The Solution to the Ethnic Problem

By Izeth Hussain-April 10, 2015, 8:11 pm

The situation on the ethnic front seems to be very confused, but we can be
certain, absolutely certain, on one point: the solution to the Tamil ethnic
problem stares us in the face. I have the temerity to use the definite
article "the" rather than "a", meaning the solution with the emphasis on
"the" and not a solution which would imply one possible solution among
others. The solution I have in mind can be encapsulated in the following
formula: 13A-+ (13A minus plus). It means 13A minus police and land
powers plus a fully functioning democracy. In this formula the plus factor
of a fully functioning democracy is more important than anything else.
But first let me comment on the confused situation on the ethnic front.
After the Presidential elections there was clarity and no confusion at all on
that front. The ethnic minorities voted overwhelmingly in favour of the
Sinhalese candidate Maithripala Sirisena showing an exhilarating capacity
to transcend the ethnic divide, 45% of the Sinhalese joined them in fact
that percentage could well have been over 50% if not for the fact that the
massive resources of the state had been used illegally to promote MRs
candidature. The Sri Lankan people had clearly voted in favor of
democracy and an end to our ethnic problems. Soon afterwards Northern
Provincial Council Chief Minister Wigneswaran detonated his thunderbolt by
the resolution demanding an international enquiry into genocide committed
by Sri Lankan Governments since 1948. Thereafter, inspired by Prime
Minister Modi, he wanted us to go beyond 13A towards federalism and to
enter into an agreement that will be guaranteed by India. Now, he is no
longer on speaking terms with Prime Minister Wickremasinghe, reportedly

because of the Governments refusal to withdraw the armed forces from

the North straightaway. He and the NPC members appear now to be on a
confrontation course against the Government. There seems to be no
prospect of a political solution in the foreseeable future.
But TNA leader Sampanthan has declared that there will be a political
solution by the end of the year, based on what was offered by the CBK
Government from 1994 to 2000. This seems to completely contradict the
negative postures struck by the NPC Chief Minister. We have to wonder
whether there is schism within the TNA. Or is it just duplicitous behavior
on the part of the TNA leaders. It is known that over many decades Tamil
politicians have struck hard-line positions when talking to audiences in the
North and moderate flexible positions when talking in the South. Dayan
Jayatilleke, in an important article, has pointed out that as recently as
2011 Sampanthan had declared in the North that only the tactics had
changed while the goal of Eelam remains unchanged. DJ raises the
legitimate question whether Sampanthan can be allowed to assume the
position of Opposition leader. We have to go further and ask whether
Sampanthans sanguine expectation of a political solution by the end of the
year can be taken seriously. I personally would go yet further and ask
whether we can ever have a political solution on the basis of an agreement
between a Sri Lankan Government and Tamil political leaders.
The situation abroad, specifically in India, is also confused. We had
expected that after the Presidential elections India would play a helpful
moderating role by persuading the TNA to accept some sort of compromise
on land and police powers under 13A, after which we could really get
cracking with the implementation of 13A though in a truncated form. But
Prime Minister Modi recommended going beyond 13A, even to federalism,
and the NPC Chief Minister immediately took that as a warrant for
demanding that we go that far. I feel that certain facts should be brought
to the Indian Governments notice. 13A is the result of an agreement
reached in 1987. If India wants us to go beyond 13A it will be seen as
violating an international agreement, and also as bullying a small regional
neighbor. On both counts it will be declaring itself as unfit to be made a
Permanent Member of the Security Council.
Was the Hindutva ideology behind Modis diplomatic faux pas? One of my
readers has pointed out some very significant details. In India Modi speaks
in Hindi, which of course is understandable. In Colombo he spoke in
English, which again is understandable because hardly anyone in his

audience would have understood Hindi. But in Jaffna where also hardly
anyone would have understood Hindi he spoke in Hindi. He was clearly
affirming a commonality between the SL Tamils and the Hindus in the
whole of India, and that clearly signified an important paradigm shift. Did
that shift inspire his sudden concern for the estate Tamils? Mano
Ganeshan, who is at present the leading representative of the estate
Tamils, stated that Modi had been sympathetic over the woes of the estate
Tamils and had invited their representatives to visit him in Delhi. Modi was
of course at liberty to invite anyone he pleased, but inviting the
representatives of a disaffected minority without consulting the
Government is a different matter. Modi was guilty of blatant interference in
the internal affairs of Sri Lanka.
Where do we go from here? Perhaps the most important fact that we have
to bear in mind is that we have a Tamil ethnic problem only because of
India. If not for the Tamil Nadu factor the Tamils will simply be treated as a
conquered people, and the rest of the world wont bother about them.
Therefore our first priority should be to persuade the Modi Government to
change course in its Sri Lanka policy. I feel sure that there is serious
dissent among Indian decision-makers and opinion-makers about what
looks like a Hindutva-inspired policy towards Sri Lanka. In concrete terms,
it should be made clear that Prime Minister Modi was engaging in personal
reminiscences and he meant no more than to assure the Sri Lankans that
however far we go in devolution there would be no danger to Sri Lankas
political unity and territorial integrity. That means that there is no warrant
at all for the Tamils to demand anything more than 13A. If that is done, it
should be possible to reach a political solution by the end of the year. We
must bear in mind that the TNA leader Sampanthan has the reputation of
being a moderate equipped with great political ability.
But what if nothing of the sort happens because the Tamils are still gripped
by a drive towards collective political suicide? See Devanesan Nesiahs
brilliant article in The Island of April 8. In that case we the people of Sri
Lanka must act in terms of the mandate given by the people at the last
Presidential elections, which was to implement full democracy and end our
ethnic problems. That can be done by implementing as thoroughly as
possible 13 A minus land and police powers together with a democracy
that allows the Tamils to live in freedom and dignity throughout the island.
The focus should be on meeting the economic needs of the Tamil people at
the grass roots level. All of that would amount to a reversal of MRs twopronged strategy to solve the Tamil ethnic problem: a) humiliate the Tamils
and b) go for infrastructure projects from which the Rajapaksa Gang could

profit mightily.
If that solution stared us in the face, how is it that we failed to recognize
it? The truth is that there was a failure of perception on the part of the
Tamils who since the late forties became fixated on the notion that their
ills could be cured only through Eelam or in lieu of that a very wide
measure of devolution. That approach led to a quarter century of war, with
the result that the Sinhalese have developed a deep allergy to the notion
that a solution requires yet more devolution, which they suspect will lead
ineluctably to Eelam. I cant see that a solution will ever be possible
through further devolution. Why not try 13A minus land and police powers
plus a fully functioning democracy with the emphasis on democracy? There
are many minorities, including the Tamils, who are living quite happily in
the Western countries under fully functioning democracies without any
devolution at all. Why not here? True, the Tamils had a kingdom here at
one time. But for the most part they lived together with the Sinhalese
without any power=sharing arrangement by way of devolution, in a
relationship that was for the most symbiotic, not antagonistic. I am
convinced that the formula I am suggesting, if properly implemented, will
end the ethnic problem for good. (izethhussain@gmail.com)
Posted by Thavam