.he devotedseveralimportant works. Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992). Marx. Forsomereflections on his own writing stvle. However. 53 See. precisionand deftness such master thinkersas Plato. exalted academic writingof the twentiethcentury.specificallyin theirwritingstyles and mannersof expression.as evidenced by his lean and vigorous prose interspersed withtellingexamples and illustrations.continually seeking beauty of expression and and achieving.such as Outline of a Theoryof Practice.a discussionof Aristotle'sclassificationof Westernphilosophy politicalconstitutions in and 8-1 he was always far too appears Regimes Repertoires(Tilly 2006b. referencedthroughouthis . 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .and withstartling .118 on Mon.and the philosophyof science implicationsof his way of doing sociology.

in one other crucial respect. substantivescope. the unique fate or destiny. Sentence aftersentence. one encountersa remarkableconfluence of qualities. also detractedfromthe pleasure of followinghis complex and carefularguments.'swords. and moralpolitical insightand relevance that Tilly simply cannot match. in his later years. on account of the profound obsession with (intellectual) kingship so distinctiveof French culturallife.Perhaps the answer lies in the tacit expectations Bourdieu encounteredwithin his own professional context. judgment wouldhavebeenamongthefirstto emphasize. despite his own formidableaccomplishmentsof an empiricaland methodologicalnature.sheer philosophic and analytic depth.he felt (despite himself)to become a maîtredà penser on the model of a Sartreor a LeviStrauss.moreoverand one that would become nearly inescapable during his later years. (He probably did produce too much.118 on Mon.176. everthereflexive sociologist.his greatmasterpiece.as is oftensaid of him partlyin admiration (tinged with envy) and partlyin lament.5. Jr. Tilly produced too much too quickly. There is also the fact that. de Tocqueville(1981 [1835/1840]).58Indeed.as Bourdieu. alongside such influentialand enduring contributorsas Merton. one possessed of a degree of subtletyand sophisticationthatmake social thought. one feels oneself in the presence of an intellectof superiorrank.Among the most strikingfeaturesof his writingstyle.was his reliance upon lists of points.so clearly markedas in these literarydiscrepancies. the peculiar academic consecration (combined with isolation from graduate students) bestowed upon him by his lofty perch at the Collège de France.an evaluative parton scholasticvalues. between aristocraticand democraticstyles (to invoke the Tocquevillean binary).418 Am Soc (2010) 41:400-422 thanof an evolving and collaborative conveyingthe sense less of timelessprofundity researchprogram.Perhapsnowherewas the stereotypicaldifferencebetweenFrench and American sensibilities.a mode of expressionthat. which allowed Bourdieu to develop intellectually in ways that Tilly could not. "Althoughhe never ceased to prowl the archives.it is thatthe natureof the work he produced shiftedimportantly afterthe early triumphof The Vendée. It is not simply that. but the dropoffin quality was nowhere near as significantas his detractorswould have it. to cultivate those added dimensions one fails to discern in his American counterpart.Perhaps the difference him all but peerless in twentieth-century can be ascribed to theirrespective formativemilieux. Weber. in reading Bourdieu's work. alongside such canonical mastersas Marx. basedin considerable Thisis.while surelyeconomical.) Rather.and Goffinan.ofcourse. & Springer This content downloaded from 168.would be presentedin the formof a list.White.his laterwork was much more in 57 See.In Sewell. between the Old World and the New.paragraphafter extraordinary paragraph.In Bourdieu. Or perhaps it was the special burden.and Durkheim while consigning Tilly to the second tier.57 Ill One is temptedto assign Bourdieu to the highest rank of sociological thinkers. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . these two master thinkersevolved in differentdirections.

Bourdieu's work.much as medieval artisans or Quattrocento painters (to borrow a favorite Bourdieuian analogy) handed down the trade in theirown workshops. 313).see Bourdieu(1993b). by Beate Krais.would be grossly inadequate. Bourdieu was also working on yet anothermajor studyat the timeof his passing.] in the later work. Tillyand Bourdieuboth:supremeembodimentsof the art of doing good sociology.and also in his various testimonialsof his studentsand collaborators pieces. .one thinksof HarrisonWhite.176. to seek to prioritizehis and Bourdieu's respectivecontributionsand accomplishments.256). Tilly foundways of passing down the craftof sociology he had himselfso fullymastered. Otis Dudley Duncan.or of RobertPark.Am Soc (2010) 41:40(M22 419 the mold of previous historical sociology: it reached for broad generalizations about macrohistoricaltrends. (2008).5. at least by comparisonto the astonishingvitalityof his middle period. large and small.and the Social thinkerswill continue to grapple with their far-ranginginsights bodies of work left behind for decades to come.2010.)It is not fornothingthatTilly has been called "the foundingfatherof twenty-first centurysociology. see also Bourdieu(1993a). in Bourdieuet al.and The Rules of Art. Jr.60Reaching back to the masterteachersof the past. 220).oftenseen as a scholarlytreatise. too. enterprise 59Fora thiswork. for we would shortthe likely futureimpact of Tilly's unrivaledpedagogy.which seemed to ebb somewhat in Tilly's last decade as he shifted towardmore of a didactic role (even in his writtenwork). stayed with Bourdieu to the very end."61In the end. However.and its archival findsgenerallyserved as illustrations of those trendsratherthanas means of drillingever more deeply into the operation of social systems. (Closer to our own times. one thinkshere of no less thanDurkheimhimself.Today theystand as indispensable guidesto thesociologicalenterprise.) All these figuresexerteda lasting influence not merely through their publications but also through their teaching.(Even From Mobilization to Revolution. paperthatanticipates Forthisanalogy.if not meaningless. or perhaps of Tilly's old colleague at Michigan. The State Nobility. [One misses. Distinction. Even beyond his writtenoeuvre.see Bourdieuand Wacquant(1992. on researchpractice.however. The quotationis attributed & Springer This content downloaded from 168. 1 Martin to AdamAshforth.which was to have been the companion volume to The Rules of Art. To leave it at that. can be said to have become less vital during his final years.was writtenoriginallyas a shop manual for coworkersand apprentices.118 on Mon. Their work will be rememberedfor as long as the lives on. the sense of creative tension between the particularand the general" (Sewell. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Both magnificent they belonged to thatrarebreed: the absolute mastersof theircraft. sightedlybe underestimating an impactthatin lateryearsmay well surpassBourdieu's own.This concern for specificity. a book on Manet and the nineteenthcenturyfield of Frenchpainting. much as Merton'shas surpassednearlyeveryoneelse's. thatspan of years that yielded such colossal achievements as Homo Academicus.59And he retainedhis interestin the particular(in relationto the general) and was continuingto do painstakingempiricalresearch. This is the side of Tilly best remembered in the many compelling . (1991 [1968]. it is difficult.

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D.W. Chamboredon. (1992)..1007/ Brubaker. heterdoxy.).doi:10. by Ben Fowkes.P. Civilsocietyand politicaltheory.states.W. New York:W. Computing History. E.T. Jr.and China.. (1992). A conversation UrbanHistory. D. 24. CharlesTilly'sVendéeas a modelforsocialhistory..C.A. 1007/s12 108-010-9108-8 S. (2010). Waryn. London. Stanford Press.Cambridge:HarvardUniversity to revolution. FrenchHistoricalStudies. Reeve. to reflexive of Bourdieu.meethistory. J. sl2108-010-9107-9 J. Scholarshipwithcommitment: PierreBourdieu. psychoanalysis (pp.Trans.New York:Free. doi:10.. H. 64-90V Towardan eventful Sewell. CharlesTilly.J.P.176.Chicago:University ChicagoPress. (1981c).T. translated Marx. Tilly. 1-52).doi:10.. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press.-C. (2008).translated by KarenE.B. CharlesTilly and Americanpragmatism. (1995 [1912]). 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .E. The Vendée. The evolutionof educationalthought:Lectureson theformationand development ofsecondaryeducationin France.-C. M.translated Bourdieu. & Tilly.Cambridge:Polity too.Social Psychology Collins.Democracyin America(H. E. Cambridge: Cambridge University withCharlesTilly:Urbanhistory and urbansociology.Joe Johnson.and explanation: York:ColumbiaUniversity.(2010). Berlin:Walterde Gruyter. (2008 [2002]).A. (2010). (2005). The interaction order. Durkheim. In As sociologymeetshistory Tilly.K.).. writer and a social scientist. Threetemporalities: sociology.78. Press. by RichardNice.AmericanSociologicalReview. In New introductory lectureson Freud. J.In L.and rights withCharlesTilly:A contentious Tarrow. Debatingwar.J.. et al. (1981a).London:Verso. J.48.). Fromstructure to agencyto process:The evolutionofCharlesTilly'stheoriesof Goldstone. Fields. An invitation sociology. 33. (2001).Volume1: A critiqueofpoliticaleconomy.AnnArbor:University of MichiganPress(pp.). (1964). Tarrow.In T. is dead. University Cohen. Stanford: University R. 73.(1991 [1968]). formsofreligiouslife. & Wacquant. (1998). TheNew YorkTimes. (2010).1830-1968.S. (2008). Dynamicsofcontention. de Tocqueville. The AmericanSociologist. The weightof theworld:Social suffering society.P. Sociologyin America:A history and itschallengers. CharlesTilly.and ShoggyT. The historicturnin thehumansciences. (2010).W. (1999 [1993]).P. translated sociology:Epistemological preliminaries. (1965 [1933]). S12108-010-9110-1 D.The Steinmetz. In B. & Discepolo.118 on Mon. UselessDurkheim. Sociology. H. & Passeron. 367-410).C. 1-17. 184-225.5. 245-280). (pp. Political interventions: by David Fernbach.). (1979).& Arato. CharlesTillyas a theorist of nationalism. Shorter. translated by PriscillaParkhurst Ferguson. Theelementary Durkheim. Calhoun(Ed. 53-83. & VanAntwerpen.Thedissectionof the psychicalpersonality. Goffinan. Cambridge:MIT.Susan Emanuel. conversation.Germanhistoricism.R. Capital. (pp. S. G. social action as reflectedin his analyses of contentiouspolitics. (vv. Paper at "Contention."New presented change.McDonald(Ed.A. (1981 [1835/1840]). (1974). Statesand social revolutions: analysisofFrance. in contemporary Bourdieu. sociology' In C.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity A comparative Skocpol. (2010). Ô Springer This content downloaded from 168.1007/sl2108-010-9106-x The AmericanSociologist. The contentious Quarterly. Sewell.Russia.C.Journalof Stave.(1996). Krais (Ed.C. translated by JamesStrachey.C. and hierarchy: 'Mainstream Calhoun..C.doi: 10. Jr. & Tilly. A conference in honorof CharlesTilly.N.1007/ Gross.London:Routledgeand KeganPaul. Martin. Orthodoxy.L. J.. TheAmericanSociologist. On the politicalengagements of Poupeau.New York:Modern Library. Tilly..C. The craftof Bourdieu. McAdam. New York:Academic. Strikesin France. E. (1990 [1867]). 307-315. Frommobilization Reading:Addison-Wesley. PierreBourdieuand democratic politics. social interactionism of CharlesTilly. As sociologymeetshistory.F. Press. American Sociologist. 95-108). (1977 [1938]). 5-10. and thecriticalrealistphilosophy ofscience.May 2. (1978). (1981b). October3-5. Tilly. Chicago: of ChicagoPress.(2007). In As sociologymeetshistory Tilly.Norton.translated by PeterCollins. (1983). Press.C. Wacquant(Ed. 51-71).Am Soc (2010) 41:400-^22 421 Social science and politicalaction.

Theoryand of popularcontention Tilly. Finch.ssrc.C.C.SociologicalForum. 32-67. Chicago:University Press. (2005c).large processes.in thisvolume. Tilly.ExplainingSocial Processes. (1992). 2001). (2006b). Tilly. Tilly.In C.C.H. (1949 [1904]).C. Shilsand H. 1594-1610.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. & Wood. scienceand sociologyas science(pp. (1984). Contentious Relationalapproachesto collectiveaction(pp. huge comparisons. (1993a).118 on Mon. (2008b). and democracy in Europe. To explain politicalprocesses.editedand translated A. A. University & Springer This content downloaded from 168. In Stories. (2008a). 16). Tilly. Coercion. conversation.AmericanJournaloj Sociology. Parliamentarization va. Tilly.In Identities.April. Politicalidentities Lanham:Rowmanand Littlefield.ch. (1999).L. Press. C.SociologicalForum.C.(2003). York:GraduateFaculty. (2002c)." February In Predictions and commentaries. Tilly. 13-32). Lanham: Tilly. Violentconflict. and political change (p.Boulder:Paradigm. Blandingin. Thecontentious Tillv. Tillv. 26. Predictions. (2002b). (1990). 1492-1992. (2009). Social movements Press.1828-34. in GreatBritain. (2002d). Princeton and control:A structural White. 25-42). of California Press.5. 9 Jun 2014 18:16:44 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .11. (1997). & Tarrow. Press.1650-2000.and Europeanstates.C.. Tilly. In M.TheAmericanSociologist. Paper presentedat "Conferenceon emotionsand social Tilly. In Stories.C.Oxford:Blackwell. Contentious Lanham:Rowmanand Littlefield.L. and networks: McAdam(Eds.Oxford:OxfordUniversity HarvardUniversity 1830-1930. The troublewithstories. RobertK. (1998). essavs. in Tilly.Cambridge:HarvardUniversity Tilly.Identities. boundaries. Lanham:Rowmanand Littlefield. 20.C. Contentious Tilly. F.C. Cambridge University Tilly. Tilly.Social ScienceResearchCouncil. 7. reflections. (2005a). and politicalchange (pp.422 Am Soc (20 10) 4 1:400-422 Tilly. Democracy. Therebelliouscentury.C. (2007).Explainingsocialprocesses. New York:ColumbiaUniversity S.C.identities.AD 900-1990.capital. New York:Cambridge University Tilly. (1999).Glencoe:Free.C.C.C.R. and social ties(do. 0986b). Tilly. and explanationsof social processes.176. Cambridge:Basil Blackwell. (2008c).New York: Russell Sage Foundation.K. Grudging of themiddlerange. CSSC Working Paper Series22 (September1985).C. Emotionsand strategies. SoftcoreSolipsism. 497-505. Durableinequality. Princeton University Tilly.Understanding agencyin tnestudyoi inequality: TillvandDurableInequality.C. (2010).C.social ties. Invisibleelbow. 147-172).217-44.C. Tilly.100. generative inanes and empowering mechanisms Voss. (2005b). (1975). Writing wronesin sociology. (1986a). Mechanisms Press.org/septl 1/essays/tilly. Diani & D. boundaries. Berkeley:University Tilly. (1993b)."New Paperpresented Tilly.8. movements.identities.Boulder:ParadigmPublishers.1758-1834.C.Cambridge: Tilly. In Methodology ofthesocial sciences(pp. Press. Contention Press. J. Civil societyand revolutions. Press. (2004a). 50-112). in history. (1985). 245-273. (1995). Press.C. at "Conference on civil society. by E.identities.May 27. (2004b).In Stories. Tilly.C. Contentious performances. New York:New YorkUniversity. & Tilly.C. The real is relational':An epistemological analysisof PierreBourdieu's Vandenberghe. 54-62). C.). 1768-2004. Weber. Calhoun(Ed.C. (20 1Ü).Princeton: consent. Tilly. and politicalchange(pp. (1992). (2007). 57-68). (September17.MD: RowmanandLittlefield. in GreatBritain.Social movements.C.Cambridge: and social ties. Tilly.Boulder:Paradigm.Boulder:Paradigm. Tilly.Cambridge:Cambridge University Tilly.C. SociologicalTheory. 1997.C.Regimesand repertoires. Tilly.C. 111-122). French. (2006a). Reprinted Tilly.C.L 543-552. (2002a).M. New School forSocial Research. Why?Princeton: of ChicagoPress. Princeton University Tilly. 17. Reprinted Society.589-601. structuralism.).Princeton: Press.C.identities. Trustand rule. Merton:Sociologyof Tilly. (1996).htm and politicalchange(pp.RoadsfromPast toFuture(Lanham.C. Identity theoryof social action.SociologicalForum. Creditand blame. politics.C.C. connections Tilly. Big structures. http:// Tilly. Rowmanand Littlefield. (2001).C. Europeanrevolutions.In Stories.