You are on page 1of 10




7:37 PM

Page 26

CENTRO Journal


Volume xv1i Number 1
spring 2005

Two variants of
Caribbean nationalism:
Marcus Garvey and
Pedro Albizu Campos


Some of the forms that collective identities and nationalism have taken in the
Caribbean are analyzed in this paper, which examines two historical figures, one from
Jamaica and the other from Puerto Rico: Marcus Garvey (1887–1940) and Pedro
Albizu Campos (1891–1965), respectively. Both were black, radical, and politically
persecuted. A history of nationalism in both Jamaica and Puerto Rico is impossible
without taking them into account. Marcus Garvey is one of Jamaica’s officially
designated “national heroes.” He was the first such person to whom this honor was
conferred after Jamaica’s independence in 1962. Garvey’s name and portrait appear in
some of Jamaica’s currency, in public buildings, and in the names of streets. Puerto
Rican nationalists consider Pedro Albizu Campos, one of the island’s greatest patriots
of the twentieth century. There are some important similarities in the life history and
political career of these two Caribbean leaders. But their construction of the ideas of
race and nationalism are very different. This paper compares the different ideas of
Garvey and Albizu about race and nationality, as well as the praxis that went with
them. For Marcus Garvey “race” took precedent over “nation.” In contrast, for Albizu
Campos Raza meant the “Hispanic race.” The explanation of these differences in
nationalist ideology lies, at least in part, in the different ways in which historically the
social construction of ethnicity and race has taken shape throughout the Caribbean,
and in Jamaica and Puerto Rico particularly. Among the factors taken into
consideration to explain these differences in nationalist ideology are the following:
historical differences in the social impact of the plantation system, the relative
Convention address by Hon, Marcus Garvey delivering the constitution for Negro rights.
Liberty Hall, New York City, 1920. Photographer unknown. New York World-Telegram
and Sun Collection Library of Congress . Reprinted, by permission, from the Library of Congress.

position of free blacks during the slave period, the cultural factors involved in the
formation of social classes, and different colonial experiences. [Key words:
Caribbean, nationalism, Marcus Garvey, Pedro Albizu Campos, race, colonialism]

[ 27 ]

several schools. Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara.” and were both politically persecuted. T . from Jamaica. where large numbers of Puerto Ricans live. In Jamaica. Marcus Garvey has been officially designated by his country as one of its national heroes. The same can be said about cities in the United States such as New York and Chicago.. from Puerto Rico. they are both seen by many people as national heroes. were both “black” and “radical. is considered by Puerto Rican nationalists as their most important figure in the twentieth century. Besides recognizing the importance of American racism. although it was not one based upon race but rather upon cultural affinity and belonging. Against the rhetoric of freedom. streets. by permission. In comparison. The memory of Albizu in Puerto Rico does not have the institutional support that Garvey’s memory has in Jamaica. He was the first person since the independence of Jamaica in 1962 to be given this honor by the government. Garvey and Albizu had very different ideas about race and nationality as well as differences in the methods. Reprinted. one from Jamaica and the other from Puerto Rico. The Yankee people is a slave people…” (Albizu Campos [1933] 1975b: 334). Socioeconomic. An interesting comparison is to examine two Caribbean historical figues. but the point of reference for Albizu was not Africa but Latin America. Nationalism’s intensity has also varied quite a lot throughout the area. on the other hand. Marcus Garvey (1887–1940). as in Puerto Rico. Albizu had an international perspective. Pedro Albizu Campos. just like Garvey.1 Contrary to what Puerto Ricans are led to believe. Albizu. in a speech he once gave in the United Nations. There are important similarities in the life history and political career of these two Caribbean leaders. ethnic. Just like Garvey. In 1921 Garvey was not completely wrong thinking that the United States was controlled by white supremacists. people in the United States “have no equality. a history of nationalism would be impossible without taking them into consideration. He was an exponent of black nationalism. 1924. nor fraternity among themselves. Albizu spent most of his adult life in jail as a consequence of his political activities. an oppression that was felt globally. strategies. the use of a comparative approach. The study of nationalism in the Caribbean requires. Historically it has appeared in some places earlier than in others. For Marcus Garvey race had priority over nation. Photographer James Van Der Zee. . liberty. or racial qualities. and political factors and the way they have played out are part of the explanation for these differences. This is so in spite of the fact that nationalism in Puerto Rico has a relatively longer history. To explain these differences in nationalist ideology requires the examination in detail of the different forms in the social and historical construction of ethnicity and race throughout the Caribbean and specifically between Jamaica and Puerto Rico. additionally. Albizu’s characterization of the United States had the intention of deconstructing the persona that “imperial” propaganda had created. from Donna Mussenden Van Der Zee.” Albizu was a hard critic of race relations in the United States. [ 28 ] [ 29 ] Marcus Garvey at viewing stand. and it has not been at random. In contrast to Jamaica. an involvement he rejected with repugnance. According to Garvey it was a “fact that the spirit of the Ku Klux Klan is in 80 or 90 percent of the white americans” (Garvey [1921a] 1995: 188).Carrion(v8). although at the same time he is considered by many a wayward idealist. called Albizu Campos a symbol of Am rica irredenta (Guevara 1967: 468)— America having here the meaning given by the Cuban patriot José Martí in his expression “Our America. It cannot be the same because of the particular relationship Puerto Rico has with the United States. Notwithstanding the fact that Puerto Rico is still a colony. and avenues have his name. no liberty. just as in other places. to Albizu “race” (raza) meant the “Hispanic race. In Garvey’s interpretation the United States was a country racist to its core. and organizational procedures to carry these ideas forward. and democracy Albizu would say in 1933: “We know the strength of the North American plutocracy and how it exploits its own fellow citizens in the continent” (Albizu Campos [1930] 1975a: 116). Jamaica as such was not his main concern.qxd 6/6/05 7:37 PM Page 28 here are patterns in the way nationalism has developed in the Caribbean. As if in response to Albizu’s Latin American perspective. sought support and solidarity carrying out visits to different countries. to be obsessed with race was an American mania.2 For Albizu. At the same time that Albizu recognized his African racial heritage he also articulated a nonracial Hispanic nationalist ideology.. Puerto Rico has not up to this moment achieved formal political independence. His fundamental goal was the improvement and liberation of his oppressed race. His characterization of the United States as a racist country is not so very different from that of Garvey. The name of Garvey and his portrait appears in Jamaican currency. cultural.” The nationalist connotations are quite evident in the redemption that is sought. but today he is regarded in his country with considerable respect. and Pedro Albizu Campos (1891–1965). Donna Mussenden Van Der Zee. and in the names of public buildings and streets. But a very different construction of ideas related to race and nationality separates the two men. And there are also regional differences in the way Caribbean nationalism has expressed civic.

” a “deep horizontal comradeship. French and Dutch parts of the Caribbean)” (Hoetink 1971: 101). is the type in whom you would find the highest degree of intersegmentary social mobility. When we talk about nationalism we are dealing. trigue o in Puerto Rico. Particularly pertinent in the comparison between Garvey and Albizu is the distinctions Hoetink establishes within the Caribbean region. No actual or historical society in the Caribbean can be described as being purely one type or the other. widely recognized. which he associates with the Hispanic Caribbean and Brazil. the opportunities have been greater for the development of nationalisms of the civic territorial type. Two types of nationalism have been able to penetrate deeply into people’s imagination throughout the region. Of very special importance to the study of nationalism in the Caribbean is the way in which racial categories have taken form in the region. for example. In those other places where the correlation between race and class has been weaker. In recent decades the deconstruction of the Hispanic myth of racial democracy has become almost an industry. In the Hispanic Caribbean. Significantly. and colonialism. The second type is where a socioeconomic “rise is only possible half-way towards the social position of the dominant segment on the basis of physical characteristics (for example. The formation of ethnic. black nationalism is of scant resonance in the Hispanic Caribbean. and the different colonial experiences. So many examples can be drawn to posit the existence of racism in the Hispanic Caribbean that it is very easy to argue that reality disproves the myth. The nation is a “great solidarity. in those places where Spain once ruled. In his pioneering study Caribbean Race Relations: A Study of Two Variants H. he talks about different types of segmented society distinguished by their intersegmentary social mobility. The myth of racial democracy. as commonly accepted today. In his book Race Mixture in the History of Latin America. The Caribbean has been a difficult region for the development of national identities and nationalist projects. Colonialism. linguistic homogeneity is a much older and more common feature in the Hispanic Caribbean than in the other islands and territories of the region (Hoetink 1971: 178). the national idea has had a great impact in the Caribbean just as in other parts of the world. And finally the third type. on the other hand. just as any other myth. on the contrary. A shared cultural heritage is fundamental in explaining this degree of mobility. In spite of it all. On the one hand. In what Hoetink calls the Iberian variant of Caribbean race relations. “popular cross-racial nationalism” has been a feature of society in Cuba and in Puerto Rico. Many different factors are involved in giving it form. the British. A relatively greater degree of cultural homogeneity is the result of what could be called the Africanization of whites and the Europeanization of blacks. As de la Fuente (1999) argues. In the Caribbean it is quite evident that race does not always mean the same thing everywhere. a society associated with the Deep South of the United States. What is particularly compelling about Hoetink’s concept of segmented societies is that from the start it incorporates the question of social structure and power.qxd 6/6/05 7:37 PM Page 30 Nationalism is many different and related things. In contrast to the traditional bipolar construction of racial categories in the United States. slavery. Different sociocultural. there is a type of nationalism that is expressed in racial identities that transcend any particular territory and that idealize Africa as the land of the forefathers. But exactly what do we mean by “race” in multiracial societies? Race is. The same person could be considered “white” in the Dominican Republic. in Latin America there is a long history of social recognition of varieties of racial mixture. hegemonic myths of this type have to incorporate by necessity some of the interests of the subordinate groups. These cultural qualities influence the development of nationalism. These are analytic categories that help us to understand complex realities. Moreover. ethnic. A very strong correlation between race and class has been influential in the development of widely popular racial nationalisms. for example. Segmented societies are “ideal types” and not concrete descriptions of specific societies.Hispanic Caribbean to understand the particularities of nationalism in the region. in comparison with the rest of the Caribbean. the features of settler colonialism are more commonly present in the Caribbean region. And it is not just politics nationalism is concerned with. Franklin W. The myth of racial democracy has been an ever-present feature of Hispanic Caribbean nationalism.Carrion(v8). The first type of segmentary society he mentions is the one with the least amount of social/racial mobility. and “black” in the United States. and national identities throughout the Caribbean respond to particularities of historical development. In a recent study Winston James (1998) reiterates the importance of the distinction between the Hispanic and non. [ 30 ] [ 31 ] Among the factors that have to be taken into consideration to explain these differences in nationalist ideology are the following: historical differences in the social impact of the plantation system. but it can also be something more. At the opposite end. As an illustration of all this. although a common historical feature throughout the region.” descriptive terms that result in an especially illusory conception of societies shaped by the plantation. although the French colony of Saint-Domingue (Haiti) came very close to being a pure expression of exploitation colonialism. one finds national identities that are much older in appearance and are much more widely diffused across class and racial divides. the different cultural factors involved in the formation of social classes. economic. Differences in the construction of racial. The way collective identities have developed in this part of the world has been affected by this multiracial background. Hoetink (1971) prefers to talk about segmented societies instead of multiracial societies. The protean quality of nationalism is. The cultural consequence of exploitation colonies is a greater degree of heterogeneity and social fissures. racial and national identities in the Caribbean . the same in its structure and its consequences for the societies of the Caribbean. The island territories of the Caribbean have been multiracial societies since their incorporation into the capitalist world system very early in the sixteenth century. On the other hand. can become a tool of the powerful against the weak. Magnus Mörner (1967) mentions a 16-item nomenclature of racial categories for eighteenth-century Mexico. the “colored group” serves as a cultural “bridge” between other racial categories in ways that are absent from what he calls the North-Western variant. these are “manufactured” societies. has not been. Knight (1990) makes the analytically useful distinction between exploitation colonies and settler colonialism. there is a civic territorial nationalism with the ethnic qualities of a shared culture. a social construct. and political “terrains” have “fertilized” different types of nationalism. The nation is supposedly felt as something “organic”. where. He criticizes the critics by pointing out how the subordinate racial groups utilize the myth of racial democracy for their own benefit in spite of the fact of continuing socioeconomic inequality among the groups. with a political ideology but also with things that go by the name of national sentiment and national identity. it also refers to cultural manifestations of collective identity affirmation. the relative social position of the “free colored” population during the period of slavery.

During those years the organization that he created. for example. women were included in the 1930s. In Jamaica the beginnings of the twentieth century brought no promises of any drastic significant change in the colonial situation. These acquired skills as a printer would be very important throughout his life. and by that time he was winning speaking contests both in Spanish and in English. His father did not recognize his paternity until very late. although in the last years of his life he was reduced to being a soap-box orator in the speaker’s corner of London’s Hyde Park. Marcus Garvey was the first person to create a mass movement among black people in the United States (Garrow 1986: 428). control a new and modernized plantation system extended its hold over most of the island territory. In spite of the father’s neglect Albizu would speak fondly about his father and carry with pride his surname. an electoral democratic system in the American fashion was quickly developed with regular and relatively clean elections. almost twenty years after the invasion. Important political changes occurred also in Puerto Rico in the first decades of the century. had a wide circulation that included many colonial countries in Africa. Unfortunately. The first university in Puerto Rico was. while Albizu was a mulatto. by 1923 the Black Star Line was bankrupt. Another area in which the British colony fell behind the American colony was in the educational system. U. Since the abolition of slavery in 1838 the plantation system in Jamaica had been in a long decline. Albizu’s oratical skills were first tested in high school. in Jamaica that history begins in the 1930s. On the one hand. although he was well read and a life-long student of oratory. In Jamaica big changes started to occur only after 1938. and a languid economy was the result. Under U. when he was 9 years old. Branches of this organization were established throughout the United States and the Caribbean. citizens. who accused him of [ 32 ] [ 33 ] . in the growth of the proletarianized sector of the population.qxd 6/6/05 7:37 PM Page 32 Garvey and Albizu: Social background and life trajectories Questions of class and the possibilities of social advancement were different among British and American colonies in the Caribbean early in the twentieth century. his native city. While in Puerto Rico the history of political parties starts in 1870 under Spanish colonialism. Garvey was a black man of dark complexion. In terms of social origins Marcus Garvey can perhaps be described as belonging to a rural petite bourgeoisie. His early years were of great poverty. Following his artisanal origins he became early on in his life an apprentice to a printer and was a foreman printer by the time he was 18 years old.Carrion(v8). In Jamaica. Socially speaking Albizu’s origins are much lower than Garvey. He began school relatively late. but was able to graduate from high school with high honors by the time he was 19 years old. and processes of economic growth and increasing social and political complexity. but the island continued to be defined in court rulings as an unincorporated territory. The Crown Colony system had been established in 1866. while living in the United States. UNIA organized international meetings of black leaders and people. as part of an early attempt to Americanize the Puerto Ricans. In 1917. something that belonged to but did not form a part of the United States. ruled directly by London with marginal degrees of self-government. so his origins are basically those of an orphan. UNIA’s greatest success was the Black Star Line. His father and grandfather were master masons (Stein 1986: 24) and as such relatively well-off artisans in what was in some ways a peasant economy. demonstrating in the process the growing incapacity of the planter class to rule its workers. whose skin color was many times described as similar in complexion to the natives of the Indian subcontinent. In Puerto Rico the first election with universal male suffrage was carried out in 1898. She died when Albizu was only 4 years old. The First International Convention of the Negro Peoples of the World was inaugurated on August 1. He ended up with a bachelor’s degree and a Juris Doctor degee from Harvard University before he returned to Puerto Rico in 1922. a sea shipping company that throughout its history owned five ships. A colonial version of American democracy was established on the island. In pursuit of oratical skills he studied the speaking style of church ministers in Jamaica and parliamentary members in London. when his wife was dead and his son was already 23 years old. Puerto Rico had changed colonial masters in 1898. In 1900 Jamaica was a Crown Colony. The United States in Puerto Rico represented for many the arrival of modernity.S. Spain was successfully presented by the new colonial regime as representing a social backwardness that thankfully was being left behind. thanks to a scholarship provided by a freemason lodge in Ponce. Garvey’s years of greatest success as a leader were from 1919 to 1923. with relative quickness. and in the growing commodification of social relations. According to Martin Luther King Jr. The first university in Jamaica was founded in 1947. The Negro World. but then. after all these successes. experienced a qualitative jump in intensity after the American invasion. Albizu’s post-secondary education was top rated. A feature of American colonialism in Puerto Rico early in the twentieth century had been an extension and modernization of the educational system. UNIA’s newspaper. extremely few people could go much beyond grade school. a situation which incurred the displeasure of European colonial authorities. On the other hand. the amount of self-government allowed in the beginnings was quite modest. and Garvey was arrested by federal agents. The differences that we find in comparing Garvey and Albizu respond to a significant degree to the different social and political historical development of the two smallest islands in the Greater Antilles. The advance of capitalism can be attested in the increased economic activity.S. Garvey’s education was mostly self-taught. universal suffrage was achieved in 1944. in contrast. After graduating from high school he was able to go to a university in Vermont. With the change of colonial rulers a cultural shock came as well. In terms of political development the comparison with the American colony of Puerto Rico is significant. founded in 1903. In formal terms he did not go beyond primary education. when the Colonial Assembly was eliminated as a direct consequence of the Morant Bay rebellion of the previous year.S. for one of the areas in which he distinguished himself was as a publisher of newspapers and magazines. control over Puerto Rico has had from the start ambivalent qualities. His mother was a black woman employed by his father’s family. experienced its greatest impact and resonance. the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). which had been taking shape in the last three decades of the nineteenth century. If we examine the development of suffrage a similar story comes out. At the peak of his career he was considered by some “one of the world’s greatest orators” (Martin 1983: 13). Unlike Garvey. Albizu is remembered as a great speaker. The Black Star Line helped for a moment to contribute to Garvey’s prestige among many blacks in the United States and in the world. A maternal aunt took care of him. Albizu was the illegitimate son of a white Puerto Rican of the land-owning class. The beginnings of Albizu are very different. Puerto Ricans were made U. 1920 in Madison Square Garden in New York City. Like Garvey. A contrast can be established between a modernizing American colonialism in Puerto Rico and the English colonialism of old abandoned plantations in Jamaica. Backwardness was also a feature of the political system.

Washington. he was not allowed to return to Puerto Rico until 1947. Unlike Garvey. Garvey had a great admiration for Booker T. edited by Van Deburg (1997) is From Marcus Garvey to Louis Farrakhan. which included a massacre in which 19 people were killed and more than a hundred wounded in 1937. Photographer unknown. the influence of the party was extensive because they were the most radical expression of pro-independence sentiments that were then.. These were the people that organized the First Pan African Conference that was held in London in 1900. Garvey shared many things with this leadership. a very important part. Garvey shared his civilizationist bent. In 1930 he was elected president of a small political organization founded in 1922 by dissidents from the Unionist Party. He quickly transformed this organization into a political party that impacted the entire power structure and that drew the wrath of the American colonial authorities in the island. and at the same time an early manifestation of a type of leader that will become common in the twentieth century.S. December 15. in the late nineteenth century. He was imprisoned again in 1950 when his followers carried out an armed insurrection on the island. colonial regime were deconstructed by Albizu’s insistent challenge. And the subtitle of the book Modern Black Nationalism. the largest political party in the country. Centro de Estudios Puertorrique os. Garvey proceeded to ask the crowd for money: “We cannot live on sentiment. In spite of the Nationalist Party’s unsuccessful participation in the 1932 elections. Let us take first the case of Garvey. cultural and religious unity of human [ 34 ] [ 35 ] Race and nationality in Garvey and in Albizu . dominated by whites. He is part.Carrion(v8). Back in his home country he tried to revive the UNIA and also to impact the local social and political situation. while Albizu was in prison. Freed in 1953 by an amnesty decreed by the now elected colonial Puerto Rican governor Luis Muñoz Marín. According to Judith Stein (1986). Initial successes were followed by disappointment and some time in jail. Garvey’s communality with this past leadership can also be attested to in the entrepreneurial strategy that he preferred. by permission. Albizu was not imprisoned because of postal fraud but because of sedition and rebellion. Although born in Jamaica. and in some ways some of his ideas look like a radical version of Washington’s economic boosterism. Before political empowerment came the search for economic empowerment through entrepreneurial activities. Severely ill. subsequently. but he also had a more down to earth view of the nation. as can be seen in the “improvement” part in the name of the organization he created: the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). he was deported back to Jamaica.S. electorally the largest party in the country in the 1930s. militant actions included attacks against objectives in the U. was.qxd 6/6/05 7:37 PM Page 34 postal fraud. Garvey was in jail from 1925 to 1927 when his sentence was changed. For Albizu the nation had an indispensable “material” component in that the nation seeks to control its economic resources: “The comprehension of what is a nationality” requires us to understand that it is “not only the ethnic. such as the Blair House where President Harry S. where he died in 1940. The greatest differences between Garvey and Albizu lie principally on the subject of race. Reynolds Papers. he is part of a story that transcends that island society. Disillusioned. In 1919 in Newport. Booker T. after extolling the virtues of blackness and black pride. During those years he changed completely the scope and reach of Puerto Rican nationalism. Garvey decided to become a “racial leader” after reading Washington’s book Up From Slavery. Washington. an inspiration to him. Albizu’s party was called the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico. at the start of the twentieth century black politics was dominated by an international elite socially distant from the black working masses. Archives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora. the last part of Wilson Jeremiah Moses book The Golden Age of Black Nationalism (1988) deals with Garvey. Irregularities in the business management of the Black Star Line were used by federal authorities to eliminate what came to be regarded as a black radical nuisance. he left for London. As self-proclaimed leaders of their people they propose as a solution to their common problems a strategy based on hard work to accumulate capital and education to remedy a “civilizational deficit” they recognized existed vis-a-vis the Western world. from Centro de Estudios Puertorrique os. he was granted a pardon shortly before he died in 1965. surrounded by a multitude.S. The Liberal Party. Pedro Albizu Campos inside the San Juan Cathedral. was also in favor of independence for Puerto Rico. When Albizu talked about the Puerto Rican nation his rethoric could become poetic and even mystical. during the Te Deum honoring his return to Puerto Rico. CUNY. Hunter College. at the most intense form they reached during the twentieth century. 1947. The Ruth M. A fundamental part of Garvey’s Negro ideology was a type of economic nationalism. The democratic pretenses of the U. Reprinted. A massive political persecution by the colonial regime. We have to live on the material production of the world. nearly destroyed his organization. Truman was temporarily staying. Freed from the Atlanta federal penitentiary in 1943. Albizu was quickly jailed again when some of his followers carried out an armed attack on the U. After 1936 he spent most of the rest of his life in jail. preeminent black leader in the U.S. perhaps. A type of economic nationalism was also part of Albizu’s ideology. in the story of what has been called black nationalism. This was in many ways an elitist and conservative leadership. for example. I am here representing the Black Star Line Steamship Corporation of the World” (Garvey [1919] 1996: 248). House of Representatives in 1954. In the story of black nationalism Garvey represents one of the last manifestations of the type of leader that developed after emancipation. the same prison that had held Garvey earlier. As an example of his importance in this story. Albizu’s years of greatest success as a leader were from 1930 to 1936.

In that same speech Garvey thrilled the people in the meeting by pointing out that “we realized that the world discounts us because we have always been begging for the things that are ours . Colonialism had robbed the people of Puerto Rico: “From the very first moment of the North American invasion.S. He said in this speech: “The world is the property of all mankind. He was convinced that “the Negro in America will never get his constitutional rights” (Garvey [1922] 1986: 97).. For Garvey the political composition of the nation had by force of structural circumstances a racial character. but as white. But tonight we are assembled to beg no more.. For example. In a speech in 1921 Garvey said: “We are dealing with the New Negro today. Garvey wanted blacks to be given what was considered their due. in a period when lynching of blacks was becoming increasingly common in the South of the U. The Negro had to realize that beyond the nation there was “a greater loyalty. at the least. Garvey’s opinions about race were to a large extent shaped by his experience of racism on the part of whites and also by his experience with the mulatto elites of his native Jamaica. This was a proposition that could not always be followed. (Cheers) We are assembled to demand . This more aggressive posture was necessary to achieve respect. Talking about his organization he would say. the sea shipping company mentioned earlier. of the kind José Martí (Ortiz 1953) called “on the rebound” (de rebote). Race first emphasized the importance of racial pride and consciousness. according to Tony Martin (1983). and each and every group is entitled to a portion.. the Negro who intends to return a blow for a blow” (Garvey [1921b] 1995: 130). An essential aspect of the new approach was to be more assertive and aggressive in dealings with the powerful. His demands were on many occasions expressed in terms of claiming a fair chance. The purpose of his organization was defined in “The Principles of the UNIA”: “to fight for the emancipation of the race and of the redemption of the country of our fathers” (Garvey [1922] 1986: 93). were deeply influenced by his Jamaican background.” But Garvey’s anticolonialism was not always consistent because in more than one occasion he declared his loyalty to Britain while asking for reforms from within the colonial system. where minute distinctions of color and ancestry could be quite important.. Garvey was quite explicit about the novelty of his approach to the racial problem. it was necessary because nothing could be achieved supplicating. Garvey’s goal was “to bring Negroes together for the building up of a nation of their own.4 Garvey’s greatest success as well as his greatest failure was the Black Star Line. colonialism in Puerto Rico. distasteful because of its possible disturbing influence among the “natives. I was determined that the black man would not be kicked about by all the other races and nations of the world” (Garvey [1923] 1986: 126). the legal bases were laid for our collective despoliation”(Albizu Campos [1930] 1975a: 147). most of the captains in the ships of the Black Star Line were whites because there were not enough blacks qualified for these positions early in the twentieth century. was his two-hour meeting in 1922 with Edward Clarke. but also the community of its material interests upon a determined territory. and especially American blacks. The logical location for such a nation had to be in Africa. The goals of Garvey’s movement were defined in clearly racial terms. An even greater contradiction. Racially based nationalisms. which was founded in 1909 with the participation of white liberals. one of the top-ranking members of the Ku Klux Klan.Carrion(v8). should help in creating such a nation. And why? Because we have been forced to it” (Garvey [1922] 1986: 96). Garveyism had. are dangerous. the loyalty of race” (Garvey [1922] 1986: 100).S.3 Essential to Albizu’s economic nationalism was a sharp indictment of U. This was perhaps the weirdest episode in Garvey’s career. “My parents were black negroes” (Garvey [1923] 1986: 124).” (Garvey [1921b] 1995: 129). in which its own sons should be lords and masters” (Albizu Campos [1930] 1975a: 144).qxd 6/6/05 7:37 PM Page 36 society.” Garvey would talk about “the wicked and vicious opposition” he had met “from among my own people.” There was hostility between Garvey and the rivals whom he identified with the “black-whites.” In Jamaica “nobody wanted to be Negro.” There were many “black-whites” in Jamaica—these were the “colored men of the island who did not want to be classified as negroes. at home and abroad. The black man now wants his. For the colonial powers in Africa Garveyism was. Garvey wanted a radical transformation of the racial status quo. What made Garvey different from others in the international black elite of early twentieth century was that he reached out to the masses. Moreover. In his influential essay “African Fundamentalism” he posed the need of “making among ourselves a Racial Empire upon which ‘the sun shall never set’” (Garvey [1925] 1987: 5). in 1922. reversing centuries of oppression suffered by the black masses: “. He wanted his people to be guided by the principle of “striving for Negro Supremacy in every department of life” (Garvey [1927] 1987: 193). prided itself in having an exclusively black membership. and nationhood. Blacks had to understand that the basis of their oppression was racial and that it was only by asserting their racial self-interest that a way out of their misfortune could be found. In contrast to the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People). Garveyism is perhaps most accurately expressed in the slogan “Africa for the Africans. He was in favor of what could be called a transmutation of values where European esthetic values would be confronted by the slogan “Black is beautiful” and history rewritten in a fashion that today would be called Afro-centric. He was capable of making very nasty remarks against Jews and also against miscegenation. In Garveyism the third important element is a particular conception of nationhood. one must admit. In a speech in 1924 Garvey was demanding “a place in the world” for the Negro. “We represent a new line of thought among Negroes” (Garvey [1922] 1986: 93). Garvey was guided by the principle that “there must be a black republic of Africa” (Garvey [1919] 1996: 247). especially among the very lightly colored” (Garvey [1923] 1986: 133). Africa was overwhelmingly dominated by European colonial powers. Garvey would scold his people for their submissiveness. For example. three major elements: race first. After Garvey the emphasis in mass mobilization became greater. [ 36 ] [ 37 ] . arguing that for every black that was lynched they should lynch a white. But Garvey’s racism was of a special kind. given Garvey’s beliefs. the UNIA.S. In the article he published in Current History in 1923 Garvey gave a short account of his racial background and context.” Garvey believed that blacks would gain needed respect and consideration world wide once a strong black nation had been developed. Garvey’s racial politics in the U. and in terms uncompromising he is asking for it” (Garvey [1924] 1986: 120).. self-reliance. Garvey was also different in the boldness of his speech. This is a fact Garvey wants us to know because when he was born “there was so much color prejudice in Jamaica. Self-reliance was a second important element in Garveyism.. Garvey’s organization. Here we have the basis for Garvey’s anticolonialism because of the objective fact that when he is proposing an African nation. The need to sell bonds to finance the corporation moved Garvey to seek the masses. The oppression of blacks will come to an end by black people’s own efforts and not by perpetuating a dependence upon whites.. and in the provocative quality of his rhetoric. and Garvey was in many ways a racist.. and blacks the world over.

. the product of the fear of drawing the anger of metropolitan powers toward them.5 According to Albizu Puerto Ricans had to demand what by right was theirs. by permission. In this Albizu was working within a typical Hispanic Caribbean context.11 [ 38 ] Albizu applauds the crossing and mixing of cultures and races. The Ruth M. Reynolds Papers. According to Albizu: “We are a people predestined in history because Puerto Rico is the first nation in the world where the unity of the spirit takes shape together with the biological unity of the body” (Albizu Campos [1933] 1975b: 324). by saying this. For Albizu the Puerto Rican nation was an “ethnonation. for example. Very early in his political career Albizu pushed in favor of an approach to Puerto Rico’s colonial problem radically different from the timid approach typical up to that moment. the Antillean Confederation. A similar concept of the nation can be found in Cuba. and this is a nation related in kinship to neighboring nations of the same cultural background. Reprinted. instead of leading to complaisant attitudes among the American rulers. whose example we must imitate” (Torres 1975: 28). by our nobility. Photographer unknown. CUNY. For him Puerto Rico’s ties to Latin American countries had to be emphasized: “We are linked as a chain to those indomitable peoples. for our honour before posterity” (Albizu Campos [1933] 197b5: 337). In his essay “African Fundamentalism.qxd 6/6/05 7:37 PM Page 38 Albizu must have heard about Garvey. Both Garvey and Albizu were explicit in their egocentric point of view. Independently of having known each other. and Boston was an important center of the UNIA. Centro de Estudios Puertorrique os. We are distinguished by our culture. and thou canst not then be false to any man” (Garvey [1925a] 1987: 5). by our catholic sense of civilization” (Albizu Campos [1935] 1981: 118). There was. Albizu must have heard about Garvey because he was living in Boston during the heyday of the UNIA. the Nationalist Party of Albizu would carry out political rallies that included brass bands and uniformed men and women. but none had articulated political demands with the forcefulness of Albizu. wanted to affirm his relationship to a particular political tradition.14 Albizu preferred to use the word race with cultural and not with biological connotations. although there is no public record that he ever acknowledged that fact. by our valor. This process has created an ethnically based nation in spite of racial differences. to banish the unwholesome custom of supplication and petition”(Torres 1975: 12). 1947. resulted in their being treated with contempt.15 Let us not forget that catholic means universal. the Universal African Legion on the one hand and the Cadetes de la República on the other. Like the UNIA. December 15.…Race is the perpetuity of virtues and characteristic institutions. there are similarities between Garvey and Albizu in terms of public ritual and rethorical style. According to Albizu “Puerto Ricans are all the friends of the independence of Puerto Rico” (Torres 1975: 275). from Centro de Estudios Puertorrique os. Our cause is the continental cause. There were also some similarities in their rhetorical boldness. has no time to deal with submissive and servile men”(Torres 1975: 45).10 In 1933 Albizu defined the goals of his movement directly in relationship to Latin America: “. In 1927 in an interview published in the weekly magazine Los Quijotes Albizu gave one of the reasons for the need to banish all timid approaches to the colonial problem: “A nation such as the North American . Archives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora. during a speech among Union Party members. Albizu’s nationalism had an explicit Latin American content and orientation.’ First to thyself be true. The colonial regime was openly challenged by a total denial of its legitimacy. This tradition was the history of the struggles for independence in Latin America and nineteenth-century Puerto Rican revolutionary separatism. was set aside. Hunter College. Albizu was looking for a connection to the concept of a Puerto Rican fatherland (patria) in the Antillean tradition of nineteenth-century leaders such as Ramón Emeterio Betances and Eugenio María de Hostos.12 In Puerto Rico all this mixing was “restoring man to his pristine originality” (Albizu Campos [1933] 1975b: 324). ‘Charity begins at home. not as a celebration of diversity but as a celebration of a special type of unity that arises out from the blurring of differences. Cadets Cadetes de la República lined up to receive Pedro Albiuzu Campos upon his return to Puerto Rico. Albizu had a similar point of view.” multiracial but ethnically homogeneous.7 In May of 1930.13 Albizu’s concept of the Puerto Rican nation can demand a political commitment but does not exclude anyone because of ethnic or racial origin.. “For us race has nothing to do with biology .6 The servile attitudes of many Puerto Rican colonial leaders. Albizu made sure to emphasize “the need to abandon. even if Garvey propelled a racial definition of the nation and Albizu defended a nonracial understanding of nationality. defended up to this moment (Guanche Pérez 1996). [ 39 ] .9 In the interview he gave in 1927 to the magazine Los Quijotes he clearly spelled out the Latin American and antiimperialist context of Puerto Rican nationalism: “Our painful situation under the Empire of the United States is the situation that North America pretends to impose on all our fellow peoples of the continent. This viewpoint is typical of Latin American ideologies of mestizaje. The timidity of so many others... For Albizu the Puerto Rican nation is a living reality produced by a long historical process. Because of all these reasons “it is necessary to state valiantly our relationships facing the United States with the valiant and decisiveness that the case requires” (Torres 1975: 70). before he joined the Nationalist Party. nationalism postulates four beautiful principles: the independence of Puerto Rico. in Albizu the racial question becomes subsumed in his concept of a transracial fatherland.” In Albizu’s view “Puerto Rico and the other Antilles constitute the battlefield between Yankee imperialism and iberoamericanism” (Torres 1975: 45). In 1923. Since the American invasion of Puerto Rico there had been other pro-independence leaders.8 Albizu. Garvey told his followers: “Your entire obsession must be to see things from the Negro’s point of view” (Garvey [1927] 1987: 193). Albizu stated that there was “no margin for a fraternal and solidary attitude towards the enemies of the fatherland” (Torres 1975: 83). Puerto Rican nationalism was seen as part of a larger purpose: a pan-Hispanic Caribbean and Latin American nationalism. Albizu’s approach was one of insubordination. In sharp contrast to Garvey.Carrion(v8).” he stated: “There is no humanity before that which starts with yourself. the Panamerican Union and the hegemony of Iberoamerican peoples. during a meeting of the Nationalist Party leadership.

20 This exaggeration has the kernel of truth in that there is a clear reference to the processes of concentration and centralization of property that took place under the aegis of U. In contrast to this myth. Albizu.S. who were then able to enjoy U. From this context an integrated cultural community has formed. Jesus Christ is.18 To foment pride and will to power among historically discriminated and colonized peoples might require a certain degree of historical revisionism. does not love his neighbor. and to make things worse. it seems close to absurd to present Albizu as representative of the old Spanish colonial ruling class in Puerto Rico. this included a discourse in which liberal and romantic paradigms of the nation where intermixed. and that it is capable of achieving independence if that is its will. According to Rodríguez Vázquez (1998). In his inagural speech as president of the Nationalist Party in 1930. Colonialism sought to undermine the Puerto Rican people’s will to endure. Albizu said: “The legion of proprietors that we had in 1898 must rise again” (Albizu Campos [1930] 1975a: 103). Respect and pride were very important issues for both Garvey and Albizu. In the Albizuist nationalist discourse the Puerto Rican nation could be culturally connected via Spain to ancient Greece and Rome. For some critics of Albizu this seems to be a type of disease made up of nostalgic longing for the days of Spanish colonialism with all the particular features of past class and race relations. In what could be perhaps interpreted as postmodernism avant la lettre Garvey told his followers that “you must interpret anthropology to suit yourself. He is an hypocrite” (Albizu Campos [1933] 1975b: 332).” According to the American colonial myth.’ And that man who says that he loves humanity is killing his Puerto Rican brother. loves his neighbor. In Albizu’s words: “I am not one of those that say: ‘I am not nationalistic because I am an internationalist. Charity begins at home.” According to Albizu the Puerto Rican people needed a “moral infusion” to make it possible for it to believe again in its “destiny and in its possibilities” (Torres 1975: 87). The inventiveness of his approach to historical data was a conscious process. imperial discourse about Puerto Rican backwardness and uncultured ways that was used to argue unfitness for self-rule.16 The egocentric positions defended by Garvey and Albizu were with the purpose of assuming a posture of defiance in the presence of the powerful.S. The Negro gave him science and art and literature and everything that is dear to him today” (Garvey [1919] 1996: 243). There is no doubt that Albizu was fond of calling Spain the Mother Country (madre patria). which was unselfishly bringing progress and liberty to a people who had only known backwardness and obscurity. Garvey made a recommendation to his followers: “Even if you cannot prove it always claim that the Negro was great” (Garvey [1927] 1987: 194). But he was also instrumental in the exaltation of nineteenth-century political struggles against Spain. but their stance did not necessarily demonstrate the exclusionary tendencies that are usually assumed in denouncements of nationalism. sinister designs” and the impact of “Yankee propaganda. And if his class and racial background is taken into consideration. Against colonialist tendencies Albizu argued that “an optimist philosophy should inform all our actions. The one who loves his own people. whites had been treacherously able to make blacks forget their glorious past. and the invasion had been an act of enlightenment for the Puerto Rican masses. and this cultural nation necessarily seeks its own nation-state. We have to raise the public spirit of Puerto Rico to the conviction that it can become whatever it desires. [ 40 ] [ 41 ] . According to Garvey’s historical account the white man “owes all he possess today to the Negro.” (Garvey [1927] 1987: 195). For Albizu a cultural nation has existed for a long time in Puerto Rico. always repeat statements that will give your race a status and an advantage. Items propitious to the development of self-reliance and confidence in a colonized and/or oppressed population must be rescued from past events that can be linked to the subject people. This exaggeration also had the purpose of combating “U. in an article published in El Mundo commenting on a report published by the Brookings Institute about the economy of Puerto Rico. Garvey saw a drama in which blacks were the original civilized people but whose civilization had been stolen from them. because I love humanity. Albizu stated the need for a more positive outlook concerning Puerto Rico’s possibility of being free. Garvey’s historical inventiveness sought to redress centuries of mental and cultural oppression that lay like a hard crust on top of all the history of economic exploitation and political oppression that blacks had had to suffer for so long.” or when he emphasized the links between Puerto Rican culture and “GrecoLatin civilization” (Albizu Campos [1933] 1975b: 325). Puerto Rico’s history had begun in 1898. Albizu has been criticized because for his praise of Spain as the “Mother Country.. for his part. had a particular theory of the Puerto Rican nation. claiming that the island should be grateful to America.qxd 6/6/05 7:37 PM Page 40 Albizu rejected false universalisms that try to deny oppressed people their right to be themselves. Albizu also exaggerated the positive aspects of the social and economic conditions of Puerto Rico before the American invasion. The one who does not love his own people. The Puerto Rican nation is a political cultural entity whose indispensable material base is based upon population and territory.Carrion(v8).S.” The nation that seeks its own autonomous existence is defined in traditional civic-territorial fashion. capital after 1898. His defense and idealization of Spain can be more suitably presented as the creation of an anticolonial counter myth to combat the American imperialist discourse that sought to present Puerto Rico as a barren and savage land devoid of culture.” He clearly exaggerated when he said that Spain was one of the few countries in the world that “had always been civilized. According to Garvey: “Things that may not be true can be made if you repeat them long enough. namely. for example.” According to this viewpoint many historical figures are reinterpreted as black. It was one of Garvey’s goals that the Negro should never more be “disrespected by men” (Garvey [1922] 1986: 100). who were the descendants of Anglo-Saxon barbarians. Confirming the existence of the nation there is an ethical dimension in the historical process that consists of the “sacrifice of our political heroes. In 1930. Albizu would create a counter myth in which Puerto Rico had all the necessary ingredients to be a free country because it was the inheritor of a civilization older than the American invaders. Rains over our people a pessimist doctrine that demoralizes and disheartens it and that we must cut short in every occasion.S.19 But these exaggerations had a purpose. philantropy and humanism. Historical revisionism was even more important for Marcus Garvey. in which ethnicity transcends race and includes not only inheritance but also a desire to belong. to counteract the U. Looking back through time. That is how the white man has built up his system of superiority” (Garvey [1927] 1987: 194). Garvey was a pioneer in the academic fashion that today goes by the name “Afrocentrism. According to Albizu “nationalism was profession of world brotherhood and afirmation of one’s own dignity” (Albizu Campos [1933] 1975b: 337).. seen in a new light as someone who had “much of Negro blood in him” (Garvey [1927] 1987: 196). The purpose of UNIA’s work was “inspiring an unfortunate race with pride in self and with the determination of going ahead in the creation of those ideals that will lift them to the unprejudiced company of races and nations” (Garvey [1925b] 1986: 25–6). manifesting a political will since the early nineteenth century in spite of all the tribulations of colonialism.17 Instead of being an advocate of black consciousness Albizu has been described as a representative of Hispanophilia. therefore.

sino también la comunidad de sus intereses materiales sobre un territorio determinado. The domestication of Albizu in Puerto Rico is still only very partial. But in the process Garvey has to a large extent become domesticated. formamos una cadena con esos pueblos indomitos.” 12 “Nosotros somos un pueblo predestinado en la historia. por nuestra hidalguía. In the case of Albizu his characterization as fascist is denied by the experience of being defended in the 1930s by the American leftist congressman Vito Marcantonio and the fact that in 1943... ni fraternidad entre los suyos. La caridad empieza por casa. the historical figure. El pueblo yanqui es un pueblo esclavo. The historical phenomenon that was fascism was directly related to factors completely alien to the Jamaican and American black people’s reality.S. por que quiero a la humanidad.” 8 “. está matando a su hermano puertorriqueño. Garvey and Albizu both represent sincere and radical popular expressions of opposition to colonialism. Puerto Rico y las otras antillas constituyen el campo de batalla entre el imperialismo yanqui y el iberoamericanismo. A change that goes with the decriminalization of the pro-independence movement occurred in 1987. This represents a change in public acceptance from what was typical not so long ago. when Albizu left the Atlanta jail. cultural y religiosa de la sociedad humana. quiere al vecino. Nuestra causa es la causa continental... This decision was denounced in extremely alarmist fashion by Carlos Romero Barceló... N OT E S 1 “. was in favor of a racial definition of the national identity and was in conflict with the Jamaican mulatto elites on more than one occasion. House of Representatives. But Garvey’s role in the foundational myth is much milder.…” 14 “Son puertorriqueños todos los amigos de la independencia de Puerto Rico.. Es un hipócrita.” 2 “. de desterrar la mala costumbre de la súplica y petición. The point is that in the colony that is Puerto Rico. But Albizu’s domestication remains very partial. speaking well about fascism in his way. and particularities about European class struggles separate European conditions from American ones. as can be attested by the reaction of some political sectors in Puerto Rico to the decision of New York Puerto Rican political leaders to dedicate the June 2000 Puerto Rican Day Parade to Pedro Albizu Campos and the island of Vieques in its struggle with the U.) For Romero. ni libertad. conocemos la fuerza de la plutocracia norteamericana y como explota a sus propios conciudadanos en el continente. .’ Y ese hombre que dice que quiere a la humanidad. He belongs to the New Progressive Party. Albizu still represents a forceful challenge to the very fabric of the colonial political order. le pertenece. viene formando también la unidad racial en el sentido biológico y viene restaurando al hombre a su prístina originalidad.S. por nuestro sentido católico de la civilización.. what are the similarities and differences between Garvey and Albizu in terms of their legacy? In today’s Jamaica Garvey belongs to all. one people..” 11 “.. when the Supreme Court in Puerto Rico declared illegal the making and maintenance of lists of subversives based solely on ideological predilection. no tiene tiempo para atender a hombres sumisos y serviles.. Their differences are illustrations of Caribbean diversity in the process of formation of national identities.…” 7 “Es necesario plantear valientemente nuestras relaciones frente a Estados Unidos con la actitud valiente y decidida que requiere el caso. His figure comes to serve the elites that have defended a territorial definition of the nation with the slogan “out of many. se sentaron las bases legales para nuestro despojo colectivo. [ 42 ] Albizu and Garvey were also leaders accused of authoritarianism and messianic qualities. protocol and wardrobe being essential aspects of it. la Confederación Antillana.. no hay margen para una actitud fraternal y solidaria con los enemigos de la patria..” 5 “.” 10 “Nuestra situación dolorosa bajo el Imperio de Estados Unidos es la situación que pretende norteamerica imponer a todos los pueblos hermanos nuestros del continente. No sólo es la unidad étnica. But black nationalism had intrinsic weaknesses that were recognized and transcended by both Malcolm X and Walter Rodney even if they were both eventually killed because of their political ideals (Dupuy 1997). It is true that Albizu figures in the T-Shirts that many young people wear in Puerto Rico and that he also appears in items sold in handicraft fairs.. en el cual sus propios hijos sean dueños y señores...S. no quiere al vecino. Albizu shared with Garvey a vitriolic rhetoric against the established order and a certain panache in his political reclamations... his train ticket to New York City was paid by the American Communist Party...” 15 “Para nosotros la raza nada tiene que ver con la biología.. cuyo ejemplo debemos imitar. Garvey once said that Mussolini had stolen his ideas. El que quiera a los suyos. The Caribbean attractions shown in tourist brochures fail to include by design those features that are a testimony to a history of oppression and racial and class struggles. Nos distinguimos por nuestra cultura. his doctrines are in conflict with the status quo in the same way that the antiestablishment qualities of the Rastafarian movement have eroded because its commercialization has affected believers from all kinds of racial backgrounds. por nuestro valor.” 9 “. then Resident Commissioner of Puerto Rico in Washington D. por que Puerto Rico es la primera nación en el mundo donde se forma la unidad del espíritu con la unidad biológica del cuerpo.…” 6 “Una nación como la norteamericana . statehood party in Puerto Rico..Carrion(v8). But all of these details do not sum up into a convincing argument about the fascism of one or the other.” 3 “.” [ 43 ] . Raza es una perpetuidad de virtudes y de instituciones características. Navy. que Puerto Rico debe exigir lo que por derecho le corresponde. In the Caribbean. la comprensión de lo que es la nacionalidad. With less insistence Garvey has also been accused of being fascist (Gilroy 2000). . El que no quiere a los suyos. But in spite of it all Garvey was not a fascist.qxd 6/6/05 7:37 PM Page 42 The legacy Finally. Albizu is not only a violent terrorist but also a fascist.. Factors such as the devastations of a world war. el nacionalismo postula cuatro hermosos principios: la independencia de Puerto Rico. la unión panamericana y la hegemonía de los pueblos iberoamericanos para honra de nosotros todos ante la posteridad.” 16 “No soy de los que dicen: ‘No soy nacionalista por que soy internacionalista. Albizu like Garvey was a master of political theater. (Romero is the non-voting representative of Puerto Rico in the U. Garvey is part of the Jamaican foundational myth.. the frustrated ambitions of world powers. things are not always what they seem to be.” 13 “[PR]. no tiene igualdad.C. The accusation against Albizu of being a fascist has its long history (Ferrao 1990) but a more adequate and objective description would place Albizu within a group of other Latin American radical nationalists (Taller 1991).” Garvey. the pro-U. The radical edge of Garveyism has reappeared in such figures as Malcolm X and Walter Rodney and still survives in the United States in the Afro-centric academic current and in the political-religious organization that goes by the name Nation of Islam and that is directed by Louis Farrakhan. in spite of the substantiality of its democratic facade..” 4 “Desde el mismo momento de la invasión norteamericana. la necesidad de abandonar.

Vol. Benjamín Torres.Carrion(v8).Berkeley: University of California Press. ______. Africa for the Africans. Speech by Marcus Garvey. 1923 1936. Tomo I.” 18 “Una filosofía optimista debe informar todas nuestras actuaciones. Pedro Albizu Campos: Conservador. Independencia económica. Alex. ______. Franklin W.” 20 “Debe surgir de nuevo la legión de propietarios que teníamos en 1898. IX. Jesús. Garrow. In Antolog a del pensamiento puertorrique o 1900 1970 . Life and Lessons: A Centennial Companion to the Marcus Garvey and UNIA Papers. comp. Van Deburg. comp. 1997. ______. REFERENCES Albizu Campos. Obra revolucionaria. New York: Oxford University Press.” ______. Las llamas de la aurora: acercamiento a una biograf a de Pedro Albizu Campos. Vol. Winston. H. MA: The Majority Press. [1921b] 1995. Cit. [ 44 ] Guanche Pérez. 7. Pedro Albizu Campos San Juan: Editorial Jelofe.. [1930] 1975a. Rosado. I & II. comp. ______. Pedro Albizu Campos y el nacionalismo puertorrique o. señores. 1919–1922. ______. Comentarios del Presidente del Partido Nacionalista al margen del informe rendido por el Instituto Brookings. Temas (La Habana) 7(July–September): 51–7. In The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers. ed. Vols. 1998. 1991. Hill. 118–9. 1975. March 16. ______. Hill and Barbara Blair. Ferrao. Black Fascism. Berkeley: University of California Press. Nuestra civilización grecolatina viene de Grecia. The Negro’s Greatest Enemy. Life and Lessons: A Centennial Companion to the Marcus Garvey and UNIA Papers. Tony. La Habana: Comisión Nacional Organizadora de los Actos y Ediciones del Centenario y del Monumento Martí. recordemos a la madre patria. 1986. Fernando. [ 45 ] . Latin American Perspectives 23(2): 107–29. Op. Amy Jacques Garvey. Tomo I. Eugenio Fernández Méndez. ed. London & New York: Verso. Marisa.. New York. Tomo II... Taller de Formación Política. ed. I & II. 1990. Moses.p. 1967. Gilroy. Luis A. Dover. ed. [1927] 1987. Marcus. Hay que levantar el espíritu público de Puerto Rico y decirle que puede llegar a ser lo que quiera y conquistar su independencia si así lo desea su voluntad. San Juan: Editorial Jelofe. 1998. 181–352. In The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey: or Africa for the Africans. Berkeley: University of California Press. Address at Newport News. Transition 81/82 9(1–2): 70–91. African Fundamentalism. 98–103. In The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey: or Africa for the Africans. James. New York: Oxford University Press. ______. Garvey. Speech Delivered at Madison Square Garden. y España. 241–50. MA: The Majority Press. MA: The Majority Press. San Juan: Editorial Jelofe. 1953. New York: Morrow. [1923] 1986.. Dover. 1986. Africa for the Africans. ed. Dover. New York: New York University Press. Second edition. Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King. Hoetink. 1923 1936. Paul. [1925b] 1986. 1983. Sept. Amy Jacques Garvey. Tomo I. Pedro. Ortiz. ______. IX.. 93–100. Discurso del Día de la Raza. 185–96. Amy Jacques Garvey. Marcus Garvey. Judith. Etnicidad y racialidad en la Cuba actual. México: Ediciones Era. Race Mixture in the History of Latin America. In Marcus Garvey. Benjamín Torres. ______. Robert A. Llueve sobre nuestro pueblo una doctrina pesimista que lo desmoraliza y lo acobarda y que debemos atajar en todos los momentos. comp. [1924] 1986. ______. eds. William Jeremiah Moses. Race and Class in the Post Colonial Caribbean: The Views of Walter Rodney. Obras Escogidas. 1923 1936. Italia y España.” 19 “. Martin. Rodríguez Vázquez. In Pedro Albizu Campos Obras Escogidas. Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth-Century America. de las tres penínsulas madres que tiene la civilización de Occidente. Robert A. Boston: Little & Brown and Company. Mart y las razas. ed. 111–64. Liberty Hall. Robert A. New York. Estamos en plena bancarrota cívica y es menester que llevemos una infusión moral a nuestro pueblo para que vuelva a creer en su destino y en sus posibilidades. San Juan: n. Jr. 1923 1936. 1971. comp. José J. 1996. España. MA: The Majority Press. 1996. Hill and Barbara Blair. la barbarie nunca domino a España . 129–38. William L. Dupuy. [1935] 1981. Robert A. In The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey: or Africa for the Africans. J. New York: New York University Press. ed. Opening Convention Speech. Vols. 10: 25–60. I & II. Pedro Albizu Campos y el nacionalismo puertorrique o . Río Piedras: Editorial de la Universidad de Puerto Rico. Guevara. Benjamín Torres. Wilson Jeremiah. Stein. Ferrao. Berkeley: University of California Press. Sunday.. 1919 1922. [1930] 1975a. J. In Marcus Garvey. David J. Knight. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. 1997. San Juan: Editorial Cultural. fascista o revolucionario? Comentarios al libro de Luis A. Modern Black Nationalism: From Marcus Garvey to Louis Farrakhan. New York: New York University Press. ______. 1991. Tomo I. San Juan: Editorial Jelofe. The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society. Torres. Dover. Concepto de la raza. 124–34. [1925a] 1987. Dover. 2000. Hill. 1–25. New York: Oxford University Press. El nacionalismo radical en la fase de maniobra: Pedro Albizu Campos y el mito de la nación perfecta. In The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers. The Golden Age of Black Nationalism. The Principles of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. eds. The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism. Vols. es una de las pocas naciones que siempre ha sido civilizada . I & II. [1919] 1996. Caribbean Race Relations: A Study of Two Variants. In Classical Black Nationalism: From the American Revolution to Marcus Garvey. Vols. Lessons from the School of African Philosophy. Classical Black Nationalism: From the American Revolution to Marcus Garvey. Magnus. Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press. Hero: A First Biography. 1967. Amy Jacques Garvey. [1922] 1986. 1978. 1850 1925. 118–23. [1933] 1975b. In Pedro Albizu Campos Obras Escogidas. 1990. In Pedro Albizu Campos Obras Escogidas. Benjamín.qxd 6/6/05 7:37 PM Page 44 17 “El nacionalismo es cátedra de hermandad mundial y es afirmación de propia dignidad. Ernesto ‘Che’. 22–6.. J. 321–38.In The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey: or Africa for the Africans. Río Piedras: Taller de Formación Política. Appeal to the Conscience of the Black Race to See Itself. J. MA: The Majority Press. [1921a] 1995. Mörner.